The compendium, or, A short view of the late tryals in relation to the present plot against His Majesty and government with the speeches of those that have been executed : as also an humble address, at the close, to all the worthy patriots of this once flourishing and happy kingdom.

Concerning Mr. Langhorn.

MR. Langhorn was tryed at the Old Baily on Saturday the 14th of June 1679, & to make good the charge of High Treason against him Dugdale first appeared, who proved the Plot in general, as having been at several Consults with the Jesuits, about the Alterati∣on of the Governm••nt and introducing Popery, where they spoke of an Army to be raised, of Killing the King, and a Massacre; and that he knew of† Sir Edm. Godfry's death by Ewers Letter on the Munday night, which began thus, This very Nig••t Sir Edm. God∣fry is dispatch't: that upon his being concern'd, that the Plot might be spoild by it, Ewers said it would be put upon debauch't persons, for he was severe with such; yet he the said Dugdale, could not (it ran so much in his mind) but the next morning he spoke of it at an Alehouse hard by, and thence it was carried to Mr. Ch••twin.

Prance rose next, and deposed,‖ that Mr. Messenger (Gentleman

of the Horse to my Lord Arundel) was employed by his Lord, and my Lord Powis, to kill the King, and this he was told of by my Lord's Butler; That meeting Messenger, he askt him, what his reason was, that he would kill the King; who answered, He was off of it, now; which Question and Answer (Reader) made many smile: Then he proceeded & sayd, That presently 50000 men should be raised and governed by the said Lords, to kill all that were not Catholick••; that he heard it from Mr. Ireland, Fenwick, and Grove, who spake of it to him together; That Mr. Har••court acquainted him (before one Thompson) that the King was to be killed by several; and that Fenwic said, That Langhorn was to have a great hand in it; so that still we see here are new men and (mean ones too) who know of the King's Death, and tell it one another for pastime, and ordinary News.

Oates followed next, saying, he went into Spain in April 1677, that returning in November, he brought Letters from Mr. Langhorn's Sons, who studied there; That Mr. Langhorn at the Receit of them, was informed by him, that the Youths would enter into the Society, which much rejoyced Mr. Langhorn, being a great Votary of the Jesuits, but said, if they would continue Secular Priests, they would have great Promotions in England, since things would not last long in this Posture; That Mr. Langhorn did upon Oates his going to St. Omers in November give him a Packet, and in his Letter to the Fathers, he mentioned his writing to Fa. La Chaise, in order to their Concerns, and that Coleman had written very largely to that Father, which made him the more brief; That Mr. Langhorn writ another in March. or April, about ordering Five Pounds to his Son, that had bin in Re∣bellion and turn'd Soldier, but was now reconcil'd to him by the Intercession of the Fathers; In this Letter also Mr. Langhorn ex∣prest at large his great Care of the Catholick Design, and told them among other things, that the Parliament Flagging, they had a fair opportunity to give the Blow; which seem'd very odd to many, That in an ordi∣nary letter of Domestick concerns, He should treat of such high and se∣cret matters. Then Oates go's on and say's; That after the great Consult of April, he was order'd to acquaint Mr. Langhorn (in the Tem∣ple) of the‖ MINUTS, past at the said Consult, by which he un∣derstood of Grove's and Pickerings employment and Reward; That Mr. Langhorn (with lifted up hands and eyes for the good successe:) did then sign also the Consult, and told him, That he had Receiv'd about fifty † Commissions from Rome; and among others shew'd him the Commissi∣ons for my L'd. Arundel, Powis, Stafford, Bellassis and Peters; as also Mr. Langhorn's own to be Advocate of the Army, which were all ‖ Sealed with the Jesuits Cross or Cipher, and signed by their General; the Seal and Hand being the same as that of the Patent which Oates had then in Court, viz. a† Pattent constituting F. Stapleton. Rector of

