Reflections on The relation of the English reformation, lately printed at Oxford

REFLECTIONS ON THE RELATION OF THE ENGLISH REFORMATION, &c. The First Part.

The INTRODUCTION.

WE have been long in Expectation of some extraordinary Productions of the Eminent Convert of Oxford. His Age, his Learning, and the present Conjun∣cture hath raised that Expectation ve∣ry high; and tho the ill success of his Discourses concern∣ing the Presence in the Sacrament, and the Adoration of it, hath sunk his Reputation to a great Degree; it having appeared that he neither writes exactly, nor sin∣cerely, which hath lessened him much in the Opinion of those, who expected great things from him. Yet it was thought that matters of History would succeed better in his hand; for it hath been long believed, that he had exa∣mined

those Transactions very critically; so that when I heard that he had undertaken this Subject, I expected great Discoveries from him, and fancied that instead of Extracts out of Fuller and Heylin, we should have found Records, Originals, Papers, and the Cotton-Library, often cited. So it may be easily apprehended how much I was surprised, when I found a Book of such a Volume, in which there was not the least Discovery of any new mat∣ters of Fact; and that there was nothing in it, but a te∣dious Repetition (very ill expressed in rough English) of Arguments that have been over and over again, both made and refuted; together with a Representation of the state of Affairs in the last Age, that was partly defective, and partly false. It seemed strange to me at first view, to see so large a Book writ and printed eight years after that Dr. Burnet's History of the Reformation had appeared, without its taking the least notice of that Work, which hath been so well received, so much read, and which seems to be so well confirmed by the Proofs that accompany it, that few Books of History have gained a more general Reputation than it hath done; and as none of the Roman-Communion have been able hitherto, to say any thing for the Disparagement of that Work, except Mr. Varil∣las; so he hath been so severely exposed by the Dr. that this attempt hath raised its Credit, instead of lessening of it.

It is true, This Book seems to be a part of a great Work, and to have been writ many years ago. For as this ap∣pears in many Parts of it, so more remarkably in one Passage, that shews it was written in the Interval between His Late Majesties being re-established in his Throne, and the Restauration of Bishops; and therefore, when this Book was writ, the Author could not vouch other Histo∣rians, than such as had then appeared: Yet, since the

printing of it was delayed so long; and since it is believed, that the Author and the Publisher is the same Person, he might have given himself the trouble to have reviewed his Work, or at least to have added some Appendix relating to that more copious and authentical Account which Dr. Burnet hath given us of our Reformation. For if the Dr. hath deceived the World by a false Representation of Mat∣ters; yet it must be confessed, that he hath done it with so good a Grace, and with such appearances of Sincerity, and of proving what he relates, and that both our Coun∣trymen and Forreigners have read that Work so much (as appears by the several Impressions at home, and the seve∣ral Translations that have been printed beyond Sea) that it was too great an Omission in the Author of this Recital, if he be still alive, that he hath never mentioned that History, nor said any thing to ruin the Reputation it hath gained.

I am, I confess, much inclined to believe, that he who hath published this Book, could not have writ it. For as there is nothing in it that answers the Reputation he hath in the World; so the time of writing it, seems a Demon∣stration that he cannot be the Author of it. For what Opi∣nion can we have of a mans Conscience, of his Probity, or his Honour, that could write such a Book against the Re∣formation, and the Church of England in the year 1660. and yet could continue in the Communion of our Church, concurring not only in the Acts of our daily Worship, but mixing with us in the Holy Sacrament twenty five years after this! Such a Criminal Compliance hath so many foul Characters upon it, that after all the Charity to which a man can carry his thoughts, he can scarce know how to have one good thought of a person capable of so black and such a long continued dissimulation, both towards God and Man. Whether Oaths and Subscriptions have not come in

wise to enhance the guilt of so horrid a Dissimulation, I do not know; but even tho that hath not been in the case, God and Man hath been sufficiently mocked. This is that which makes me very unwilling to believe that the Au∣thor of this Book could continue in all the Acts of visible Communion with this Church, so many years after he writ it; tho I confess he speaks so softly, and with so lit∣tle Detestation of the compliance of the Popish Clergy in Edward the 6th's time, that this looks too like a man that was resolved to venture on the same guilt; for he tells us in his harsh Stile, That the perpetual outward compliance of some other Bishops contrarily affected, since there preceded before it penalties and Fears, and the seeing of the prime Bi∣shops to be imprisoned and ejected for standing out, is far from an authentical Consent, and unjustly reckoned as such. For tho none can know mens Hearts, but by their outward appearances, yet where mens Votes are asked, after Penalties, Imprisonments of others, Threats, &c. which are so strong motives of Dissimulation. Now all that conform in these, are to be presumed Compliers, and none free Voters. And after∣wards without expressing any horror at it, he owns, That many of the inferior Clergy remained still of the old Religion; which he goes about to prove by several Reasons. And yet after all this, there was nothing to be apprehended in K. Edward's days, by such of the Clergy as would not receive the Reformation, but the loss of their Benefices; which (if we are not mistaken in the Man) our Author felt to be such a strong motive of Dissimulation, that he re∣solved to be overcome by it. If a single Act of impious Worship against a mans Conscience, was thought so hei∣nous a crime by the Primitive Church, that it could not be expiated, but by a Penitence of many years continu∣ance; then certainly, the same Sin repeated in the course of so many years, against such clear Convictions of Con∣science,

must be confessed to be so heinous a Transgression, that according to the Spirit of the Primitive Times, such an Offender could have expected no other Grace, but to obtain the Peace of the Church in his last agonies. To see a man change, is natural, especially where a present In∣terest is the motive; but it is a degree of impiety, of which one would hope there are few men capable to lye so long, and so solemnly both to God and man. But I come now to look a little more narrowly into the matter of this Treatise.

I will not at all engage my self to examine a great ma∣ny Passages that are cited in it, out of some of our Au∣thors, and in particular out of Dr. Heylin, and Mr. Thorn∣dike: When we object to those of the Church of Rome some things out of Erasmus or Cassander; or for Histo∣rical Matters, when we cite P. Paul or Thuanus; we know with how much neglect they put by these Authorities, as if they were not concerned in them; tho these Persons lived and dyed in the Visible Communion of their Church. And I do not see why we may not take the same liberty with such Writers, that tho they have been in Commu∣nion with our Church, yet have it seems continued in it with some difficulty. And it will not appear very strange if at the end of our civil Wars those Persons, who saw the ill effects of some ill Principles very apparently were car∣ried by the impressions which those Confusions made upon them, to oppose those disorders by an over-bending of their notions to the other Extream. For this is an ex∣cess to which the humane nature is so liable, that it were a wonder if all Writers, especially men of warm Tem∣pers, that had been sower'd by ill usage, had been pre∣served from it; so that I will wholly wave all that he cites from these or any others of our Authors, and will come to the matters themselves.

CHAP. I.

Of the Importance of those Matters Objected to the Reformation, supposing them all true.

