The life of Lewis of Bourbon, late prince of Conde digested into annals, with many curious remarks on the transactions of Europe for these last sixty years / done out of French.

Memoirs, &c. The THIRD BOOK.

THE Siege of Dunkirk was no sooner at an end, but the Duke took a Resolution to be∣siege Menene. Nevertheless, considering that the Season was too far spent to undertake that Conquest, he only sent Gassion with his Army toward the Abby of Lenzi, to see whether some At∣tempt might not be made upon Dixmude, of which he had a Design to make himself Master, to the end he might in those Quarters refresh some part of his men: But that Enterprize not appearing feasible, he set forward and encamp'd at Hondescott, by reason of the abundance of Forage, after he had set his men at work, to repair as well as they could the Breaches of Dunkirk, and strengthen'd that Place with Men and Ammunition sufficient, and put in two Convoys into Courtray; one of which he conducted himself through a Thousand Dangers. After which, having receiv'd Orders to lay up his Men in their Winter Quarters, he distributed his Forces according to his Orders; leading himself into Champaign that part of the Ar∣my which he commanded in Person, before he join'd the Duke of Orleans. The Government of Dunkirk was join'd to that of Berguen, as well for that Dunkirk

belongs to the Castellame of Berguen, as because that time out of mind, they who commanded in the las•• place, were always Masters of the Sluce that lies at the Gates of Dunkirk, and is that through which they let in the Sea, to drown all the Countrey when they please. And these two Governments were conferred upon Marshal Ranzau, which equally surpriz'd all people; in regard that no body question'd but that the Court would have cast their eyes upon Mareschal de Gassion, who had so highly signaliz'd himself in the Siege of that place, and who had moreover those Personal Qualities which Ranzau wanted. But this was not the only vexation that mortified Gassion after the Siege of Dunkirk; for out of a Capricio of his un∣lucky star, he would needs embroil himself with the Duke of Enguien, who had a great value for him, and had procur'd him a Marshal's Battoon, in despite of Cardinal Mazarine, who had no kindness for him. This hapned a little before the Armies separated, and upon this occasion.

Gassion had taken with his own hand, during the Siege, an Officer, one of Lamboy's Battel-Marshals, whom the Duke had promis'd to restore to his Collo∣nel; and the thing had been done as the Duke de∣sir'd; but it was Gassion's Fate to embroil himself at that very instant, with a Prince who till then had been his Protector, and upon whose Affection de∣pended his Good or Bad Fortune. For in regard the Prisoner had his Liberty upon his Parole, the Captain of the Guards could not meet with him time enough to present him to his Collonel so soon as he desi••'d. Upon which, the Collonel meeting Gassion presently a••ter, gave him some hard words, and Gassion, with∣out question, gave him as good as he brought. But however it were, the Officer complain'd to the Duke, That Gassion took no notice of his Orders, and ••e••u∣sed to release his Prisoner. It may be easily imagin'd, how this wrought with the Duke of Engnien, who

was naturally proud and haughty; nor could he the••efore ••estrain his Choler; so that the Marshal coming presently after to wait upon him at his Lodg∣i••g, he ••iercely told him, That he would make him obey his Orders as well as the meanest Soldier in the Army.

The Marshal, who expected nothing less, was strangely surpriz'd: However, he did not appear to be much concern'd, in hopes he might have been permitted immediately to have justify'd himself, as it had been easie for him to do. But the Duke would no•• suffer him to clear his Innocency: He turn'd his back upon him with an ••••gry scorn, and would not hearken to any of his Ex••••ses: So that the Marshal was fain to depart the Chamber, after a profound Reverence, not being able to obtain leave to speak so much ••s one word for himself.

No question but the Duke was afterwards better inform'd of what had passed between the Marshal and the Collonel. But however it were, the Prince found that he had treated too imperiously a Marshal of France, and a Person signally accomplish'd; and ou•• of a Generosity, the more worthy of praise, be∣cause it was voluntary, he would needs give the Mar∣shal a Visit some days after, to make amends for the Heats of his Passion. He talked to him at first con∣c••••ning •• Convoy, and some other Affairs, yet all the while affected an obliging Discourse, wherein he inte••nix'd some hints which were in a manner some sort of Excuses. But the Marshal vext to the Soul, and therefore making no Answer to the Dukes fami∣liar Civilities but with some certain cold Comple∣ments, the Duke resuming his former Haughtiness, told him, That he in vain pretended to set up for a great Captain, and one that the Kingdom stood in need of•• and that he would have him to know, that he look'd upon him to be no better than a hairbrain'd Corporal, and one whose Service he could easily be

without. After which, he flung out of door, not without letting fall some Threatning Expressions as he went. From which time forward, the Duke cea∣sed to be his Friend, and sate heavy upon his skirts.

In the Month of May, the Duke of Breze, Admi∣ral of France, and Governor of Brouage, and other places, had laid Siege to Orbitello, which he attack'd by Sea and Land: But a Month after the Siege was laid, the Spanish Fleet, commanded by Pementel, much stronger then the French, appear'd with a design to succour the Besieged; at what time both Fleets met, and there hapned an Engagement which lasted three days; wherein, to say truth, the French had the Advantage, but the Admiral was slain with a Cannon Shot.

The Prince of Conde us'd all his endeavous to ob∣tain the Duke of Breze's Employments for his Son the Duke of Enguien; and his Demand was but reasona∣ble; for the Duke of Enguien being Brother-in-Law to the Duke of Breze, pretended to them of course: But his Merit did an injury to his Claim; so many famous Atchievements, and the Reputation he had acquir'd, to be one of the greatest Captains of his Time, render'd him suspected to the Court, or rather to Cardinal Mazarine. The Prince of Conde, his Fa∣ther, the most Politick Courtier in the Kingdom, le••t nothing omitted either with the Queen or his Eminency, to bring about his Design.

However, Cardinal Mazarine having some reason to dread the Consequences that might attend this Refusal, he thought it requisite to assure himself of some Persons in the Army that had both Wit and Courage, who in case of necessity might be able to sustain the King's Authority among the Soldiers, against the Credit of the Incensed Prince. To which purpose he cast his eye upon Marshal de Gassion, whom he caus'd to be buzz'd in the ear with a thousand false stories to engage him to his Party. Nor was this

all; he caused the Abbot de la Riviere, one of the Duke of Orleans's Favourites, a man fit for any mischief, to act his part; who to augment the Duke••s Hatred of Gassion, protested to him with an Oath, that Gassion had taken upon him, with∣out any scruple, the Execution of an Order against his Person; and that he had boasted how sedulously he would see it perform'd.

Now tho the Duke of Enguien very much con∣temn'd the Abbot de la Raviera, yet he gave credit to his words; and finding himself in such a con∣juncture wherein he was absolutely necessary for his purpose, because he had an ascendant over his Ma∣ster, and knew all the Secrets of the Court, he made a shew of having so great a veneration for his Coun∣sels, that the Abbot promis'd him to be intirely de∣voted to his Interests. Now the Duke of Enguien at that time had fasten'd a most strict Tye of Friendship with the Duke of Orleance. But such a Union could never last long, without the Cement and Commu∣nication of a Favourite; so that 'twas necessary for the Duke, notwithstanding his scorn of the Abbot, to enter into a Correspondency with him, and to shew him some outward Marks of his Good Will and Esteem, of which he thought him otherwise altoge∣ther unworthy. However, the Abbot betray'd him, for that Cardina•• Mazarine sooth'd him up with the hopes of a Cardinal's Cap. Thus the Prince was ••ain to be treacherous to his own sentiments, and to set all Engines imaginable at work, but all in vain; for it was impossible for him to obtain the Duke of Breze's Employments. About the same time also his Father the Prince of Conde died; that is to say, upon the 26th. of December.

But the Cardinal, who mistrusted the Union of the Duke o•• Orleance and the Duke of Enguien, found the way quickly to part them asunder again: He caus'd the Duke of Orleance to be call'd home, and

left the Prince of Conde with the Army (for now we must no longer call him the Duke of Enguien); and because the Prince should have no reason to complain of him, he caus'd the sole Command of the Army to be conferr'd upon him.

The Prince saw well enough, that the Cardinal play'd him soul play; but in regard there was no re∣medy, and for that he preferr'd Honour before Riches, he forgot the refusal of the Employments he desir'd, and gladly accepted the Command of the Army. Nevertheless, after the Death of the Prince his Fa∣ther, he took possession of the High Stewardship of the King's Houshold, as also of the Governments of Burgundy, Bresse, Berry, and some other places; which he gave the Court to understand that he desir'd.

How much disgusted soever the Prince of Conde was against the Cardinal and the Court, yet certain it was, that his Generosity, and the Respect which he bare to the Queen, had oblig'd him to dissemble it; but his presence still alarum'd both the Queen and the Cardinal: 'Twas concluded therefore, that he should be removed from the Court; who taking advantage of the conjuncture of Affairs in Catalonia, which were in some disorder, by reason that the Valour of the Count of Harcour•• had met with a Rub, he was sent into that Countrey under the Character of a Viceroy, and departed in April, 1647.

The City of Bar••elona was so overjoy'd that the Prince of Conde was come to Command the King's Army in that Province, that the Magistrates made a Present of a Chain of Gold to the person that brought them the News. As for the Prince himself, he was no sooner arriv'd in Catalonia, but he laid Siege to Lerida•• but he could not carry the place, which the year before had stopt the Count of Harcourt: He gave Assault upon Assault; but foreseeing that Enterprize would cost him too much•• Time, and too many Men, he quitted it. In short, the Garison of L••rida was

extremely strong; and the Spaniards had an Army of Twelve thousand men not far from the place; and the Forces which he commanded were nothing near so numerous. Moreover Lerida had for some time put a stop to that Rapidness with which he was wont to cary all that stood before him. But this was only a disadvantage in appearance, and the raising of the Siege was not only honourable but beneficial to France. He made it manifest at that time, that his Head and his Heart acted by Concert; for by that means he preserv'd an Army, with which he made considerable Expeditions the same year; for the 6th. of October he laid Siege to the City and Castle of Ager, upon the Frontiers of Aragon; immediately he caus'd the Trench to be carried on, and ad••anc'd his Approaches so far in three nights, that a part of his men lodg'd themselves upon the side of the Moat of the Castle, where he rais'd two Batteries, in the mean time he fortified all the Fords of the Rivers, and Passages of the Mountains, to hinder the Spanish Army from relieving the place. The 9th. the Can∣non having made a convenient Breach, he gave so vigorous, an Assault, that the City and Castle were both taken. This Conquest was very considerable; for besides that the Scituation of the City and Castle were very advantageous, it secur'd Ballaguier, and facilitated an Entrance into Aragon. But this was not all•• while the French were busied in this Siege, the Spaniards attack'd Constantia; but they could not make themselves Masters of it, notwithstanding the vigo∣rous Onsets which they made: The Prince enforc'd them twice to raise the Siege of that place, and con∣strain'd their Army to shelter themselves under the Walls of Lerida, after he had defeated above Fifteen hundred of their Men, and taken a good part of their Baggage and Cannon.

At this time France made a Peace with the Empire; but it was absolutely impossible to agree with Spain,

notwithstanding all the endeavours of the Duke of Longuevill••, and the rest of the Plenipotentiaries which the Court sent to Munster; and the Continuation of the War•• expos'd the Kingdom to excessive Expences; so that for supplying the Charges, the Court was con∣strain'd to set forth several Edicts for the raising of Money. And those were the Edicts which were car∣ried to the Parliament, who oppos'd their Verificati∣on, and which were the first occasion of the people••s Discontents, the cause of the Alienation of their Af∣fections; and were the grounds of the first Motions of that Civil War which all the world has heard of•• and which had like to have ruin'd France, during the Mi∣nority of Lewis XIV.

We shall not here give a particular Account of it; we shall only tell you, That those Edicts which were suggested by Mazarine, being laid to heart by the So∣vereign Courts, the Third Estate, and the people, the Chamber of Accounts of the Court of Aids, uni∣ted together, to try whether they could by their Unanimity prevent Cardinal Mazarine from over∣whelming the Kingdom. This Union, by which the Sovereign Courts went about to enable them∣selves to balance the Royal Authority, or rather the Power of the Cardinal, could not but be ungrateful to the Court, which was govern'd by that Minister; and therefore by a Declaration of the King's, those Societies were ••orbid to assemble, but apart by them∣selves; and the King himself deliver'd the Declara∣tion; and the Awe which the King's Presence im∣printed in the Parliament, procured the Verification of the Declaration. But this did no way hinder the Parliament from reserving to themselves the Power of Examining it. In short, the next day there hap∣ned a great Dispute among the Members of the Par∣liament•• Some there were who maintain'd, That in regard the Declaration prohibited their Meetings, they were blindly to obey it, because it was the King

〈…〉〈…〉 Others upheld the contrary, That the 〈…〉〈…〉 not hinder their meeting in such a 〈…〉〈…〉ey had done, in regard they only met 〈…〉〈…〉 good of the State. To which they added, 〈…〉〈…〉ook his advantage of the King's Mi∣••o••i••••, and made it his business, while the Sun 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to enrich himself at the Expence of the King∣d•••••••• This division of Opinions exasperated their 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and every one supported his Party with so 〈◊〉〈◊〉 heat, that from that dispute it was, that the Ni•••• n••••es of Mazarinians and Frondeurs or Slingers, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their O••iginal. They that would have the D••cla••ation l••terally obey'd, were call'd Mazarinians; and they that were of a contrary judgment, were call'd Fro••deu••s.

In the midst of these Transactions, the Spaniards, who were not ignorant of what pass'd in France, were willing to make the best advantage of these Disor∣ders. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 duke Leopold, Governour of the Low-Countries, and Generalissimo of the Spanish Armies in those Quar••ers, waited only for the Spring to take the Field; and knowing that the French had taken up their Winter-Quarters far from Cou••tray, he lay'd a design to besiege that place. Beck, and the Go∣vernour of Oudenard, undertook that Expedition•• But Pal•••••• having forc'd their Lines, oblig'd 'em to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, tho they had already gain'd one of the Half-Moon••.

But the Court desirous to oppose a good General against the Arch-Duke, cast their eyes upon the Prince of Conde. Upon which he set forward for Flanders•• and so soon as the season would permit him to take the Field, he resolv'd to ••ay Siege to Ypres. It was a hold Attempt, in regard that Town being in the midst of Flanders, might easily be reliev'd; be∣sides, that the Spanish Army was very numerous. But ••ll these Considerations could not stop him: His 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and his good•• Fortune made him look upon

all Enterprizes to be easie. The Forces also that lay toward the Sea, had Orders to join him, under the Command of Marshal Ranzau. Moreover, he de∣tach'd Four Regiments of Infantry, who laid a Bridge over the River of Ypres; and the 17th. of May the Place was invested.

Now in regard the City of Ypre is of a large Ex∣tent, he resolv'd that it should be attack'd in four parts. Grammont posted himself next to Armentiers and Varnetin; the Roads and Avenues from Aire and St. Omers, were stopp'd up by Ranzau; those from Dixmude and Bruges by Palluau; and the Prince of Conde took his Post upon the Avenues from Menene. The Circumvallation was three large Leagues in compass.

Now while the French were busied in making their Entrenchments, the Arch-Duke attempted to force their Lines: But in regard the Circumvallation was finish'd, and for that the Besiegers had almost made three Lodgments, he was forc'd to retire.

The Spanish General therefore, vex••d that he had fail'd of his Enterprize with an Army so considerable, and being desirous besides to repair the Loss which they were like to make, immediately laid siege to Courtray, and took it by Assault. After that, he be∣sieg'd the Castle, where there was a Dam or Water∣stop made of Piles, which join'd to the Ramparts of the City; and having drain'd the Moat, they pre∣sently fell on; and the Soldiers that kept the Citadel being only raw Recruits, refusing to make any great Resistance, were all made Prisoners of War, toge∣ther with all the Officers. Ypre surrender'd present∣ly a••ter, not having held out above thirteen days.

The Queen had promis'd to give the Government of Ypre to Chatillon; and a King's Lieutenant was al∣ready made choice of, to Command in the absence of the Governor. But when the Prince least expected any such thing, a Courrier brought him a Letter from

the Queen, wherein she signify'd her trouble that she could not g••ant the Government of the place to the person for whom he had solicited, and to whom she had promis'd it; because she was oblig'd to give it to Pal••uau, in regard that Courtray had not been lost by his fault. This News surpriz'd the Prince; so that there being no body in the room when he receiv'd the Letter, but Grammont and another Officer, he fell into a most terrible Fury, and inveigh'd with an ex∣traordinary Passion against Mazarine; but Prudence made him conceal some part of his Resentment.

The Arch-Duke not satisfy'd with the taking of Courtray, resolv'd to attack Le Catelet, and to invest Peronne; but these two Enterprizes fail'd; however having laid siege to Furnes, he carry'd the Town, and also the Castle of Eterre.

Three weeks after the Spaniards had taken Furnes, and that the Forces which lay round that place were drawn off, the Prince of Conde resolv'd to retake it; and to that purpose he order'd Marshal Ranza•• to be∣siege it. The season was so far spent, that he made some scruple to undertake it; but receiving a second Order, he obey'd it; upon which, the Place was immediately Invested. Thither also the Prince ad∣vanc'd from Le Catelet; and going to the Trenches so soon as he arriv'd, he receiv'd a Musket-Shot in his Thigh, and had it not been for the folding of his Buff-Coat, which was made at the end of the slit be∣hind, his Thigh had been broken, and he had been in great danger. The same day the Town surren∣der'd, and all the Officers and Soldiers were made Hostages of War, to be exchang'd for the Prisoners which the Spaniards had taken during the last Cam∣paign. The Prince, whose Wound was not very con∣••iderable, return'd, and carry'd back the men which he brought along with him; and some time after was fought the Battel of Lens, famous for every thing for which a Victory could be valu'd.

Lens is a City in Antois, which Gassion had tak'n in the last Campaign, and was the last Expedition which that great Captain made; for that having been wounded at that Siege with a Musket-Bullet in the Head•• he dy'd of his Wound the next day. The Spaniards lay before that Place, and pusht on the Siege with extraordinary Vigor. On the other side, the Prince of Conde, to whom nothing appear'd dif∣ficult, resolv'd to force their Lines, and venture a Battel to relieve the Place; however, he would not rashly engage himself. He stay'd therefore till General Herlack join'd him with the Forces under his Com∣mand; but so soon as that Reinforcement arriv'd, he was forthwith for fighting the Enemy. Now in regard the Place was able to have held out for some time, he flatter'd himself that he should come time enough to succour it; but the day before he set for∣ward, the Town surrender'd. This unexpected News caus'd him to alter his Measures; so that he took some time to consider what Enterprize to undertake. But at length perceiving that the Spaniards were posted much more advantageously then he himself by his own observation had thougt 'em to be; and besides, that there was no Water where he lay with his Men, nor any Forage but in the parts that lay next the Enemy, he resolv'd to quit his Statio••. Therefore, that he might retreat in good order, and in a condi∣tion to defend himself, if the Enemy should attack him, he had a Body of a Reserve which he made his Van-guard, and immediately commanded to march. He drew up all his Cavalry in two Lines, and order'd the second to follow the Reserve. The In∣fantry was plac'd behind this second Line, having all the Artillery of the Army before it.

The Spaniards perceiv'd this Retreat; but at first they never stirr'd to attack either the Reserve, or the second Line, or the Artilery; which made the Prince believe they would not stir at all. However, after

these Forces were advanc'd at a good distance off, some Regiments of Croa••es and Lorrainers, that com∣p••••'d the Left-Wing of the Arch-Duke's A••my, be∣ga•• to fall upon the first Line of the French with an extraordinary Fury; and the Troops of that Line sustain'd the first shocks of the Enem•• with much Bravery; but at length the Spaniards briskly broke into their Body; so that finding themselves unable to fight with any Order, they had been entirely defeat∣ed, i•• Cha••ellon with the Gendarmerie which he com∣manded, had not hasten'd to their Succor. He pre∣sently and all of a sudden thunder'd in among those great Squadrons of Croates and Lorrainers; and with∣out giving them time to recollect themselves, drave 'em so vigorously before him, that if those Troops, as victorious as they thought themselves, had not been seconded by all the Arch-Duke's Cavalry, they had been cut in pieces; so that it may be said, That the French G••ndarmerie wrested the Victory out of the Spaniards hands. But it being impossible that they should withstand all the Enemies Cavalry, they were at length forc'd to give way. And they were no soon∣•••• broken, but eight Squadrons, which were advan∣tageously posted to second 'em, forsook their Ground, and betook themselves to a shameful Flight.

The Prince, who was not accustom'd to see the me•• that fought under him recoil before the Enemy, was extremely surpriz'd at the Cowardise of his Ho••se. But in regard there was no remedy, and that there were now but two things to be done, ei∣ther to rou•• the Spanish Army, or make an Honoura∣ble ••etreat, he advanc'd, without losing time, to the Body which Grammont commanded; and calling the principal Officers of the Army together, to consult what course to take, it was resolv'd that they would fight the Enemy, and whatever hazard they ran, not to quit their Resolution.

This being concluded, the Prince told 'em, with a sedate Co••ntenance. That there was no way but either to Vanquish, or Dye, and then began to en∣courage his men. Never General shew'd so great a Resolution as did the Prince at that time; yet through the midst of this Heroick Resolution, and Undaunted Bravery, you might discern a Sedateness of Mind, and a Contempt of Danger, which is the Character of a Hero. He never appear'd less con∣cern'd, tho perhaps he had never been more pro∣vok'd. He gave out all his Orders, and had so well rang'd his men for the Combat, that he openly de∣clar'd, He would get the day, were he but never so little seconded.

This Great Prince, who never appear'd so great, as when the Greatest Dangers threaten'd him, took upon himself the Command of the Right Wing•• The First Line of which Wing, consisting of Nine Squadrons, was commanded by Villequier, Lieutenant-General. The Second, compos'd of Eight, by Nor∣moutier; and Beaujeu had Orders to lead on the Ca∣valry. The Left Wing was led by Grammont•• and the First Line of that Wing, consisting of Nine Squa∣drons, was commanded by Seneterre, Lieutenant-General; the Second, compos'd only of Seven, was led on by du Plessis Belliere; and St. Maigrin perform'd the Duty of Camp Marshal to the First of these Lines. As for the Main Battel, which consisted of Ten Bat∣talions, it was commanded by Chatillon; and Five Squadrons, which made the Body of the Reserve, were under Herlack's Orders; and Coss•• had the Charge of the Artillery.

All things being thus dispos'd, the Prince rode through all the Lines, encouraging the Soldiers to Fight; he put 'em in mind of their Victories at Ro∣cr••y and Norlinguen. He told 'em, He would be the first that would engage in the greatest Dangers; and that they needed no more then follow his Example:

And after he had laid before 'em the Honour which the French Nation would acquire if they won the day, he prepar'd to give the Signal of Battel; but a certain Movement of the Spaniards stopt him. For he perceiv'd that the Spanish Cavalry open'd, instead of Advancing; and believing there was some My∣stery in it, he kept his Ground, that he might disco∣ver the meaning of that Movement; of which he was soon inform'd by his sight; for he saw the void spaces between the Horse fill'd up with Foot•• which made him easily conjecture, that it was the Main Bat∣tel, which he understood the Duke had design'd to Command, believing the Victory sure.