St Omers▪ and found it seemes among the Jesuits Papers. That He the said, Oates saw those Commissions in his Study upon his Desk; when as Mr. Langhorn appeals (in his‖ Memoires) to all that great Company which frequented his Chamber; whether any of them ever saw a Desk in his Study? That Mr. Langhorn gave him several‖ Ori∣ginals from F. Anderton and La Chaise, who did assure them of his Constancy in carrying on the Cause, and that the French King would stand by them with Men and Money. That Mr. Langhorn being Sollicitor for the Jesuits, did Communicate the Design to the Bene∣dictins, who promis'd 6000l. That Mr. Langhorn call'd Sr. George Wakeman, a narrow soul'd Phisitian, for not being content with 10000. l. That he, the said Oates, never stir'd out of the‖ Colledge of St. Omer from December till his coming away in April, except a Night or two at Watten, and when he went to Paris. 'Twas here (some two questi∣ons before) that Mr. Langhorn began to be Nice about the time of his coming to St. Omers, &c. whereupon the Court answer'd, That all the Defences of the Papists lay in Catches about time, a thing which no man living could be positive in, which heartned Oates not a little; for he being presently askt by Mr. Langhorn, when he return'd in April in∣to England, he answered, about the middle of that moneth, and that he stay'd‖ under twenty dayes, a Latitude which he would now have fain granted him, by reason of his ill success in the former Tryal, though the Court never then pretended (as you‖ saw) to extend it to above eight▪ or ten; and because he fear'd Mr. Langhorn, he de∣sired the Court to ask the Questions, adding, that he knew they would be so† kind, as to ask him such Questions as were reasonable. Af∣ter this, Mr. Langhorn demanded whether he came with Hildestey from Dover by Coach or on Horseback? to which Oates (after much hesitation) answer'd, That the Question was so sudden, that he could not be positive; but at last said, that as near as he could remember, It was by Coach. This strange uncertainty amaz'd many, but more smild at it, considering that in truth, he had reason for what he did, as not knowing the question was casual, but that Mr. Langhorn might have Witnesses ready to prove how Mr. Hildesley made that journey; nay, he would not tell Mr. Langhorn positively, whether he lay at† Grove's the first night of his coming to London, or no; though he 〈◊〉〈◊〉 directly sworn in Irelands Tryal (as has bin menti∣on'd before)‖ That he was commanded to lie close at that House; so that if he had had such Instructions, it was impossible for him not to re∣member whether he broke them or no, and more especially at his first Arrival about so dangerous and great an affair.

Bedlow brought up the Reer, and after he had also produc't (as Oates had done before) a private Patent of the Jesuits, found by him in the search of Mr. Arthur's House, and which (Reader you must

know) is written (forsooth) in the same Hand, and seal'd with the same Seal, as the Commissions were he had seen at Paris; I say, after this he askt (fearing there would be Witnesses to what he said) whether a† Papist might take Notes? The Court at first thought not; But when they understood, that the Scribe was the Marchioness Dow∣ager of Winchester, 'twas answer'd, That a Womans Notes would signifie no more than her Tongue; and then he thus began.

That Coleman carried him about three Years ago, to Mr. Lang∣horn's Chamber, who in his presence register'd several Treasonable Letters for La-Chaise, &c. some of which had been read in Court at Coleman's Trial;† That there was no a penny of money receiv'd or paid, or the least thing done in relation to the Plot, that was not registered by Mr. Langhorn. That a year and a half ago, he car∣ried a Pacquet from Hartcourt to be registred, That he was regi∣stred by the name of Captain Williams, and not by his own, which he wondring at, Hartcourt Answer'd, That this was but a blind Re∣gister, and that there should be a new one; That one of these Let∣ters, was from the Rector of the Irish College at Salamanca, who desir'd the Lords, and the rest here to be ready; for that he had provided at the Groin, as Pilgrims, several Irish cashier'd Soldiers and Bandits, as also a great many Lay-Brothers, who landing at Milford, should be joyn'd with the Army my Lord Powis was to raise,‖ That in May 76. he carried a Letter to Mr. Stapleton the Benedictin, to raise money for England: That Pritchard told him; That Mr. Langhorn had Commissions; That Sir H. Tichbourn shew'd him three at Paris, sign'd by the General of the Jesuits, and seal'd with their Seal, like the before-mention'd Patent. That he knows only by report, of Mr. Langhorn's being privy to Grove's and Pickering's design of Killing the King; for having a mind to go to Windasor, to see what the Assassines did, he askt Hartcourt leave, as if he went to a friend at Plimouth; who Answer'd, He could not be spared, till they knew how the Gentlemen had succeeded; and that he, the said Hartcourt, was going to Mr. Langhorns, to take the MINƲTES, which was the contrivance of sending down the Assassines to New-Market. That† the Letter, which he saw Mr. Langhorn Register to the Be∣nedictins beyond Sea, was to Sollicit them to get their contributi∣ons ready, since the Hearts and Arms of the party 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ready here; and, That in the French Letter to F. La Chaise (Registred also by Mr. Langhorn) there were invitations to that King to invade us. Now upon Mr. Langhorn's saying that he understood only Law-French, as an Argument that he could be no Register, and upon Bedlow's confessing he never heard him discourse in French, Oates (to salve the difficulty) cry'd out (and thereby made not a few laugh) That he himself could neither write not read French, but he

