A reply to the ansvver of the Catholiqve apology, or, A cleere vindication of the Catholiques of England from all matter of fact charg'd against them by their enemyes

SECT. XXVIII. APOLOGY.

This will easily appear, viz. how little the Catholique Party understood the design, seeing there were not a score of guitlty found, though all imaginable industry was used by the Commons, Lords, and Privy-Councel too.

ANSWER XXVIII.

He says, few understood the very design, for 'twas not safe to tell it many; but Papists gene∣rally knew there was a design, and pray'd for the success of it. Though but a score were in the Plot, yet fourscore appeared in Rebellion; nor is it probable so small a number could think to do much by surprizing Princess Elizabeth, unless they expected other assistance. But Trea∣son, he says, is hated by all, when unsuccessful.

REPLY to ANSW. XXVIII.

'Twas never in my heart (and so will all that know me testifie) to think that the Con∣spirators

in this Treason were not Tray∣tors in the highest degree, or that any punishment could equal the blackness of their offence. In the Apology I am sure the∣re are no words that can be rackt to this; for my intent there was only to shew in short that the Catholick body was inno∣cent, knowing nothing of the entreprize: That the Plot (for which these were executed) was made, or at least fomented by the Po∣licy of a great Statesman. And lastly, though the design had been suggested by Papists a∣lone, and unanimously approved by all, yet we that live now are guilty of no sin, and the∣refore 'twere severe to be punisht for it.

That the Catholick Body had no hand in the Treason, most plainly appears by the quality of the Actors, and by the number of them. I know there were four or five Gent∣lemen of Ancient blood engaged; but I look upon that as no wonder: for out of the first twenty Catholicks accidentally met I'll lay a considerable wager to find as great Families as any were there, unless that of the Percies: yet this Percy was a man of no fortune, nor am I certain (though I well know my Lord Northumberlands Relations) whether really he was a kinsman, or only for names sake

called his Cozen.

A Plot is lookt upon as general, when a good number of the Chief of a Party are in∣trigued in the design. The Catholick No∣blemen were then not only as considerable as any, but also the considerablest of the Na∣tion: for at that time there being no Du∣ke, but the late King, the first Marquess, the first Earl, the first Viscount, and the first Baron were of our Profession; and I believe 'twill be granted, that the Lords Winchester, Arundel, Mentacute, and Abergavenny, (and so proportionably the rest of the Papal Nobility) had Estates able to be Partizans, if they thought fit, in any conjuration. Now none of these Noblemen, nay, not one of all the Peers, nor any more of the Gentry then the Traytors, whom I will by and by mention, had a hand in the design: therefore to call this, as the Minister and others do, an universal Popish Plot, is in it self a contradiction, or at least a riddle be∣yond my capacity to unfold.

For the number of these Gunpowder Traytors, they were but thirteen Laymen in all: whereof four, viz. Catesby, Percy, and the two Wrights were killed in the apprehen∣ding. a Tresham died in the Tower. And

eight suffered, as Faun, Keys, Ba••e••, Graunt, Rookwood, the two Winters, and Digby; and 't is evident there were no more of the Cō∣spiracy, seeing that in all their examinations no Gentleman was discovered; which could not happ•• out of design to save their friends, because several secret particulars they a re∣vealed; and Baldwin, Hammond, Tesmond, and Gerard, being Jesuites, were (as the Minister says) found Actors in the Plot. If then the Malefactors did accuse their Con∣fessors, (as our Adversarys calls them) cer∣tainly they would never have spared others, had there been any more guilty.

Besides this of their accusing no-body, the Commons, Lords, and Privy Councel were so vigilant, that they left no stone unturn'd to find the depth of the Plot: and to shew how nice they were in all manner of suspi∣tions, the Lords b Sturton and Mordant, two Catholicks, were fined, only because absent from the House that day; by which 'tis plain they were so far from finding positive proof, that there was not the least glimpse of any thing, otherwise they would never have de∣scended to so slight a possibility; for there is not a day wherein the Parliament sits, but there may be found more Catholicks out

of the House, then were then. Nay, the circumspection was so great, that my a Lord Northumberland a protestant was imprisoned for many years, as thought perchance to know somewhat, because being Captain, he had admitted Percy into the Band of Pen∣sioners. Thus, Reader, you see how impos∣sible it is, that the Catholick Party were in∣volved here in; and for the fourscore that ap∣peared with them in Rebellion, they were only Servants and Horse-boys, who (as b Sanderson says) were watcht hourly, for fear of quitting their Masters: and this also c Speed confirms, affirming, that these were ever ready to steal from the Conspirators; and that more care was in keeping them, then trust reposed either in their faith or defence. Nor can any thing make this truth more evident, then that none but the thirteen aforefaid suffered either for the Plot or rising.