The Design of the Spanish Army was no sooner known, but the Prince took his Measures accordingly: He ordered Cosse to march with the Cannon, and play upon the Enemy; and at the same time that the Artillery play'd, the Squadrons and Battalions ad∣vanc'd with such an undaunted Courage as astonish'd the Enemy. The Count de la Sala, who was at the Head of the First Line of the Spanish Left Wing, ad∣vanc'd with a singular Bravery, and gave the Enemy a dreadful Volley of Pistol Shot. The French never fir'd at all, but so soon as de la Sala had made his last discharge, they fell on with their Swords upon the Squadron which was before 'em, with so much Re∣solution, being seconded by some other Troops of the same Wing•• that they quite disorder'd the first Line of the Enemies Army. Which the Arch-Duke beholding, order'd the second Line to advance, and then both Lines being join'd, the Combat began to be very bloody. But the Spanish Troops being supe∣rior to the Prince's, Villequier and Moussay were beat∣en and taken Prisoners. But then Noirmoutier advan∣cing in the nick of time, drave the two Spanish Lines be••ore him with such an undaunted Force, that he soon depriv'd 'em of the Honour which they had like to have got, and which seem'd to portend 'em the

Victory. On the other side, the Prince, who was every where, having rally'd the Troops that gave way, sent 'em again to fight afresh. And those Troops, tho half terrify'd, flew upon the Enemies Lines with so much Fury and Courage, that the Spanish Cavalry began to totter. But being vigorously seconded by their Reserve, the two Lines that were almost broken, took Courage, and re••urn'd once more to the Charge. At what time Herlack appear'd at the Head of the Dutch Squadrons, and fell upon the Lorainers with such an impetuous Violence, that not being able to withstand the shock, they betook themselves to their Heels, and carry'd all the rest along with them.

Grammont, who commanded the Left Wing of the French, and Bucquoy who led the Right Wing of ••he Spaniards, had not yet struck a Blow. But then they began to engage, and fought with equal advantage for some time; but at length Fortune declar'd in favour of Grammont. At the same time Beck and Cha∣tillon led the two Main Bodies of the Foot; and tho the Victory was a great while very dubious, yet the Prince relying upon the Measures he had taken, and the Stoutness of his Men, made no question of winning the Battel. However, in regard Beck's Re∣giments were supported by a strong Body of Horse, they made the French give ground. But the Gendar∣merie, no less active at the end then at the beginning, seconded the Foot so well, that they rally'd again, re∣sum'd fresh Courage, and then both sides fought with more obstinacy then before, for three hours together, at what time the Prince obtain'd the Victory. The Spanish Army was so numerous, and had so advan∣tageo••sly posted themselves, that the French were somewhat out of heart at the beginning of the Bat∣tel; but being encourag'd by the Presence of their General, there was no Obstacle, no Hardship which they did not surmount, no Danger which they did

not willingly meet to purchase the Honour of the D••y•• The Prince himself outbrav'd the Enemies fi∣••in•• like the meanest Soldier, and expos'd himself so frequently, th••t he was at length hit with a Mus∣quet ••••••let upon the Reines; but the Bullet meeting with the resistance of his Buff••coat, he was discharg'd 〈…〉〈…〉 small Contusion only. Of the French Army not ••bo••e si•• hundred were slain, and twelve hundred t••ken Prisoners, and wounded: whereas the Spa∣••i••rd••, besides the loss of their Cannon and Baggage, had above eight thousand kill'd, and above fifteen hund••ed taken Prisoners, among whom was General Beck, the Prince of Ligny, and the Count of St. Amour, General of the Artillery.

The Duke of Chatillon, who had signaliz'd himself in the Battel, was made choice of by the Prince to car∣ry the Tidings of so great a Victory to Court; where so considerable a Success was look'd upon as a Testi∣mony of Celestial Favour, for which all the People shew'd a more then ordinary Joy: And for which Te D••••m was sung in the Chur••h of Nostre Dame in Paris•• where their Majesties were present, as well as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Sovereign Societies, and the Corporations of the City. And to the end, that from this Success they might not only reap considerable Advantages over the Enemy without, but over those whom the King's Council look'd upon as Enemies within the Kingdom; the C••uncil•• were of Opinion, That it behov'd 'em to mak•• use of this favourable Opportunity, which 〈◊〉〈◊〉 C••r••mony of Te Deum presented them, to seize upon some of the Principal Members of the Parlia∣ment, who had started those Paradoxes which no way pleas'd the Court, and were follow'd by the whole Cabal of ••he Slingers. So that upon the very day that Te Deum was sung, several Companies of the Re∣giment of Guards being posted in several Quarters of the City. M. de Broussel was seiz'd, against whom the Court had a particular Peek, as being the Head of the

Slingers. He was a Councellor of the Great Cham∣ber; a Person of ancient Integrity, but of no great Capacity. He had been all along a great hater of Favourites, and was much reverenc'd by the People, who call'd him their Father. Now although he run a great hazard that seiz'd him, by reason of the singu∣lar affection which the People bore him•• yet M. de Cominges undertook to do it, and perform'd what he undertook. He seiz'd him while the Companies of Guards were drawn up in a row in the Streets; so that M. de Broussel, together with M. de Blancmesvi••, Nephew to the Bishop of Beauvaise, was carried with a good Guard to Bois de Vincennes. Orders were also left with Mr. Laisne, Councellor also of the Great Chamber, to retire into Province, and M. Loizel was banish'd into Montes.

The noise of the seizing of de Broussel was no sooner nois'd about Paris, but the People betook themselves to their Arms, the Chains were drawn cross the Streets, the Barricado's were set up in all the Cor∣ners of the public Places, and the Shops were shut up. The Queen thereupon gave orders to reduce the Peo∣ple, and suppress the Sedition; but 'twas impossible to be done, so that the Court was constrain'd to give the Prisoners their liberty. So soon as de Broussel ap∣pear'd among the People, he was saluted with Vol∣leys of small Shot, and accompany'd with loud Ac∣clamations to the Palace, where he, and M. Blanc∣mesvil, receiv'd the Complements of the Parliament•• and from thence he was conducted, as it were in tri∣umph, by the same people to his Lodging.

Now in regard the Antipathy which the Slingers, and the People had against the Cardinal, were the cause of this Uproar, and for that they believ'd, that the good of the Kingdom requir'd, that Mazarin should no longer continue in the weighty Employment of Chief Minister, but rather that he should be banish'd; the Parliament who found themselves encourag'd by what

had happen'd, persisted with redoubl'd vigour in their first Sentiments, and renew••d their strength against the Court. And several Persons of Quality, some out of Interest•• some desirous of Change, most vio∣lently engag'd to ruine the Cardinal.

The principal Reasons which that Party alledg'd were, That it was a thing unheard of, and ignomi∣nio••s to a flourishing Kingdom, That a Foreigner, and a born Subject to the King of Spain, should be the prime Minister of France; and that this Minister should also have so absolute a Power, as to be the Umoire of War and Peace•• That the conferring of Honours, Employments, and all Favours, should be at the sole disposal of his will and pleasure; not to be bestow'd as the Rewards of Merit, good Service, high Quality, but but to gratify particular devotion to his Interest: That his Ambition had carried the Arms of France into Tuscany, at a vast Expence, and without any Advantage to the Nation•• only to make himself formidable in Italy, and to purchase Principalities for his Kindred: That for his own Interests he had re∣fus'd to admit of the Trea••y of Peace concluded at Munster, which he had eluded by the Sedulity of Ser∣vien•• his Creature: That out of Jealousie he design'd the Ruin of Marshal Gassion a little before his death: That he only understood Foreign Affairs; and that by his Italian Politicks he had effac'd that Confidence and good Opinion which the Consederates of France had of the Confidence and Sincerity of the French Na∣tion, which Cardinal Richlieu had establish'd, during his Ministry. That as for the Domestic Affairs of the Kingdom, he was uncapable of managing 'em, in regard•• the State was become full of Division and Up∣ro••r•• during his Government: That he rul'd the Kingdom by Foreign Maxims, no way agreeable to the French Nation: That he had introduc'd such pal∣pable Jugling, and Tricking Quirks of State, that he had expos'd an Illustrious Court to the Contempt and

Railleries of all other Nations. In a word, That he was unable to bear so great a Burthen, and that ••e had lost his Credit among the People.

To this Mazarin's Party made answer, That 'twas no such strange thing for Foreigners to have the Go∣vernment of the State; witness the Cardinal of Lor∣rain, and the Cardinal of Brague, the Duke of Neve••s•• Marshal de ••ets, and Marshal de Ancre: that Mazarin had been nominated to the Cardinalship by France, af∣ter he had done her considerable Services. That Car∣dinal Richlieu, who understood Men, had appointed him his successor in the Ministry: That the deceas'd King, who had a perfect knowledge of the good Qua∣lities of all that were about him, made him President of his Council after the death of Richlieu; That the Queen Regent had suffer'd him to continue in the same Dignity, merely through the necessity of Af∣fairs, and in obedience to the King's last Will and Te∣stament: That all these things were approv'd by all the Wise men of the Realm, and by all the Princes in league with France: That having by his Services an∣swer'd her Majesty's Expectations, she could not lay him aside without doing the Kingdom an Injustice; and without being ingrateful to a Servant so benefi∣cial, and so faithful. That he was so far from fa∣vouring only those who were devoted to the Interests of the Court; That the common Complaint was•• That in conferring of Honours and Employments, he had too particular a regard to the Servants of the Duke o•• Orleans, and Monsieur the Prince. That all Affairs were propos'd to the Council, who took such Resolutions as they thought most convenient. That the Accusation against him for opposing the Conclu∣sion of the Peace, was without any ground; neither was it a thing probable, in regard, that besides the general Interest•• his Eminency's particular Interest oblig'd him to Crown his Ministry, which so many Successes had render'd glorious, with a Treaty that

would have eterniz'd him in the Affection of the Peo∣ple: That it was certain, the Spaniards had always cross'd that Treaty, as the Duke of Longueville, and the Princes themselves could testify. That the Ex∣pedition against Orbitello, and Porto Longone, were the most advantagious that France could have undertak'n, and most proper to bring the Enemy to a speedy Peace; in regard those Places would have kept in subjection those Territories which the Spaniards possess'd in Italy•• That the Independency which the Duke of Guise affe∣cted at Naples, was not the Reason that the Cardinal afforded him powerful Assistance. That Gassion would have set himself up in Flanders, with little dependance upon the Court. That the Prince never complain'd of his not assisting him either at Catologna, or any other of his Campaigns, as much as lay in his power. That he was constrain'd to have recourse to those Edicts to raise Mo••ey for the Expences of the War; neverthe∣less that the Taxes were abated. That Time had sufficiently evinc'd, That his transporting Money into ••taly was a meer Fabulous Story, invented on purpose to disgrace him. To this they added, That for twen∣ty years together he had manag'd with honour the Interests of the Princes of Europe. That if the good Intelligence between France and the Vnited Provinces began to flag•• 'twas because some particular Persons had been suborn'd and corrupted by the Gold of Spain. That in the Administration of State, he had follow'd all the Maxims of Cardinal Richlieu, only that he had ••onish'd the Cruelty of Punishments. That if he had been oblig'd to promise more then he had per∣form'd, 'twas because the number of those that serv'd in France was very great, and the number of Pre∣tenders much greater. That the State had never kn••wn more Prosperity, then during his Ministry; and that i•• in great Executions the honour of the Performance were due to the Generals, the Contri∣••ance and Forecast belong'd to him. That France

had been still in quiet, if every body had been unani∣mous in their Duty; if the People had not been drawn from their Obedience by the Suggestions of Persons disaffected; or rather, if the Parliament, who ought to be the true Model of Allegiance, had not pav'd 'em a way to revolt. That the Station where∣in the Cardinal was, had always been expos'd to the Assaults of the Hatred and Envy of all the States; and by consequence 'twas no wonder, if sometimes an Inordinate Ambition were laid to his charge, or if sometimes he were accus'd of Insufficiency. How∣ever, that he was happy in this, That Calumny in her most Venomous Assaults had spar'd his Fidelity, and never attack'd him with the least suspicion of Treachery.

But this Answer and Apology of Cardinal Maza∣rine could not hinder his Enemies from persevering in their Design to remove him from the Administration of the Government, and then to Ruin him. And this Design was afterwards so well confirm'd, that it was decreed in the Assembly of the Chambers of the Parliament, That a Solemn Deputation should be sent to the Duke of Orleans, and the Prince of Conde, and Conty, to beseech them to join with the Parlia∣ment for the effectual Remedy of the Grievances that threaten'd the Kingdom.

The Court was at Ruel, when the Cardinal was inform'd of what had pass'd; and he was deeply af∣flicted to see that he must be constrain'd to throw himself into the Prince's Arms, and to secure his Tot∣tering Fortune by his Support.

The Disorders at Paris not permitting the Prince to reap all those Advantages from the Victory of Lens, which he might have done, he was constrain'd to bound his Conquests with the taking of Lens. And so soon as that Place was taken, he return'd to Court; at what time all People beheld him with admiration. For besides that, he was endow'd with so many no∣ble,

so many excellent and rare Qualities, besides the many Signal Victories he had won, he had had no share in the Troubles; insomuch that both Par∣ties look'd upon him as their Defender, and bel••ev'd they might shelter themselves under his Laurels from all manner of troublesome Accidents. And indeed, had he harbour'd at that time those Thoughts in his Breast, which his Enemies afterwards imputed to him, questionless he would have made the best of Opportunities so favourable. For in truth the low condition of the Court, and Publick Admirati∣on equally concurr'd to his Exaltation, and to the Execution of the most Ambitious Designs, which he could have had in his Head. So that in regard he study'd then so little to court the People, and to ma∣nage the Exasperations of those whose Sentiments and Conduct were most opposite to the Regency and the Cardinal, 'tis manifest he had no such design as he was accus'd to have at that time.

The Prince had admitted two great Men to be his Confidents, both Persons of Signal Merit, but opposite in their Judgments as to the Affairs that made so great a noise: These were the Duke of Chatillon, and Marshall Grammont. The first, whose Person and Family were bound in the strictest Tyes of Alliance with the Prince, labour'd to perswade him to declare for the Parliament, or at least to make himself Umpire of the Differences with all the Neutrali••y imaginable: The other Engag'd by all manner of Interests with the Court, spent a large stock of pleasing Eloquence to oblige him to side with the Court. But the Prince upon this occasion laid a Comtraint upon his own Temper, r••mote from moderate ways, and wrote, together with the Duke of Orleance, to the Parliament, exhorting 'em to fend Commissioners to St. Germains•• and to put an end to their Differences in a Conference. Which Conference terminated in an Authentick Declaration

of the King••s, which g••ve some Respi•• to the Publi••k Differences and for that the Stra••agems of the Ene∣mies of the Court prevail'd so far, that they openly d••manded the Ruin of th•• Cardinal, the Cou•••• thought it their best way to have recourse ••o ••he Duke of Orleans and the Prince. And in regard the Mischief had penetrated so far that it was not t•• b•• Eradicated but by strong Medicaments, they wer•• of Opinion at the same time, that the Natural Mod••∣ration of the Duke of Orle••n••, and his peaceable Te••∣per, would not be so proper, as the Prince's more Vigorous Heat; besides, that the Reputation of so great a Captain, the Splendour of his Victories, and ••he Assistance of his Army, would strike a Terrour in∣to the Male-content••••, so that the Court labour'd might and main to gain him.

The Queen made use of all the most powerful and perswasive Motives, descending even to Tears, and the most melting Expressions•• telling him, She look't upon him as her third Son: The Cardinal al∣so protested that he should be all his Life time devo∣ted to his Will and Pleasure with an Absolute Sub∣mi••sion: The King likewise tenderly embracing him, recommends to him the welfare of the King∣dom, and the safety of his Person. But notwith∣standing all these Caresses, Marshall Grammont and Le Fellier were the Persons who fully determin'd him to take the Court Party. They laid before him that by degrees, the Parliament would invade all Authority: That without confining their Ambition within the Bounds of the Declaration of the Confe∣rence at St. Ger••ans, they would not only take ••og¦nizance of the Affairs of War, but also dispose of the Fortune of Ministers of State, change 'em, remove 'em, and settle others in their rooms a•• their plea∣sure•• that there was reason enough to fea•• that a•• length they would Attacque the most priviledg'd Persons in the Kingdom; that the Condi••ion o••

〈…〉〈…〉liament would be a Dignity to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉, if they come once to impose Laws upon 〈…〉〈…〉, and the Condition of the Princes 〈…〉〈…〉 be more miserable should they 〈…〉〈…〉 to creep to 'em. That this new sort 〈…〉〈…〉 wo••nded the Constitution of the Monar∣〈…〉〈…〉, which was Absolute and Indepen∣•••••••••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 it was particularly contrary to the Con∣〈…〉〈…〉, and the Institution of French Par∣〈…〉〈…〉, T••at if any Abuses were crept into the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, ••hey ought to be reform'd by the Assem∣〈…〉〈…〉 General, and not by the Decrees 〈…〉〈…〉 whose Suffrages carry things rather b•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 then consideration: That every time the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 h••d exceeded the Bounds of their Duty, they had been always severely check'd, sometimes by 〈…〉〈…〉 King, sometimes by Henry IV. some∣t••••••s by Charl••s IX and other Kings their Prede∣c••••••ors, upon less dangerous Occasions then what 〈◊〉〈◊〉 no•• in Dispute: That Great Empires were ne••er supported by Cowardly Counsels: That he 〈…〉〈…〉 Trial of his Co••rage and his Forces in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •• Weighty Conjuncture; and that the Ju∣st•••••• of Sove••aigns consisted in their Power: That he•• 〈…〉〈…〉 of Conde, was concern'd to support the Car∣d••••••l•• because the Resolutions which had been tak'n 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••he Person of his Eminency, tended to the D••••••ruc••ion of the Royal Family; and that if the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Orleans and himself did not stand firm, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 oppose an Enterprize of this Nature, the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 with her Children would be constrain'd to implo•••• t••e Aid of the Princes in League with the 〈◊〉〈◊〉.

Now besides that the Prince believ'd that the lit∣〈…〉〈…〉 the Parliament had taken to conform to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, wounded the Honour of those that were 〈…〉〈…〉 the Conference, and undermin'd the Foun∣〈…〉〈…〉 the Pe••ce that had been Establish'd; these

Discourses made so deep an Impression in his Mind, that he would no longer hear of a Neutrality; so that abandoning all his Care of losing the Affection of the Publick, he had recourse to those Thoughts which inclin'd him to the most violent Extremities. In short, going along with the Duke of Orleans to the Palace, he carried himself with so much Heat and Passion, as did him a great deal of Injury in the Hearts of the People. He had no sooner taken his Place, but the President Viole, who had great Credit in the Company, rose up, and took upon him to say, That the occasion of their meeting was of that great Im∣portance, that they could not make one step which did not lead 'em either to Honour or Infamy; nor was there any probability that they could enter into a good Beginning till they had first implor'd the Assi∣stance of the Holy Ghost, and he was preparing for the Solemnity of the Duty. However in regard that while the President was talking, he let fall some dis∣obliging Expressions against the Cardinal, the Prince of Conde, threatning him at the same time with his Looks and Hand, could not forbear to bid him hold his Tongue; and then addressing himself to the First President, in a great Passion told him, That he wonder'd, that he who was the Head of so Fa∣mous an Assembly, did not endeavour to suppress the Liberty which some People gave themselves, who under the pretence of the Publick Good, went about to excite the People to Sedition. Adding withall, That if the King's Youth, and his want of Experi∣ence, were the cause of the Disorders which had hap∣pen'd in the Kingdom, he would have him to know, That the Duke of Orleans, who was there present, and himself, were able to supply both the one and the other; and that the King would not want good Subjects, to reduce the Male-contented to their Duty.

These words offended the whole Assembly: But in regard they ••ell from the Lips of a Prince of whom they stood in awe, every body was profoundly silent, contenting themselves to utter their disgusts in pri∣••ate. As for the first President, he was extr••amly zealous for the Honour of the Assembly, which the Prince had affronted, in threatning one of the Mem∣bers of it. However, he was not much troubl'd at what had happen'd, because he thought, that when so great a Prince had declar'd himself, those of the Parliament, whose heat and violence he did not ap∣prove, would bethink themselves, and become more moderate. Nevertheless he told the Prince, That he could not forbear complaining of his reprimanding so severely a Member of an Assembly that were only met to remedy the Distractions of the State, and not to kindle new Flames. That he was confident, that what he had done, was out of a good Intention; but in regard that Suffrages were to be permitted, he took the liberty to tell him, That if he had taken ano∣ther course, he would have done better. Lastly, That he read in the Countenances of those who compos'd the Assembly, a great Emotion, and great Discontent: That if he saw some that made no out∣ward shew of any thing, yet they were never a w••••t the less sad in their hearts, and never the less afflicted. That they were in hopes a Prince, whose 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Atchievements had equall'd him to the Greatest Captains in the World, would have join'd with 'em to re-establish the Tranquility of a Kingdom, whose Fron∣tiers he had so well secur'd by his Illustrious Vi∣ctories.

This same Speech did not equally satisfy all peo∣ple. The more ancient and prudent sort found that he had spoken much in a few words; and that consi∣dering the Conjuncture of Affairs, the first President could not have done much better then he did. But the younger sort were not so reserv'd; for they began

to murmur one among another. So that the Prince, who was not well pleas'd with the plaints that were made of his proceeding, as not being accustom'd to hear Truths told him, nor to receive any opposition to his Will, was so little master of his own Inclina∣tions, that instead of making amends for what he had done amiss, he turn'd toward the younger sort, and threaten'd them, as he had the President Viole, that is to say, with his looks and hand.

The Court was overjoyd that the Prince had so openly declar'd in their favour: And in regard that after what had pass'd, he found him self-interested by his own Quarrel, in the Differences of the Court, he greedily listen'd to all Proposals that were made him for reducing the Parliament. Thereupon, it was no hard matter to persuade him, that the best way would be to besiege Paris•• and that a Siege would not fail to make the People cry out, and mu∣tiny against the Assembly: Or whatever happen'd, that the Parisians wanting Leaders and Men, and be∣ing accustom'd to Plenty and Ease, would make lit∣tle or no Resistance. His Passion caus'd him to ap∣prove these Reasons for strong and undeniable; so that he undertook to be Captain of the Enterprize under the Orders of the Duke of Orleans. But the Duke at first oppos'd the Design, till the Importuni∣ties, and the Persuasions of the Abbot de la R••v••••re, over-rul'd his Judgment, and got the upper hand of his Calmer Sentiments.

Immediatly the Prince, and Marshal de la Milleray, propos'd the seizing of St. Louis's Island, St. Antony's Gate, the Arsenal, and the Bastille, and to lodge their Majesties in the Bastille. But whether this Proposal were not sufficiently supported, or whether they were afraid of exposing the person of the King the Court re∣solv'd to quit Paris, and really to besiege the City. So that in the Evening before Twelf-day, the King retir'd from Marshal Grammont's House to the Cardinal's Palace;

and the next Morning, about Three of the Clock, ••e departed without any noise or bustle for St. Ger∣mans 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••ye. The same day the King sent a Letter seal'd with his Privy Signet to the Provost of Merchants, and the Sheriffs of Paris, wherein his Majesty de∣clar'd, that he was forc'd to leave the City, to the ••nd ••e might not be expos'd to the pernicious Designs of some Officers of Parliament, who held secret In∣telligence with the Enemies of the State: Adding withal, That he hop'd the Citizens would continue faithful ••o his Service, and prove stedfast in their Du∣•••••••• and that in a few days they should farther under∣stand his pleasure.

How••ver•• The Citizens no sooner understood that the King was gone, but the Tumult began to wax very great in Paris. They exclaim'd, after a most dreadful manner, against the Cardinal, against the Prince, against the Queen, and against all that car∣ry'd away the King. For the Paris••ans took his go∣ing away for a Force that had been put upon him. But they were so enrag'd, when they heard that the same day the King was carry'd to St. Germains, that it had been resolv'd in Council to block up Paris; that far from being consternated, they shew'd an extraor∣dinary Resolution, and declar'd themselves prepar'd for all manner of Events.

But the Parliament, who more readily foresaw the dismal Consequences of a Civil War, were not so re∣solute as the People. And therefore the first time they met, which was upon the 7th of Ianuary, they sent the King's immediate Servants with their Submis∣sions•• and very Advantageous Offers. But those Commissioners were sent back without being heard; which extreamly exasperated their Minds. So that the Parliament meeting again upon the 18th, declar'd Ma∣z••••i•• an Enemy to the State, and order'd him to depart the Kingdom in Eight days, with full liberty after that for all the King's Subjects to fall upon him where∣ever

they met him. And at the same time they de∣liver'd out Commissions for the raising of Soldiers•• and took all the Precautions needful upon such Oc∣casions.