could Translate it. And when Bedlow▪ was askt by Mr. Langhorn, whether Mr. Coleman's Letter (Transcrib'd by him) were long like those in the Narrative or no; the said Bedlow Answer'd, The best part of half a sheet of Paper; for Coleman writ a curious fine small hand, and would thereby put a great deal in a little room; which ve∣ry much surpris'd all that knew Coleman, who was far from writ∣ing a curious, or fine hand, and far from a small one also. Nor was this the only thing that amaz'd the Auditors, for both Oates and Bedlow openly declar'd in Court, when Mr. Langhorn charg'd them with Rewards, Gratifications▪ and the like, that they were so far from any benefit by the Discovery,‖ That they were out of poc∣ket 700. l. a pece, and yet the one was proved the day before, to line 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Gaol on the Basket, and the 〈◊〉〈◊〉 as deplorable? as a Man of ••e••∣p••ll'd the College, and des••tut of Friends could•• be 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Nay, there were several Witnesses at hand▪ to prove also Oiteo's, wretched po∣verty, but by not appearing presently at call, the 'Court went on to other matters. Besides Reader, you may imagine that Mr. Lang∣horn's Friends and Acquaintance, were not a little confounded, to find Bedlow saying Thus.‖ I saw him Register Colemauys Letter to his Studjl, whilst Coleman and I walk•••••• in his Chamber; when as all knew (as he hints in his Memoires) That 'tis impossible to see one out of his Chamber writing in his Study.

Mr. Langhorn being askt,† what he had to say to all this, Answer'd, ‖ That he had been a close Prisoner from the Seventeenth of October, and never convers'd with any Friend to tell him news, nor could he fore-see what these men would testify; so that the main of his Defence was to lessen their Evidence, and thereupon he called the 19 St. Omer's Witnesses, &c. who proved as before, both Oates his being constantly at St. Omers from December to June, and that Sir Thomas ••reston, Sir John Warner, &c. were not in England either in April or May. But here the Court too 〈◊〉〈◊〉 great Exceptions at the Gardener of Watten, who was a Dutch man, and could scarce speak English, for being askt how he could be so ••onctual as to Sir J. Warners being there all April and May, and not so in July and other Months. he Answer'd, because Sir John, in the Rector's absence (who went then into England,) supply'd his place; that he did not take so much notice of him (at other times: and besides, That the Question that he came for, did fall in those moneths and not in July, &c. whereupon the Court inferr'd▪ That he had his part given him, and the rest, and consequently, that there was no credit to be given to them. Now his meaning was this (and every body was thought to understand him so) viz. That all the World ringing by reason of the Printed Tryals and the like, with the noise, That Sir John was at London in such and such moneths, he had reflected on the seve∣ral circumstances in relation to the said months, and therefore could

positively speak to them, when as for the others he never consider'd or dreamt of them.

Then Mrs. Grove and her Maid a Protestant appeared, who wit∣ness'd ‖ that Oates never lay there, for they knew him not; that all March, April, and May, the House was full of Lodgers, whom they knew; and that Mrs. Fitzherbert lay: then in that room which Oates pretended was his; but because the Mistress (being deman∣ded who lay there in June and July) answer'd▪ that she was not to be examin'd further then April and May they were both slighted and dismist like the Gardiner, though the Maid positively nam'd Mrs Fitzberbert as there then; nor did Mrs. Grove mean any thing else by the words, but that April and May were the only months which Oates pretended to, as lodging at her house. * After this, Mr. Langhorn call'd for the Authentick Copy of the Record out of the Lords House, which though it were in the beginning of his Tryal granted not only by Oates, but by the Court also, that (if he had one) it should be† read, yet now 'twas deny'd, and Chief-Justice North said▪‖ It was unreasonable to think a man should be prepared to justify all he has sworn in his life; besides 'twas absolutely deter∣min'd, that he should not prove even by† Witnesses, what Oates had said against him at another Tryal; which was thought very hard After this, came the Mistress of the White-Horse, a Protestant also, † who said she had kept that Tavern Seven Years, that she had ne∣ver seen Mr. Oates before. That it was a small inconsiderable House, that there was no room would hold above a dozen, and that she remembers not so great a company at one time, unless at a Parish Jury,‖ who were divided into three rooms: Now Oates fearing much this Witness at first insisted on his priviledge of not answering to any question relating to a former Tryal, and therefore would not tell the Prisoner how many Jesuits met here; but the Chief Justice per∣swading him to speak‖ he answer'd at last, about Eighteen or Twenty (and not Fifty Reader, as formerly) and that these were also, in two or three several rooms; which not a few deem'd non-sense, and con∣trary to the Nature of a Consult; for that requires that the Mem∣bers should be together; and besides the Meeting according to this rate comes but to about three Clubs or Colloquies (as he calls them) which were still kept (according to his usual story) in other places, the general Randezvous being only here. But Oates was soon comforted; for upon the womans Evidence there stood up one that attested, that there were Rooms there, that would hold Thirty; and then ano∣ther, that he was at a Wedding there, where Dined above Twenty, and so she made her Exit like the rest, and retir'd. But this ended not thus; for after the Tryal, several went to view this so much talkt of Tavern, and though it's back part be rebuilt since April 78. yet the Jesuits famous Room still remains, being about four Yards