THE Disputes that we had with the Church of Rome were at first managed with more sincerity by our Adversaries, than they have been of late; They ju∣stified their Church in those Points for which we accused her, and objected the strongest things they could to ours; but when they felt their Cause too weak to be maintained by fair methods, then they betook themselves to others that were indeed less sincere, but yet were more apt to make impressions on weak minds. In France, and among us, Three new Methods have appeared of late Years. The First was to take off men from entring into the merits of the Cause, and to prepossess them with such prejudices against the Reformation, as might lead them to condemn it without examining: To a discerning mind this method furnishes the strongest of all prejudices against those who use it; this shews such a distrust of the Cause it self, and it discovers it self so plainly to be a trick, that it gives every man a just ground of indignation against those who fly to it: Besides, that it affords a good Plea to all men to conti∣nue in the Religion in which they were born and bred, without hearkning to any new discoveries; for if the Grounds upon which the Reformation was made, were good, it signifies little to an Enquirer into Truth, whether this Work was set on foot, and managed with all the exactness and regularity that might have been desired, or not. Truth is always Truth, from what hand soever it comes; and the right way to find it out, is to free our minds from all prejudices, that so we may examine mat¦ters with unprepossessed understandings.

A Second Method is to perswade the World that we have not yet understood one another; that Popery hath only appeared odious, because it was Misrepresented to the world in false colours, but that it will be found to be quite another thing if it is truly represented. The Bishop of Meaux had the honour to begin this piece of Leger∣demain; our men of the Mission here have too slender a stock of their own, and therefore they give us the French Mode in Controversie, as well as our Gallants do it in Cloaths; so they have thought to do wondrous feats with this method of Representing; but the want of sincerity of that Prelate, in this as well as in other things, hath been so evidently made out, that if some men had not a secret that makes them proof against all discoveries, he would be a little out of Countenance; and our Representers here are so exposed, that nothing is wanting for their convicti∣on, but a sense of that shame with which they have been covered; it is indeed a strange piece of confidence in men, to come and offer to convince the World, That after Disputes of 150 years continuance, neither side hath un∣derstood the state of the Controversie: and tho the same Decrees of Councils, and the same Forms of Worship are still received; yet all these things must of a sudden so change their nature, that in defiance of all that, which upon other occasions, they say in behalf of Tradition, a new discovery should be made, giving us new senses of all those things; but whatsoever success that Book may have had, where a plundering Army managed the Argu∣ment, yet it is become now as ridiculous here, as it is pretended to have been successful beyond Sea.

A Third Method is the setting up the Credit of Oral Tradition, not upon the Authority of some passages of Scripture, but upon this general Topic, that one Age must needs have delivered the same Faith to the succeeding

Age, that it had received from that which went before it; and by consequence, that we must have in the present Age, the same Doctrine which the Apostles delivered at first, 17 Ages ago. It was found, That the Authority of the Church could not well be founded on passages of Scripture, for then we must be allowed first to believe the Scripture, and its Authority and Genuineness, and then to inquire into the meaning of those Passages, and to exa∣mine to which of all the different Churches that are in the world, they do belong: Now it was apparent, That if it were once allowed, that we may carry our enqui∣ries so far as to be able to settle our selves in these points, then this Infallible Authority is not so necessary to us, as they would make us believe, since we are supposed to have found good Proofs for believing the Scriptures, and for discovering the true meaning of the hardest passages in them, without its help. Now this would spoil all, and throw out those Arguments that perswade us of the ne∣cessity of an infallible Judg, both for our finding out, and for our expounding the Scriptures; they are now sensible of all this, and see that it is a very false Method of arguing to prove the Scriptures by the Church, when the Church must be first proved by the Scriptures; and therefore they do betake themselves to the Infallibility of Oral Tradition, founding it upon this General Topic, That all the men of one Age must needs have instructed the fol∣lowing Age in the same Faith that they had received from the former Age, and upon this a great many ima∣ginary Impossibilities are reckoned up to shew, that this could not fail, and so they infer the certainty of this method of conveyance. Now this is so extravagantly ridiculous, and so contrary to the common experience of all mankind, that all that can possibly be said to support it, signifies no more but to shew how many fine things a

man of wit can say to prove the impossibility of a thing which yet every man of sense knows is not only possible, but is so certain an effect of such an Oral Conveyance, that it is rather impossible it should not fail. How was the first Oral Tradition of the Religion delivered to Adam, cor∣rupted? Tho the long lives of the first Patriarchs is a much stronger Argument for proving the impossibility of such a corruption, than any that these Gentlemen can alledg. How was the Jewish Religion corrupted in our Saviour's time, tho the only Scene of their Solemn Worship being at Ierusalem, and the assembling of their whole Nation in their Temple, three times a year, are much stronger induce∣ments to make us conclude that it was impossible for an Oral Conveyance to miscarry among them, than any that can be pretended to amongst Christians. Do we not see that the most common Transactions are so diversified after they have passed through a few hands, that Truth is very soon lost, when it hath no better Standard than Fame and Chat? Do not all Languages change so much in a course of some ages, that those who lived here 500 years ago, would be no more understood, if they were now among us; and yet it were easie to point out the Infallibility of the conveyance of a Language with much livelier colours than these men can lay on here. If Oral Tradition hath any pretension to certainty, it must be chiefly with relati∣on to such things as are sensible and visible, and that fall under the observation of all men; for in matters that are speculative, it is natural for every man to dress them ac∣cording to those explications with which he cloaths them; and if his Reputation either for Piety, Learming, or a true understanding of matters is established, it is so probable, that these will be so well received, that what was believed in one age in some general words, will be believed in another, with the addition of those new explications, that

it were indeed a wonder if it were otherwise, especially in Ages of Ignorance and Superstition: If it is found that in things which are sensible, this Oral Tradition is so certain∣ly changed, that we are as sure of it as we ean possibly be of any matter of History; then it is a vain thing to go about to perswade us, that this is an infallible conveyance in matters of Doctrine, since it is plain, that the one is much more like to be sure, than the other can ever be supposed to be. if in the Worship of God the Adoration of Images and Saints, and an infinity of new Rites are brought in; if in the Sacrament, the Adoration of it, the denying the Cup to all except the Priest, the denying the Sacrament to Infants; if in the Government of the Church the Popes have not only brought the other Bishops to be∣come subject to them, but have broke through the Autho∣rity of Metropolitans, and the Equality that was setled between themselves and the other Patriarchs, tho these things were enacted by the first General Councils; if Popes have got possession of an Authority over Princes, when they were either Hereticks, or were favourers of Hereticks, and have maintained this Possession these last 600 years; if, I say, all these things, which are not only sensible, but are very contrary to those Inclinations and Interests, that are the powerful Springs of human nature, have yet been brought into the world so manifestly, is it any wonder, if in dark ages (in which a blind Obedience, and an unreserved Submission to Church-men were look∣ed on as the chief Branches of Catholick Religion) a great many new Doctrines, that were infinitely for the advantage of a corrupt and designing Clergy were intro∣duced and received: Instead of wondring at the success of all these Innovations, we should have had much more rea∣son to wonder if they had not prevailed.