Concerning the Plot it self, Reader, those that set it a working were the disco∣veres of it: for you must know it was a piece of wit in Queen Elizabeths days, to draw men into such devices; nor were any more excellent in the Art then Burleigh and Wal∣singham, to the first of whom, this Cecil men∣tioned by the Minister, was son, and suc∣cessor

to the other in the very Secretariship. Making and ••omenting Plots was then, I say, in fashion; for when Gifford discovered to Walsingham that Babington had a desing in the behalf of the Q. of Scots, the Secretary writ to Sir A. Pawlet her keeper, to let some of his Servants be d corrupted; and thereupon the Brewer was considered as the fittest man; by which means the Queen receiving and sending Letters, Walsingham had the perusal of them: and thus when many were drawn in (as most loose people may, if Statesmen lay gins) they were all at last taken and han∣ged. The same trap caught the Queen also; for they first kept her in prison to make her earnest for liberty; then opened her, as you see, a way for correspondency at home & abroad to procure her freedom; and because of this she was condemned to die, there being a Law a year before on purpose prepa∣red against her, on hopes of such and the like b Conspirations. But this Statute had been too weak, as Lawyers well know, to put a free Princess to death, had she not been a Papist, and not otherwise to be hindred from the Crown after the decease of Queen Elizabeth. Such a trick as this for our des∣truction was again invented by the States∣man,

who bore as every body kn••w a parti∣cular hatred to all of our Profession; and this increased to see the new King not only to receive into his Councel Henry Earl of a Northampton, a•• eminent Catholick, but al∣so to hear his Majesty speak to the two Hou∣ses a little against Persecution of b Papists, when as there had been nothing within those Walls but invectives against them for above forty years together.

What could now destroy our hopes with this gratious Prince, but a seming Plot against his Life and Line? Nor was it any hard thing for a Secretary to know turbulēt and ambitious spirits, who perchance had had designs in the reign of Queen Elizabeth. 'Tis not possible to discover the whole trās∣action of a great Minister that died in pros∣perity: but 'tis argument enough to assert this, that if a Person (a famed Professor in c tricks, hating and envying us, as I said be∣fore) contrived a most material part, he cō∣trived also the rest: and certainly (with some few considerations upon it) this miracu∣lous Letter which discovered the Gun∣powder-Plot, will discover our Statesman to be the Author of it. The d Letter is thus.

My Lords.

Out of the love I bear some of your friends, I have a care of your preservation, therefore I could wish you (as you tender your life) to forbear the attendance at this Parliament, for God and man have concurred to punish the wickedness of this time. Think not slightly of this advertisement; for though there be no ap∣pearance of any stir, yet I say, they shall re∣ceive a terrible blow this Parliament, and yet they shall not see who hurt them. This Counsel 〈◊〉〈◊〉 not to be contemned, because it may do you good, and can do you no harm: for the danger is past as soon as you have burnt the Letter, and I hope you will make good use of it.

Reader, I doubt not, but you have often heard in the Pulpit, as wel as from the Mi∣nisters relation, how the Papists plac'd 36. barrels of Powder under the Parliament-House, and that Faux with his dark-lanthorn was to set them on fire, and so at one clap blow up King, Lords and all. This you know was discovered by the Letter afore∣said, sent to my Lord Monteagle, and by it t••e whole design was found out the night a before the Parliament sat; for great Ad∣ventures do always come to light just as they are to be executed. Now, Reader, let me en∣treat

you seriously to consider, and tell me whether it could be a Popish Plotter that writ this Letter. For is it possible that any mans hould be so distracted (after they had brought their Plot to that perfection, had so solemnly sworn, even a by the Trinity and Sacrament, never to disclose it directly or in∣directly, by word or Circumstance, and resol∣ved also to blow up all the Catholique Lords and the rest of their friends in both houses) I say all this Considered, is it possible that a man should be soe distracted as to write a Letter, that had more in it of disclosing some Plot, then the bare saving of a friend. 'Twas reported that Percy writ it; but no body ever found there were such superlative endearments between those two, or between any other of the Conspirators and Monteagle, as that they could stumble at this Noblemans destructiō, and yet dispence with killing so many of their own Religion, and Relations; for b Speed says, Father, Brother, Friend, Ally, Papist, &c. were to have been blown up by these Traytors. But suppose that little inti∣macies between my Lord and Percy (c as Wilson says these were) had produced so mighty a concern for his life, whereas my Lord Nor∣thumberland