and a half square, and consequently not able with any convenience to contain above a dozen; no wonder therefore, if people can hard∣ly comprehend how such a number of Polititians could meet there; or why they should choose the poorest Tavern in all London or West∣minster, and where every extraordinary company, must necessarily be taken notice of; I say people cannot comprehend this, and espe∣cially they that knew Mr. White's, Mr. Hartcourt's, and Mr. Ire∣land's Chambers, either of which (besides the us doubtless of the respective Houses, upon any extraordinary occasion) is almost twice as big as the pretended one, and would have been 100 times more convenient to all intents and purposes whatsoever.

After this, the Prisoner askt Oates about his distributing the Com∣missions who averred, that He (the said Prisoner) had told him in July or August, that he had distributed them, which▪ Mr. Langhorn urg'd to be quite contrary to his former Oath▪ as having sworn in Coleman's Tryal,† That he never saw him after the day in April, when he brought him the Result, and particulars of that grand Meet∣ing as aforesaid. But this home Charge came to nothing, because there were no Witnesses ready to prove it viva voce; for as to the Print, (though publisht by the Chief▪ Justice.) it was refus'd, since a man was not (as‖ Mr. Justice Pemberton Answer'd) to be Convicted by a History. The Prisoner urged again the Record of the Lords House, which could shew, that Bedlow had there sworn, that he had no persons more to accuse either in or out of the House▪ than those he had already mention'd; so that He Mr. Langhorn, not being one of them, the said Bedlow must be perjur'd; but this was deny'd him, as was also the hearing of Witnesses to prove, that Bedlow had own'd in Mr. Reading's Tryal, that he had formerly minc't his Evi∣dence against Mr. Whitebread, which was plain perjury, since he then swore, to speak the whole. Truth, as well as nothing but Truth.

Mr. Langhorn (though he thought he had hard measure) pati∣ently acquiest, for he was a very quiet and modest man; and then the Court called the Witnesses that proved (in the preceding Try∣al) Oates's being here in April; but all of them in some material thing or other‖ varied from their former Depositions; for, Walker the Minister (finding it necessary to advance in his computation a∣bout the time when he drew Oates the next morning within the Scheme of his Knowledge (as he worded it in the former Tryal) tells us now,† that he believes it was in April, and towards the middle of it, though in the said former Tryal he made it every whit as likely to be in the‖ latter end of March; and yet half April could not then serve (you see) Oates his turn. But Cicily Mayo on the contrary (finding it as necessary to shorten her time) will have it, That it was a matter of a fortnight before Whitsuntide (as she remembers) when she saw Oates at the Doctor's; & yet before, she not only depos'd,

That it was the week before Whit suntide (or May the 19) but that he came again to them a week after. As for the Doctor or Knight himself (who was to assure the Court that his servants told him of Oates his visits) he now tells us, that he was then sick in the Countrey, where∣as before he swears in these words,‖ At that time (says he) that they have given in Evidence, I was abroad, as my business leads me often abroad into the Countrey; and then he add's a little after, that upon the visit of a Gentleman he fell ill, in which time Oates was gone, but upon his Recovery (to wit in June or July) He came to enquire for Dr. Tongue: So that if the said Doctor or Knight were sick and out of Town from February, to Whitsun week or latter end of May, as his Coach-man and† He both now depose, what becomes of his Boy Page's Testimony, that re∣membred (the day before) Oates to have been at his Masters in the beginning of May, because his said Master had a Patient in‖ I slington Sick of a Feavor; nay, what shall be thought of the said Doctor him∣self, who (to vouch the Boy, and to satisfy the Jury) swore then, that that Patient of his was Aldram Milvers daughter, when as here we find him not in the Country about his business, but under the Care of Doctor Needham, and to be a Patient himself by his own Confession for a great many weeks together. The School-Master's also shewd that he understood his business; for having well consider'd Mr. Gavans late Inferences, he swore at present only, that it was on the first Mun∣day in May, to the best, for sooth, of his Remembrance, and, as he takes it; which are expressions far different from the words Yes I do, when▪ the Judge askt him,‖ if he swere positively and directly.