But upon the whole matter, all these new Methods

shew us, that those who manage them, see the weakness of the old ones, and that their Cause cannot be maintained on that bottom, on which the Writers of Controversy had at first put it; and that therefore they must a little change their way; and this being an age, in which Wit and fine Thoughts are highly valued, those who fancied they were Masters in those, hoped to raise a sunk Cause; which how successful soever it may be, when it is managed by Dragoons, yet hath never appeared more naked and despicable, than it hath done of late years. Therefore they have given this new Air and Turn to the common Subjects of the Authority of the Church, and of Tradition, and have be∣taken themselves to the certainty of Oral Tradition, as their last retrenchment; and after all those Declamati∣ons that have been made of late, against those who pretend∣ed not to carry the assurance of our Religion beyond a moral certainty, they now fly to a Plea, which if it were true, is but at most a moral certainty; but is so far from be∣ing true, that we have as much certainty as we can have for a negative Proposition, that it is and ever must be false.

The Author of this Treatise offers us a new Essay of one of these late Methods; for instead of attacking our Refor∣mation in any of its essential Parts, he goes about only to prove that it was not Canonical; and all this, when it were granted to be true, amounts to no more than this, that the Corruptions of the Church of Rome having been extreamly advantageous to the Clergy, the greater part of them were too much locked up in Ignorance, and too much addicted to their Interests to admit of any change; and that there∣fore the lesser part was forced to make use of the Civil-power to support them in reforming those Abuses. But this must be acknowledged to be lawful; otherwise all National-Reformations from received Errors, are no more to be thought on. For, suppose an Error hath overspread

a National Church, which is a Supposition that none can deny, since how infallible soever the Catholick Church may be supposed to be, it is past dispute, that every par∣ticular Church may be so over-run with Errors, that the greater part may be infected; and if this falls to be in a Conjuncture, in which a General Council cannot be called; and if the Heresy is new, such, as for instance the Pelagian was, when it first appeared; so that it had spread far before it had been condemned by a General Council; what must be done in such a case, if the Prince may not support the Sounder, tho the Lesser Part? So that according to this Supposition, if those Doctrines and Forms of Worship that were reformed in the last Age, were Erroneous or Idola∣trous, than any supposed Irregularities that might be in the way of managing it, can never blemish that Work. It is certain, that all Rules are only for quiet times; in the days of Peace and Order, the transgressing of established Rules, is without doubt a very censurable thing; but this must not be applied to all times. For, tho in a setled time we know how much respect we owe to Judges and Mini∣sters of State; yet if these very Persons will go to set on a Rebellion, and authorize it, all that respect ought presently to be thrown off.

CHAP. II.

Some general Considerations upon what is alledg∣ed of the uncanonical Proceedings in the Pro∣gress of our Reformation.

IT hath a very ill Grace to see a man of the Roman Communion talk so highly of the Obligation to obey the Canons of the Church, so as almost to Vnchurch us, upon

some supposed Irregularities in our Reformation. For what is the whole Constitution of the Papacy, but one conti∣nued Contradiction to all the Ancient Cannons? And what is the whole modern Canon Law, but the Exaltation of the Papal Authority, above all the Canons of the Church? Is there any thing clearer in the Primitive times, than the establishing the Authority of Metropolitans, that was confirmed by the Council of Nice; the equalling the Bi∣shops of Constantinople to the Bishops of Rome, which was done by the 2d and 4th General Council; the establishing the Independency of those Churches that were in Possession of it, and so freeing them from all Subordination to other Sees, which was done by the 3d General Council? And yet, tho here we see the four first General Councils, all concur∣ring to establish this form of Government, the Papal-power is no other than a breaking in upon all these Canons. What is more uncanonical than the establishing Legatine Courts, the receiving of Appeals, the obliging of Bishops to sue for their Bulls in the Court of Rome; the dispensing with all the Canons of the Church, the exempting all the Regulars from Obedience to their Bishops, which is not only contrary to the express Canon of the Council of Chal∣cedon, but is plainly contrary to that Authority that Bi∣shops derive from Christ to govern the Flocks committed to their care. In short, the whole System of the Church and Court of Rome, is so direct a revolt from all the Pri∣mitive Canons, that it is a degree of Confidence, which I do not envy in our Author, for him to talk of uncanoni∣cal Proceedings.

Canons are Rules established, either by Provincial Sy∣nods, or more General Councils, which import no more but that they ought to be commonly observed; for it is plain, that there is no Church in the World, that hath looked on the Canons of the former times, as things so sa∣cred

and unalterable, that they could never be dispensed with. The Schism of the two Popes at Rome and Avignon, and all that was done in consequence of it, was uncanonical with a Witness; and yet how was all that buried by the Council of Constan••••? And tho one of the two Obediences was certainly in a state of Schism, yet all that was passed over, and without any Submission of either side, all was healed up.

The whole Constiution of Metropolitans with their Provincial Synods, which was the ancientest and clearest of all the Primitive Rules, arises only out of the several Divisions of the Provinces of the Roman Empire; when then the Civil Constitution of all Europe is so much altered from what it was then; all that Fabrick subsists now rather upon a respect to ancient Rules, than from the Authority of those Canons, which can no more remain, the ground upon which they were built, being now removed. And one may as well pretend that we are bound to obey the old Roman Law, or the Feudal Law, because those Laws were once received amongst us; as to tell us, that we are bound to obey all the ancient Canons, especially those that had a visible Relation to the Constitution of the Roman Empire. Therefore the Subordination of Churches, of Synods, and Metropolitans, and Patriarchs, that was only the knitting into one Body, and under several degrees of Subordination, a Church that was all under one Civil Society and Empire, hath sunk with the Roman Empire. So that the tearing that Empire in pieces, hath quite put an end to all that Ecclesi∣astical Subordination. And if there is any thing of that yet kept up amongst us, it is rather for the preserving of Order, than that we are under any Obligation of Consci∣ence to submit to such Constitutions. And therefore, as oft as a great Conjuncture of Affairs carries along with it considerations that are of more weight, than the adher∣ing

to ancient Forms, then all these may be well superseded. For all Rules are temporary things, and made according to several Emergences and Occasions, which altering fre∣quently, it were a very unreasonable thing to expect that every Church should at all times conform it self to them. And tho we condemn that Dissolution of all the Canons which the Church and Court of Rome hath brought into the World, yet on the other hand we cannot acknowledg any such binding Authority in them, that they can never be dispensed with.