In the mean time, the Prince, with about six or seven thousand men, which were the Remains of the Army last Summer, block'd up Paris, seizing upon Lagni, Corbect, St. Cloud, St. Denis, and Charenton. On the other side, the Duke d' Elbocut, his Three Sons, the Duke of Brissack•• and the Marquis de la Boulays went and offer'd their Services to the Parliament; and after that•• the Prince of Con••i, the Duke of Lon∣gueville, the Prince of Marsellac, and Monsieur de Noi∣mouster did the same. The Parliament nominated the Prince of Con••i for Generalissimo, and the Duke d' El∣bocut for General; and afterwards join'd the Duke of Bouillon, and Marshal de la Mothe, in equal Commissi∣on with 'em. As for the Duke of Longueville, he would not accept of any Employment, because he could have none that was conformable to his Rank, or none but such as equall'd him with his Inferiors•• so that he was only present at the Prince of Con••i's Councils to give his Advice. When the Prince un∣derstood that Conti and Longueville had privately left St. Germans in the night, and were got into Paris, he went from Charenton to the Court, where he thunder'd most terribly against 'em. But that was no impedi∣ment, but that the Parisian Party b••ga•• to grow nu∣merous, having now got among 'em a Prince of the Blood, and another Prince almost absolute in his Go∣vernment of Normandy. De la Mothe also was become considerable in the Armies; but the Duke of Bouillon much more. For besides that he was deeply known in the Affairs of the World, that he was stout, and understood the Art of War to perfection, he was en∣dow'd with an easie, fluent, natural, and insinuating Eloquence; he had a neat Wit, fertile in Expedients, and proper to maintain the most difficult Affairs, a

cl••••r S••nse, and a discerning Judgment. And be∣sides•• ••e was engag'd in a strict Tye with Marshal T••••e••ne, his Brother, who at that time commanded the Army in Germany. Thereupon the Prince, who look'd upon these two Brothers to be his Friends, and Persons of great weight, wrote to the Duke of 〈◊〉〈◊〉•• that he was afraid, he took it for granted, th••t the Prince believ'd he had a hand in Conti and Long••evill's with drawing from the Court; for which reason he was desirous to disabuse him; and then conj••r'd him to return to St. Germains, where he would procure him all manner of satisfaction touch∣ing his particular Interests. But the Duke of Bouillon caus'd the Letter to be read in Parliament. So that the Court finding they could not depend upon him, and being moreover inform'd of Turenne's disaffection to thei•• Cause, the King and the Prince, who was in great Reputation among the German Troops, wrote to the several Collonels, not to acknowledge him any long••r for General, but to quit him; which they did.

The Duke of Beaufort also, who had been wandring about in the Provin••es upon the Loire ever since his Es••ape from Vincennes, got to Paris in the time of the Troubles, and offer'd his Service to the Parliament, wh•• ••lear'd him of the Accusation of having con∣spir'd against Mazarin's Life, receiv'd him as a Peer of France, and made him one of their Generals.

In the mean time, the King's Forces possess'd all ••he Posts round about Paris; and though the Parlia∣ment's ••••my was more numerous, their Generals ••••ver stirr'd to open any Passage, so that Provisions could no•• get into the City, but with great difficulty, from 〈◊〉〈◊〉, in regard that the Prince could not put a Garison in B••••ys Conte-Robert, for fear of dividing his Forces•• and for that he had quitted Charenton, which C••n•••• had made himself master of.

••ut the Prince, cons••••e••ing the Importance of th•••• Post, which secur••d the P••••isia•• 〈…〉〈…〉 and ••or that he long'd to begin wi•••• some Action ••hat might render his Forces formidable•• He resol••'d to attack it•• though the Parisi••n had put t••ree thousand Men into it. Advancing there••ore with the Duke of O••∣le••n••, and all the Princes and Lords of th•• Court•• up∣on the 18th of February he committed the A••tacking of the Post to the Duke of Chatillon•• and advan••'d with the Cavalry upon a rising ground 〈◊〉〈◊〉 hinder the Parisians from succouring the Place. Ch••tillon perform'd the Prince••s Orders with all the Conduct and Valour imaginab••e•• but when he had driven the Enemy to the last ••arricado, he receiv'd a Musqu•••• shot quite through his Body, of which he dy'd the next day in ••he flower of his Age, lamented by both Parties for his Noble Qualities, and for being slai•• just at the time when he was ready to have obtain'd those Digni∣ties which his great Servic••s had perfo••m'd. The taking of Charenton was much to the dishonour of the Parliament's Generals•• and Forces, and no less to the honour of the Prince of Conde. For in short, The Prince carry'd that P•••••• in view of the Enemy's Ar∣my, and at the Gates of Paris, out of which he had march'd in the sight o•• Ten thousand men, who seem'd to have taken the Field merely ••o be Witnesses and Spectators of so great an Action. This Conflict, and these of Bois de Vin••nnes, Lag••y, and B••••y-Con••e•• Robert, all to the disadvantage of the Pa••isians, and in one of which the Young Duke of Roba•••• approving himself the worthy Inheritor of his Father's Vertue, lost his Life, made 'em begn to think of Peace. But the diversity of Interests was an Obstacle difficult on surmount. On the other side the Court, who were pu••t up with their Success, and who were in greater hopes by reason of the Princes successful Atchievements, would needs imp••se too Rigorous Conditions upon the Contrary Par••y••. So that if both Parties were so

〈…〉〈…〉 was b••cause that a Civil War 〈…〉〈…〉qually displeasing to both.

For this Re••son, upon the 20th of F••b••••a••y, the King sent a Herald of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 accompany'd wi••h two 〈◊〉〈◊〉 who coming to the Gate of St. H••nore, 〈…〉〈…〉 he had three Pacquets of Letters, one ••or th•• Prin•••• of Con••••, the other for the Parliament, ••nd a third for the City. Of which the Parliament 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••f••••m'd, took the matter into consideration, 〈…〉〈…〉 a Decree•• That they should neither admit, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••ceive the Herald; but send the King's Ser∣v•••••••••• that is to say, ••alon, Meliand and Bignon, to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Q••een, to let her know, That if they had refus'd 〈…〉〈…〉 the Herald, it was not for want of duty, 〈…〉〈…〉 because Heralds were never sent but to So∣ve••••ign Princes, or States, that were in hostility with the Kingdom•• but that neither the Prince of Conti, 〈…〉〈…〉 Parliament, nor the City, were either Sove∣r••igns, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Enemies, and therefore they besought her Maje••••y, that they might understand her pleasure ••rom 〈◊〉〈◊〉 own Lips. Those Commissioners were well 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••y the Queen, who told ••em she was satisfy'd with ••••••ir Excuse, and their Submissions; that when ••he Parliament should return to their duty•• they should•• find the effects of her Favour, and Good••will•• a••d that a•• ••or private Persons, they should all of 'em, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 o••e, find all manner of security, both for th••i•• Persons and estates, in their submission; and the D••••e, of Orlean•• also, and the Prince, gave 'em th•• 〈…〉〈…〉.

Now th•• b••••h Parties most ardently desir'd Peace, 〈…〉〈…〉 concluded without a great deal of dif∣〈…〉〈…〉 several Deputations and various Con••e∣••••••ces•• whe••e it was a hard matter to content so 〈…〉〈…〉 whose Interests were so nice and so diffe∣ren•••• But at length it was concluded at St. German•••• 〈…〉〈…〉 March; and afterwa•••••• the King's De∣〈…〉〈…〉 for this so necessary Peace, was verify'd in ••ool 〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

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Parliament, who order'd that Thanks should be re∣turn'd to their Majesties for the Peace which they had restor'd to their Subjects.

No sooner were the Flames of Civil War extin∣guish'd by this Peace, but they were re-kindl'd in a short time after, and spread it self with more Violence into the principal Provinces of the Kingdom, for the Reasons which I am going to tell ye.

Considering what the Prince had done in the pre∣ceding War, in favour of the Court and the Cardi∣nal, it was a difficult thing for them to make him those acknowledgments which his great Services de∣serv'd; or that the Prince should contain himself within the bounds of Mod••sty, out of a desire of Domination and Superiority, in demanding the most considerable Employments, whether for himself or for those whom he had a mind to favo••r. And in regard the Cardinal had chiefly reap'd the benefit of the Prince's Assistance, he was the most expos'd to his Demands, his Complaints, his Threatnings, and his Bad Humour.

And indeed, during the Parisian War, there had been some Misunderstandings between the Prince and the Cardinal. For as there was at that time a strict and diligent Correspondence between 'em, and for that for the most part Familiarity lessens Esteem, the Respect which the Prince had for the Cardinal was very much abated; and the Cardinal who perc••iv'd it, had look'd upon those great Virtues which the Prince had made so gloriously appear in the time of the Civil Troubles, as no other then the Effects of Fear and Aversion. Moreover, during that time, the Cardinal plotted to bring the Odium of the Peo∣ple upon the Prince, by endeavouring to make him the Author of all the Mischiefs to which they were expos'd. The Prince also after the Peace, thought it behov'd him to thwart the Cardinal, and to shew the Alienation of his Kindness for him, that he might

regain the Affection of the people, and of a great 〈◊〉〈◊〉 o•• considerable persons which he had lost, for protecting a person so generally hated. Calling to mind al••o the submissiveness of the Cardinal du∣ring the last Disorders, he was persuaded•• That if he should put him in fear, and scorn him, it would be s••••••••cient to draw upon him new Troubles, and to oblige him to sneak a second time to him, and to have ••he ••ame dependance upon him as before. He might also perhaps imagine, by reason of the Kindness ••hich the Queen shew'd him at St. Germains, that i•• wo••ld not be impossible for him to make that Prin∣cess sensible of the Cardinal's Defects, and to have all the Authority next her, himself, after he had laid the Cardinal aside.

On the other hand, the Cardinal had found, that he could build no solid Foundation upon the Prince's ••••iendship, who was sway'd rather by Capricio, then by Reason or his own Interests, and that time did bu•• augment his scornful humour•• so that he began to meditate his Ruin. To which we may add, that Concord and Reputation being incompatible between two persons in the same place, the Cardinal could no more brook a Superior at Court, then the Prince could endure an Equal.

And that which contributed considerably to dis∣solve the Knot was this, That the Cardinal was ••••rongly convinc'd, that he could not engage the ••••ince to persevere in his Interests, but by the proba∣bil••••y of new Establishments, which either he pro∣pos••d Himself to him, or by his Crea••ures, only to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him, and with a ••ull rotent afterwards to evade 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••is Offers and his Promises. All which the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pe••ceiv'd, and was extremely incens'd.

Las••ly, one of the principal Causes of the Cardi∣nal••s Disg••st against the Prince, and which inspir'd h••m wi••h a Design to ruin him, was the constant op∣po••••••ion of the Prince to the raising of the Cardinal's Fi••••ly; which I shall thus make out.

Some time before the Troubles, Mazarine, desi∣rous to support his Fortune in France by considerable Alliances, had cast his eyes upon the Duke of Mer∣••eur, as a ••it person to Marry his Niece Mancini, and to confer upon him at the same time the Employment of Lord High Admiral. This Project was interrupted by the War, and reass••m'd some time after the Peace, when the Court was at Compiegne, and where there was nothing talk'd of but Festivals and Rejoicings. The Queen spoke of it to the Prince, who durst not oppose it•• whether he slighted the business, or did not foresee the Consequences of it, or ra••her because he was afraid of the Noise it would make, should he gain-say it. However it were, notwithstanding his si∣lence at that time, he afterwards most vehemently oppos'd it, and never minded observing any Deco∣rum with the Cardinal. For he spar'd no manner of Raillery or nipping In••ectives against his Person. This cut the Cardinal to the heart, and did not a little trouble the Queen. But that which absolutely render'd the Prince suspected at Court•• was his obstructing another Match which the Cardinal was eager to make between one of his Nieces and the Duke of Candale, at what time Guienne was in Arms, through the Misunderstanding between the D. of Es••ernon his Father, and the Parliament of Bourdeaux, which had join'd, as also had that of Prov••nce, with the Parliament of Paris, against Mazarine. Fo•• the Prince foreseeing that the Ma••ch could not be made without assuring the Government of Guyen to Can∣dale, whom the Parliament and People would be sure to expel, he made use of the Affection of the Bourdelois to hinder the Marriage, and openly declar'd for 'em in the Council, that he might encourage 'em the more to demand another Governor.

The Prince's so openly declaring for the Parlia∣ment and Revolters of Guyenne put it positively be∣yond all doubt, that he held a Correspondence with

'em and consequently that he was in Confederacy with all the Factions. And that which augmented the Confusion and Jealousie of the Court, was the Demand which Guyenne made to have the Prince to be Governor of that Province instead of the Duke of Espernon. But new Troubles arose at Paris, occasion'd by the ••••••ts of the Town-House, which caus'd the Prince to shew his Zeal in a more violent manner then ever, for the Support of the King's Authority, and a second time to contemn all the Solicitations and Applications of the Slingers; which somewhat re∣••••x'd him at Court, and caus'd 'em to alter, or at least suspend the Resolutions they had taken against his Person.

But while he thus became serviceable to the Crown, he was always careful not to suffer the Cardinal to have any Command over him. To which purpose he diligently set himself to destroy whatever might be 〈…〉〈…〉 to his Elevation. So that understand∣ing that the Cardinal had a design to marry one of his Nieces with the Duke of Richlieu, he continually 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that Match, as he had disappointed the rest, and engaged the young Lord to marry the Marquess 〈…〉〈…〉's Widow, and carry'd 'em in his own Coach to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, a House belonging to the Duke of Longue∣••••••••, where they were marry'd.

This Action render'd him more suspected at Court then if he had attempted any thing against the King's Authority. And the Cardinal and his Adherents 〈◊〉〈◊〉 insinuated, that he had procur'd that Match only to magnifie his own Reputation, and to draw the D. of Richlieu to his Party, because he was 〈…〉〈…〉 of Havre, and they took an occasion from thence to hast'n his Imprisonment.

But before we come to the Prince's being impri∣son'd, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 will be material to give an account of cer∣tain important Passages which happen'd after the Peace.

This Peace not having been publish'd, the Court did not deem it convenient for the Welfare of the State, as well in reference to Affairs at Home as Abroad, that the King should return immediately to his Capital City. For the Ministers did not think it safe to envelop themselves among an enrag'd Popu∣lacy, whom they had so lately besieg'd; and in re∣gard the Campaign drew near, 'twas a plausible pre∣tence for taking a Progress towards the Frontiers, up∣on some considerable Employment. Moreover, they were in hopes that time would calm their minds, and bury the Remembrance of things past. As for the Prince, he thought it was for his Interest and his Ho∣nour to shew himself to a people that had so often loaded him with Imprecations. For which reason he went to Paris, and shew'd himself alone in his Coach, which drew upon him the Respect and Fear of the people, but abated their Resentments. The greatest part of the Parliament, and the principal of the Frondeurs Party, made him Visits for five or six days together; after which he return'd to Court; where the Cardinal's great Joy that he had open'd the way to Paris, was allay'd by his Jealousie of the smallest Actions of that great Prince, whose Valour had drawn upon him the Awe and Veneration of those very persons whom his Courage had offended. Upon his arrival, the Cardinal desirous to remove so dangerous a Competitor, propos'd to him the Com∣mand of the Army in Flanders. But the Prince re∣fus'd to accept it; whether it were that he saw the Cardinal's Aim and Intention through the Proposal, and that he took delight to mortifie him; or that it was more grateful to him to rule the Cabinet. 'Tis true that he had a design to have gone to his Govern∣ment of Burgundy, with an intention to pacifie the Troubles of Guyen and Provence, that were in Arms through the Misunderstandings between the Governors and the Parliaments. But the Cardinal, and the Abbot

de l•• B••viere, had frustrated his Intermediation, to whose Authority the persons concern'd had referr'd 〈◊〉〈◊〉 differences; for they were afraid lest his Um∣••••••••ge should augment his Reputation and his Power. However, he would not give over the Journey; and wh••n he departed from Compeigne, the Cardinal took his Le••ve of him with a strong Guard, as if he durst not trust his Life with the person who had so often ventur'd his own Life for his preservation. At part∣ing, the Prince desir'd the Commander de Souvie, Le Tell••••, and other the Cardinal's Confidents, and charged Marhille, his Domestick Servant, to tell him, That he could be none of his Friends if he thought of marrying his Niece to the Duke of Mercoeur.

All this while the Court had a powerful Army on Foot, commanded by Count d' Hareourt, who had Orders to sit down before Cambray. For the Cardi∣nal was in hope to refix himself in his Ancient Splen∣dor, by such a glorious Conquest as that, with which he ••••ckl'd his Fancy so much the more, because the Duke had no share in the Design, nor was he to have any in the Execution of it. And that he might have the whole Honour of it, he went from Amiens wh••re the King was, to the Siege. But Fortune prov'd no way favourable to him, his Enterprize 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to his Confusion; for Cambray being reliev'd, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, was forc'd to raise his Siege.

During the Prince's Absence, the Cardinal had held no other then a Correspondence of Decency and Ci∣vility with him; and the Prince, who began to be sensible of the Prosperity of the Court with some regret, and who was not a little disturb'd about the Siege of Cambray, was no less glad to hear it was rais'd. The Troubles in Guyenne and Provence, and the Difficulties which obstructed the King's Return to P••ri•• pleas'd him as much; because he believ'd that the Cardinal minded nothing else, but which way to surmount all those Obstacles and present Im∣pediments

that obstructed his recovering an Absolute and Independent Authority. And therefore he for∣bore to ••oment his Discontents either in private or in publick, as if he were willing to lay his Resentments asleep, to the end he might afterwards let 'em loose with more Violence. Also at his return from Bur∣gundy to P••ris, before he had seen the Court, he most earnestly solicited all his Friends to take care that the King and the Cardinal might have a Reception into the Metropolis of the Kingdom suitable to their Dig∣nity. Perhaps he strove to compleat a work so glo∣rious as that of restoring the Cardinal, or that he flatter'd himself that such a piece of Service would never be forgot by the Queen.

He ••tay'd till the Court was return'd to Compeigne, where he was receiv'd with more demonstrations of Friendship, then when he parted from thence. After which, his Majesty return'd to Paris; and in that En∣try, the King, the Queen, and all the Royal Family, rode in the same Coach, and the Cardinal in one of the Boots with the Prince, who put a confidence into him by his presence. And the incredible Throng of people who appear'd at that same Entrance, and who abhorr'd the very sight of the Cardinal, did only then let loose their Joy for the King's Return, who at that time took up all their thoughts, and de∣fac'd the remembrance of all their Animosities and past Misfortunes. When their Majesties arriv'd at the Palace-Royal, they receiv'd the Submissions of the D. of Beaufort, the Coadjutor, and the rest of the Heads of the Frondeurs; and the Prince compleat∣ed so Noble a day's work, by telling the Queen, That he lookt upon himself to be very happy in ha∣ving fulfill'd the Promise that he made her, to bring back the King. To which her Maje••ty reply'd, Sir, This Service which you have done the Kingdome is so great, that the King and my self should be very ungrateful, should we ever forget it. One of the Prince's Servants who

〈…〉〈…〉 this Discourse, told him, That his great 〈…〉〈…〉 him tremble, and that he was afraid 〈…〉〈…〉 was no more than a Reproach. I 〈…〉〈…〉 reply'd the Prince: however I have per∣〈…〉〈…〉 what I promis'd. When good Services are 〈…〉〈…〉atred takes place of Acknowledgment. 〈…〉〈…〉 the Prince found to be true: For all that 〈…〉〈…〉 in favour of the Cardinal, was one of 〈…〉〈…〉 which his Mortifications had in∣〈…〉〈…〉 that spurr'd him on to ruin him.

〈…〉〈…〉 purpose all things were to be so order'd, 〈…〉〈…〉 the Fro••deurs, nor the D. of Orleans should 〈…〉〈…〉 the Prince. And to that ef∣fect 〈…〉〈…〉 the Hatred and Aversion which they 〈…〉〈…〉 had for him, and which was renew'd 〈…〉〈…〉 to time, in regard the Prince sometimes 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to ••e reconcil'd to 'em, and embrace their 〈…〉〈…〉 had shew'd himself to be their 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Enemy••

〈…〉〈…〉 all the Artifices which the Cardinal 〈…〉〈…〉 to incline the Frondeurs to rejoice at the 〈…〉〈…〉 this was the chiefest.

〈…〉〈…〉 had receiv'd a Note, which gave him 〈…〉〈…〉 That the Frondeurs had a Design upon 〈…〉〈…〉 and that they had resolv'd to Assassinate 〈…〉〈…〉 over Pon••neuf. This Note he shew'd 〈…〉〈…〉 the Duke of Orleans, and the Cardi∣n•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 seem'd to be as much surpriz'd as the rest. 〈…〉〈…〉 some Consultation what course to take 〈…〉〈…〉 the truth, 'twas resolv'd, to the end they 〈…〉〈…〉 themselves without exposing the Per∣so•• 〈…〉〈…〉 Duke. That his Coachman should drive 〈…〉〈…〉 over Pontneuf with the Curtains drawn, 〈…〉〈…〉 were in it; which was done, while 〈…〉〈…〉 the mean time stay'd at a Bathing-House 〈…〉〈…〉 Event. So soon as the Coach was 〈…〉〈…〉 before the Brazen-Horse, the Coach was 〈…〉〈…〉 certain persons unknown, who fir'd their

Blunderbusses into it, and wounded a Lacquey be∣longing to the Count of Duras, who rode at the Tail of the Coach. Of which the Prince having immediate notice, demanded Justice of the King and the Queen against the Frondeurs. The Cardinal also seem'd to outdo himself upon this occasion; for his Diligence and his Zeal exceeded the Care and Sedu∣lity of the Prince's nearest Relations, and most Cor∣dial Friends.

In the mean time the Frondeurs seeing such a quick and dangerous Accusation taking root against 'em, believ'd it at first to be an Artifice of the Prince's to ruin 'em. However, they were nothing daunted; and tho the report ran, that the Prince would pro∣secute his Revenge with all manner of Violence, the Duke of Beaufort made no s••••uple to visit Marshal Grammon•• at a time that the Prince supp'd with him, and there spent the remainder of the Evening with∣out the least shew of being concern'd. The Coad∣jutor and he made use of all the ways imaginable to justifie their Innocency to the Prince; and the Mar∣quess of Noirmoustier offer'd on their behalf to join with the whole house of Conde against the Cardinal. But the Prince, who was no less exasperated for the little respect they had shew'd him upon other occasi••ons, as out of a perswasion not to be vanquish'd, that they had a design to Assassinate him, stopt his ears against all their Justifications, and laid aside all other thoughts, but of doing himself Justice with the Consent of the Court, or else of demanding Justice from the Parliament. The first Resolution was too violent; neither did it agree with the Cardinal's con∣ceal'd Design; and the effect of the other was too tedious and dubious. Nevertheless, because it was the intention of the Court to refer this business to the Parliament, on purpose to mortify the Prince with delays, and the vexation to see himself as it were a Suppliant at the Feet of the Judges, the Car∣dinal

w••nted not specious pretences to perswade the Prince to take that course. Thereupon he made his complaint to the Palace in the usual forms; and du∣ring the whole course of that Affair, the Cardinal 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••he pleasure to draw him into all those Snares 〈◊〉〈◊〉 he had laid for him. In the mean time the Duke of Beaufort and the Coadjutor demanded that they might be admitted to justifie themselves; which being granted, both Parties quitted all other ways, a••d adhered only to the practice of the Palace. But ••he Prince soon understood by the manner of the F••••nde••rs justifying themselves, that their Credit wou••d balance his; nevertheless he did not penetrate the Cardinal's Dissimulation; and maugre the Opi∣n••o••s and Advice of his Friends, he still believ'd that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 acted sincerely. In this posture things re∣••••••••'d for some days, while exasperation and im∣••••••e••ment augmented on both sides. The Prince's F••••ends and the Frondeurs Friends accompany'd their Chi••••tains every day to the Palace; and all things were carry'd with more Moderation then could be expected between two Parties, whose Leaders were so unequal. Moreover, the Cardinal, in hopes to recover his full Liberty by depriving the Prince of his Freedom, thought it high time to agree with the ••rondeurs, and that he might securely offer 'em the protection of the Court, without any fear of afford∣••ng 'em an opportunity to reconcile themselves to the Prince. So that things could never be better dispos'd of, to incline the Frondeurs to be so far from opposing ••••e Prince's Ruin, as rather to be glad and rejoice at ••••s Imprisonment.