As for Clay the old Priest, he was confronted by Mr. Charles How∣ard (the Duke of Norfolks Brother) who was only examin'd, though his wife and two servants were also present to attest, That Oates was never with them after April 77, till July, 78. Nor were these the sole witnesses that were past by; for it had often happened thus both in this and the Jesuits Tryal, there being above 30, who never came to their Examinations, either for want of hearing or of being called. Now because Mr. Howard fear'd his Testimony in Court might be alter'd by the Writers of the Tryal, he gave the fol∣lowing account to several of his friends, under his own hand, one of which came accidentally into mine: Nay he sent one to Oates him∣self, to the end no foul play might be us'd with him.

An Account of what the Honourable Charles Howard said at the old Baily, June, 14. 1679. As he attest's under his own hand.

June, 14. 1679.

AT the Old Baily I'was examin'd how long I had been acquain∣ted with Mr. Oates, and at what times I had seen him?

I answered, That I had bin acquainted with him two years or some∣thing more, That I did see him in Arundel House, in April 1677. That upon the Fifth day of May following my Son Charles died. and that I have another Son living; That after that time I did not see Dr. Oates until the third day of July, 1678.

That after the said Third of July, Mr. Clay did see Dr. Oates with me at Arundel House in my Chamber, and not before in my sight, but how many times I do not remember.

That possibly Mr. Clay might see Dr. Oates before I did, but as to that, I could say nothing.

Charles Howard.

Besides, it must be remembred, that Mr. Howard (above a moneth before) had bin examin'd by a Committee of the Lords about this business, in the presence of Clay and Oates, where he satisfy'd their Lordships so well by the time of his Son Charles's Death (who had (as he told the said Lords) bin Examin'd or posed by Oates in April 77) and by many other Circumstances concerning the whole matter, that Clay himself confest he might be mistaken in time, and that since Mr. Howard (who had a better memory than he,) sayd Oates was not at his House in April 78. he would no longer gainsay it, or words to that purpose.

Mr. Langhorn being found Guilty, was Condemned with the five Jesuits that very day, and on the Fourteenth of July he was drawn to Tyburn, where he publickly declar'd his Innocence, as appears by the following Speech, which he left written under his own hand.

Mr. Langhorns's written Speech, and Prologue.

IN regard I could not foresee whether I should be permitted to speak at my Death, so as to make a publick Declaration of my Innocence and Loyalty, as a Christian ought to do; consider∣ing likewise, that if it should be permitted unto me, it would be more advisable for me rather to prepare before hand, and set down in writing the very words in which I should make my Declaration, than to trust my memory with them; to the end that the same may be well considered of, and digested by me, and that all mistakes might be pre∣vented, as far as may be: I say, in regard of this, I have in the present Paper reduced what I have to declare, as to my Innocence and Loyalty; and 'tis in these following Words.

I Do solemnly and sincerely, in the presence of Almighty God, profess, testify and declare, as followeth: That is to say,

1. That I do with my heart and soul, believe and own my most Gracious Soveraign Lord, the Kings Majesty, King Charles the Se∣cond, to be my true and lawful Soveraign, Prince and King, in the same sence and latitude, to all intents and purposes, as in the Oath commonly called, The Oath of Allegiance, His said Majesty is expres∣sed to be King of this Realm of England.

2. That I do in my soul believe, That neither the Pope, nor a∣ny Prince, Potentate, or Forreign Authority, nor the people of England, nor any Authority out of this Kingdom, or within the same, hath or have any Right to dispossess. His said Majesty of the Crown or Government of England, or to depose him therefrom, for any Cause or pretended Cause whatsoever, or to give licence to me, or to any other of His said Ma••esties Subjects whatsoever, to bear Arms against His said Majesty, or to take away his Life, or to do him any bodily harm, or to disturb the Government of this King∣dom, as the same is now established by Law, or to alter, or go a∣bout to alter the said Government, or the Religion now established in England, by any way of force.

3. That I neither am, nor ever was, at any time or times, guil∣ty so (much as in my most secret thoughts, of any Treason, or mis∣prision of Treason whatsoever.