The methods of those men with whom we deal, are wonderful. Now they reproach our Church with a Viola∣tion of ancient Canons; and yet when we lay to their charge some of the Canons that their Councils have made in these later Ages, such as those of the Lateran, for the Extirpation of Hereticks, and for the Pope's power of depo∣sing Heretical Princes; they tell us, that great difference is to be made between the Decisions of the Church in the Points of Faith, and the Decrees that are made in matter of Discipline; since, tho they assert an Infallibility in the one, yet the other are transient things, in which we ought not to admit of so absolute an Authority. This is false with relati∣on to Decrees, that declare a Christians Duty, or a Rule of Morality: For Decrees in such matter do import an Article of Faith or Doctrine upon which they are founded. And therefore a Church may indeed, even in the Opinion of those who believe her Infallible, err in a particular Judg∣ment against such or such a Heretical Prince; for that being founded on a matter of Fact, she may be Infallible still, even tho she were surprised in matters of Fact. But she can∣not be Infallible, if in declaring the Duty of Subjects to∣wards Heretical Princes, or of the Popes Authority in those cases, she hath set Rules contrary to the Word of God. In such matters as these are, I do acknowledg the Decrees of the Church are for ever Obligatory upon all

those who believe her Infallible. Therefore, since our Au∣thor urges so much the Authority of the Canons, I would gladly know what he thinks of these, which are not, I confess, Ancient, yet they were enacted by the Supream Authority of that Body which they account Infallible. It is true, some have thought they could get out of this diffi∣culty by denying these to be the Acts of that Council. But if our Author be the same Person with him that writ con∣cerning the Adoration of the Eucharist, he is of another mind, and doth acknowledg, that those Canons are the true Acts of that great Assembly, and not only the Designs of the Pope. It is true, he saith, the sense of the Canon concerning the secular Powers, is by Protestants mistaken. But he hath not yet given himself the trouble of laying before us the true sense of that Canon; and one would think that he who writ the Treatise that is now under Examination, had very favourable thoughts of the Doctrine of Subjects sha∣king off an heretical Prince; for he reckons up the many ri∣sings that were in K. Edwards days, chiefly for matter of Re∣ligion, as a proof that the Body of the Clergy went not into that change. Which rising (saith he) of the Laity in such num∣bers for their former way of Religion, would not have been, had not their Clergy justified it unto them. Rising is a soft word for Rebellion, and one would think, that it would have afford∣ed no small matter of reproach against us, if we brought in a company of Rebels to make up a Muster of our Religion. But to own that the Clergy justified it to them, without adding the least Word expressing our Author's dislike of this, shews plainly enough, that how good a Subject soever our Author may be to a Prince of his own Religion, yet he thinks a Catholick Clergy may be able to justifie to the Laity, a Rising against a Heretical Prince upon the account of Religion. And it seems our Author had a great mind to make a huge appearance of his Catholick Rebels

in K. Edwards days. For, besides that he speaks of Risings in many more Counties then are mentioned by the Books of that time; he also represents all those Risings to have been upon the account of Religion; tho the History makes it clear that the Risings over England, were chiefly occasioned by Parks and Enclosures, and that it was a rage of the Peasants against the Gentry in most places; chiefly in the Northfolk-Rebellion, where Religion was not at all pre∣tended; nor doth it appear that any pretended Religion, except those of Devonshire; so that our Author would make his Party and the Clergy more Rebellious than indeed they were. In this whole Period he seems to have been forsaken of common Sense.

CHAP. III.

Some general Considerations on the Regal Supre∣macy, that was raised so high at the Refor∣mation.

OUR Author hath brought together many Acts of Parliament with their pompous Preambles, that seem to carry the Kings Power in Ecclesiastical Matters to a very Indefinite degree, and upon all this he triumphs of∣ten, as if this was so improper, that it alone is enough to blast the whole Reformation.

Our Author is much more concerned to justifie all Pa∣pal Bulls, than we can be to justifie all the Words of our Laws; especially, the Rhetorick that is in their Preambles. If he believes the Pope infallible, the general Parts of Bulls that set forth the Doctrine of the Church, are such solemn Declarations, that he must be determined by them. But at lowest he believes the Popes to be the Centers of the Ca∣tholick

Unity, and all Bishops are bound by Oath to obey all their Decrees and Ordinances. Now, when our Author will undertake to justifie all the Preambles of Bulls that are in the Bullarium, then we may undertake to justifie all the flourishes that may be in any Act of Parliament.

When any Authority is asserted in general and indefi∣nite Terms, these are always to be understood with those Restrictions and Limitations that the nature of things re∣quire, to be supposed even when they are not expressed. St. Paul expresses the Obedience of Wives to their Husbands in terms so extreamly extended, that as the Church is subject unto Christ, so ought the Wives be to their own Husbands in every thing. He expresses also the Duty of Children in as comprehensive terms. Children obey your Parents in all things. Now if one would draw Inferences from the extent of these words, he might, taking the liberty that our Author takes upon some of the Expressions that are in our Acts of Par∣liament, represent the Authority that St. Paul vests both in Husbands and Parents, as a very boundless, and a very ex∣travagant thing. This is enough to shew that in all those large Phrases of Obedience, there are some necessary Re∣serves and Exceptions to be understood; and if this Quali∣fication is necessary, even in writings that were inspired, it is no wonder if some of the Rhetorick of our Acts of Parliament wants a little of this Correction.

It is a very unreasonable thing to urge some general Ex∣pressions, or some stretches of the Royal Supremacy, and not to consider that more strict Explanation that was made of it, both in K. Henry the 8th's time, and under Q. Elizabeth; That were so clear, that if we had to do with Men that had not resolved before-hand not to be satisfied, one would think there could be no room for any further cavilling. In K. Henry's time, the extent of the Kings Su∣premacy was defined in the necessary Erudition of a Christian

man, that was set forth as the Standard of the Doctrine of that time; and it was upon this that all people were ob∣liged to take their measures, and not upon some Expres∣sions either in Acts of Parliament, or Acts of the Convo∣cation, nor upon some stretches of the Kings Jurisdiction. In this then it is plainly said, That with relation to the Clergy, the King is to oversee them, and to cause that they execute their Pastoral Office truly and faithfully, and especi∣ally in those Points, which by Christ and his Apostles was com∣mitted to them: And to this it is added, That Bishops and Priests are bound to obey all the Kings Laws, not being con∣trary to the Laws of God. So that here is expressed that necessary Reserve upon their Obedience, it being provided, that they were only bound to obey, when the Laws were not contrary to the Laws of God. The other Reserve is also made of all that Authority which was committed by Christ and his Apostles, to the Bishops and Priests; and we are not ashamed to own it freely, that we see no other Re∣serves upon our obedience to the King besides these: So that these being here specified, there was an unexceptiona∣ble Declaration made of the Extent of the Kings Supre∣macy; yet because the term, Head of the Church, had some∣thing in it that seemed harsh, there was yet a more ex∣press Declaration made of this matter, under Q. Elizabeth, of which indeed our Author hath taken notice; tho I do not find he takes notice of the former, which he ought to have done, if he had intended to have represented this matter sincerely to the world, (which I confess seems not to have troubled him much.) The Explanation made by Q. Eliz. is so express, that even our Author cannot find any ad∣vantage against the Words themselves, but acknowledges that they are such general Terms, that the Article it self may be subscribed by all sides. Since then the declared Sense of those general and extended expressions that are

in some Acts of Parliament, is such, that there lies no just Exception against it; and since this Sense was not only given by Q Eliz. who allowed such as took the Oath to declare that they took it in that sense; but it was after∣wards enacted both in Convocation and in Parliament, and put into the Body of our Confession of Faith. This Ex∣planation must be considered as the true measure of the Kings Supremacy; and the wide expressions in the former Laws must be understood to be restrained by this; since posterior Laws derogate from those that were at first made. So that according to all this, the Kings Supremacy doth not give to our Princes the ministring either of Gods Word, or of the Sacraments.—But that only Prerogative, which we see to have been given always to all Godly Princes in Ho∣ly Scriptures by God himself; that is, That they should rule all Estates and Degrees committed to their Charge by God, whether they be Ecclesiastical or Temporal, and restrain with the Civil Sword the stubborn and the evil-doers. This is all that Supremacy which we are bound in conscience to own; and if the Letter of the Law, or the stretches of that in the Administration of it, have carried this further, we are not at all concerned in it: But in case any such thing were made out, it could amount to no more than this, That the Civil Power had made some Encroachments on Ecclesiastical Authority; but the submitting to an Oppres∣sion, and the bearing it till some better times may deliver us from it, is no Argument against our Church; on the contrary, it is a proof of our Temper and Patience, and of that Respect we pay to that Civil Authority which God hath set over us, even when we think that it passeth its bounds. But all that we are bound to acknowledg in the Kings Supremacy, is so well limited, that our Author hath nothing to object to it.