(Percies Patron and only sup∣port) was to be sacrificed without pity; I say, suppose this, what need was there to write, That God and man would punish the Parliament, and this by a blow, and that they should not know who hurt them, and a hundred suspitious things to no purpose? If it were out of a desire (being an extraordinary friend) to keep this Nobleman from the House that day, the Epistle-sender should have written in his own name and Charac∣ter. That out of love to his preservation, he desired him to forbear the Parliament that day, because some were resolved to kill him: that as yet being under Oath, he could not tell him the particulars, but that shortly his promise would be void, and then he should know all things from him by word of mouth. Such a Letter as this would have certainly kept my Lord at home, when as the other must confound him and every bo∣dy else, coming from an unknown person: nor could any thing in the world (in the opinion of any fool) more naturally have endangered a discovery then such needless circumstances, and notice also given so long before the execution. For, Reader, you must know, that the Letter was sent to Mount∣eagle

a ten days before the fifth of November; which no real Plotter would have done, since my Lord might have beē better keep't at home, by advising him the night before. Nay, this long warning was so far from an appearance of advantage, that on the con∣trary it was quite opposite to all▪ the designs of a Conspirator; for 'twas certain, either it would make my Lord carelesly contemn the admonition, since it came from an idle fellow in the street; or else if he were appre∣hensive, he would necessarily shew it to friends, by which (as I said) there might be no little hazard to have all found out. Now on the other side, this interval was benecifial to a Machivilian, because he knew 'twould not only be more grateful to the Privy-Councel to have time to consider on difficul∣ties, but also foresaw, if the King and Lords (through surprize or otherwise) should not hit on the Plot, he must be forc'd to start hints (the execution being so neer at hand) which might easily have made him sus∣pected for contriver; and how ungrateful sulch a wickedness would have been to an upright Prince, he him self could not but well imagine.

Thus, Reader, you see the intention of

the Letter was to have the thing discover'd, and thus could he ruine his Enemies, and make his own vigilance appear; for without such and the like remembrances, the wit of great Ministers is soon forgotten both by their Prince and People. Nor did Cecil miss of another reward also, for (as a Sanderson says) he was made Earl for his service in this business.

That which I assert here, does not lessen the quickness of the Kings judgment; for his insight as much appears, whether the Letter were writ by a Statesman or a Con∣spirator. Neither does this strike at the Fes∣tival enacted, because the Parliamēt finding by the prisoners taken there was such a Plot, could not but thank God, that theyr tray∣terous intention was discovered. And truly, if a score of wicked Christians had conspired against Nero himself, I would not gain say the remembrance of the delivery, in what Countrey soever it were observed. All that I here shew is, that the Catholique Party had no hand in the Treason, there being but thirteen Laymen in all, as you see plainly proved; and these very thirteen were doubt∣less drawn in by their mortal Enemy; for the Letter came by his contrivance, beeing (as Osborn ^b confesses) a neate devise of the

Treasurer's, nor was he ignorant from time to time of all their actions.

He that lived in our times has seen the Reign-of Queen Elizabeth reacted. For in those twelve years, from 1646. to 1658. you may remembrer the establisht Religion of the Nation altered; an absolute Soveraign exe∣cuted with formalities and pretences of Law, The French fond of our amity; the Spaniard beaten; and lastly, the zealous youth drawn in∣to Plots with all ease imaginable. His Majesty had those about him that had learnt this Art in their old Mistress's Service; and this the all-knowing King at last found out; for 'twas impossible that ever he would have been favourable to the Catholikes again, had he not in length of time, been assured thad they were innocent of all machinations against him. Reader, he was a constant Pro∣testant, and yet so a kind to us the last half of his Reign (of which Wilson complains) that neither the Spanish Match, nor any other worldly hopes could have obtained this, had he not been convinc'd we never had a design of destroying him and His. Nay, the King in his own Declaration a∣bout it, says, That the generality of his Catho∣lique Subjects did abhor such a detestable Con∣spiracy,

no less then him self.