4. That I did not in the Month of November, or at any other time or times whatsoever, say unto Mr. Oates, or unto any other person or persons whatsoever, in relation to my Sons in Spain, or either of them, or in relation to any other person or persons whatsoever, That if they did continue in the World, (as Secular Priests, of o∣therwise) they should suddenly have great promotions in England, for that things would not last long in the posture wherein they then were; nor did I ever say any words to that or the like effect to any person or persons whatsoever.

5. That I did never in all my life-time write any Letter, or other thing whatsoever, unto, or receive any Letter or other thing, from Father La Chese, or any French Jesuit whatsoever, or from Father. Anderton, or Cardinal Barbarino; or any other Cardinal; nor did I ever see any Letter, or the Copy of any Letter, or other paper, or other thing, written or purporting to be written unto the said La Chese, or unto the said Father Anderton, or the said Cardinal Barbarina, by any person or persons whatsoever, other than the printed Letters, printed in the Narrative of the Trial of Mr. Cole∣man, lately executed, which I never saw otherwise than in the said printed Narrative; nor did I ever hear any mention made by any per∣son whatsoever of the Name of La Chese, or Father La Chese, before I read the said printed Narrative.

6. That I did never in all my life-time make any Entry or En∣tries, into any Book or Books, or take, or make, or write, or cause

to be written into any Book or books, or otherwise any Letter or Letters, or any Copy or Copies of any Letter or Letters, written by the said Edward Coleman, to any person or persons whatsoever.

7. That I did never in all my life-time enter or register into any Book or books, Paper or papers whatsoever, or take, or make, or Write, or cause to be written, any Copy or Copies, of any Act or Acts, Consult or Consults, Determination or Determinations, Order or Orders, Resolve or Resolves, or other matter or thing, at any time made, determined, resolved, passed, decreed or agitated, at any Congre∣gation or Congregations, Consult or Consults, Chapter or Chap∣ters, Assembly or Assemblies, of the Society or Order of the Jesuits, or of any other Religions Order whatsoever; nor did I ever see, read, or heard read, nor did any person or persons, at any time whatsoever, ever Communicate unto me, any such Act, Consult, Determination, Order, Resolve, Matter or Thing whatsoever.

8. That I did never in all my life-time, to my knowledg, belief or remembrane, see or speak with Mr. Bedloe, who gave Evidence against me at my Tryal, until I saw him in that Court wherein he gave Evidence against me.

9. That after the moneth of November, which was in the year of our Lord 1677. I did never see or speak with Mr. Titus Oates before named, until I saw him in the same Court where he gave Evidence against me at my Tryal.

10. That I did never see in all my life-time, to my knowledge, belief or remembrance, any Commission or Commissions, Pattent or Patents, Grant or Grants, Order or Orders, Instrument or Instruments, Writing or Writings, or other matter or thing whatsoever, under, or pretended to be under the Hand and Seal, or the Hand or the Seal of Johannes Paulus de Oliva, or any other General of the Jesuits what∣soever, other then the Paper or Instrument produced and shewed unto me in the said Court at my Tryal, which whether it was signed or sealed by the said de Oliva, I do not know.

11. That I did never in all my life-time write, or cause or procure to be written, any Treasonable Letter or Letters whatsoever, or any thing which was or is Treason, or Treasonable in any Letter or Let∣ters, Book or books, Paper or papers, or otherwise howsoever.

12. That I believe, that if I did know, or should know of any Treason or Treasonable Design, that was or is intended, or should be intended, against His said Majesty, or the Government of this His Majesties Kingdom, or for the Alteration by force, advice or otherwise, of the said Government, or of the Religion now esta∣blished in this Kingdom, and should conceal and not discover the same unto his said Majesty, or his said Majesties Council or Ministers or some of them; that such concealment would be in me a sin unto Death, and Eternal Damnation.

13. That I do believe, that it is no ways lawful for me to lye,

or speak any thing which I know to be untrue; or to commit any sin, or do any Evil, that Good may come of it. And that it is not in the Power of any Priest, or of the Pope, or of God himself, to give me a Licence to Lie, or to speak any thing which I know to be untrue, because every such Lye would be a sin against Truth: And Almighty God, who is perfect Truth, cannot give me a License to commit a sin against his own Essence.