Our men of the Mission have always made a great noise

of the Kings Supremacy, as if it were the most absurd thing that can be imagined; without considering, that as the Supremacy is explained by the Article of our Church, it is practiced by almost all the States and Princes of Eu∣rope: It hath been clearly made out by many of our Wri∣ters, that the Kings of England before the Reformation, were in possession of his Supremacy, and that they really exercised it, even before they pretended so formally to it. I will not enter into this Enquiry, which is so well laid open by Sir Roger Twisden, that a man must have a great stock of Confidence to deny it, after he hath read him. In France all Ecclesiastical Causes are carried before the Courts of Parliament by Appeals from the Ecclesiastical Courts, and are finally judged there: Now the Supremacy is always where the last Appeal lies, and we may see both in Godeau, and many other modern Writers, how much they com∣plain of this as a servitude under which their Church is brought, and as an infraction of all the Ancient Canons. The Court of Parliament at Paris examines all the Bulls that come from Rome, and condemns and tears them as oft as they see cause: So that tho all the Bishops of France are bound by Oath to obey all the Popes Decrees and Or∣dinances, yet this can take no effect till the Parliament hath confirmed them. How easie were it to carry this matter far, and to shew that by this, the Popes Power, either as he is St. Peter's Successor, and thereby vested with a Uni∣versal Authority over the Flock of Christ, or as he is the Patriarch of the West, and the Center of the Catholick Unity, is subjected to the Judgment of a Secular Court, who will not suffer the Sheep to hear his voice, till they have first examined it. And what is the whole Concordat, but a bargain made between the Popes, and the Crown of France, to divide the spoils of that Church and its Liber∣ties between them; for whereas the Pragmatick Sanction

had established the Clergy in the Possession of its Ancient Rites, Lewis the 11th, and after him Francis the 1st, saw well how much this lessened that unbounded degree, to which they intended to carry their Authority, and there∣fore they consented to give the Popes their share, so they would warrant their enslaving that Church. It is known what Complaints, and what opposition the French Clergy have made upon this matter; yet at last they bear it, and submit to it; so that here the last Appeal, the Check up∣on the Papal Authority, and the nomination of all the Bi∣shops and Abbots of France, are wholly in the Civil Courts and in the King. If it is said, that in some particulars the Supremacy of our Kings goes further; tho that were ac∣knowledged to be true, yet since the more or the less does not alter the nature of things, it must be confessed, that according to our Author's Principles, the whole Gallican Church is in an Uncanonical State as well as we are: But tho they do not stick to confess, that they are in a state of oppression by reason of the Concordat, and of the un∣bounded Authority of their Parliaments, yet they do not think that this makes them irregular or uncanonical as to the Constitution of their Church.

I might upon this likewise shew how not only the Re∣publick of Venice, but even the Crown of Spain, notwith∣standing all its Bigotry, exercises still so great a Suprema∣cy in Ecclesiastical Matters, that there is only some diffe∣rence of degrees between that which belongs to the Crown of England by Law, and that which is practiced elsewhere. The Court of the Monarchy in Cicily is well known, in which by virtue of a forged Bull (which is made out to be a Forgery beyond all contradiction) that declares the Kings of Cicily the Popes Vicars; there is a Lay-man that is the Kings Vicar-General, who is the Judg of that Court, and to whom all Spiritual Causes are brought, and who

judges them all, as a spiritual Person, and that hath the Ti∣tles and outward Respect that is given to the Pope, likewise paid to him. This is the carrying an Imposture very far; yet, since it is done in the Virtue of a pretended Bull, which the Crown of Spain will still maintain to be a true one; none hath ever opposed this to such a degree, as to pretend that the whole Clergy of Sicily are become irregular, be∣cause they submit to this Court, and appear before it. So that upon the whole matter, If the great and unmeasured Ex∣tent of the Papal Authority, made our Princes judg it ne∣cessary to secure themselves from those Invasions, by stretch∣ing their Jurisdiction a little too much; on the other hand, those who have submitted so tamely to the one, have no reason to reproach us for bearing the other Servitude; even, supposing that we granted that to be the Case. And if in the time of our Reformation, some of our Bishops, or other Writers have carried the Royal Supremacy too far, either in Acts of Convocation, or in their Writings, as those things are personal Matters, in which we are not at all con∣cerned, who do not pretend to assert an Infallibility in our Church; so their excess in this, was a thing so natural, that we have all possible reason to excuse it, or at least to censure it very gently. For as all Parties and Persons are carried by a Bias very common to Mankind, to magnify that Autho∣rity which favours and supports them; so the extreams of the Papal Tyranny, and the Ecclesiastical Power that had formerly prevailed, might have carried them a little too far into the opposite Extream, of raising the Civil Power too high.

But after all we find, that when Theodosius came to the Empire, he saw the Eastern half of it over-run with Arria∣nism; and as the Arrians were in Possession, and were the more numerous; so they had Synods of Bishops that had met oft, and in vast numbers, and had judged in their fa∣vours.

Their Synods were both more numerous than that of Nice, and were a more just Representative of the Catho∣lick Church, since there were very few of the Western Bi∣shops in that which was held at Nice. And as for the Frauds and Violences that were put in practice to carry Matters in those Synods, it is very like the Arrians both denied them, and were not wanting to recriminate on the Orthodox. So when there was a pretence of General Councils on both hands; here was a very perplexed Case. But Theodosius found a short way to get out of it; and therefore, instead of calling a new General Council, or of examining the Hi∣story of the several pretended Councils, which ought to have been done according to our Authors System; he pass'd a Law, which is the first Law in Iustinians Code, by which he required all Persons to profess that Faith which was profess'd by Damasus Bishop of Rome, and Peter Bishop of Alexandria; and yet this Law which was a higher Invasion on the Ecclesiastical Authority, than any that was commit∣ted in our Reformation, was never so much as censured; on the contrary, Theodosius was highly magnified for it. There is no reason to imagine, that he paid any particular Respect to the See of Rome in this; for his joining Peter of Alexandria with Damasus, shews that he made the Faith of these Bishops the measures of that Doctrine which he re∣solved to protect, not because of the Authority of their Sees, but because he believed their Faith was Orthodox. The Case was almost the same in England, in which it was pre∣tended that the Independent Authority of our Metropoli∣tans ought to be asserted, which was established by the Council of Nice; and that many Corruptions in the Wor∣ship, as for instance, the Worship of Images that was con∣demned by two very numerous General Councils, one in the East at Constantinople, and another in the West at Franc∣fort, ought to be reformed. If upon all this the Supreme

Civil Authority of this Nation, had enacted such a Law as Theodosius had done, commanding all to follow the Do∣ctrine profess'd by the two Arch-Bishops of this Church, it had been no other, but a copying after that Pattern, which Theodosius had set us with the Approbation of all Antiqui∣ty; and yet it cannot be pretended, that our Kings and Parliament acted in so summary a way; For they went much more slowly and maturely to Work.