There remain'd now nothing more but to set the Duke of Orleans at variance with the Prince; which the Cardinal found a means to do, upon the Marriage of the Duke of Richlieu with Madam du Pons. He aggravated to the Duke, that the Prince had said no∣thing to him of the Marri••ge; and after he had

sow'd the seeds of Exasperation in his mind, he con∣sulted with Madam de Chevreuse against the Prince's Liberty. And to the end the Abbot de ••a Riviere, who was so much concern'd to oppose the Ruin of the Prince, as being in hopes of a Cardinal's Cap, by the means of his Reputation, and the Rennncia∣tion of the Prince of Conty, might not break the Measures they had taken, Madam de Chevreuse cun∣ningly complain'd to the Duke of Orleans how little security there would be for the future in taking parti∣cular Measures with him; that whatever he said, was told again to the Prince and Madam Longueville, by the Abbot de la Riviere, who being by them secur'd from meeting any opposition at Rome in his pretensi∣ons to a Cardinal's Cap, makes them acquainted with all his Master's Conduct and Privacies. She perswaded him also, That the Abbot, in whose Coun∣cils he had had a blind Confidence, was privy to the whole Negotiation of the Duke of Richlieu, and Madam du Pons; and that all things were carried on between them so exactly by Concert, that the Prin∣cess her Mother had never so zealously assisted Ma∣damoiselle de Saugeon in her design to turn Carmelite, but to remove her from the Presence and Confidence of the Duke of Orleans, and to hinder her from ob∣serving the Abbot de la Riviere's Carriage, and his blind dependance upon the House of Conde. In short•• Madam de Chevreuse understood so well how to incense the Duke both against the Prince and the Abbot•• that she soften'd him for all the impressions that she had a desire to imprint in his mind.

One Project also of Madam de Chevreuse's which contributed very much to bring their Design about, was an act of Passion which the Prince committed. For a little before, he went to visit the Dutchess of Orleans with a Lady which he would needs carry into the Presence along with him, notwithstanding that the Officer of the Duke's Guards told him, He

had Orders that no body should enter but himself. Which the Prince never regarded, but went forward; upon which the Officer stepping before the Lady, to prevent he•• Entrance, the Prince took his Ba••••oon of Co••••••nd, and broke it abo••t the Officer's Sh••ulders.

Moreover, the Cardinal renew'd an old Proposal to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Duke of Roan, to engage the Prince to lay claim to the Dignity of Constable, which he would never li•••••••• to, for fear of creating a Jealousie in the Duke of Orleance. And tho the Prince rejected the Pro∣po••••tion a second time, out of the same consideration, ••••t the Cardinal made that dextrous use of the pri∣••a••e Co••ferences which the Prince had with the D••ke of Roban upon that subject, that they afforded all 〈◊〉〈◊〉 probabilities of a private Negotiation between th•• Duke of Roan, and the Prince, without impart∣ing it ••o the Duke of Orleans, and contrary to his opi∣ni•••• and pretensions to the Constable's Sword. So that the Duke having receiv'd all these Impressions, a••d pe••ceiving both want of Sincerity and Respect in the Pri••ce's proceedings, without any more to do consent••d to his being Arrested.

The Prince's Friends had several times given him wanting of a Design which they suspected to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉, to lay him up in Prison; and from that t••••e he had always some one or other with him of t••e Royal Palace; tho he gave no credit to their Ad∣••ice, and sometimes laught and flouted at those that gave it him••

In the mean time the Cardinal procu••'d the thing to be resolv'd on in Council, and a day to be appoint∣ed fo•• the Execution of the Order, which was the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Ianuary. Several persons gave the Prince advice of it the same day; but he took no notice of 〈◊〉〈◊〉. And that which is more to be wonder'd at is this, th•••• whereas for about Two Months together he had accustom'd himself to be attended by some of his

most faithful Friends when he went to the Palace Royal, he never went alone but that day he was ar∣rested.

The Duke of Longueville was at Chaillo••, apart from the Dutchess his Wife. To draw him therefore into the snare, the Cardinal sent ••im word, that the Council was consulting about the apprehending of Couturier, and some others, who were accus'd for ha∣ving attempted the Prince's Life; and that his pre∣sence was necessary to prevent Sedition and Tumult. Immediately the D. of Longueville made haste to Paris, and went to the Palace-Royal upon the 19th of Iu∣nuary in the Evening. The Prince also, according to his custom, came that Evening to attend upon the Queen; at what time the Abbot de la Riviere told him, That the Duke of Orleans would not be at the Council. Upon which the Prince thought at first; that they would abandon his Cause; which made him leave the Queen sooner than he would h••ve don••, and go to the Council-Chamber, whither at the same time came the Prince of Conty and the Duke of Longueville. As for the Cardinal, he was retir'd into his Chamber, and had carry'd the Abbot alo••g with him, lest he should perceive something, and spoil a Design that was just upon the point of Execution. So that there was only the Chancellor, the Count of Servien, Le Tellier, and some others with the Princes, when de Guitault, Captain of the Queen's Guards, with great respect approach'd the Prince of Conde, and in the Queen's Name whispe••'d him in the ear, That he must go to Prison. De Comminge, Cap∣tain of the same Guards, told the Prince of Conty as much; and de Croissy, one of the Ensigns of the same Body, put the same Compliment upon the Duke of Longueville. The Prince a•• first took it for a piece of Sport, and thought the Queen had done it in a kind of Frolick. But understanding all was in good earnest, Is this then the Recompence (said he) of

〈◊〉〈◊〉 Fidelity and Services? And then addressing him∣self to the Chancellor, he desir'd him to go in his Name to the Queen, and beg of her to hear him but for one Minute; a••d he pray'd the Count de Servien to ••••sire the same Favour of the Cardinal. As for the Cha••c••llor, he return'd, without being able to ob∣••••in hi•• ••equest; and as for the Count of Servien, ••e brought no answer back, believing it enough to have given the Cardinal notice that the business was done•• And then it was that Mazarine imparted the business to the Abbot de la Riviere, who was strange∣ly surpriz'd at it, and could not forbear telling him, That certainly the Duke of Orleans would never suf∣••er such an Injury to be done the Princes. To which the Cardinal answer'd, That there had been nothing done without his Consent. Thereupon the Abbot retir'd to spea•• with his Highness; but he was re∣puls'd in such a manner, that he look'd upon his For∣••u•••• to ••e at an end.

〈◊〉〈◊〉, who was gone to fetch his Guard, re∣tur••'d with Twenty Soldiers well Arm'd, who look∣ing a squint upon the Princes, seem'd to threaten 'em with something else more fatal then Imprisonments, and carr••'d away the Prisoners down a back-pair of Stairs into the Garden, where Guitalt putting 'em all thre•• into one Coach, conducted 'em to Richlieu••s Gate, where the Count o•• Miossans, afterwards for this piece of good service made a Marshal, by the name of Marshal d' Albret, waited with the Gendarmes to carry 'em to Vincennes. And that which is here to be observ'd, is this, That Mazarine orde••'d this bu∣siness so cunningly, that the Prince believ'd that all the Preparations which were made to seize his Per∣son, concern'd only the Frondeurs, and out of that perswasion gave himself the Orders for his being more safely conducted to Prison. For the same day the Prince was arrested, the Cardinal sent him word in the Morning, That he had something to impart to

him of great Consequence. Thereupon the Prince went to the Palace-Royal, where the Cardinal told him, That he had been inform'd in good part, that Decoutures had been in Paris about Four and twenty hours, conceal'd in •• House near Mo••matre Gate; and that the Conviction of the Murder intended being infallible, if they could but light upon him•• he would do well to give an Order to apprehend him; but that in the executing of this Design two things were to be fear'd; that is to say, lest the People and the Coadjutor's Friends should make a Tumult; for that the Coadjutor well knowing his Ruin to be un∣avoidable if Decoutures were taken, would be cer∣tain to procure his escape. And therefore to avoid both the one and the other of these Inconveniences, he tho••ght it convenient that he should be sent away out of Paris, till the Parliament should order him to be remanded to the common Goal of the City: That the best way was to carry him through Richlieu Gate; and there••ore that he would command the Gensdarms to stay behind l' Hostel de Vendosme, in a readiness to march when they should be commanded. The Prince approv'd these Proposals; and blinded by his desire of Revenge, suffer'd himself to be surpriz'd by the Artifices of the Cardinal, and took care for his own being safely carry'd to Prison, which he had like to have discover'd the day be••ore, entring into the Car∣dinal's Chamber, where Lyonne, Mazarine's Secretary, was writing out the Orders beforehand.

Upon the Road to Vineennes the Coach broke, so that the Prisoners were forc'd to stay three or four hours by the way, with only a Guard of Four••een Gensdarmes, yet no body dur••t adventure to rescue them.

The remembrance of the War, and the present disorders of Paris, were the reason that the blow was easily born with. The People approv'd what had been done against the Prince, and shew'd them∣selves

extreamly joyful at the News: So that the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Longueville, who was retir'd to a private house in ••aris, in expectation of things necessary for her 〈◊〉〈◊〉 into Normandy, to which she had been ad∣•••••••• by her Friends, beheld the Bonfires and other marks of publick rejoycing for the Imprison∣ments of her Brothers, and her Husband. And what was more singular was this, That Persons of the highest Quality and Degree, who afterwards de∣manded, and with an unshak'n Zeal and Constancy prosec••ted their Releasment, then publickly declar'd that their Imprisonment was Legal.

But that which soon after made it appear to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉, wa•• a letter sent to the Parliament, three days a••ter the Princes were seiz'd, wherein such ••light and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••rimes were laid to their charge, that the greatest of those, who by reason of some remaining 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the year preceding, thought 'em guil∣ty•• were convinc'd of their Innocency.

The first days of their Imprisonment the Princes in∣••rig••'d against the Cruelty of their Enemies. The King••s B••••ad which was granted to the most wretch∣••d was deny'd to Princes of the Blood. Their Em∣ployments•• and their Governments, were dispos'd o•••• their Pensions were stopp'd; nay, they lay'd their Hands upon ••he Assignations given the Prince for the ••••imbursement of fifty thousand Crowns lent to the Queen but six months before. Perraut also being im∣prison'd the same day as his Master, they seiz'd upon all his Papers, turn'd his Servants out of three Houses; and commanded the Princess Dowager, and the P••incess her Daughter-in-law, to retire out of Paris•• They order'd also President Ferrand, who was nomi∣nated by the Prince for the Administration of his Af∣fairs•• and the Intendants employ'd by the two others, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 defray their Expences.

Upon refusal of the first Decree of Council, the President Ferrand, who resolutely resisted, was threat∣en'd

with imprisonment. His Moveables were put to sale. No less then eight Silver Candlesticks mark'd with the Prince's Arms, were sold by an Outcry. And his Sword, the support of the State, the glory of the Regency, the Terrour of all Europe, was with∣in a hairs breadth of being cry'd in the publick Mar∣ket-place by a pitiful Catchpole; that Sword which had defeated the most considerable Forces of Spain, and had sacrific'd to the Security and Welfare of the King, three famous Generals, gain'd whole Provinces to the Crown; that had vanquish'd the Bavarians; the Support and Hopes on which the Empire rely'd, and which had defended the Cardinal himself from the Fury and Animosity of the French.

These three Princes suffer'd their Misfortunes with variety of Humours. The Duke of Longuevil••e was sad and pensive, and spoke not a word. The Prince of Conti wept, and never stirr'd out of his Bed; while the Prince sung, swore, went to Mass a Morn∣ings, read and play'd to pass away his time. 'Tis said, that the Prince, hearing the Prince of Conti desire some-body to bring him a Book, entitl'd, The Imita∣tion of Christ, should presently use this Expression to the Prince of Conti's Friend, And I, Sir, said he, de∣sire you to bring me the Imitation of Monsieur Beaufort; that I may make my escape out of this place, as he did about two years ago•• and see my heels well at liberty.

These Rigorous Proceedings against the Princes were attended with several others. The guard of 'em was committed to the care of De Barr, a Man of great Se∣verity, and whose hard Usage much augmented the Discontents of the Prisoners. Now in regard this man was made choice of by the Cardinal to be the Minister of his Passions, neither the Respect due to the Birth of the Princes, their Services done the Kingdom, nor the honour to be entrusted with those Illustrious Sufferers, made any impression upon his crabbed Disposition. And not contented with four

Bodies of Guards, and five strong Gates, he crowded their Antichambers with Soldiers: He also plac'd Sol∣d••••••s in their very Chambers to observe their Coun∣••••••••••ces; and many times they were observ'd in their Beds: And that which was most irksome of all, we the Clownishness of their Jaylor's Discoourses. He had not common Civility for 'em, as Princes, but 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be always prating in their ears that which was offensive. They were refus'd the Attendance of their own Servants. Only the Complaints of the Princess of Conde causing 'em to fear the effects of some pity, they were forc'd to grant 'em what the King was pleas'd to extend toward 'em. This put their Friends in hope, that they might be able to settle a Corre∣spondence with 'em. Thereupon, they ventur'd a Letter, which was deliver'd 'em: And at length they made use of such dextrous means to hear from 'em, and to send 'em News of what concern'd 'em, that D•• Barr himself, perceiving, perhaps, some turn of the Tide, lent them his Assistance, when he was sure no notice could be taken of him.

For five months that this lucky Stratagem lasted, neither they, nor those that adher'd to their Interests, had any reason to conceive any great hopes of their Releasement. The Success of Normandy and Burgundy, that swell'd the Pride of their Enemies, abated the Courage of their Friends and Servants. Besides that, their Meetings always prov'd fruitless, by reason of the Union and Vigilance of the Cardinal, and Coad∣ju••or of Paris.

In May the Coadjutor disappointed the Petition of the Princess Dowager of Conde, that she might have liberty to prosecute the Releasement of her Sons. She was in hopes that the Cardinal's absence would afford her favourable Opportunities; and that the good Nature of the Duke of Orleans, which had so long with f••ood the Imprisonment of the Princes, would at length produce a Union powerful to van∣quish

the Obstinacy of the Court, and the Malice of those that persecuted her House.

But all her Attendance prov'd in vain. They were so far from doing her right upon her Petition, that they would not so much as lend an ear to her Com∣plaints; they rejected her Supplications, and had no regard to her Tears. She might humble her self, if she pleas'd, even to the conjuring her Enemies by all the considerations of Mercy and Compassion; her Requests were still evaded•• and upon the return of the Court, which remov'd a great way off on pur∣pose, she obtain'd no more then the liberty to abide at Vallery, which she chose of her own accord before Chatillon upon Loin. All this bad Usage cast the Princess into a melancholy Discontent, and Languish∣ment, of which she dy'd the 2d of December.

The Cardinal, on the other side, was fully satisfy'd. All things went well in Burgundy and Normandy, and the hopes that he had of the like success in Guyenne; and particularly at Bourdeaux, puft up his Heart, and render'd him inexorable. Now for the right under∣standing of all these particulars, it will be requisite to give a brief Relation of what pass'd in those Provinces during the imprisonment of the Princes.

The Count of Tavanes, who was one of those who laid most to heart the Interests of the Prince of Conde, understanding that he was arrested, together with the Prince of Conti, and the D. of Longuevil••e, and that they were carry'd to Vincennes, hasten'd to the Marquess of Moussaye Goyon, Governour of Stenay, and inform'd him of what he had heard. Now in regard the Marquess was none of the most resolute men in the world, he appear'd to be strangely alarum'd and surpriz'd, and with a world of confusion, askt the Count what was to be done. It behoves ye, briskly reply'd the Count of Tavanes, to repair with all speed to your Government; and if you have nothing to do any where else, you will find busi∣ness enough there, and you will see me there 〈◊〉〈◊〉 very speedily.

Afterwards the Count went to Conde House, where he found the Princess Dowager all in Tears, with a great number of people, all in consternation, not knowing what Resolution to take. There was also in the Garden a good number of the Prince's Of∣ficers•• who had resolv'd among themselves to go forthwith to Val de Grace, there to seize upon the Ca••dinal's Neices, and bring 'em away to some one of the Princes Houses, as a gage for the Prince's Life, which they believ'd in danger, by reason of his great Merit, and high Birth. But at the very instant, news came that the Cardinal, apprehensive of some such Designs, had sent for ••em away from thence before the Princes were arrested. So that all the Officers were forc'd to return to their several Homes, not be∣ing ••ble to resolve upon any considerable Service which they could do the Prince: only the next day they reti••••d, some to Bellegard, and some to Stonay.

Tavanes, seeing this, departed, and rode all night to get to Milly in Gastinois, which was his own Estate. From thence he retir'd into Burgundy, in hopes that many things might there be done for the Prince. But there was no body willing to stir in those parts, and they that were the Prince's Friends, were rather against him, then for him. Howeve••, he spar'd not to visit 'em all a•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and to whisper 'em in the ear, but all to no purpos•••••• then going to the Castle of the City which belong'd to the Prince, the Commanders which th•• Prince had plac'd there, of which two were his Domestic Servants, coldly excus'd themselves for ••ut being able to do any thing for want of men. Up∣on which Tavanes offer'd to bring 'em sixty Musque∣t••ers, which they promis'd to admit. But two days after, when the Musqueteers were come, and the Count sent word to the Governour to open the Back∣〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Garison made answer, That they could not receive 'em, in regard they had promis'd the City to let no body in. This piece of Infidelity, to∣gether

with the Advice which the Count had given him, that there was a Design to arrest him a•• Dijon, for••'d him to retire in haste to Bellogarde, which he found in such a forelorn Condition, as ea••ily might satisfy the Judgment of any man, that the Prince, to whom it belong'd, was no way guilty of the Crimes which were laid to his charge, for acting against the Service and Authority of the King. There was very little Ammunition, very few Cannon, and those dismounted; and without Carriages; insomuch, that Tavanes, seeing the bad condition of the Place, resolv'd to go to Stenay, where Marshal Turenne was already retir'd for the Service of the Prince. And in regard he had sent two single Companies, that be∣long'd to the Prince, and two other Companies of the Regiment of Meille, to quarter near his House, du Palli••, two little Leagues from Langres, he went thi∣ther to join 'em. He was no sooner arriv'd at that House, but he had advice from Bellegard, that the Horse Regiments of Conde and Enguien were marching thither with the Prince's Guards; and that the Chief Commander had written to him, that he might re∣ceive his Orders. Whereupon, he sent away Guitault de Pechepeirou, to press 'em to meet him at Pallie, from whence they might march directly for S••ena••, and join Turenne. Guitant being arriv'd at Bellegard, wrote back word to the Count, that all the Officers told him, 'Twas requisite to let their Horses rest for some few days, and that many of the Troops had de∣serted.

But the Count was in hast to carry these Troops to Turenne, and therefore he sent with all speed for those Regiments to come up to him, and to let 'em under∣stand, That the greatest Service they could do the Prince, was to quicken their March that they might the sooner be at Stonay. So soon as he had put him∣self at the head of these Troops, he set forward. But in his March he met, soon after his Uncle, the Mar∣••••es••

of Tav••nes, who was the King's Lieutenant of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••ovince; who having drawn together the Gen∣••••y, the Archers with their Provost, some well 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Troops of Horse, and a Regiment of Foo•••• adventur'd to oppose his Nephew's Passage, a••d to prevent his joyning Turenne.

The Count resolv'd forthwith to Charge this ••ody•• that made a shew of Disputing the Passage ••ith him; and falling upon 'em, cut all the Caval∣ry 〈◊〉〈◊〉 pi••ces, and having taken all the Regiment of ••oo•• ••risoners, made them take an Oath to serve the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and the Prince of Conde against Mazarin.

This Defeat of the King's Lieutenant of Burgundy, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a terror into the whole Province, and particu∣lar•••• into Dijon, where they were so hotly alarum'd, that they forcd the very Capuchius to take Arms. Whic•• caus'd Tavanes to alter his design, and engag'd h•••• to turn all his Horse and Foot against that City, which he was in hopes to take, and make the Inhabi∣ta••••s declare themselves, if they that were in the C••stl•• which belong'd to the Prince, would but 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their Gates to Him. But the Commander of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Castle refus'd to hearken to his Proposals, so that the Count after he had Encamp'd two Days before ••he C••ty, was constrain'd to retreat to Bellegard, in h••pes that the Countries would not fail to assist with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Arms, and whatever else he stood in need of••

Th••se movements of the Count of Tavanes, other∣wise unsuccessful, produc'd good Effects: For they constrain'd the King, the Queen, the Cardinal, and all the Court, to take a Journy into Burgundy, and that Progress gave an opportunity to Bourdeaux, Mon∣tr••••d, and Normandy, to declare for the Prince, more especially while the King's Forces were bu••ied in the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of B••llegarde.

Tha•• Place, as has been said already, was in the most pitiful condition in the world to hold out, and

therefore made little Resistance. The Soldiers also that were in it revolted upon sight of the King's Army; so that nothing could be expected from 'em. And Tavanes was constrain'd to surrender the Place much sooner then he would have done•• to the end he might preserve for the Prince's service a good Num∣ber of Stout men, who were retir'd thither.

Tavanes's Soldiers, after the surrender of Bellegarde, were discharg'd, and the O••••••cers, with all the men of Courage that were there, gave their Paroles before they March'd out, to meet some at Montrond, some at Bourdeaux, and others at Stenay, for the ser∣vice of the Prince; which they did with all Fidelity and Exactness. As for Tavanes, he chose to go to Paris, and joyn the Duke of Nemours, there to try all manner of ways to get the Prince's out of Prison. Now while the Court was busily employed in Bur∣gundy, the Dutchess of Long••eville left no stone un∣turn'd in Normandy to engage the Parliament of that Province, together with the Friends and Places that belong'd to the Du••e her Husband, to take the Prin∣ces side, and to assure her self also of H••••re de Grace. But all the benefit of her Intreagues, and her active stirring in those parts, was only this, that she con∣strain'd the Court to quit Burgundy sooner then they would have done, and to march with all their Forces into Normandy. In short•• they•• were no sooner arriv'd there, but the Princess was oblig'd to take Shipping and flye into Holland, and from thence to come to Stenay•• where she treated with the Spani∣ards about setting the Princes at Liberty•• Turenne, who was retir'd upon their being first Imprison'd, and who was vehemently incens'd against the Cou••••, by reason of the Principality of Sedan, which they had taken from his Family some Years before, by constraining the Duke of Bouillon his Brother, then a Prisoner in the Bastille, to throw himself at the King••s Mercy: This Turenne, I say, commanded all the

〈…〉〈…〉 the Spaniards lent in this conjuncture. 〈…〉〈…〉 we relate what Turenne did at the head of 〈…〉〈…〉, le•• us see what passed in Guyenne.

〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••kes of Bouillon, and Rochefo••cault, the 〈…〉〈…〉 St. Simon, and the Duke de la Force, were 〈…〉〈…〉 Persons that Acted in G••yenne; and 〈…〉〈…〉 highly signaliz'd himself in the War 〈…〉〈…〉 kindl••d in that Province; and he is to be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as the chief of all those who there 〈◊〉〈◊〉 themselves, and took Arms in favour of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉. He it was, that so judicially advis'd the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of Conde to retire with her young Son, the 〈…〉〈…〉, into the Province of Guyenne. For 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that the Person of the Duke was expos'd to 〈…〉〈…〉 of the Court, he might happ'n to be 〈…〉〈…〉 Instrument in obtaining his Father's Liber∣ty. ••nd therefore, after some delay, the Princess 〈…〉〈…〉, and got through the Mountains of Au∣••••••••, to T••renne; notwithstanding the dreadful 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that Persons of her Sex, and the young 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Age, were forc'd to undergo. The Prin∣ce•• an•• ••he young Duke stay'd with T••renne eight 〈◊〉〈◊〉 during which time Brive-la-G••••llande was ta∣•••••• ••nd the Troop of Gen••darmes of Prince Thomas, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of a Hundred men. This stop at Turenne, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was necessary to settle the tottering and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Minds of the Bourdelois, to the end she 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be there in safety, gave time to General de la 〈◊〉〈◊〉, natural Brother to the Duke of Espernoon, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 co••manded the King's Forces in that Province, 〈…〉〈…〉 in the Princesses way, on purpose to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 her passage. But She stopping at a House of 〈…〉〈…〉 of Bouillon's, call••d Rochfort, the Duke of 〈…〉〈…〉 and he march'd against de la Vale••••e 〈…〉〈…〉 the Forces they had rais'd, and six hundred 〈◊〉〈◊〉 men, their Friends. They overtook him a•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in Per••gord. But he gave ground, not da∣r••••g to fight, and retreated through the Woods to

Bergerac, with the loss of all his Baggage. After which, the Princess set forward for Bourdeaux, without meeting any opposition in her passage. There remain'd no∣thing more behind, but to surmount the Difficulties which they met with in the City, which was divided into several Cabals. The Duke of Espernon's Crea∣tures, and they that follow'd the new Sentiments, of which the D. of St. Simon had also gotten a smack, af∣ter he had receiv••d some Letters from the Court, and had heard of the taking of B••llegarde, join'd them∣selves with those that serv'd the Court, and among the rest with de la Vie, Advocate-General in the Par∣liament of Bourdeaux, a Man both subtle and Ambi∣tious. They us'd all their Endeavours to cause the Gates to be shut against the Princess. Nevertheless, so soon as it was known that she was arriv'd at Lor∣mond, near the City, with the Young Duke her Son, all people gave public Testimonies of their Joy. They throng'd out of the City in heaps; they strew'd the High-way with Flowers; and the Barge that carry'd 'em, was attended by all the Boats in the River; the Ships in the Port discharg'd all their Guns, and they enter'd into Bourdeaux, notwithstanding all the un∣derhand Efforts of their Enemies to have hinder'd 'em. 'Tis true, that neither the Parliament, nor the Jurats went to visit 'em in a Body; but there was hardly any, who in private did not give 'em assu∣rances of their faithful Service.

In the mean while, the Court's Cabal, and Esper∣non's together, hinder'd the Duke of B••••illon, and the Duke of Rochefoucault, from being let into the City for the first three or four days; so that they were forced to lie in the Suburbs of the Cha••••reu••; where all people went to see 'em, and offer'd to bring 'em in by force. But they refus'd their Civility, contenting themselves to be admitted two days after the Prin∣cess, and that in the Evening too, to prevent any Tumult. The King at that time had no other Forces

〈…〉〈…〉, but those under La Valette, which 〈…〉〈…〉 The Dukes of Bouillon and Rouche∣〈…〉〈…〉 〈◊〉〈◊〉 consisted in five or six hundred Gen∣〈…〉〈…〉 friends, a••d some Foot, which they 〈…〉〈…〉pon their own Lands. Now in regard 〈…〉〈…〉 disciplin'd Soldiers, 'twas impossible to 〈…〉〈…〉oge••her, so that they all began to think of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 home. For this Reason, 'twas thought 〈…〉〈…〉•• That they should try, before the Gentle∣•••••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉, whether they could meet Valette, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that Resolution away the Dukes march'd di∣•••••••••••• fo•• Liburne. But he having intelligence of it, 〈◊〉〈◊〉, a••d avoided f••ghting a second time, in 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the ••••••ntry would be speedily retu••ning home; 〈…〉〈…〉 if he forbore fighting•• he should be certainly 〈◊〉〈◊〉 o•• ••he Field.

At the same time Marshal de la Meilleray had Orders ••o ma••ch toward Bourdeaux, through the Country between the two Seas, and the King advanc'd to∣••••••d L••b••u••ne. Of which, when Bouillon and Roche∣fo••caul•• had notice•• they hasten'd their Levies, not∣withst••nding the Obstacles they met with, both for w••nt of Money, and the great number of persons 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in the Parliament and City, that under••and cros••d their Designs. And things were come to that 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which had like to have caus'd great Disor∣••••••••. F•••• a Spanish Officer being come to wait upon the Princess of Conde from the King of Spain, and ha∣ving brought along with him 20000 Crowns for the ••eli••f of her present Necessities, the Parliament, who ••ill then had suffer'd her to reside in the City with her S••n, the Duke of Eng••ien, and had never openly de∣cl••••'d for her, as the people had done, believd that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 opposing the Spanish Envoy's being receiv'd into Bo••••de••••x•• would suffice, by that single Act, to justi∣••y all their past Conduct; seeing that by depriving the Prince's Party of that Relief which they expected ••rom Spain, his Friends would be reduc'd to a neces∣sity

of receiving such Laws as the Court would impose upon 'em. The Parliament therefore being assem∣bled, order'd that the Spaniard should depart Bour∣deaux forthwith; but the people understandi••g what would be the Consequences of that Decree, betook themselves to their Arms•• invested the Palace, and threaten'd to fire it, if they did not repeal their Order.

At first they thought to have easily dispers'd the Tumult, upon the appearance of the Jurats that were sent for; but the Disorder increasing upon the delay of the Repeal, the Parliament sent notice to the Dukes of Bouillon and Rochefoucau•••• of the Mutiny, and de∣si••'d them to appease it; nor were they sorry that the Parliament stood in need of 'em upon this Occasion. But in regard it was of great importance toward lay∣ing the foundations of their Party, that the people should get the Decree recall'd, before they left the Palace; and afraid besides, lest if they should go a∣bout to regulate the Disorder, they should be taken for the Ringleaders of it, they forbore for some time to answer the Expectations of the Parliament. But perceiving at length that things began to grow to that degree of heat, that without losing any more time, they flew to the Palace with their Guards, and thru∣sting themselves in among the Enrag'd Multitude, to the great danger of their persons, they stopp'd their Fury, and undertook to mediate between Them and the Parliament.

Thus the Spanish Envoy had all the liberty he could desire. Afterwards the Generals thought it requisite to make a general M••ster of the Inhabitants, that they might be able to know their strength•• and pre∣pare 'em by degrees to sustain a Siege. They drew 'em up themselves in order of Battel, tho they had receiv'd Advices from several hands, that there was a design on foo•• to Assassinate 'em. Nevertheless among the continual Volleys that were discharg'd, by

no less then Twelve thousand men, no unlucky Ac∣cident happen'd. After this they began to raise some Outworks about the City; but in regard that Mony came but slowly from Spain, they could not bring any of their Works to perfection. And certain it is, that during all this War, they never receiv'd of the Spaniards above Two hundred and twenty thousand livres; the rest having been taken up upon the Credit of the Princess, the Dukes, or M. Laisne.

However, in a little time they made a shift to raise Three thousand Foot, and Seven or eight hundred Horse; with which they took Castellan, within four Leagues of Bourdeaux, and would have extended themselves farther, but that they heard of Meilleray's approach, and that Espernoon was joyn'd with Va∣le••••••.

Upon this advice, Bouillon and Rochefoucault di∣spatch'd away Sillery into Spain to hasten away the promis'd Relief: However, they left a Garison in Castelnau, and retreated with the rest of their Forces to Blanquefort, within two Leagues of Bourdeaux. And there it was that the Duke of Espernon came to fall up∣on 'em in their Quarters, at what time Bouillon and Rochefoucault were return'd to Bourdeaux, leaving Chambon to Command the Forces in their Absence, which were much inferior to Espernon's. Nevertheless, tho' they could not defend the Entrance into their Quarters, the Marshes and Canals which environ'd one part of 'em, gave 'em the opportunity, without being broken, to save both their Men and their Baggage. Upon the noise of this Combat, Bouillon and Roche∣foucault, set forward out of Bourdeaux with a good number of the Citizens, and having joyn'd their own men, advanc'd toward Espernon with a resolution to Fight him, but the same Canal, already men∣tioned, prevented their coming to blows: Only some skirmishes happen'd, wherein Espernon lost a great many Officers and Soldiers; of the Bourdelois

very few were kill'd, and Mr. Guitault, the Prince of Conde's Chamberlain was Wounded. After which time Meilleray and Espernon being join'd kept Bourdeaux block'd up, tho at some distance; and they retook the Island of St. George, about four Leagues above the City in the Garon, where the two Dukes had begun some Fortifications. It had been defended for two or three Days with vigour enough, because they got in a fresh Regiment every day, and Valette being there Wounded, dy'd of his Wounds within a few days. But at length the Boat that brought 'em Reliefs and carry'd back those that were reliev'd, being sunk by a Battery which Meilleray had rais'd upon the Rivers side; it struck such a Terrour as well into the Officers as Soldiers, that they surrender'd all Prisoners of War. So that the Bourdelois lost the Island and Twelve hun∣der'd of their best men at one time. This ill success, and the Arrival of the King at Liburn, who also caus'd the Castle of Vaire to be attack'd, lying about two Leagues from Paris, caus'd a great consternation in the City. Upon this the Parliament and the Ci∣tizens perceiving the City ready to be Besieg'd by the King, and finding themselves in want of all things necessary for their Defence, and no Succors coming from Spain made a Decree to desire a Peace upon what conditions the King pleas'd to impose upon 'em, at what time News was brought 'em, that Vaire was tak'n, and that the Governor, named Richon, who surrender'd at discretion was Hang'd. This severity by which the Cardinal thought to have stricken a terror and discord among the Bourdelois, wrought a quite contrary effect. Bouillon and Rochefoucault un∣derstood so well to make their best advantage of it, that by this means he resettl'd the minds of those that wa∣ver'd and were astonishd before, causing the Governor of the Island of St. George, who surrender'd at Di∣cretion, to be Hang'd. And to the end that the Parliament and People might be concern'd with the

Generals, which was no less requisite then bold and daring; they caus'd the Commander to be Try'd by a Council of War, where the Princess and the Duke of Enguien Presided; and which was compos'd not only of the Military Officers, but of two Commissio∣ners from the Parliament, and Thirty six Captains of the City. Who all unanimously Condemn'd the poor Commander, who was a Gentleman, and guilty of no other Crime then of being Unfortunate. The People also, who were enrag'd above measure, would hardly give him time to be Executed, but would have torn him Limb from Limb, and cut him to Peices.

This Action astonishd the Court, gave new vigour to the Bourdelois, and made such an alteration in the City, that they resolv'd to abide a Siege, and to defend themselves Couragiously; the Citizens relying upon their own strength, and the Promises of the Spaniards, who put 'em in hopes of a powerful and speedy Succor. In the mean while they hasten'd the Raising of a Fort of Four Bastions at Bastide, which lyes over-against Bourdeaux on the other side of the River. They also carry'd on with great heat and di∣ligence the other Fortifications of the City. But in regard that several of the Citizens had Houses in the Suburbs of St. Surin, they would not permit 'em to be burnt or pull'd down; tho it were made out, That that Suburb would be the first that would be attack'd, and that it was large enough to lodge all the King's Infantry. All they could obtain was only to intercept the Avenues, and to lay the Houses open; For it was impossible to defend so large a place as that with on∣ly the Inhabitants and a few men, that did not a∣mount to above Seven or eight hundred Foot, and three hundred Horse. Nevertheless the Place re∣quir'd a numerous Guard, the access being open to it on every side, and the City Gate which was next it in a very bad condition having nothing to defend it, and for that the Enemy might approach it under Covert.

So that they could have wish'd they could have ••••∣cur'd that Gate with a Half Moon; but in regard they wanted every thing that was necessary, they made ri••e of a small Muckhill that lay before the Gate, and which being cut sloping like a Half Moon, with∣out Parapet or Moat, was one of the greatest defen∣ces of ••he City.

The King st••ying at Bourg, Mazarin cam•• to the Royal Camp, which consisted of about 8000 Foot, and Three thousand Horse. And it was resolv'd that the Suburb of St. Surin should be attack'd, which was a work so much the more easie, for that having the Avenues only Guarded, the Houses might be gain'd without any danger; by which means they might enter into the City, cut off those that defended the Barricado's and the Church, and prevent their retreat into the City. Moreover they thought, that because the Half-Moon was not tena∣ble, they might lodge themselves betimes at the Gate of Dijos. Meilleray therefore caus'd the Houses and Barricado's to be attack'd both at the same time, and Pall••au had Orders to enter through the Palais Galien, and to slip between the Suburbs and the City directly to the Half-Moon: But Meilleray falling on before Palluau arriv'd, he found hotter work then he expected. For the Skirmish began so soon as the King's Troops approach'd; and the Citizens had plac'd their small shot in the Hedges and Vineyards which cover'd the Suburbs, which put a stop to the King's men with great loss of the Assaylants•• Bouillon was in St. Surin's Church yard, with what Citi∣zens he could get out along with him to relieve the Posts, and Rochefoucault was at the Barricade, where the King's men made their Principal Attack and car∣ry'd it. Both sides fir'd with extream fury; so that of the Citizens abou•• sixscore were slain, and about seven or eight hundred on the King's side: Nevertheless the Suburb was taken. Af∣••••••

which they resolv'd to open their Trenches, 〈…〉〈…〉 the Half-Moon, and to make an Attack throug•• the W••lks belonging to the Archbishoprick; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in ••egard the Hal••-Moon had no Moat, the Citi∣•••••••• wo••ld not undertake to guard it, but contented th••••sel••es ••ith shooting from behind their Walls. The Besiegers therefore attack'd it three times with t••••ir b••sts men, but were repuls'd by Rochefoucault, wh•• had brought thither the Prince of Conde's Gu••••ds and his own, at the same time that the Citi∣••••n•• d••••ert••d it. The Besieg'd also made three or ••o••r Sallies, in every one of which they clear'd the T••••nches•• and burnt the Enemies Lodgments; inso∣••••••h, that in Thirteen days after the Trenches were 〈◊〉〈◊〉, they were no f••rther advanc'd then at first. But i•• ••egard the Bourdelois had not Infantry enough to believe the Guards of the Gates attack'd; and for that those who were neither kill'd nor wounded were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for service, by reason of their being weari'd with thir••••en days hard service together, Bouillon and Rochef••••ca••lt found a way to relieve 'em by causing the ••avalry to serve a foot; and they stay'd there themselves the four or five last days without stirring 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their Po••••s to encourage the Soldiers by their E••••mple.

Before I go any farther, 'tis requisite for the keep∣••••g i•• memory the just and distinct Ideas of so many 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Accidents, to let you know, That the Re∣mot••ness of the Court and the King's Army now bu∣•••••••• ••••ploy'd in Guyenne, gave Turenne leisure to make great Progresses. He therefore, taking advantage o•• the op••ortunity, took in Ca••elet, La Chapelle, Cha∣t••••••, Por••ien, and Rhetel, and made a shew of march∣ing toward Paris, to release the Princes who were at ••incennes. The news of his March struck a Terror into the Capital City, and made 'em think of a secu∣••e•• P••ison wherein to confi••e the Princes.

Thereupon they all agreed, That it was absolutely necessary that they should be remov'd from Vincennes: But the difficulty was to agree upon the place, where they might be more in safety. Madam Chevreuse, and the Keeper of the Seals, could not determine the point; for there was more in it then only to remove the Princes from Vincennes•• Tellier, Secretary of State, and others of the Cardinal's Friends propos'd Havre, according as Mazarine had design'd. The Coadjutor thought they were safe enough where they were•• or if they must be remov'd, no better place then the Bastile. Beaufort was of the same opinion, and stifly maintain'd, That to put 'em in any other place, would be to deliver 'em up to the Cardinal, and give him an opportunity to make use of 'em when he pleas'd, against his Royal Highness himself. That rather then suffer it, he would expose himself to the greatest dangers. That he made no question but that he should be upheld by the people; and that with their support he would undertake any thing.

The Duke of Orl••ance was a long time before he could resolve what to do, but at length his fears aug∣menting upon the news of Turenne's March, he began to think it high time to resolve upon something. How∣ever, the diversity of opinions, and particularly Beaufort's Threatnings, put him to a stand; besides, that the Castles of Pontoise, and St. Germans en Laye, were propos'd to him. But being beset with diffi∣culties on every side, he bethought himself of Mar∣coussy, enclos'd between two Rivers, surrounded with Moats full of water, and strong enough to op∣pose as well the Enemies of the State, as the Prince's Friends.

The principal Friends which the Prince had at Pa∣ris, were the Duke of Nemours, and the Count of Tavanes; the first was his Rival; for they both lov'd Madam de Chatillon; which made it a wonder at first that the Duke should be so much concern'd for the

Prince. In short, after the Princes were ca••ry'd to 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the Dutchess of Chatillon had link'd her se•••• with the Princess Dowager of Conde, and had so 〈…〉〈…〉 her business, that she had brought over 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to the Prince's Interest, for whom in truth she had 〈◊〉〈◊〉 so great a kindness, as for the Duke, but lov'd him however, well knowing he had a great 〈◊〉〈◊〉 for her.

'Tis true, that it might be very probable, that 〈…〉〈…〉 not believe that the Dutchess of Chatillon ac••ed for the Prince out of any principle of Love. And perhaps it might be likewise true, that the Dutchess did not solely act by that principle, but th••t the Ob••••gations for which she was indebted to the Prince•• th•• Community of ••nterests, and the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 she had to be ally'd to the first Prince of the 〈◊〉〈◊〉, might be stronger Motives to induce her to engage 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to take the Prince's side. For the under••••••n••ing of which 'tis necessary you should know, That the Dutchess of Chatillon, Daughter of 〈…〉〈…〉, who lost his ••ead for fighting a Duel co••tra••y to the Edicts of Lewi•• XIII. was marry'd to G••spar Duke of Chatillon by the ••ntermediation and C••••dit of the Prince, tho he were himself in Love with he•• before. But because Gaspar de Coligny, after∣ward•• Duke of Cha••ill••n, upon the D••ath of his Fa∣ther and his eldest Brothe••, was in Love with Ma∣dam de B••uttevi••e, Coligny besought the Duke to quit his pretension, alledging ••hat he had a Design to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 her. The Prince, who was both a Friend and K••nsman of Coligny's, and one who had no other then a ••are design of Courtship upon the Lady, be∣sides that his Passion was but newly kindl'd, made up scruple to resign his Amours, and promis'd him that he would not only banish 'em from his thoughts, but 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him against the Marshal, his Father, and his Kindred, that oppos'd the Match. In short, not∣withstanding all the Decrees of Parliament, and all

Obstacles that the Marshal laid in his way, the Prince assisted Coligny so well, that he caus'd him to carry away Madam de Boutteville by Force, and lent him Twenty thousand Franks for his Subsistence. Coligni carry'd his Mistress to Chesteau-Thierry, where the Marriage being consummated, the new-marry'd Cou∣ple retir'd to Stenay, a place of Security, which the Prince to whom it belong'd, had lent 'em for their Residence. Coligni's not being of Age when he mar∣ried rendring the Marriage void, yet being of Age upon his return to Paris, there was a Contract of Marriage drawn up at Conde-House before the Lady's Relations, and then they were marry'd again at No∣stre-Dame by the Coadjutor. Some time after, Madam de Chatillon, not finding her self well, went to the Waters of Bourbon, where the Duke of Nemours met her and fell in Love with her. After which they lov'd each other with an extraordinary Passion, inso∣much tha•• Nemours could refuse nothing that Madam de Chatillon demanded of him.

But to return to the Series of our History, Nemours whom Love had engag'd on the Prince's side, and ••avanes who was return'd incognito to Paris after the Surrender of Bellegarde, made it their business to make Friends•• and upon the report of the Prince's being to be remov'd from Vincennes, had got together all the Friends that possibly they could, with Instructions to be ready to mount along with 'em upon the first call. But when the Princes were remov'd from Vin∣cennes to Marcoussy, they were attended by such a nu∣merous Guard, that Nemours and Tavanes did not think it convenient to appear, and so dismiss'd all those persons that were come to join 'em.

The Prince during his Imprisonment at Vincennes, had written a long and elegant Discourse to justifie his Innocency to all France, and to all the world, and to display the Malice of his Grand Enemy. The be∣ginning of this Discourse was put into the hands of a

considerable person by a Soldier, who being won by 〈◊〉〈◊〉•• was wont to bring News how the Duke did; and ••hen the Princes were carri'd to Marcoussy, ano∣th••r Soldier that escap'd in the hurry, brought the Remi••der. The Piece is nervously and eloquently compil'd, and justifies that the Illustrious Author knew more then how to manage his Sword. Had it not bee•• so long as it is, we would have inserted it in this History, but it would almost compose a Tome of i•• self. 'Tis enough to let you know, That the Prince all along keeps within the Bounds of Respect to their Majesties; and that without murmuring at the•••• Orders, he discovers the Malice of those who had rais'd so great a Persecution against him, and gives admirable and home Answers to all their false Accu∣sations.

But tha•• you may the better see both the Accusati∣ons ••••d the principal Answers, we shall here insert the King's Letter to the Parliament of P••ris, con∣cerning the Prince's Imprisonment; and another from a private person to the Parliament, which an∣swers the King's Letter very home, without omitting any thing essential. And this last Letter, which ap∣pear'd some time before their Removal, induc'd the Pa••li••ment to seek all the most proper ways to re∣leas•• the Princes from such an Unjust Captivity.

The King's Letter to the Parliament of Paris, touching the Imprisonment of the Princes.