And I do solemnly in the presence of God, Profess, Testify and Declare, That as I hope for Salvation, and expect any benefit by the Blood and Passion of my dearest Saviour Jesus Christ, I do make this Declaration and Protestation and every part thereof in the Plain and Ordinary Sense, wherein the same stands Written, as they are commonly understood by English Protestants and the Courts of Justice of England without any Evasion, or Equivocation, or De∣lusion, or Mental Reservation whatsoever. And without any Dis∣pensation or Pardon, or Absolution already granted to me, for this or any other purpose by the Pope or any other Power, Authority or Person whatsoever, Or, without any hope, expectation or desire of any such Dispensation; and without thinking or believing that I am or can be acquitted before God or Man, or absolved of this Declaration or any part thereof, although the Pope or any other Person or persons, or Power or Authority whatsoever should di∣spence with, Or take upon him or them to dispence with, or An∣nul the same, Or declare that it was, or is, or ought to be Null or Void in part, or in the whole, from the beginning, or other∣wise howsoever.

Having made this Declaration and Protestation in the most plain Terms that I can possibly imagin to express my sincere Loyalty and Innocency, and the clear intention of my Soul, I leave it to the Judgment of all Good and Charitable persons whether they will believe what is here in this manner affirmed and sworn by me in my present Circumstances, or what is sworn by my Accusers.

I do now farther declare, That I die a member (though an un∣worthy one) of that Holy Catholick and Apostolick Church of Christ, mentioned in the Three Holy and publick Creeds of which Church our Lord Jesus▪ Christ is the Invisible Head of Influence, to illuminate, guide, protect▪ and govern it by his Holy Spirit and Grace, and of which Church, the Bishop of Rome, as the Successor of St. Peter, the Prince of the Apostles, is the visible Head of Go∣vernment and Unity.

I take it to be clear, That my Religion is the sole cause, which moved my Accusers to charge me with the Crime, for which up∣on their Evidence I am adjudged to die, and that my being of that Religion, which I here prosess, was the only ground which could give them any hope to be believed, or which could move my Ju∣••••y to believe the Evidence of such men.

I have had not only a Pardon, but also great Advantages, as to preferments and Estates offered unto me, since this Judgment was against me, in case I would have forsaken my Religion, and own∣ed my self guilty of the Crime charged against me, and char∣ged the same Crimes upon others: But blessed be my God, who by his Grace hath preserved me from yeilding to those Temptati∣ons, and strengthened me rather to choose this death, than to stain my Soul with sin, and to charge others, against truth, with Crimes, of which I do not know that any person is guilty.

Having said what concerns me to say as to my self, I now humbly beseech God to bless the Kings Majesty with all temporal and eternal Blessings, and to preserve Him and His Government from all Trea∣sons and Traitors whatsoever, and that his Majesty may never fall into such hands, as His Royal Father of Glorious Memory fell into.

I also humbly beseeh thee (O God) to give true Repentance and Pardon to all my Enemies, and most particularly to the said Mr. Oates and Mr. Bedloe, and to all who have been any ways accessary to the taking away of my Life, and the shedding of my Innocent Blood, or to the preventing the King's Mercy from be∣ing extended unto me; and likewise to all those who rejoyced at the Judgment given against me, or at the Execution of the said Judgment; and to all those who are or shall be so unchristianly uncharitable, as to disbelieve, and to refuse to give credit unto my now Protestations.

And I beseech thee (O my God) to bless this whole Nation, and not to lay the guilt of my Blood unto the charge of this Nation, or of any other particular person or persons of this Nation. Unite all (O my God) unto thee and thy Church, by true Faith, Hope, and Charity, for thy mercies sake.

And for all those who have shewed Charity to me, I humbly beg (O my Jesus) that thou wilt reward them with all Blessings both temporal and eternal.

13 July, 1679.

R. Langhorn.

Mr. Langhorns's Speech at the time of Execution.

WHen the Hangman was putting the Rope over his Head, he took it into his hands, and kissed it. Afterwards He said: I would gladly speak to Mr. Sheriff HOW; who coming up to him he addressed himself thus:

Mr. Sheriff. I having some doubt, whether I should be suffered to

speak, in relation to my Innocency and Loyalty, I did, for that Rea∣son, prepare what I had to say, and what I intended to say in Wri∣ting, and it is delivered into your hands, Mr. Sheriff; and therefore for the particular and precise Words and Expressions, I do refer my self to that, and I hope you will be so just to my Memory, that you will per∣mit it to be seen.