Upon the whole matter, the Civil Authority hath a Power to command every thing that is just and lawful; and in that Case, the Laws that flow from it ought to be obeyed. And if the matter of the Laws is sinful, we must not indeed obey in that case, but we must submit and bear what we do not like, and suffer where we cannot obey. So that lawful or unlawful seem to be the only measures that ought to govern our Obedience. And as in the matters of natural Religion and Morality, no Body can deny that the Civil Authority hath a full Scope, tho that is still limitted by this, that there ought to be no Injustice, Immorality, or Turpitude in the Actions that are commanded; but where this is not, we are bound to obey all the Laws that relate to those matters; and where it is, we are bound to submit and to bear our burden, without giving our selves the trouble to enquire, how far the Civil Authority ought to be carri∣ed in such matters. We set the same measures to our Obe∣dience in matters of revealed Religion. If the King passes Laws contrary to Scripture, we cannot indeed obey them, because of that higher Authority to which we are subject, and in Obedience to which we pay all Submission to those who God hath set over us; but if they are lawful, and con∣form to the Scripture, we ought to obey them without examining, whether the King hath proceeded in the passing such Laws by the Rules that become quiet and regular Times. And if a Hezekiah or a Iosias should rise up, and

finding the greater part of his Subjects, the Priests as well as the People, engaged in Idolatry; if he should reform them, and suppress that corrupt way of Worship, we ought in∣stead of examining critically the method or steps by which he had brought about that change, rather to rejoyce in the goodness of God for blessing us with such a Prince. So that let men men write and dispute as long as they will on these matters, the whole Cause must be brought to this short Is∣sue; Either the things that our Princes and Legislators en∣acted at the Reformation were in themselves just and good, and necessary, or not; if they were, then they having an Au∣thority over us in all lawful things, as they did well to en∣act these Laws, so we do well to obey them. But if they were neither just nor good, nor necessary, then we ac∣knowledg, that as it was a Sin in them to enact them, so it were a Sin in us to obey them: And all other reasonings upon this Subject are but Illusions, by which weak minds may perhaps be wrought upon; but they will appear to be such evident Fallacies to men of Sense, that without en∣tring into a strict enquiry of what may be alledged for them, they will easily shake them off.

In short, if the Reformation appears to be a good thing in it self, then all arguing against the manner of it, is but meer trifling; and looks like men, who lie in wait to de∣ceive, and to mislead People by false Colours of Truth.

CHAP. IV.

Reflection on the eight Theses, laid down by our Author.

UPon the Grounds that have hitherto been opened, it will not be hard to make a very clear Judgment of all these positions which are laid down as the Foundation of this Work.

The First is, That the two principal Offices, which the Clergy have received from Christ, are, (1.) To determine Controversies in pure matters of Religion, and to judg what is Truth, and what are Errors, in Faith and Worship. (2.) To teach and promulgate this Truth, and to execute Church-cen∣sures on those who receive it not.

All this is true; but since our Author doth not prove that the Clergy are infallible in their Decisions, which is not so much as pretended by any, with relation to Natio∣nal Churches, this only proves, that it is the duty of the Clergy to declare and publish the truth; but as the Body of a National Clergy may err, so in case it should actual∣ly err, can it be supposed that the People and the Prince are bound to err with it? Synods are of great use for the Unity of the Church, and a vast respect is due to their Decisions; but since our Author names the Synods of the Arrians, the many Synods that they had, which were ve∣ry numerous, and were gathered from all parts, gave them all the advantages from this Authority that could be de∣sired; so that if the Council of Nice had not had truth of its side, I do not see why the Visible Authority should not rather be thought to lye on the Arrian side. The Princes Authorizing a Synod, or his Opposing it, is to be justified or condemned from the Decisions that are made by it; if they are good, he ought to support them; and if they are bad, he ought to oppose them; and in this he must judg for himself, as every other man must do, the best he can, as knowing that he must be judged by God.

The Second is, That the Clergy cannot make over this Au∣thority to the Secular Governour, being charged by Christ to execute it to the end of the World. Upon which he ar∣raigns Two things; (1.) The Clergies binding themselves never to make any Decisions in matters of Faith or Worship, till they had first obtained the consent of the Secular Gover∣nour.

(2.) The Clergies Authorizing the Secular Governour, or those whom he should nominate to determine those matters in their stead.

It is certain, no Clergy in the World can make any such Deputation; and if any have done it, it was a Personal Act of theirs, which was null of it self, and did not indeed bind those who made it, it being of its own nature un∣lawful, but much less can it bind their Successors; but if the Church of England never did neither the one nor the other, what a Prevaricator and False Accuser is he, who as he lied long to God and Man, when he pretended to be of this Church, so resolves now to lye concerning this Church as much as ever he did to it? The submission of the Clergy related only to New Canons and Constitutions, as the other Act empowering a select number to be nomi∣nated by the King to form a Body of a Canon-Law, rela∣ted only to the matters of the Government of the Church; the Religion and Worship had no relation to it; so a com∣promise as to matters of Government is very unjustly stretched, when this is made a surrender of the Authority of determining and declaring matters relating to Doctrine and Worship, which no Church-man without breach of the most sacred of all Trusts can deliver up; but in the matters of Ecclesiastical Policy, all States in the World have felt enough from the Yoke of the Papacy to give them just reason to assure themselves against any more of such Ecclesiastical Tyranny; besides, that in all the en∣gagements tho made in Terms that are general, such as are all Oaths of Obedience; and in particular, those that are made by Prelates to the Popes, exceptions are still under∣stood, even when they are not expressed: As long then as the Church enjoys a Protection from the Civil Authority, she is bound to make returns of all engagements, not on∣ly of Submission, but of Obedience: But tho the one is

perpetual, the other has its limits; and when the Church finds its oppressions from the Civil Power really to over∣ballance the Protection that she receives from it, in that case she must resolve to fall into a state of Persecution; and all the engagements that any body of the Clergy have made, relating only to the maintaining a peacable Correspondence with the Civil Powers, they do not at all bind up Church-men from doing their Duty, in case the Civil Authority sets it self to overthrow Religion: Be∣sides, when both Religion, and the Worship, and the Con∣stitution of a Church is once established, the adding new Canons may perhaps be of great use to a Church; but yet it cannot be supposed to be so indispensably necessary, but that rather than give any distaste to the Soveraign, they may content themselves with what they have with∣out asking new Canons; and a Church under a Body of Canons may likewise resign up the compiling of these in∣to a new System, and the leaving out such as are found inconsistent with the Publick Peace, to such persons as shall be nominated by the Prince; but all this, how ge∣neral soever the words may be, hath still a tacit exception in it, which all that know the Principles of Law will grant.