THE Resolution which we have been forc'd to take by the Advice of the Queen Regent, our m••s•• Honour'd Lady and Mother, to sec••re our Per∣so••s from our Cousins the Princes of Conde and Conti, and the Duke of Longueville, is of that Importance

for the Welfare of our Service, that altho we owe to God alon•• the Account of our Actions, and o•• the Administration of our Kingdom, we thought however, that we could not let both you and the Publick know too soon, the Motives that induc'd 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to it; to the end that all our Subjects, being inform•••• of the absolute Necessity which, through the ill Con∣duct of those Princes and the Duke, constrain'd us to proceed with so much Rigor, to prevent the irrepa∣rable Mischiefs that threaten'd this Monarchy, may all redouble their Affection, and concur so far as lies in their power with us, in that aim which we pro∣pose to our selves, to establish a firm Tranquility within our Kingdom, as having understood by ex∣perience to bring our Enemies to reason, whose op∣position to Peace proceeds from no other cause, but only in hopes that the Divisions which have for some time vex'd this Kingdom, will at length turn all things Topsie-turvie, which by the Assistance of God we hope to prevent. We promise our selves, that the Remembrance which all Christendom will resume of the Moderation and Mildness of our Counsels which we have follow'd since our coming to the Crown (which has been such, that often what has proceeded from our natural Indulgence or Prudence for other stronger Reasons, has been imputed to the weakness of our Government) will convince every body, That we had not had recourse to this last Re∣medy, till after we had found all others were of no force. And in truth, when we were to deliberate upon the Arresting a Prince of our Blood, whom we have always tenderly lov'd, and who is otherwise highly to be valu'd for his many Noble Qualities; a Prince so often victorious over his Enemies, against whom he has so frequently signaliz'd his Courage, Certain it is, that tho he soon made an ill use of that Honour which we gave him the opportunity to pur∣chase; and that his proceedings in divers Enterpri∣zes

have given us just occasion from time to time to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his De••igns, we could not without extreme 〈◊〉〈◊〉 determine his Imprisonment; and we ••••uld have wink'd at all the Imprudences of his evil C••••••••ct, but only the imminent danger that the Ki••gdom was in to be torn in pieces•• and unless we 〈◊〉〈◊〉 palpably discern'd, that considering the way which the said Prince took, and wherein he made large steps every day, one of these two mischiefs was inevitable, Either the utter destruction, or the Di••••olution of this Monarchy by the ruin of our Au∣thority; upon the preservation of which principally d••pends the Tranquility and Happiness of the people which God has submitted to our Obedience. It is so n••tural to all men to love their own works, and to desire as much as in 'em lies, the kind acceptation and merit of 'em, that there is no body, wit••out doubt, but will presume in regard we have affor••••d oppor∣tunities to our Cousin, by means of those Military Employments wherewith we have entrusted him, to ac••uire a high Reputation, and for that we have ••eap'd upon his Family and his own Person Favours of all sorts, no body, we dare say, will believe, that unl••ss Necessity had compell'd us, we would h••••e been willing to have lost the fruits of all our Favours•• and to have depriv'd our selves of the Ser∣vices which our Cousin might have done us, both by his Counsels and Performances in times of difficulty, such as are those of a long Minority, had he not de∣••iated so far as he has done from the Path of his Du∣ty•• or if he could have satisfy'd his Ambition with living the Richest Subject this day in Christendom. And c••••t••inly, upon due consideration of the vast Settlements that belong to his Family, either in Em∣ployments, or Governments of Provinces or great Towns, in Lands, or Ready-Money, or Church Re∣••••nues, it must be acknowledg'd, that so many Fa∣vour••, nor so considerable, as we have conferr'd up∣on

our said Co••sin, were never in so short a time be∣stow'd upon any one Family; not to reck'n in ou•• ••rants to his Relations and Friends at his Reques••, and out of the Respect we had for him. He cannot deny, but that he holds at this day from our Bounty solely, all that he enjoys of Places or Governments, in regard all became vacant upon the Death of our Dear Cousin his Father, and that it was in our full Power to have dispos'd of 'em to such other persons as we should have thought sit to have preferr'd be∣fore him. But to go a little higher, every body may call to mind, how that so soon as the Queen Regent, our most Honour'd Lady and Mother, foresaw the Misfortune wherewith Heaven was about to afflict France, by the loss of the Deceased King our most Honour'd Lord and Father; and that there was no longer any hopes of recovering a Health so precious to the Kingdom, she apply'd her self to obtain the good will of our said Cousins, giving order, so soon as she was design'd Regent in the King's ••houghts, to those in whom that Great Prince put greatest Confi∣dence, to make it their business to perswade him to confer several Favours upon that House. Her Orders were happily obey'd, tho the King thought he had already done enough, having but a little before made the Duke of Anguien General of his principal Army. To which at first he had so great a reluctancy, that he had once resolv'd to order his retiring into Bur∣gundy. They also persuaded him to confer an Honour upon our deceased Cousin the Prince of Conde, which he had long desir'd, which was to make him Presi∣dent of his Council; and some few days after, he was made Grand Master of France, tho the King was resolv'd to have utterly supprest it. The Queen afterwards at the very beginning of her Regency, bestow'd upon him in our Name, the Houses of Chan∣tilli and Dampma••tin, which was the Noblest Present that ever any King made to one person. He was al∣so

〈◊〉〈◊〉 to purchase the Estate of our Deceased 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the Duke of Bellegarde, wherein the Town of 〈…〉〈…〉 comprehended; which considering the 〈…〉〈…〉 o•• the Place it self, and the Scituation of 〈…〉〈…〉 of our Cousins other Governments, lay 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ost convenient for him of any of the Kingdom. 〈…〉〈…〉 so many Favours, and those extraordinary, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 granted to the Father, were no less advanta∣•••••••• to the Son, who enjoy'd the benefit of 'em, 〈…〉〈…〉 was still so Gracious as to confer conside∣•••••••••• F••••our•• on the Person of the D. of Enguien. Our 〈…〉〈…〉 M••rshal de L'Hospital had the Government of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 given him in Recompence of his Services, 〈…〉〈…〉 was rewarded with the Government 〈…〉〈…〉 To••n and Citadel of Stenay; yet both the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 day ••••ven to the Duke. Upon the Death of 〈…〉〈…〉, we bestow'd in one day upon his Family 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••ployment of Grand Master of France, the 〈…〉〈…〉 of Three Provinces, Burgundy, Bresse, 〈…〉〈…〉, besides that of Champaigne which he had 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and three strong Towns, the Castle of Dijon, 〈…〉〈…〉, and Bourges, besides Bellegard and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 which he had in possession. And we have 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to believe, that there never was any Greedi∣•••••••••• afte•• large Possessions and soaring Greatness so 〈◊〉〈◊〉, but would have been fully gorg'd by 〈◊〉〈◊〉 an E••fu••ion of Benefits and Favours of all sorts. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 our said Cousin then gave us formal Assurances, That he would never desire any thing more for the 〈◊〉〈◊〉•• confessing and acknowledging, That what∣•••••••• Se••vices he had done, or whatever he could do 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Kingdom, he could not in reason demand any 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••••n what had been done already for him. Ne∣••••••••hele••••, in a little time after he set a foot other 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Cl••ims under precarious and unjust Pretences; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the be••ter to attain his Ends, renewing his for∣•••••••• Discontents, because we had given to our most 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Lady and Mother, the Disposal of the place

of Lord High Admiral and Superintendent of the Maritime Affairs, vacant by the Death of our Cou∣sin the Duke of Breze, his Brother-in-Law; as if he had had a particular Privilege to make Hereditary in his Family all the Offices which his Kindred had possess'd during their Lives; forgetting that he had positively promis'd to demand nothing more of us, after we had gratify'd him with so many others upon the Death of his Father, who dy'd presently after the D. of Breze. Nevertheless we resolv'd upon one trial more to give him satisfaction, in hopes that Age would moderate his Excesses, and temper the exorbitant heat of his Ambition; and to the end we might once for all deprive him of any Necessity and Excuse for demanding any more, we heap'd up the Measure to the top; and upon his renew'd Promises never to make any farther Demands, we granted him a new Favour which surpass'd all the rest, by adding to the Towns of Burgundy which he had already, and to Stenay, that of Clermont, with a Gift of all the Demeasnes belonging to it, as also to Stenay and Iamets, which are worth near a Hundred thousand Livres a year. After that, we admitted the Prince of Conti into our Councils at Twenty years of Age, tho his Brother and his Brother-in-Law had a Pensi∣on there already, of a Hundred thousand Livres, and Danvilliers's Employment, for which he was to give a Recompence to the Sieur Danevoux, and had settl'd upon him in our Name divers Bodies of Horse and Foot. We omit several other Favours which we have conferr'd upon our Cousin the Prince of Conde, which alone were sufficient to satisfie any reasonable mind, besides considerable Sums of Money which we have bestow'd upon him every year, and all the Augmentations of Pensions for him or his Family and Relations, for whom he desir'd em. We speak not of the respect which we always had for his Requests ••or Pat••ents for Dukes, for the Promotions of Ma∣res••hals

of Fr••nce, and a world fo Military Employ∣••e••ts, and others of all sorts, as Abbots, Bishops, and ••over••me••ts of Places bestow'd at his Recommenda∣•••••••• ••pon persons at his Devotion. Lastly, we call God to witn••ss. That there is no sort of study or in∣••••••try which we have not put in practice as well to∣ward himself, as with his most familiar Confidents, ••o ••ix his mind, and give him satisfaction. And up∣••n this account we are oblig'd to testifie, That our m••st de••r and most beloved Uncle the Duke of Or∣••••••ce, p••eferring the Tranquility of the Kingdom, and the Good of our Service, before any other par∣••icul••r ••nterest or Consideration, has all along per∣s••••ded us to these Sentiments, and by that means highly contributed to the advantages of the said P••••••ce, and the satisfaction of all his Demands. But all in vain; no Favour, no Application, no Confi∣••ence having hitherto been able to limit his irregular Am••i••ion. The nature of the several pretensions which he has set on foot from time to time, and from which he has e••deavour'd to exempt himself with ••ildness and Prudence, may easily evince to the world, that they were the Sentiments and Transports of such a mind. Sometimes he has vehemently in∣sisted to have the Command of an Army for the Conquest of Fr••nche Conte, upon condition that he might have the Sovereign Possession of it. In the midst of the last Campaign, while our Army was advanc'd into Flanders, and that it could not be en∣feebled without running the Risco of some great Blow, laying aside all other thoughts which way to annoy the Enemy, even to the hazard of exposing our F••ontiers and Strong Holds to the Assaults of our Enemies, he would needs have a Detatchment of a ••reat Body of Horse drawn out to go to Liege•• to support the Design which he had to help his Bro∣the•• ••he Prince of Conti to the Coadjutorship of that Bi••••oprick, by that means to render more con••idera∣ble

the places which he holds upon the Mense, and in his Government of Champaigne, besides another great Establishment w••ich he projected to erect on that side, as we shall afterwards make appear. All which clearly shews by many remarkable Circumstances, to what a degree he was possess'd with a desire of So∣vereignty. An Imagination the more dangerous in a Mind all Fire like his, because we are moreover well inform'd, That among his intimate Confidents, he has often let fall that pernicious Maxim, That any thing may be done to attain Sovereign Dominion, so that although in a Monarchy setl'd upon such solid Foundations as ours, chiefly upon that Affection and unshaken Fidelity which the French have for their Pri∣vileges and the Persons of their Kings, such a Cri∣minal Thought has been generally attended with the Ruin of those that profest it, yet we should be defective in the Duty which we owe as well to our selves, as to our faithful Subjects, should we not ob∣viate all things which in time might facilitate the exe∣cution of so unjust a Design. For tho what he pro∣poses to himsel•• were no mark of what he harbours in his breast, yet certain it is, that if we nearly exa∣mine his Conduct ever since our coming to the Crown, no body can disown but that he has an Intention to work other Mischiefs in the Kingdom, which no less require the Remedy we have apply'd, since he openly went about to set up a Dominion formidable to us. That his Design was to weaken and bring down the Royal Authority; that by possessing or securing to himself the principal Places of the Kingdom, and fixing to himself all persons that have any Credit, all men of Parts and signal Endowments, either by Obligation, or out of Fear or Interest, he might be able in time openly to withstand and slight our Will and Pleasure in all things that should no•• be confor∣mable to his; to sow War and Troubles unpunish'd in the Kingdom, according to his own Interests and

Humours; to make use of all opportunities to ag∣g••andize his Fortune. And lastly, to take things 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that he might be able during our Minority, to reduce us to a Condition, that when we came of Age, we ••••ould have no more then the Name and Shadow of a King, while in reality he had all the Power and Authority in his own hands. This, in truth, is the most f••vourable Interpretation we can make of his Conduct, especially since the Command of our Ar∣••••••s wi••h which we have entrusted him, has furnish'd hi•• with opportunities to acquire a great Reputati∣on, and a vast number of Adherents; and moreover ••••ce he finds himself in the possession of so many con∣siderable Settlements, which we have bestow'd upon him one upon another, to oblige him out of Grati∣t••de, to have no other thoughts but those of doing 〈◊〉〈◊〉 good service. But so far was he from that acknow∣ledgment which we promis'd to our selves, that then i•• was that he began to pull off his Vizor, and to display the Grandeur of his Credit, to the end that no body should apply themselves to any other but himsel•• to obtain our Favours, or avoid the Punish∣••ent of their Crimes. Then it was, that his con∣••••••l'd Artifices to get all the Officers of our Armies a•• his Devotion, especially the Foreigners in our Ser∣••ice (of which he took a particular care) were chang'd into open Contrivances to gain 'em, and ••••nder 'em dependers upon himself: Then it was that ••e made i•• evidently appear, that the Good of our Ser••ice was never his aim in all his Military Perfor∣mances, in regard that in the most pressing Exigen∣ci••s that ever our Armies were plung'd in, for want of a Chieftan of his Quality and Authority to recti∣fie the Miscarriages and Disorders which our late Troubles had introduc'd, he still avoided the Com∣m••nd of our Armies, which formerly he cove••ed and su'd for with so much earnestness, to the end ••e might apply himself wholly to the Court, and to his

Cabals, believing the proper time was come to reap the Fruits which he had propos'd to himself, when all the Campaigns were ventur'd upon a general Bat∣tel, upon this Maxim, often applauded by himself, That the winning a Battel augmented his Reputati∣on, and gave him new plausible Pretences to exact farther Rewards. But that if he lost it, and that our Affairs thereby should happen to tumble into Disorder, he s••ould be the more valu'd for the need there would be of him. Then it was that he be∣came liberal of his Caresses beyond his usual strain, and that he made continual Searches among all the Governors of Towns; and all those who had any Em∣ployments of Consequence, or that were assur'd of 'em by survivance or any other means to attain 'em; That he engaged himself to importune us for the In∣terests of all indifferently, without considering whe∣ther they were prejudicial to the State or no: That he cherish'd all Malecontents: That he flatter'd their Complaints, and promis'd to assist 'em: That he en∣deavour'd to debauch all those who out of Gratitude or Affection adher'd to us and their Duty; lessening the value of our Favours, by persuading 'em, that for the future they were to hope for no more but by his means: Then it was that he exacted from those that offer'd him their Service, an Oath of Fidelity to be faithful to him against all men, without exception of Person or Quality, and that he openly persecuted after various manners, all those that would not enter into his Dependancy upon him: Then it was that all persons who surrender'd themselves to his will, had Merit and Qualities to pref••r 'em before any other Competitors; that they who stuck to their Allegiance without any other aim then to do us good service, were always Cowards, and people of no worth; that on the other side they became in an instant, great Personag••s, worthy of all manner of Employments and Rewards, so soon as they devoted themselves to

his Interests; which was one sure way to ascend from 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Wor••••, from Inability to Accomplish∣ment. Then it was that he us'd innumerable Artifi∣•••••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 decoy all those that had Employments in our 〈◊〉〈◊〉, or in the Guards of our Person; that he ••••enly protected all Delinquents, provided they had recourse to Him, tho' they were of contrary Interests ••••fore; That his House was a Notorious Sanctuary for all sorts of Criminals. Then it was that he be∣gan to demand all Vacancies of what Nature soever; that upon all occasions, as well petty as considera∣ble, he took the Market into his own hands, and threaten'd to quit all things, to set up for himself, and put himself at the Head of all those that would 〈◊〉〈◊〉 against us. Lastly, then it was, that to shew his Power and his Stedfastness toward those that ••ell in with his Interests, he was not content with obtain∣ing Favours, but would have the World believe that he wre••ted 'em out of our hands by Violence. Wit∣ness the Government of Pont-de l' Arthe, which he would have carry'd by a strong hand, and at a day prefix'd, threatning if it were not done, that he would kindle a new Flame in the Kingdom; but in regard he knew full well that the demand which he made of this Place was highly offensive, and general∣ly disapprov'd by all People, he presently gave on•• that he had not been so eager after the Business, but be∣cause he ••ad engag'd his word to the Duke of Lon∣g••••ville to procure it for him; declaring moreover, that he must never think to justifie himself, if after so many Benefits of all sorts heap'd upon him, and so many vast Revenues and Offices settl'd upon him, that never had any Prince in France since the begin∣ning of the Monarchy, he ever pretended to beg any thing more either for himself, or for any, of his Friends after a Grant of this Favour. Upon this we were induc'd in that Conjuncture to satisfie his Im∣petuosity, notwithstanding his manner of Behaviour,

to the end we might leave him no pretence of raising disturbance. But though the Accommo∣dation of this Ma••ter has pass'd through the hands of our Dear Unckle the Duke of Ori••ance, who would needs be Mediator for the preservation of the publick Tranquility, he found the next day that he had made little or no progress, and that he was not the same Man, who the Evening before had testify'd such an entire satisfaction in the Umpirage of our said Dear Unckle, and given his Promise of submission. For the next day he re-assum'd his ••or∣mer coldness, and shew'd an inclination to do worse, on purpose to extort from us some new Advantages: forgetting the Declaration which he had solemnly re∣new'd, never to claim any thing more, after the Grant of ••ont de L' Arche. At length, the Queen wearied with so many Relapses, and desirous once for all; if it were possible, to tear up the Root of all Misunder∣standing; order'd him to be roundly press'd to explain himself sincerely and truly what he desir'd, to live quietly, and within the bounds of his duty. Upon which having declar'd, That he was jealous of some Alliances (to which nevertheless, when they were first mention'd to him, he had not only given his Consent, but had advis'd 'em himself for six months together, as believing 'em very advantageous) and having besides testify'd his desire, that the Queen would promise him a sincere and entire affection; as also to have a respect for such Persons as he should recommend to her upon all occasions; and lastly, to impart to him generally her Resolutions upon all Ma••∣ters whatsoever; The Queen was so gracious, in the first place, that she might leave him no pretence of di••••aste or mistrust, as to promise him, that she would conclude no Alliance but by concert with him. And as to the other Points, she engag'd so much the more freely, because she did not remember that she had fail'd ••n either, but thought she had rather enclin'd

〈…〉〈…〉, then omission. But by his proceedings it was soon ••fter known to what end he had exacted 〈…〉〈…〉 of unnecessary Promises•• and that his pur∣p•••••• in it was only to have a new pretence to demand more boldly, and execute with more haughtiness and pri••e whatever should come into his mind, that might be serviceable to his design of making himself 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Master of the Forces of the Kingdom. In short, about four days after that, his manner of re∣••••ying the sincere Affection which the Queen had promis'd him, with all the Solemnities and Securities 〈…〉〈…〉 de••ire, was not barely to receive into his Protection all those that demanded it against her, but to offer it himself to several Persons who had incurr'd 〈◊〉〈◊〉 displeasure, either a long time before, or by new O••••ences lately committed. Our Cousin Marshal Scom∣••••rg s••on after was in danger of of his life. Presently 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••h•••• Accident a Council was held in the House 〈…〉〈…〉 said Prince, the result of which was to demand, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 obtain, whatever it cost 'em, the Government of Metz, and Pais Messin, for the Prince of Co••••i, who was then in treaty also for the Bishoprick of 〈◊〉〈◊〉. The Queen, our thrice honour'd Lady and Mother•• is forc'd, by the idle Conduct of such an Extravagant, to drive him out of her presence; the P••••nce openly undertakes to protect him, hinders him fro•• reti••ing, comes himself to the Queen to constrain her•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him again, and out of an unsufferable want of R••spect, which no true Frenchman can hear with∣out an extraordinary Indignation, he boldly threaten'd to ••••c••ive the Madman into his House, and bring 〈◊〉〈◊〉 every day into the Queen's ••••••ht; and had he 〈…〉〈…〉 prudence been put in hopes, that time would 〈…〉〈…〉 the Affair; or had he not been afraid 〈◊〉〈◊〉 injure some other greater Pretensions which he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 at that time, we had been in danger of see∣ing ou•• thrice honour'd Lady and Mother reduc'd ei∣th•••• to suffer this Affront at his hands, or to have had

recourse to ••he utmost Extremities in her own defence They who understand not his different Partialities, so prejudicial to the good of the S••••te, and our S••rvice, may observe 'em in the last Commotions in Provence and Guyen, where in two Affairs of the same nature, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 would needs in the one absolutely advance the Autho∣rity of the Governour to the Oppression of the Parlia∣ment•• and in the other act quite the contrary, with∣out any other reason for acting so oppositely, b••t because one of the Governours was his Kinsman, and for that he had no kindness ••or the other. To the end that by such Examples of his Authority that made such a clatte•• in the World, every body coming to understand the penalty of his Aversion, and the va∣lue of his P••otection, all People might observe that there was no other friendship or dependecy but his to be sought, and give themselves wholly up to him. What other Patience but tha•• of the Queen's could have endur'd to hear the said Prince, in a Council held in Our Presence, threaten to have the Deputies of Provence bastinado'd even to the breaking of their Bones, because they had presum'd to complain in behalf of their Body, of the ill usage they had re∣ceiv'd from our Cousin the Count d' Allais, contrary to the Conditions of the Pacification granted by Us to that Province. What way to suffer any longer the Violence with which he began to stifle the Liberty of Our Councils, by his impetuous manner of acting to∣ward the Ministers who have the honor to be Members of our Council, of which there was hardly one who was more exempt then another from private Threats and publick Affronts even in Our Presence, when their Consciences and their Duty would not suffer 'em to approve such Counsels as were not conformable to the said Prince's humour? Nor was his moderation more in the Governments wherewith We had entru∣sted him. 'Twas not enough that all the Money which so large a Province as Burgundy, furnish'd with

〈…〉〈…〉 and affection toward o••r Treasury 〈◊〉〈◊〉 s••••llow'd up by him and his; unles•• he had 〈…〉〈…〉 a Power which made all priv••••e persons 〈◊〉〈◊〉 under his Oppre••s••on; of which several have 〈…〉〈…〉 make private Complaints, and laid be∣f•••••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that nothing more remain'd for him to do, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to ••••ke ••pon him the Title of Duke to advance 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to be Sovereign of the Province. Nor was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Provi••ce of Champagne more ••••••ourably us'd by 〈…〉〈…〉; all the Towns and Villages, and mos•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of the C••ties, having been so expo••'d to the plun∣drin•• of the Soldiers that bore his Na••••; or to the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of thos•• that had wound themselves into hi•• favo•••• to obtain di••••••dgments, that several have been c••••strain'd to qu•••• their Habitations, and retire into the Countries round about adjoining. With what wo••ds 〈◊〉〈◊〉 we se•• forth the Affair of H••••re; and the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ways which he made use of to make himself 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of that Place, one of the most Impo••••ant in the K••ngdom for the s••it••ation of it, and without con∣tr••d••••ti•••• the best for the strength of it? After he 〈…〉〈…〉 use of several Artifice•• to seduce the Youth 〈…〉〈…〉 Cousin the Duke of Richli••••, on purpose to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him mar••y cl••ndestinly a Woman, who for m••∣•••• ••••spects is ••ntirely at his devotion, not contented 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ensibly offended us, by promoting, together with the Prince of Conti, and the Dutchess of L••ng••e∣v••ll•• hi•• Sister, the Match of a Duke and Peer, pre∣f••••••'d 〈◊〉〈◊〉 one of the Principal Offices of State, with∣o•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Knowledge and Permission, and authorising 〈…〉〈…〉 presence a Contract prohibited by the Laws o•• ••he Kingdom, as if it had not been enough by this u••••••wful means to have made himself master of the p••••son of a Young Man, he caus'd him to depart up∣on his Wedding-night, gave him for his Counsellor and Conductor the person of all his Creatures that ha•• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 employ'd to debaush him, and made him throw ••••mself with all speed into Ha••re, to the end

he might make himself Master of that Place, which being seated at the Mouth of the Seine, might afford him the means to master Rouen and Paris, and keep under his subjection all the Trade of those two Cities; enable him to admit Foreign Assistance, and introduce their Forces into the Kingdom, whenever for his parti∣cular Ends he had a desire to trouble the States. And for that he judg'd it convenient at the same time that there should be a good number of Couriers dispatch'd toward the said Duke of Richlieu, to let him under∣stand Our Interest and his own at that Conjuncture, he dispatch'd several at the same instant to s••op others upon the Road; thereby violating to the highest de∣gree imaginable the Respect, Fidelity and Obedience which he owes us. After which, more desperately daring, the Queen having sent her self a Person ex∣presly to carry her Orders to St. Maure, the Gover∣nor of Ha••re, upon an Accident of so high Conse∣quence, and to let him understand how much he was oblig'd to preserve the Place without suffering any change; the Prince was no sooner advertis'd of it, but he dispatch'd away another Courier, and com∣manded, that if any person should come thither with Orders from the Queen, they should throw him into the Sea, with a stone about his neck; and this with so much presumption, so much scorn of Our Autho∣rity, that he is the first who could ever boast of i••. Lastly, that he might wholly by divers ways deprive us of the disposal of that Place, he sent away in all haste the Lady her self, who had so lately been beholding to him for her Match; furnish'd her with Money to enable her more and more to gain upon the Affection of the Young Duke, and conveys by other means still more Money for the payment of the Garison, thereby to gain the good-will of the Officers and Sol∣diers. And that he might have moreover other Peo∣ple more at his devotion, and well known to him, he order'd the Lady to be guarded by a good number