Having thus replied to his Answer in the four last Paragraphs, there rests now a little to be said to some short jerks of his, which he loocks upon as witty and home.

First, he is troubled that I call the Powder-Treason, Misdemeanor, Fifth of November, Conjuration, all of them being soft words. To this I say, I am very sorry I have offended him, and in my next Apology (if that will content him) I'll speak in the longest sen∣tence of the Cōmon Prayer about the matter: but my past errour grew from this, because significant brevity is aimed at by most; and therefore when we speak of, or to the King, we say Sir, or your Majesty, and not at every word, Charles the Second by the Grace of God, King of England, Scotland, France & Ire∣land, Defender of the Faith, &c. so in hand∣ling this affair I use those short words that express the whole matter to the full; for I think Treason is a Misdemeanor; when more then one are in it, 'tis a Conjuration; and the Fifth of November, is the common phra∣se of the Kingdom.

2.^ly He says, that K Iames's Male-Line were to have been all destroyed. Now a Baker says, That the late King then D. of York was only to

have been suprized by Percy. But the matter is not material; and I cite these Protestant Authors, only to shew that the malice of the Minister will make him erre in every thing.

Thirdly, He thinks that my comparing of Cromwels drawing in the Cavaliers with this of Cecils, is very odd, and unequal: For the Cavaliers, he sayes, were cheated into a lawful Action, but the Powder-Tray∣tors were out-witted into Treason. To this, I say, that my comparison was never in∣tended (as you may see if you look into the Apology) to make an equality of Justice or Honour in their sufferings; but to remem∣ber you how easie it is for Trapanners to draw people into Plots, and from thence to the Gallows.

Fourthly, Concerning his desire to know who was Cecils setter to decoy in the rest; I answer, I cannot tell: Nor should we ever have known who was Cromwels Instrument, had not Sir S. Morland most Loyally disco∣vered him. There were three or four the Minister names discovered by the Conspi∣rators, who knew of the Plot, and after∣wards died obscurely abroad. Even so died Gifford the Priest (Walsingham's—setter) ne∣ver visibly rewarded, who corrupted the

Brewer, and so drew the Queen of Scots in∣to the trap that ruined her, as has been al∣ready mentioned.

Fifthly, Because he is angry with the word Desperadoes, I have altered it in this Edition, and put in lieu Ambitious men. I am sure the word in it self is proper enough, for most were poor; and King James in his Procla∣mation against Percy a call's them men for the most part of desperate estates. But had they been never so rich, or in esteem, it would well have fitted with them also; for my Lord of Essex and Marshal Byron were really Desperadoes, and yet wanted nothing, had they known their own happiness.

Lastly, He says, few knew the manner, but most knew there was a design on foot, and prayed for the success of it. Suppose, Reader, this were true, that a design was recommended to the prayers of the Catho∣licks, what were they guilty of by it? for at that time the Chief of them were solliciting at Court to get some little ease after their long misery; and therefore the rest might well think their prayers were fit to be desi∣red. But all this is a fiction.

Thus, Reader, I have now left nothing unanswered that he has urged: and thus you

see the Reasons I have to believe the Plot it self a Trick; and besides, 'tis plain the Body of the Catholicks had no hand, or inclina∣tion to the thing, which the wi••e K. James at last (as I said) well knew, & therefore was gratiously pleased to let the beams of his mercy shine again upon them.

Notes

• a

  Back. p. 593.
• a

  Ʋid. their printed Confes∣sions.
• b

  Baker. p. 595.
• a

  Baker. p 565.
• b

  K I am p. 37••.
• c

  King. I. p. 920
• d

  Cam. 1586. p. 408.
• b

  Camb 1586. p. 419. so the Queen 〈◊〉〈◊〉.
• a

  Wil. King ••. pag. 3.
• b

  Wil. King ••. p. 19.
• c

  Mem. K. I. p. 37. and ••8.
• d

  Baker K. I. p. ••93.
• a

  The search vvas made the Night before the ses∣sion▪ ••••••. 879.
• a

  Speed p. 917,
• b

  Speed p. 916.
• c

  Wil. K. I. p. 31
• a

  Sand. King I. p. 323.
• a

  K. I. p. 32••.
• •• Mem. K. l. p. 36.
• a

  Wil. K. I. in several places. p. 196. &c.
• a

  K. I. p. 59••. Speed says the same p. 918.
• a

  Ʋid. Procl. Non. 7.