The Third Thesis is, That the Prince cannot depose any of his Clergy, without the consent of the major part of the Clergy, or their Ecclesiastical Superiors, and in particular of the Patriarch.

In this the matter must still be reduced to the former Point; Either the Grounds of such a Deposition are in themselves just, or not; if they are just, the Prince may as lawfully hinder any Church-man from corrupting his Subjects, while he is supported by a Publick Authority, or a setled Revenue, as he may hinder a man that hath the Plague on him, from going about to infect his People;

for his deposing such a one is only the taking the Civil Encouragement from him; but when this is done unjust∣ly, it is without doubt an act of high Oppression in the Prince; and as for the Person Deposed, and those over whom he was set, they are to consider according to the Rules of Prudence, whether the present Case is of such importance, that it will ballance the inconveniences of their throwing themselves into a state of Persecution; for it is to be confessed that Church-men have by their office an indefinite Authority of feeding the Flock, which can∣not be dissolved by any act of the Princes; but the ap∣propriating this to such a Precinct, and the supporting it by Civil Encouragements, is a humane thing, and is there∣fore subject to the Soveraign Power. The Princes of Iu∣dah notwithstanding an express Law of God which ap∣propriated the Priesthood, and the High-Priesthood, to such a Family and Race of men, did turn them oft out; and Iehosaphat sent to his Princes to teach in the cities of Iudah; and with them he sent about also Priests and Le∣vites, who went about and taught the People: He did al∣so set up in Ierusalem a Court made up of Levites, Priests, and the chief of the Fathers of Israel, for the iudgment of the Lord, and for the controversies among the people; and appointed Amariah the Chief-Priest, to be over them in the matters of the Lord: Hezekiah when he came to Reign, commanded the Priests and the Levites to sanctifie them∣selves in order to the reforming the Worship, in which he went on, tho a great many of the Priests were not very forward in doing it, but he made use of those who had sanctified themselves; and as he bore with those that did this slowly, so no doubt he would have turned out any that had been refractory; and finding that the Priests could not be ready to keep the Passover in the first Month, he with his Princes, and the whole

Congregation, put off the Feast from the 1st to the 2d Month. Now the distinction of days, and the observance of those Festivities, being so great a part of that Religion, and it having been so expresly regulated by the Law of God, that it should be kept on the first Month, a Provision being made only for such as were unclean, or such as were on a Iourney, that they might keep it on the 2d Month; yet here the Civil Authority makes a Law, appointing the Passover to be entirely cast over to the 2d Month, because of the Uncleanness of some of the Priests. Ezra took a Commission from Artaxerxes, impowering him to set up Magistrates and Iudges, who might judg them that knew the Laws of his God, and teach them who knew them not; and one of the Punishments on the Disobedient, is Separation from the Congregation; to which our Excommunication an∣swers. And we see what a Reformation Ezra made in the virtue of this Commission. Nehemiah by virtue of such ano∣ther Commission, turned out a Priest for having married a strange Woman. These were all as high stretches of the Ci∣vil Power, as any that can be objected to our Reformation. But in the next place, it ought to be consider'd, that, suppose this turning out of the Clergy had been an illegal and un∣justifiable thing, yet that doth not strike at the Constitution of our Church. The High-Priesthood among the Iews by the Law of God, was setled on the eldest Branch of the Family of Aaron, and it went so during the first Temple, and likewise for some considerable time under the second Temple; and yet, tho afterwards this sacred Function came to be set to Sale, so that Dr. Lightfoot hath reckoned up fifty three that purchased it for Money, by which pro∣phane Merchandize one might infer, that those Mercena∣ry High-Priests were no more to be acknowledged; yet our Saviour, and after him St. Paul, owned them to be High-Priests. Our Saviour answered to Caiaphas, when he

adjured him upon Oath; and it is said by St Iohn, that Caiaphas, as High-Priest for that year, prophesied: From all which it is clear, that tho these wretched men were guilty of the highest Profanation and Sacrilege possible, yet that was a personal Sin in them; but since they were in Possession of the Dignity, and adhered still to the Law of Moses, and performed the Offices of their Function accord∣ing to his Institution, the solemn yearly Expiation was still made by them, which was the highest Act of the whose Jewish Worship; and they were to be submitted to, and acknowledged as High Priests by the People, for which our Saviour's practice is an undisputed warrant. Now, if all this was lawful under the Old Testament, in which all the smallest parts of that Religion were marked and enacted, much more expresly than they are under the New, then it will be a hard performance for any to perswade us, that the Civil Authority may not make such Reformations in the Christian Church, as the Kings of Iudah did in the Jewish. In this matter, I have not so much as mentioned the Orders and Regulations made by David and Solomon, tho they are very clear Precedents for justifying all that Supre∣macy to which our Kings have pretended. But, since I know some have endeavoured to set all this aside, by say∣ing, that they being assisted by immediate Inspirations, act∣ed in those matters not as Kings, but as Prophets. Tho it were easy to shew the falshood of this Allegation; yet, since I would shorten matters all I can, I will not digress in∣to a controverted Point. Under the Protection that the Christian Church received from the Emperors that be∣came Christians, we see that they appointed Triers to ex∣amine the Matters that were objected to Bishops; and these under Constantine judged in Cicilian's Matter upon an Appeal made by the Donatists, after it had been already judged in several Synods. Constantine did likewise by his

own Authority put Eustathius out of Antioch, Athanasius out of Alexandria, and Paul out of Constantinople. It is true, these Matters were much complained of, as unjust, and as flowing from the false Suggestions of the Arrians: But it is as true, that it was not so much as pretended, that the Emperor had no just Authority to do it. For the disputing the Justice of the Exercise of an Authority, is very diffe∣rent from their disputing the Authority it self. It was af∣terwards a common Practice of the Christian Emperors to have a Court of some selected Bishops, who waited on them, and to whose Cognizance most Causes relating to Bishops were left, who acted only by Commission from the Emperor. I have enlarged a little upon this Point, because it seemed necessary to dissipate many of those Prejudices, which arise out of it.

The 4th Thesis is, That a Provincial or National Synod cannot lawfully make Definitions in Matters of Faith, and con∣cerning Heresies or Abuses in Gods Service, contrary to the Decrees of former superior Synods, or to the Iudgment of the Vniversal Church in the present Age, shewed in her publick Liturgies.

This is founded on the Supposion of the Infallibility of the Church; so if that is not true, then this falls to the ground, and that is not pretended to be proved by our Author, who seems only to proceed upon the Subordination that is in the Ecclesiastical Body. But if the majority of this Body is not Infallible, then that Obligation to submit to it, must be only a matter of Order; and by consequence, it hath its limits. If this had been the Rule of the Church in Theodosius's time, how could the several Provinces have reformed themselves from Arrianism, after so many Ge∣neral Councils had declared for it, or at least had reject∣ed the word Consubstantial? but in our condemning the Papal Authority over us, we had both the Council of

Nice for us, that had established the Independent Authority of the Metropolitans, with the Bishops of their Province, for all Matters relating to their Pro∣vince; and the Decree of the Council of Ephesus, which appointed all Churches to continue in the Possession of that Independence upon any other superior Sees, which was past Prescription. We had likewise superior Coun∣cils justifying us in many of the Branches of our Refor∣mation.