I shall therefore make only a short Preface, and I do declare, in the Presence of the Eternal God, and as I hope to be saved by the Me∣rits and Death of my dear Jesus, That I am not Guilty directly or in∣directly, of any Crime that was sworn against me; I do not speak this to Arraign the Court of Publick Justice, either Judges or Jury, but those Men that did swear it; and the Jury had liberty to believe, or not believe, as they pleased; And I do like wise say, with the same Averrment, That I did never in my Life see any Commission or Pa∣tent, or any Writing, or any other Thing, under the hand of Johannes Paulus de Oliva. &c.

S.

Nor under no other Hand.?

L.

No, nor under any other Hand, of any Commission or Patents, for the Raising of an Army, or any Thing else against the King.

S.

What was the Patent for? for Nothing!

L.

I never saw any, nor do I believe there was any: And whereas I have read in a Narrative, that I sent a Commission by my Son, to the Lord Arundel of Warder, and that I delive'rd another to the Lord Petre (or Petres) with my own hands, I take God to Witness, that I never knew him in my life, or ever, to my knowledge, saw the face of that Lord; nor did I send or know of any thing that was sent to my Lord Arundel of Warder, of that nature.

S.

Shorten your business, you have, Mr. Langhorn, and your Party, so many ways to Equivocate, and after Absolution you may say any thing.

L.

I refer my self to that Paper I gave you, Mr. Sheriff.

S.

I think it is not fit to be Printed. I will do you no wrong.

L.

I do not think you will.

S.

You have already printed a Paper, or some body for you.

L.

Sir, I did not Print it, and it was done without any Direction or Permission of mine. The Lord preserve his Majesty from all manner of Treason, and pre∣serve Him from falling into such Hands, as His Royal Father, of Glorious Memory, fell under; I pray god forgive my Enemies, as I freely do those that Accused me, those that witnessed against me; and all others that either desired my Blood, or rejoyce at the shedding of it; and all Persons that have any ways concern'd themselves with me, I freely for∣give them with all my Soul, and beg my dear Jesus to forgive them, and all others. God Almighty bless you, and bless the whole Nation, and the Government, and preserve it from all Evil and Mischief that

I am afraid is coming on it, for the shedding of Innocent Blood. Sweet Jesus, lay not my Innocent Blood to their Charge.

I shall say no more now Publickly.

Asked the Executioner, Whether the Rope was right or no? He said, Yes; and he asked him, Whether he did forgive him? To which Mr. Langhorne said, I freely do.

I shall now recommend my self to God in Private.

S.

You may have liberty. The Writer. The Lord have Mercy on your Soul.

L.

The Lord in Heaven Reward your Charity. Crost himself, pray'd again.

Blessed Jesus, into thy Hands I recommend my Soul and Spirit, now at this instant take me into Paradice; I am desirous to be with my Jesus; I am ready, and you need stay no longer for me.

Notes

• pag. 6.
• †

  pag. 7.
• ‖

  pag. 8.
• pag. 9.
• ‖

  pag. 10.
• †

  pag. 12.
• ‖

  pag. 11.
• †

  pag. 14.
• ‖

  Mem. p. 6.
• ‖

  pag. 12. †
• pag. 13.
• ‖

  pag. 14.
• ‖

  pag. 15.
• ‖

  vid. Whites Tryal, p. 77.
• †

  Present Tryal, p. 14.
• pag. 15.
• †

  pag. 16.
• ‖

  vid. Irel.
• Tryal, p. 36.
• †

  pag. 18.
• pag. 19.
• †

  pag. 20.
• ‖

  pag. 21.
• pag. 22.
• †

  pag. 23.
• ‖

  pag. 27. &▪ 28.
• vid. Whites Tryal, p. 76.
• † Ibid. p. 91.
• ‖

  Pres. Tryal pag; 20.
• pag. 6.
• †

  The Pres. Tryal. p. 26.
• ‖

  pag. 28.
• pag. 33.
• ‖

  pag. 42, & 43.
• pag. 43.
• †

  pag. 15.
• ‖

  pag. 44.
• †

  pag. ib.
• †

  pag. 46.
• ‖

  pag. 47.
• ‖

  pag. 46.
• pag. 49.
• †

  Vid. Col. Tryal. p. 29.
• ‖

  Pres. Trial. pag. 50.
• pag. 48.
• ‖

  pag. 52.
• †

  pag. 52.
• ‖

  Vid. Whites Trial. p. 80.
• pag. 54.
• pag. ib.
• ‖

  vid. Whites Trial. p. 82.
• or this Treatise, p. 32.
• Pres. Trial. pag. 53.
• †

  pag. 54.
• ‖

  vid. Whites Tryal, p. 82.
• Ibid.
• Present Tryal, p. 56.
• ‖

  vid. Whites Tryal, p. 84.