〈…〉〈…〉, who put themselves into the Place; giving 〈◊〉〈◊〉 tha•• there was a Design laid to seize her upon the 〈◊〉〈◊〉. So many Attempts upon the Royal Power, of ••hich this last alone of Havre deserves a most ri∣g•••••••••• punishment, has not left us any reason to ••••ubt of the pernicious Designs of Our said Cousin, 〈…〉〈…〉 then of his boldness to put 'em in execution, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 we not in time apply'd a Remedy proportionable to ••he violence of the Distemper. However, To the ••••d you may be likewise inform'd of the new ways wh••ch 〈◊〉〈◊〉 study'd to push on his Design, and of the wor•• which he had cut out for us, and which we have prevented by his detention, we shall tell you 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was under deep Consultation in the last place. He ••re••ted with the Ambassador of Mantua for the purchase of the Town and Principality of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, not only without Our Leave, but c••••••••ary also to what we had expresly always refus'd him to meddle with. And because we had warily 〈◊〉〈◊〉 some difficulties about the Price, the Sieur 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••clar'd a little while since to the said Embassa∣do••. Th•••• his Master would within a few days send away a Person expresly to Mantua, to conclude the ••usine•••• with the Duke himself. Upon some obstruct∣•••••• that ••ose about the Enjoyment of Clermon•• and the d••mesnes adjoining (tho easie to have been s••••m••••n••ed, as appears since) he was already given 〈◊〉〈◊〉 understand, that if he were disturb'd in his pos••••ssion there, 'twas but just that Sedan should be given h••m, and all the Demesnes belonging to it, which we had given our Cousin the Duke of Bouil••on u••on the payment of many Millions; upon which, some of his Creatures presently set a foot a Negotia∣tion with the Si••ur d' Aiguebere for the purchase of the Go••e••nment of Mount Olympus, which he made ac∣count to pay with his own Mony, that so the Govern∣•••••••• might fall in the hands of some of his own Freinds, to the end there might be no place in B••r∣gundy

but what should he at his Command except C••al••ns. He pressed us to purchase of the Sieure d' Pressis Bezanson•• at our own charges the Governmen•••• of the City a••d Cit••adel of the City of Autune for one of his Creatures. He had also redoubl'd his ex∣traordinary diligence but a little before•• to marry the Marquiss de la Moussaye with the Daughter of the Sieur d' Erlack, Governour of Brissa••, to the end he might have that important Place also at his Devotion; although as well in that, as in all other things, we have reason to commend the Conduct and Fidelity of the said Sieur d' Erlack. We have been also inform'd from other parts, that he set a foot some other matches, by that means to bring under his devotion the Principal Officers of the Kingdom, and the great∣est number of the most considerable strong Holds. He had sent for up to Court, notwithstanding all his Infirmities, our Cousin the Marshal of Breze•• to the end they might joyn together to demand the Employ∣ment of Chief and Superintendent of Metz; to the which, though neither the one not the other could have the least imaginary shadow of any Claim, yet the said Prince had been already twice paid, and the said Marshal had been gratify'd upon that considerati∣on, after his Son's death with 30000 Livres chargd upon the Rights of Ancorage, which are the clearest and most ready Mony belonging to that Employment. And moreover, though the Marshal had some Months before, got by our favour and permission a hunder'd and ten thousand Crowns for his Resignation of the Government of Anjou, and ••ha•• all the securities ima∣ginable had been made over, that the said Sum should after his death fall to the Duke of Enguien•• the said Prince and Marshal had a design to press us farther to confer the survivorship of the Government of Saumur to the said Duke of Enguien. Which being granted we know that the said Prince to make himself more considerable in his Governments and Employments,

h••d resolv'd to ply us with his utmost importunit••es, ••••at he might obtain for his Son, not above Six years of Age, all in general that we had bestow'd at seve∣•••••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 upon his Father and him. Though we had not been mov'd with the prejudices and dangers abovement••on'd, to which we might also add many 〈◊〉〈◊〉, which for certain Considerations and Circum∣st••nces, 'tis not convenient to make publick; it so happen'd that all our most faithf••l Servants that we then had, both in our Council and without, laid be∣fore us, that a longer Patience would render the Ma∣lady uncurable, and that the only way to preserve our State and our Person, was to Ar••est our said Cousins•• who holding every day Clandestin Councils in their Houses for the Establishment of that Power which they intended to set up aga••nst ours, were not asham'd to reckon among other means, besides the great Offi∣ces and Governments which they had in their hands•• that they were already Masters of all the great Rivers of the Kingdom•• by reason of the several strong Holds which they have in the Kingdom, or which they thought they had at their devotion in the Kingdom, upon the Rivers Seine, Meuse, Saonne, Rosne, L••••••e, Garonne and Dordogne. In a word, that if possible they might renew the Example of those An∣cien•• Potentates, who from private Persons, have advanc'd themselves to Sovereign Dignity•• and to the end the Authority which the said Prince had already Invaded, might be still more conspicuously enlarg'd and supported by a Lawful Power deriv'd from our selves; he vigorously contended to have the Co••stable's Sword bestow'd upon him, tho' that 〈◊〉〈◊〉 be suppress'd; which being join'd to the Bat∣t••on of Grand Maste••, and the Office of High Admi∣ral, which he would never have surceas'd to demand ha•• he been Created Constable; by the one he had 〈◊〉〈◊〉 all ou•• Houshold and our Domestick Servants un∣d••r his Power•• by the other the General Command of

all our Fo••••es in the Kingdom; and by the thi•••• the Absolute Dominion over the Sea and Sea-coas•••••• And whe•• we laid be••ore him, that as for the Co••∣s••able's Sword, our most Dear Unkle the Duke of O••∣leans would have just reason to be offended, in ••••••gard of his being our Lieutenant General in all 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Armies and Provinces, he requir'd of us to dispatch the Patents forthwith, without our Unkle's Know∣ledge, and to keep 'em private till the Duke could be wrought to agree to 'em, or rather till the De∣signs which he was medi••ating gave him opportuni∣ty to maintain his Demands by open Force, whatever disorder might happen. In the mean time the bet∣ter to enable himself to force us in every thing, at the same time that he made use of these extraordina∣ry Importunities, he most vehemently demanded un∣der various pretences, that the Regiments which hear his Name, or which depend upon him, and are anow to make a Body of Army, might have leave to advance toward these Quarters; never considering that the greatest part are employ'd in our Service, and for the defence of the Realm, in parts far remote. A Circumstance which we look upon to be worthy of great Consideration, as also that of the Fortificati∣ons of S••enay and Clermont, where Men were conti∣nually at wo••k at his Charges; besides the Price a∣greed upon about a month since, to Fortifie Bellegard for Two Hundred Thousand Franks. Since it can never be presum'd, that unless he had Thoughts and Designs altogether Extraordinary, he would ever Expend his own Trea••ure to Fortifie Places that are already in a good ••ondition of themselves, and not threaten'd by any Enemy. We have out of a high respect dissembl'd our Resentments to that degree, that all people will be soon convinc'd that we have run too great a venture through our Patience. 'Tis true, we were in hopes that that same Prudence which our Cousin might acquire by Age, would cool

〈…〉〈…〉 this vio••••nt Hear; that so many Fa∣〈…〉〈…〉 Example which we have heap'd upon 〈…〉〈…〉 have kept him, out of Gratitude, within 〈…〉〈…〉 of his Duty. But quite the contrary, 〈…〉〈…〉 reduc'd to that Extremity, either to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him all his Demands (and then we should 〈…〉〈…〉 soon despoil'd our selves) o•• to re∣〈…〉〈…〉im every thing (and then we should have 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him with his Arms in his Hand against us) 〈◊〉〈◊〉 moreover that the Profusion of our Favours 〈…〉〈…〉 no other end but only to encourage him to 〈…〉〈…〉 every day; that a longer forbear∣〈…〉〈…〉 prove the Infallible Loss of the Realm, 〈…〉〈…〉 means were not found to stop the violent 〈◊〉〈◊〉•• which had no more Mounds to withstand 〈…〉〈…〉 prevent a Total Inundation; And having 〈◊〉〈◊〉 fo•• some time, that the Intelligence which we 〈◊〉〈◊〉 from all parts agrees in this, that the true 〈◊〉〈◊〉 o•• the Spaniard's Aversion from Peace proceeds 〈◊〉〈◊〉 this, that they are willing first to see whither the Prince of Conde's Designs and Actions tend; who, say they, making every day such Progresses as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 does toward getting into his Hands the Principal 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Holds of the Realm•• certainly this must in a 〈◊〉〈◊〉 time either produce a Civil VVar in the King∣dom, or cause a Renversement of that Monarchy; 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••hought it would be a defect of our Duty to God, who has entrusted us with the Government of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••••••gdom; to our selves, and the Welfare and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 of our Subjects, if we did not without delay 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a remedy to the Mischief become so pressing as •• ne••lected might give a Fatal Blow to the Real••••

T••••••efore we resolv'd by Advice of the Queen Re∣••••••, our thrice Honour'd Lady and Mother, to se∣•••••••• the Person of our said Cousin the Prince of Con∣••••••, as also of our Cousin the Prince of Conti, his Bro∣••••e••'•• Con••ederate in all his Designs, and who, since 〈…〉〈…〉 to Paris, has been continually concurring

and levelling with his Brother at all and the same Ends. As for the Duke of Longueville, we promis'd our selves, that the great number of Favours which we have Accumulated upon him, either in Places, or in Honours, or in Estates, and which we have mu••h Augmented since our last Declarations of Peace, would have oblig'd him according to his Pro∣mises and his Duty, to procure with all his might, the Tranquility of the Province which we had en∣trusted to his Care, and the Good of our Service in the rest of the Realm. But we have observ'd for some time, that he has omitted nothing of Extra∣ordinary or Unjust, to acquire a formidable Reputa∣tion in his Province. That he is not satisfied with possessing divers considerable Fortresses, one of which was wrested out of our Hands with utmost Violence, as has been apparent to every Body; nor with see∣ing all the rest, as well as the Principal Employments of the Province, in the Hands of his Creatures; that he is not contented with the Addition of Bailly of Rouen and Caen to the Employment of Governour in Chief, apparently, that he may have a Legal pretence to disturb the Function of our Ordinary Judges, and by that means to usurp a new Authority as well in the Civil as Military Power. Lastly, that he is not contented to cause his Emissaries to make it their Business to cor∣rupt the Minds of our Faithful Subjects, and make all those who have any Affection for our Service depen∣dent upon himself; not scrup'ling to threaten 'em with utter Ruine, if they refus'd any longer to Espouse his Ambitious Passions; unless he were also a Partaker in the Counsels and principal Designs of our Cousins, the Princes of Conde and Conti; unless he were also every day present at their Deliberations and Debates in their own Houses for the Establishment and Aug∣mentation of their Common Grandeur, and of a Power justly to be suspected by that Authority which God has given us over this Kingdom. Besides that

••is Creatures have already been heard insolently to v••unt in his House, that tho the last year he could no•• bring abou•• the Business alone, they had at last all ••oge••her done the Work. In consequence of which we are to call him henceforward Duke of Normandy, the•••• being nothing near so much work for him to do ••o ••ttain the Soveraignty of the Province, as he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••ndergone to arrive at that excess of Power and S••r••••gth which he had in the Province. Seeing in∣deed that he began to Exercise several Acts of that ••••etended Soveraignty, by a formal Refusal of Obe∣die••ce to our Orders, witness his denial not many days ••ince, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 admit into Pont de l'Arche some Troops of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 d'Armes, and Light Horse of our Guard, tho 〈…〉〈…〉 him in possession of the said Place but a few days before; and tho he had an express Order 〈…〉〈…〉 Hand to Quarter 'em there. Upon so ma∣ny Considerations we have been constrain'd to secure the Person of our said Cousin the Duke of Longueville. In ••••e mean time, we are willing to let you under∣••••and that all these Dangers wherewith our Kingdom was threaten'd, were so great and so inforcing, that we may almost be said to have been wanting in the Duty of a Good King, for delaying till now the Re∣medies necessary to prevent 'em. Nevertheless our ••ove of Iustice, and our Fears lest people should im∣p••te to us a Desire to stop the Course of it for other ••••de, has made us keep all things in suspence, tho with a great deal of danger, to give you leisure to fi∣•••••••• the Impeachment which you have begun by ou•• Order, and at the Request of our Attorney Ge∣••••ral against those who shall be found guilty of the Sedition rais'd the 11th. of December last, or of the Attempt upon the Person of the said Prince, which it is our pleasure shall be continu'd by you without a∣ny In••••rruption according to the Rigour of our Laws. Bu•• understanding that the said Prince had sent for ••••••eral Gentlemen, his Retainers, Officers of his

Troops, and that his greatest Confidents were pri∣vately inform'd that he was brooding some great De∣sign, which could not but be to the prejudice of our Authority, and the Tranquility of our Subjects, since he never acquainted us with it; having also receiv'd certain Intelligence, that he was preparing to retire into his Government, in great haste, and without taking his leave, so soon as he should perceive that things were not carry'd to his liking among you, to ••he E••d he might with more security hatch those Re∣solutions which had been so long forming in his Thoughts; and that in Confederacy with him, the Prince of Conti and Longueville were to repair also at the same time into their Governments; it was no longer in our power to be remiss; and we have been forc'd for the peace of our Realm, to set aside all other Considerations, and to secure their Persons without any more delay. And because that their Accomplices, who labour in search of Opportunities to Embroil the Publick, may endeavour to put an ill Interpreta∣tion upon so just a Resolution, and so necessary for the Tranquility and Welfare of our Kingdom, which our Duty obliges us to prefer before all other things, we declare that we have no intention to do any thing contrary to our Declaration of the 21st. of October 1648. nor against those of March 1649. and others which we have since publish'd, since the Pacification of the Late Troubles in our Good City of Paris, Nor∣mandy, Proven••e and Guyenne, which it is our Will and Pleasure shall remain in their full Force and Ver∣tue in all the particulars which they contain. Given at Paris, Jan. 19. 1650.

A Letter of a Private Person to the Parliament of Paris in Answer to the King's.

THE Reason why God is never deceiv'd in his Judgments, and that he never protects Injustice,

is because he is Exempt from Passions, and for that he has an Understanding which pierces to the bottom of hearts, and discerns the Innocent from the Guilty. The on•• of these Qualities secures him from Error; and the other is the reason that he never acts bu•• by a motive of Justice. Men are subject both to th•• one, and the other of these Defects, con••••ary to those Ex∣cellent Perfections, either for want of understanding, or because their Passions are too predominant. So that the•• sometimes believe the Sun to be dark, because their Eyes are not strong enough to pierce through the Cloud that hides it. That is to say, Som••times the•• condemn the most perfect Vertue, because th••y are not able to discern it through the false Appear∣ances of Crimes that are imputed to it. We have ob∣serv'd, That hitherto the Judgments of this August A••••••mbly ha•• been as far remote from these Vices, as the ••••ailty of man will permit. And w•• ha••e had rea∣son to believe, by recent Examples, that there are not any dark overcastings of Human Artifice and ••unning which you are not able to display, nor any Considera∣tio•• so strong among ye, as that of Justice; you ha••e given us Testimonies, that the Interests of Great Men are but feeble Arms to vanquish it; that it is proof against all the Snares that can be laid to surprize it; and that only Innocence can be justify'd before y•••• as only Guilt can draw upon it self the Sentences of your Condemnation. Upon this Fo••n∣••••••ion it is that I have establish'd my hopes of justi∣fying the three Princes whose defence I have under∣tak'n. I know well it would be greatly to their advantage, that you were capable of the first impres∣sions that the suspicion of a Crime, or the Idea of Vertue produce in the Soul of man. I know it were to be wish'd on the Princes behalf, that you would not give your Judgments, till after you had consider'd all the Actions of their Lives. For in short•• Who is the•••• among ye, that can perswade himself that Mon∣sieur

the Prince ever had any design to ruine the State, if you will but take the pains to consider how oft he has expos'd his Life to preserve it; and how many Victories he has won in order to that end? And who is there that can endure that the least suspicion of a Crime should intermix with so much Glory? But I am willing to despoil 'em of these Advantages, I am willing to deprive 'em of these Foreign Lights, to make appear the lust••e of their Innocency. I do not desire you should recal to mind the many Famous Victories which one of these Princes has obtain'••; or that you should set before your eyes the dangers to which he has expos'd his Person for the safety of the Realm. Forget•• if it be possible, these Glorious Actions; never mind that it is a Prince who is ac∣cus'd, that not only has preserv'd the Kingdom, but extended the Limits of it. Be mindful only of Ju∣stice; establish your Judgment upon the things them∣selv••s, and not upon the Persons; and then, I hope•• that without considering it is a Prince who is ac∣cus'd, you will soon understand, that ••is an Innocent Person, that is to be made guilty for the Interest of some particular men. And indeed if you would that we should consider the Crimes that are imputed to him, we shall find that all these Crimes have no ex∣istency, but in the Fancy of those who have invented 'em in order to his ruin. Are not his Victories the greatest part of this Malicious Accusation? He ventur'd, say they, every Summer, a General Battel upon this Maxim, which he has often declar'd, That by gain∣ing the Victory, he should augment his Reputation, and have new plausible pretences for the procuring him new Rewards; and if he lost it, and that there∣by our Affairs should happen to fall into confusion, he should be the more valu'd through the need which they would have of him. A pernicious way of reason∣ing; of which if men should make use, the noblest Actions would be subject to dangerous Interpretati∣ons.

What security is there for brave Men, if such ••ischievous Comments should be endur'd.

There is no Illustrious Person that shall not be ren∣der'd a Guilty Person; there is no Noble Action that ••••all not be misconster'd into a Crime. How long is it that men have been the proper Judges of Intentions? That Secret, God alone has reserv'd to himself; and they who accuse the Prince to have acted upon such wicked Maxims, ought to know that Kings cannot punish an Action, how wicked soever the motive were that inclin'd the person to do it, when it becomes profitable to the State, and if it be not contrary to the Law. I will grant, that desire of Honour caus'd the Prince to hazard so many Battels: I grant that he sought every year new Pretences for new Rewards; Who ever heard that the desire of Honour which in∣du••es a Prince to save a Kingdom was ever a Crime of State? They who enact Human Laws, command the observance of 'em; but they never prescribe the motives of it. 'Tis only the Body, and the exterior Action which is under the Jurisdiction of Kings. The Soul, that is to say, the Motives, cannot be command∣ed, but only by him that penetrates the bottom of Consciences; for what Mortal can be the Judges of 'em •• But suppose it were a Crime of State to act by Motives of Interest, which are said to be the Primum M••bile's of all this Prince's Actions, upon what proofs c••n they ground this Accusation? He went about, say they•• to make himself the more considerable by the lo•••• of a Battel. This is an extraordinary way for a ma•• that pretends to be so covetous of Glory; and who very well knew on the other side, that the same ••••sfortune had ruin'd the Reputation of several of our Generals at the Court, who preserv'd themselves in good Credit till the Disaster befell 'em. But because he could never know whether the loss of a Battel could be advantageous, let us see what marks he gave, that he never sought after Victory, but only that

he might have new Pretences for new Rewards•• When did he ever send to Court, that he would not quit the Army, unless they sent a Pattent for such Places as were become void by the death of the In∣cumbents, to some one of his Friends? When did he oblige the Queen to confer the Government of such Places, as the taking of which had cost him so much hardship, and sometimes the loss of his Blood, to any other Persons then those which she made choice of? Rather quite the contrary, after the taking of D••nkirk at the end of the Campaign, tho a Place of the greatest importance in Flanders, he suffer'd it to be dispos'd of by Cardinal Mazarine to one of his Creatures, who by that means enjoy'd the fruit of all his Watching, and Labour. They say, that they who adher'd to the Person of the Prince, became in a little time Great Personages; and so soon as Persons devoted them∣selves to his Interests, they were sure of being preferr'd to Great Employments, tho otherwise Persons of no desert. I might answer, That 'twas a difficult thing to follow this Prince without hazarding his Life for the King's Service, and without meriting noble Employ∣ments. But upon what foundation can they ground it, that this is the only way to attain to Preferment and Dignity, since we see several that have been long fix'd to his Person, who nevertheless have made no pro∣gresses in their Fortune; whereas, there is no other assured means to pass from Feneancy to Merit, from Inability to Sufficiency, then to belong to Cardinal Mazarine. Which is clearly to be seen in the Persons of de la Fare, de L' Estrade, de Pall••••••, and several others, who enjoy the fairest Governments of France, for ha∣ving done such signal Services to the Government, as having handed the Ruling Minister sometimes from his own Apartment to the Queen's, or sometimes to his Coach.

But, my Lords, here is an Accusation that will ad∣mit of no Reply, and which the most strenuous Elo∣quence

would have much ado to justify. He oppos'd the Marriage of the Cardinal's Niece with the D. of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 I must confess that this is an unheard of C••••me, to hinder the Alliance of the House of Maza∣rine with that of Vendesme; to obstruct a Match so ne∣cessary to Fr••••••, that no Employments could be too great for him that would accept it. In a word, Did we not see that the D. of Mercoeur had a right at that time to make those Demands, the very thoughts of which has render'd the Prince of Conde guilty? 'Tis pretended, that he desir'd the Office of High Steward, Lord High Admiral; which Demands were not only unjust, but criminal, to make a Prince of the Blood, who had won five or six Battels, and tak'n for∣ty strong Holds of great Importance; but the same Demand•• being made by a Prince that would marry the Cardinal's Niece, both the thought of it ceased to be criminal, and the Demands themselves were lookt upon as just: And it was judg'd, that the man who was able to perform such an Illustrious Action, had a right to demand the most important Places in the Kingdom. It has been often seen in corrupt Ages, that not only Vertue has been oft without reward, and Crimes have gone unpunish'd; but that the Disorder has been so great, that only they who were unworthy Employments were permitted to demand 'em without offence, and that Merit only serv'd to remove men from pretending to Elevated Employments. But this is what we never saw in our days, till during the Mini∣stry of Cardinal Mazarine; for now all men must re∣solve to disown true Worth, and renounce Desert, if he thinks to have any preferment; and he must be careful of pretending to Employments, for fear of be∣ing suspected for a State-offender.

With what black and sooty Colours do they besmear the Protection which he gave to the Marriage of the Duke of Richlieu? And yet if you examin all the Circumstances, you will find, that there was not the

least shadow of a Crime in that Action, and that they would fain make that the Effect of a pernicious Design, which proceeded only from a real Friendship, which Madam De Longueville had for the Lady that had her Advantages by it. Persons that know the whole Sto∣ry of that Business, can certifie that the Match was not carry'd on by concert in the whole Family, as is pre∣tended, since the Prince of Conde was not acquainted with it, till it could no longer be conceal'd from him; and that the Duke of Longueville knew nothing of it, till the very instant that Madam de Longueville, who had undertaken the Business, was ready to depart for Try, to accomplish the Design which she had been long contriving for the advantage of Madam de Ponse, and not at all for her own Interest. All the Circumstances of the Marriage, that could occasion any mistrust at Court, proceeded only from the Distrusts of the Queen and Cardinal Mazarine, in reference to the Match. 'Tis true that the Prince advis'd the Duke of Richlieu to retire to Havre so soon as he was marri'd, but he gave him that Council only because he was well ac∣quainted with the jealous Humour of a Minister, who would not fail to draw mischievous Conjectures from a Design that was really innocent, but which might admit of different Interpretations. He rightly judg'd that Mazarine would make use of those Pretences, to wrest that Place from the Duke of Richlieu, and to gra∣tifie the Desire which he had a long time had, to make himself Master of that Place, there being no other way for him to do it. For, my Lords, if you will un∣derstand the real Crime that the Prince committed upon that occasion, was this; That the Prince having caus'd the Duke of Richlieu to marry Madam de Pone, he disappointed Cardinal Mazarine's Design for one of his Neices, who by that Alliance was in hopes to make sure of Havre to himself; a Place of great importance, and a proper place of refuge for him, if he should be forc'd to quit his Ministry.