If we must seek the Sense of the Universal Church in her publick Liturgies, then we have the Liturgies of the Greek Church for us in many other Points; and the Corruptions of the Liturgies of the Roman Church were so gross, that they themselves have been ashamed of a great many of them, and have thrown them out, tho a great many more remain still to be reformed: And if the publick Li∣turgies are to be considered as the Standards of the Sense of the present Church, as no doubt they are, then all those Expositions and Representings that are now ob∣truded on us, are to be thrown out of Doors, and we must seek the Doctrine of the Church of Rome in her publick Liturgies.

The 5th Thesis, That a Synod wanting part of a National Clergy unjustly deposed or restrained, and consisting partly of Persons unjustly introduced, and partly of Persons who have been first threatned with Fines, Imprisonments and Depri∣vation, in case of their Non-conformity to the Prince's In∣junctions in matters merely Spiritual; is not to be accounted a lawful National Synod, nor the Acts thereof free and valid.

All this falls to the ground, if the Reasons upon which such Persons were turned out, were just. And in that case, such Vacancies may be justly filled. But it is an im∣pudent thing to found much on this, when the number of those who were turned out, was so very inconsidera∣ble,

as it was in K. Henry's, and K. Edward's time; and if such a small terror as the loss of a Benefice is thought by our Author so dreadful a thing, as it may be well judged by the operation it had upon himself for 25 years, so that this derogates from the freedom of an Assembly; then there never was any free, even that at Nice not excepted. For it is the same fear whether one is threatned with it before such a decision is made, or if they knew that it must follow upon it: Now this formidable business of losing a Benefice, and a banishment upon the back of it, was really the case of the Council of Nice, since this was the condition of those who refused to subscribe their De∣finition: So the Principle laid down by our Author, taken from fear, must either be false, or this will annul all the Ecclesiastical Meetings that ever were.

The Sixth Thesis is, That the Iudgment of the smaller part of the Clergy, even tho the Metropolitan were of that number, cannot be called the Iudgment of the Clergy of that Province; and a Prince that follows the Directions of a few of his Clergy, cannot be said to be guided by his Clergy, but to go against it.

This is very true; but yet Theodosius thought fit to give his Sanction to the Faith of two Bishops, upon which all the Arrian Party might have as justly said that he acted against his Clergy, for they were then by far the more nu∣merous: The Civil Power is bound to follow those whom they think are in the right; and tho in common mat∣ters, and in setled times, it is fit to leave things to the ma∣jority; yet if it is visible, that the greater number is both ignorant and corrupt, and that the matters under dispute are chiefly such things that are of great advantage to the Clergy, both for encreasing their Wealth, and for advan∣cing their credit, then the Secular Power hath just reason to be jealous of the greater number of the Clergy, since

Interest gives a mighty byass, and their following the les∣ser number in such a case is very justifiable; for humanely speaking, it were impossible to find the greater number willing to go into such a change.

The Seventh Thesis is, That tho Secular Princes had a decisive Power in such matters of Faith as are no ways for∣mally determined, yet in such Points as have been formerly determined, no Secular Prince can define any such things con∣trary to those Councils, or contrary to a National Synod.

It is not so much as pretended, that a Secular Prince hath any Power to decide in matters of Faith, whether they are already determined or not; but as for the giving the Sanction of a Law, and all secular encouragements, a Prince must have a Judgment of Discretion, by which he ought to determine himself; for when he hath given his Sanction, he hath made no sort of Decision in the matter, which is neither more nor less to be believed than it was before; but it is now become legal; and all Princes must proceed in this matter according to the conviction of their Consciences: It is not long since some of this Gen∣tleman's Friends thought to have carried the King of the Abyssens to change the Doctrines and Rites of that Church upon the private suggestion of a few Missionaries, against the whole Body of his Clergy, upon which that Kingdom became a Scene of Rebellion and Bloodshed, till the King himself grew to conceive a horror against those who had push'd him on so violently to overthrow the Laws and Establish'd Customs of that Church: So that a Reforma∣tion effected by the King's Authority, tho managed with ever so much fury and violence, is yet driven on by these men, when it is on their side, and for their advantage.

The Eighth Thesis is, That neither National Synod nor Secular Power can make any new Canons concerning the Go∣vernment of the Church, contrary to the Ecclesiastical Con∣stitutions

of former superior Councils, nor reverse those for∣merly made by them.

This is such a crude Assertion, that one would think that he who made it, knew neither the History of Coun∣cils, nor the nature of Canons and Constitutions, which are all variable, and are made upon such particular occasions as required them to be put in practice; and another Scene of Affairs may make it as necessary to reverse them, as ever it was to establish them: The main subject of the Ancient Canons are, Penitentiary Rules re∣lating to the Censure of Offenders, the Subordination of Churches founded on the division of the Roman Empire, and the Duty and Behaviour of Church-men: Of these, the first is quite laid aside in the Church of Rome, and by their means we were so accustomed to be without that Yoke, that we have not been able to bring the World to it. But we have never repealed these, only we let them sleep too long. The Second, relating to the Constitution and the Subordination of Churches, is quite sunk with the fall of the Empire; for if a Town that was the Center of a Province, to which it was easie to have recourse by Let∣ters, and to which the Road and Carriages were regularly laid, and where the Civil Government was also exercised, should after many ages either be separated from the rest of the Province, falling under another Master, or should be∣come a poor and neglected Town, it is a needless adhering to Ancient Custom, to affert still the Priviledges of such a See, when all those Reasons which at first procured to it those Priviledges, come to cease: As for the Third, which are more perpetual, we pay them all respect, and have never changed them; but the Dispensations of the Church of Rome hath so destroyed them all, that it is a peculiar degree of Confidence for any that are in Communion with that Church, to assert such an immutability in the

Ancient Canons, that a National Synod may not be suffer∣ed to alter any of them; and yet that one single Bishop, whom all Antiquity considered but as a Collegue, and Fellow-Bishop to all the rest of the Order, should be al∣loweed an Authority to break and dissolve them all.

This may serve to shew how weak all those Foundati∣ons are upon which our Author builds. I come in the next place to examine his Defective and False Account of the Matters of Fact, which will engage me into a te∣dious opening of many Particulars that will be little for our Author's Honour; but no Discoveries will affect a Man that could stifle his Conscience for 25 Years, and that now hath the Impudence to own it.

FINIS.

Notes

• P. 82. ad finem.
• From p. 140.
• Page 141.
• Adorat of the Euchar. p. 28.
• P. 139.
• Ephes. 5. 24.
• Col. 3. 20.
• Page 87, 88.
• 2 Chron. 17. 7.
• 2 Chron 9. 5, 8.
• V. 11.
• 2 Chron. 29. 5.
• V. 34.
• 2 Chron. 30. 23.
• Numb. 9. 10.
• Ezra 7. 25.
• Nehem. 13. 28.
• Ludolph.