••Twill be no difficult thing for me to justifie his de∣sign to have been Constable; for besides that, he had been put upon it by the malice of Cardinal Mazarine, who had a desire ••o insinuate into his favour, by ••ffe∣ring him his Service to bring about that attempt, and by that means render him suspected to the Queen and the Duke of Orleans. What could make this Demand so Criminal a piece of Business? Was he not accom∣plish'd with all things necessary to authorize it? was not his Birth sufficiently illustrious? Had the Dignity been a Novelty in the Nation? Had it not been en∣joy'd by Iames of Bourbon, Charles of Bourbon, and I••hn of Bourbon? Had it not been also within this lit∣t••e while, in the House of M••ntmorency, over the Head of his Father, and Great Great Grandfather? had not the Prince's Arm perform'd great Actions anow to bea•• that Sword? They pretend that the Demand was injurious to the Duke of Orleans, and that it could not consist with the Quality of Lieutenant-General of the Armies and Provinces, which was confer'd upon the Duke of Orleans; and yet have we not seen the Constable's Sword in the hands of Monsieur de Mont∣morency, at a time when the King of Navarre, the Fa∣ther of Henry IV. was Lieutenant General of the Ar∣mies and Provinces of France, and both perform their Duties at the same Se••ges of Bourges, Rouen, and other places against the Rebels? But not to trouble my self to justifie the whole Scrowl of the Prince's Accusations which are drawn from his Pretensions, 'tis sufficient to demonstrate that he did not desire these Employ∣ments to make an ill use of 'em, and that he had no design to enlarge his Power, to the prejudice of the Royal Authority, tho' he has given the Queen cause to have unjust Mistrusts of his Power. We cannot judge of his Designs but by his Actions, nor can we tell what he meditated as to the future, but by the Deeds which he perform'd. When did he make use of his Power to lessen the Queen's? have we seen the Provinces

where he had any Credit in Uproar and Tumult, like those of Guienne and Provence? when did he ever foment Divisions? If he had any Authority in the Army, did he not make use of it for the King's Service? So that if it were for this Princes Honour to have acquir'd so much Power in the Kingdom, it was very advantagi∣ous to the Queen, since he made no use of it, but in obedience to her•• and never concerning himself to make Laws, he only took care to observe 'em, when they were useful to the State. Kings cannot act them∣selves through the whole extent of their Dominions•• There is a necessity for 'em to put the Image of their Authority into the hands of those who have most me∣rit, and whom they see to be best affected toward the Government. What reason then had the Queen to reproach the Prince with the Favours she had done him, since she was oblig'd to bestow 'em upon so me persons, and no body could receive 'em with more ac∣knowledgment, or more to her Advantage? 'Tis no Crime to be powerful, but 'tis a Crime to employ that Power to the overturning of the State. Let 'em not then accuse the Prince of such great Crimes, be∣cause he had great Pretensions•• since that not having misemploy'd his Power, to this very moment, to the d••sservice of this Monarchy, but rather to the establish∣ment of it, we have no reason to think that he inten∣ded to enlarge it on purpose to destroy it: besides that, the Queen her self had encourag'd him to aspire to the highest Employments; when•• desiring his pro∣tection for the Cardinal, whom a Decree of your Au∣gust Assembly menac'd with approaching Shipwrack, she assur'd him that she would put the Crown, the Kingdom, all things into his hands and that there was nothing too good, or too great for him, if he per∣form'd a Service so important to the Realm, as to save that Minister, and shelter him from the Thunder which you were ready to dart forth against him. There are credible Testimonies, who heard this Dis∣course

between the Queen, and the Prince of Conde, and who are able to justifie how submissively the Prince receiv••d her Promises of Reward, assuring the Queen that her Interests were so dear to him, that there was no need to encourage him by any other Motives, to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 him to undertake the Protection of those who were so happy as to have hers. Has he not kept his Word? Did he not perform what he promis'd? has he not preserv'd this Minister maugre all France, and supported him almost against all the Provinces of the Kingdom? Nevertheless, after he had perform'd all the ••ignal Services which the Queen desir'd from his Courage, and from his Obedience, and for which she confess'd her self, that she had nothing in the Kingdom fi•• to g••••tifie him, she uses him like a Criminal. While she her ••elf enforces him to make his Demands, she ac∣cu••es him of Traiterous Pretensions: As if she had on∣ly gone about to kindle his Ambition by Promises, to ••he end she might have some Pretence to ruin him; striving to perswade those that are ignorant of Affairs, that he could not aspire to so many Employments, but by Instigations not to be justify'd, and in order to ex∣ecute some pernicious De••igns.

Is it not from such a motive as this, that they would fain ••nfuse into him a desire of Sovereignty, to the end they may have an opportunity to punish his apparent ambition; and that they give out, his ambition has no limits, and that the interests of the Kingdom are not Mo••••ds strong enough to stop the impetuous motion of this torrent? ••tis true, that the Prince demanded leave of the Court to endeavour the Conquest of Franche Con∣••e; but I beseech ye to examine with what circumstan∣ces; and what encourag'd him to make that demand which seems to be so Criminal. They were treating at Court with those of N••ples, to cast off their Allegianc•• to the King of Spain, and the Si••ur de Fontenay Ma••euil•• the King••s Embassador at Rome, had orders to ma∣nage that Affair. An Army was promis'd 'em, pro∣vided

they would acknowledge France, or receive one of the Princes of France for their King. They de∣manded either the King himself, or Monsieur his Bro∣ther, or the Duke of Orleance, or the Prince of Conde; upon which, the rest being past by, the offer was made to the last, The Prince who never neglected any thing when it was for the King's service, and en∣larging his Dominions, gladly accepted the Proposal; he openly oppos'd the desire they had to confer the Admiralty upon his Enemies, who by means of that Employment, out of •• ••articular motive of revenge, might have obstructed the Execution of a design so important, and of so graet advantage to Aggrandize the Kingdom. Observe, I beseech ye, that in all this there was nothing done but by the approbation and impulse of the Court it self. Sometime after this, the Prince, without any other design then to extend the bounds of this Empire, in pursuance of an intention which had been made manifest to him, propos'd the Conquest of Franche Contè, as a thing of no less advan∣tage to the State, and wherein there was not much dif∣ficulty. He offer'd to raise an Army at his own charges, and as if he had foreseen the unjust pretensions which they might have of his Power, he promises to resign the Government of Burgundy and all the strong holds that are in that Province. His courage and his zeal for the King's Service causing him to prefer the Pains and Hardships to be undergone in the Conquest of a Country, before the Tranquility which he enjoy'd in the peaceable Possession of that Pro∣vince which had been given him for his Services, af∣ter the Death of the Prince his Father. Who could blame so generous a Design, so advantageous for the Kingdom, and so honourable for the Prince? There∣upon, the Proposal which he made in Council was joyfully embrac'd: They declar'd to him that it was a Proposal becoming his Courage; and at that time they call'd it a Heroic, which is now term'd an Ambi∣tious

Design. All those thoughts which he had con∣ceiv'd for the enlarging the Kingdom, were lookt upon ••hen wi••hout the least appearance of being conceiv'd ••or his particular Grandeur. So that 'tis no difficult thing to find many heads of an Accusation against him, since his mos•• noble Actions are his greatest Crimes; and that all his design to aggrandize the Kingdom by his Conquests, are so many false proofs of which his Enemies made use of to destroy him. Who is there but may observe their pernicious manner of Reason∣ing to calumniate the Prince upon several pieces of ad∣vice which he gave upon the different Commotions of Guien••e and Provence? They tell ye, that in these two Affairs of the same nature, he went about in one place absolutely to uphold the Authority of the Governor, to the oppression of the Parliament; and that in the other he acted quite contrary, without any other rea∣son, but only that he had a kindness for one of the Governors, and hated the other. But they who set these things on foot, are either bad, or very malicious Politicians. For they say, these two Affairs were both of the same nature, because they were both Pro∣vinces that had taken up Arms against the Authority of the Parliament. But they are to understand that the least circumstance in such Affairs as these, quite alters the nature of the thing, and obliges those that debate upon the remedy of disorders, to vary their Coun••••ls, according to time and place, and the hu∣mour of the People they have to deal with: So that he who should take the same Counsel in one Affair, as he took on the other, would do like a Painter that should go about to draw one man's Face, from another man's Picture, because he had the same Parts. But are these sorts of Politicks to be attributed peculiarly to the Prince of Conde? Do not all Histories furnish us with examples of different Conducts, in causing Revolted People to lay down their Arms? Have we not seen some Princes make use of Mildness toward their Sub∣jects

to disarm ••em, and others to use violent means. We have also observ'd in Histories the same Princes employ different ways, according to the various hu∣mours of the Subjects which they have to govern. And it were in vain for Politicians to have found out the two ways of fear and gentleness to reduce a muti∣nous People, if the same Conduct were to be observ'd upon all occasions, and if both the one and the other were not to be made use of according to the different circumstances that offer themselves in the Disorders that are to be remedy'd. Why then should it be thought strange, that the Prince, after he had consented to make use of Force of Arms to abate the Power of the Parliament of Provence, and strike a terror in the Peo∣ple, should for Reasons, no less considerable, give quite contrary Counsel to remedy the Troubles of Bourdeaux. He thought at first, with those of the Council, that Force was the most sure way to Disarm the People, and that only Terror was the means to re∣duce 'em to their Duty. But having experimented the contrary in the Affair of Provence, was it not very proper to alter such a dangerous Method? Is it to be thought strange, that the Prince who was accus'd to be the Author of all the violences that were committed, should be tir'd out with so many Prosecutions? and that he should represent it to the Court, that the dis∣orders in Guyenne would be more easily appeas'd by ways of mildness and moderation? besides that, he clearly saw the design which Mazarin drave on to carry things with a violent hand, and he knew that his aim was to draw the Duke of Espernon into his Alli∣ance, and bring about the Marriage of one of his Neices, with Monsieur de Caudale. Is the Prince to be ac∣cus'd for having oppos'd such pernicious designs by the justice of his Councels, and for having made use of all his endeavours to stop the course of a revenge so costly to the State, and so contrary to the zeal which Subjects ought to have for the repose and tranquility

of the Kingdom? But my Lords, if Cardinal Mazarin had been well advis'd, he would for his own Interest have suppres•• this Crime of which the Prince is ac∣cus'd. For can we speak of the Insurrections in Gui∣••••••••, without believing him to be the cause of all those Disorders? Do we not well know that he has endeavour'd to ruine that part of the Kingdom, to gratify the revenge of the Duke of Espernon? And thence ought we not to infer, that he would make no scruple to overturn the whole Monarchy, for the satisfaction of his own particular Interest. For in short, if you would be inform'd in few words all the Crimes of Monsieur the Prince are to be reduc'd to this, That he hinder'd the Marriage of the Cardinal's Three Nieces. He openly oppos'd his design of Matching the Eldest to the Duke of Mercoeur, he engag'd, as they pretend, the Duke of Richlieu to marry Madam de Pons, for whom the Cardinal had design'd the other; and by the Peace of Bourdeaux, he disappointed the Alliance he would have made with the Duke of Espernon, which the Duke never promis'd him, but in case he could bring about his revenge. And thus we see likewise, that as soon as the Prince was arrested, the Three Nieces were fetch'd out of their Convent, the better to conceal his Designs; how they were brought back in Triumph to the Palace-Royal, and how one of the Matches was privately accom∣plish'd, the Cardinal not thinking it proper to pub∣lish his intentions, and to let all the world know, that he had not perswaded the Queen and the Duke of Orleans to cause the Prince to be arrested, but be∣cause he obstructed his Designs. Nevertheless, they would fain have it, that every thing which the Prince has done, tends to the Ruin of the Kingdom, and that he never had any other aims in the Counsels which he had given, but his own particular Grandeur.

But my Lords, by one convincing Argument to overthrow all that they have alledg'd against him,

to make him appear Guilty, and his Imprisonment just, is it not true that they accuse him of nothing else but an irregular Ambition; and that all his par∣ticular actions which they charge upon him without any proof, are invented to no other design, then to convince People that he had no other intention then to set himself up for a Sovereign, and to Aggrandize his own, to the prejudice of the Royal Authority. But how easie a thing is it to demonstrate the contrary to all the world by recent Examples? We cannot judge of Passions but by outward Effects: Nor is there any but God alone who knows the motions which they produce in the Heart. Now when was it, that the Prince displai'd these marks of an ambition so irregu∣lar? Rather what apparent proofs has he not given of the contrary but very lately? Had he been possest with such a vehement desire of Sovereignty, would he not have declar'd for the Parisian Party? At what time he was proffer'd advantages enough to have tempted the most regular Person in the world? They cry out, he was capable of all Undertakings to Ag∣grandize himself, and that he would never mind the overturning of the State, so soon as he thought him∣self in a condition to establish his Grandeur upon the Ruin of it; and yet when every thing favour'd the pernicious Designs of which he is accus'd, when every thing contributed to satisfy that Ambition which was laid to his charge, when he is to declare himself head of a Party; and that the more to encourage him to it, they give him to understand that his Power shall be unlimited; he stands off, he refuses the Pro∣positions made him, and is so far from putting himself at the head of the Party•• that he undertakes the Ruine of it. Is this his having a desire of Grandeur deeply engrav'd in his heart, never to make use of the Op∣portunities when they present themselves? Is this the giving marks of an Ambitious Spirit capable of put∣ing all the Provinces into an uproar, to refuse the

Grandeur that is offer'd him, provided he will but consent to be declar'd head of a Party? Who was ever accus'd of passionately desiring a thing, who re∣fus'd it when 'twas proffer'd him? What more fa∣vourable Opportunity could the Prince have expected to display his Ambition? Had he been so violently possess'd with this Desire, the Court would not have been in a condition to have made use of this pretence to Arrest him; or had his Ambition over-sway'd his Zeal for the King's Service and the Queen's Interests, she would never have had an oppor••unity to have trea∣ted him with so much Cruelty. But this is not the first time that Ingratitude has been the Vice of the Court: And that great Services have been repaid with like Rewards when their Benefactors have gain'd too much Honour by their Noble Actions. Merit is a Crime in Princes under the Tyrannick Government of Ministers, who can never endure the Power of which they are Jealous: So that of necessity they must be reduc'd to live in a drowsie slothfulness per∣nicious to the State, or else resolve to fall into inevi∣••able Dangers. These Ministers that strive to exalt themselves into Soveraigns and Gods as much as lyes in their power, never dart their Thunder but against the most Lofty Heads; so that there is no way to a∣void their Tyranny but by an humble Lowliness, which way has been always so odious to the Prince of Conde, that he rather chose to venture his Person by doing Important Services for the Kingdom, and by acqu••ring Honour, then by Tricks of Pusillanimi∣ty to protect himself from the Injustice of those that now seek to Revenge themselves upon his Power. For my Lords, he is Guilty of no other Crime, but that a Polite Historian says one thing of Agricola which may be justly said of the Prince, that Agricola was in perpetual Danger, because he had acquir'd too much Honour, and for that his Power gave un∣just Suspicions to the Emperor Domitian, who could

not endure that a Subject should bear so Potent a Sway in the Empire. Is not this the Prince's Crime? Not that he has Attempted any thing against the State; not that he has done any thing contrary to the Duty which he owes to the King's Service, but they are afraid least such a Thought should enter the Mind of a Prince sufficiently powerful to put it in Execution when ever conceiv'd. Therefore to obviate these pre∣tended Disorders, to cure the Minds of people of these Imaginary Apprehensions, and which one would think he had destroy'd by all the Actions of his Life, he submits himself to the Loss of all his Employ∣ments, and to abandon all his Places, and to despoil himself of all his Crimes, by disrobing himself of all his Power. After all this my Lords, what reason can they have to detain this Prince in Prison? By what Motives either just, or so appearing? What Disorder can his Liberty procure to the State? O•• upon what Foundation can they ground their Appre∣hensions of his Power?

I shall make no stop at so many other feeble Accu∣sations, of which some are so weak that they destroy themselves; such are those concerning the Fortifying of certain Places which they pretend were threaten'd by no Enemy, and yet lye upon the Frontiers, nor shall I trouble my self to make the Innocence of the Other Princes appear, in regard they are only accus'd of sharing Coun••els with the Prince of Conde; or if any be particularly laid to their Charge, they are so vain that they deserve no Answer. But my Lords, so far am I from defending 'em, that I shall desire to in∣form you of two Crimes which are not laid to their Charge, but which alone have render'd 'em guilty. The one is common to both Princes, and is no more then their having declar'd themselves Heads of the Parisian Party. Now would your Lordships know why this Crime was pas•• over in silence? they were afraid les•• that should make you return to your selves,

and bethink your selves, that being Embark'd in the same Party, since those Princes had not taken Arms but i•• your Defence, you would without question in∣cur the same Misfortune. In a word, ne're doubt but that e're it be long they will study the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Revenge, and that they had exercis'd it before now upon the whole Party, could they have done it with the same security. The Princes having lost the A••••••ction of the People, for being reconcil'd to the C••own; the other having all along preserv'd them∣sel•••••• in their Favour, for their hatred of M••za∣ri••••.

The other Crime which they take notice of, con∣••e••n•• th•• Person of the Duke of Longueville. It has b••••n no s••cret for a long tim••, that the Cardinal has been s••udying his Ruine, and that he had been very diligent to bring the Peace to perfection. I believe, my Lords, you very well know what pass'd at Mun∣ster, the Duke of Longueville us'd his utmost Endea∣vours to bring the Peace to a Conclusion, and the most to the Advantage of France that could be ex∣pected. I suppose also you are sufficiently in∣for••'d of the Slights and Artifices that Mazarine made use of by the Means of one of his Creatures, to disappoint the Prince's Glorious Design. 'Tis e∣nough for me to tell you, that that was the Duke of Lo••••••••ville's Crime, and that the Prince had so wor∣••••ily Acquitted himself in that Negotiation, that it seem'd as if Heaven had re••erv'd him to accomplish that Undertaking which he had so happily begun. I know also, that he openly declar'd that he might be∣gin that Negotiation again, and that he promis'd to him••••••f to make it more succesful then it had been. Whi•••• was enough to render him guilty with Maza∣r•••••• who is afraid of nothing more then the accom∣plishment of that Design; and therefore 'twas suffici∣en•• to make him resolve the Imprisonment of a Prince that ••••••dy'd his Ruine, because he labour'd so hard the

Welfare of the State, and the Peace of the Kingdom. But my Lords, I do not mind my justifying the Princes before persons who have not taken upon '••m as yet to be their Judges, and who ought already to have pro∣nounc'd the Sentence of their Liberty. Will you suf∣fer your selves to be reproach'd, that after you had design'd to preserve the publick Security in the persons of some few of the Rabble, who were illegally detain'd in Prison•• you should suffer it to be violated in the per∣sons of three Princes at the same time? If the Laws which ye have so long since establish'd, and which your selves have renew'd by a solemn Declaration, are unjust, why do you with so much eagerness desire the execution of 'em? If they are just, why do you not cause 'em to be exactly observ'd? For what reason should the Laws be less favourable to the Princes, then to the King's meaner Subjects? Are they excepted in the De∣claration, that no body shall be arrested, but they shall be immediately brought to their Trial? Who can re∣lie for the future upon your Decrees? Moreover, I be∣seech you consider, that this Affair concerns your selves. Do you believe that Cardinal Mazarine, so soon as opportunity offers, will be more favourable to several of yo••r Assembly, then to the Prince? Can you imagin that he will sooner forget the Decree which you made against him, then the particular Affronts which he pretends to have receiv'd from that Prince? Never believe his Violence will stop at the Imprisonment of the Princes, but assure your selves that it will reach your August Assembly, and make you sensible of it by the less'ning of your Authority, and by falling foul upon the Persons of some in particular. Should it so hap∣pen, as I make no doubt of it, if you do not apply necessary Remedies, and stifle not the Mischief in the Birth, what priviledge will you have to assemble? how can you without some sort of shame, do that for the freedom of some few persons of your Assembly, which you are unwilling to undertake for the Liberty

of three Princes, tho' their Imprisonment be one of the boldest Actions that ever were adventur'd? I be∣seech you to con••ider, that this is but one of the Cardi∣nal's Experiments, who was willing to begin with the most considerable persons in the Kingdom, to the end he may pretend to a kind of priviledge to use in the same manner all those whose Vertues have render'd 'em the Objects of his Revenge. They who have hither escap'd his Tyranny, are to thank their good Fortune, and not his favourable Intentions. So that the Duke of Beaufort, the Coadjutor, and all their Friends, may say what Caesar said to Ptolomy, who presented him with Pompey's Head, who fled for re∣fuge into his Kingdom, after the Battel of Pharsalia; Thanks to my Victory, they make to me those Presents which they would have made to Pompey had he been victorious. If the Duke of Beaufort, and the Coadjutor had not preserv'd the Friendship of the People, who have hi∣therto shelter'd 'em from the Oppressions of that Mi∣nister, there is no question to be made, but that if he thought he could have done it with the same security in Paris, he had made the same sacrifice of their Liberty to the Prince, which he pretends they would have made of his. Let your August Assembly therefore be careful to preserve that Authority which has sav'd it hitherto from the Cardinal's Re∣venge; let 'em consider, that he will never forego his eager Desire to ruin it, and by consequence that it be∣hoves them to deprive him of the power to do it. The only way is, to pr••serve that Vigour which you have made manifest upon the last Emergencies, and not to release the least Tittle of that Strictness, which has been so much to your Advantage, and the abatement of which will be your utter Ruin. This is that, my Lords, which puts us in hopes that you will not fail to take into your cognizance the Princes Case, and decide a Question so important to the State. There is nothing but what ought to encourage you to this

Noble Resolution: The Interest of the Kingdom ought to induce you, not to be ••o long depriv'd of Persons so necessary for the support of it. The Honour of your August Assembly engages ye to it: The Laws which you have so lately renew'd, and safety of your own Persons, obliges ye to the same Resolution. I shall add to these things the Testimonies of these Princes, that they have no other Confidence but in you; and that if they could act for their Liberty, their Innocence would not permit 'em to have recourse to any other Ways then those of Justice. Could they have been permitted time to have spoken to their Friends, when their persons were secur'd, I make no question but that they would have said the same that Germanicus said to his, being ready to die the Death which was caus'd by Piso, the most implacable of his Enemies; If there are any among ye, who are concern'd for my Death, and who are desirous to give me other Marks of it, then some unprofitable Tears; there is room for complaining to the Se∣nate, and invoking the Vengeance of the Laws. 'Tis then in conformity to these Princes Intentions that I address my self to your August Assembly, to demand Justice, and to conjure ye to employ your utmost care to pro∣cure their Liberty. 'Tis the only means to strike a Terror into our Enemies, to destroy the hopes which they build upon the Disorders which this Violent At∣tempt is about to bring upon the Kingdom, and to restore Tranquility, Peace and Happiness to the whole Realm.

The End of the First Tome.

Notes

• What the Prince did after the Siege of Dunkirk.
• Gassion quarrels with the Prince.
• The D. of Breze slain.
• Great Soli∣citations for the D. of Breze's Employ∣ments for the D. of Enguien.
• The Prince leagues himself with the D. of Or••leance.
• The Pr. of Conde, the Father, dies.
• The Pr. of Conde has the Com∣mand of the Army.
• The Pr•• succeeds in his Fa∣ther's Em∣ploy∣ments.
• 1647.
• The Pr. of Conde goes to command the Army in Catalo∣nia.
• He besie∣ges Lerida, and raises the Siege.
• He besie∣ges and takes the City and Castle of Ager.
• The Ori∣ginal of the Trou∣bles in France.
• 1648.
• The Pr. of Conde be∣sieges Ypres.
• The Spa∣niards take Courtray, while Ypre is besie∣ging.
• Ypre taken.
• The Spani∣ards take Furnes.
• The Pr. retakes it.
• The Bat∣tle of Lens.
• The Pr. wounded.
• Monsieur de Broussel seiz'd.
• Reasons for the Cardinal's Ruine.
• The An∣swer of Cardinal Mazarin's Party.
• The ta∣king of Lens.
• The Pr. returns to Court.
• Chatillon and Gram∣mont the Princes Confi∣dents:
• Declarati∣on of the 28th. of October.
• The Court has re∣course to the Duke of Orleans and the Prince.
• Grammont and Le Tellior per∣swade the Prince to take the Court Party.
• The P's. heat in the Parlia∣ment.
• They re∣solve to besiege Paris.
• 1649.
• The King leaves Pa∣ris pri∣vately.
• The Pr. attacks Charenton.
• The Cau∣ses of the Civil War that en∣su'd upon the Impri∣sonment of the Princes.
• 1650.
• The De∣ten••••on of the Prin∣ces.
• The Pari∣sians re∣joice at the Im∣prison∣ment of the Pr.
• The Prin∣ces Inno∣cency.
• The Count of Tavane's zeal for the Prince of Conde.
• What happen'd in Burgun∣dy after the Imprison∣ment of the Prin∣ces.
• Bellegarde taken.
• What pas∣sed in Nor∣mandy du∣ring the Imprison∣ment of the Prin∣ces.
• The Siege of Bour∣deaux.
• The Pro∣gress of Turenne's Army.