The history and life and reigne of Richard the Third composed in five bookes by Geo. Buck.

THE THIRD BOOKE OF KING RICHARD THE THIRD.

The Contents of this Booke.

• THe Defamations of King Richard ex∣amined and answered.
• Doctor Morton and Sir Thomas Moore malevolent to the House of Yorke, Their frivolous exceptions against his gestures, lookes, teeth, shape and birth, hie vertues depraved.
• The death of King Henry the sixth and his Sonne Edward Prince of Wales.
• The Actors therein.
• The offence of killing an anointed King.
• Valiant men hate treacheries and bloudy acts.
• King Richard not deformed.
• The Slanders of Clarence translated to King Ri∣chard.
• ...

• The Cause of Clarences execution.
• How the Sonnes of King Edward came by their deaths.
• King Richard Exculpable thereof.
• The story of Perkin VVarbeck compared with Don Sebastian, King of Portugall, who are Biothanati.
• Counterfeit Prince detected, young Prince marvel∣lously preserved.
• Many testimonies for the assertion that Perkin VVarbeck was Richard Duke of Yorke; his honourable entertainment with forraigne Princes vox populi.
• Reasons why it is not credible King Richard made away his two Nephewes; the force of Confession.
• The evill of Torture, the guilt of attempting to escape out of prison, what an escape is.
• The Earle of Oxford severe against Perkin, and his end.
• The base Sonne of King Richard the third secret∣ly made away.
• The Sonne of the Duke of Clarence put to death.
• The power of furies, Demones & Genii. A∣pollonii Majestas.

Quid tibi non vis alteri ne feceris.

THE THIRD BOOKE OF KING RICHARD THE THIRD.

THere is no story, that shewes the planetary affections and malice of the vulgar more truly then King Richards: and what a tickle game Kings have to play with them; though his successor Henry the se∣venth play'd his providently e∣nough (with helpe of the standers by) yet even those times (which had promised the happiest exam∣ple of a State, and best of a King) both groaned and complained; but had not the sting and infection of King Richards adversaries who did not onely as the pro∣verbe saith, cum larvis luctare, contend with his immortall parts, but raked his dust, to finde and aggravate exceptions in his grave; having learnt their piety from the Comicall Parasite, obsequium a••nicos, verit as odium parit, and finding it as well guerdonable as gratefull, to publish their Libels and scandalous Pamphlets, (a piece of policy and service too) to the times, (and an offence to resent any thing good of him) they gave their pens more g••ll and freedome, having a copy set by Doctor Morton, who h••ad taken his revenge that way, and written a Booke in latine,

against King Richard, which came afterward to the hands of Mr. Moore (sometime his servant) so that here the saying of Da∣rius, (which after became a proverbe) hath place

Hoc Caleeamentum consuit Histiaeus, induit, autem Aristagoras, Doctor Morton (acting the part of Histiaeus) made the Booke, and Master Moore like Aristagoras set it forth, amplifying and glossing it, with a purpose to have writ the full story of Richard the third (as he intimateth in the title of his Booke;) but it should seeme he found the worke so melancholy and uncharita∣ble, as dul••d his disposition to it; for he began it, 1513. when he was Under-sheriffe, or Clerke to one of the Sheriffes of Lon∣don, and had the intermission of twenty two yeares (which time he tooke up in studies, more naturall to his inclination, as law and poetry, for in them lay his greatest fancy) to finish it, before he died, (which was in, 1535. but did not, yet lift himselfe so happily into the opinion of men, that his com∣mendations had more fortune then observation:) and past him under the attributes of learning and religion; though in both he came short of what was ascribed to him; for if he understood the Latine and Greeke, (then held great learning) yet was he so farre under the desert of an excel∣lent Scholler, as the learned censured him a man of slender reading, and Germanus Brixius, Irruditus, i. unlearned; for the sanctity of his life, Iohn Baleus who tooke not up his knowledge of him an age off, (as some of his admirers,) but from the originall, thus gives us his draught.

Hoc nos probe novimus qui eramus eidem Thomae Moro vi••iniores, quod pontisicum, & pharisaeorum crudelitati ex avaritia subservi••ns omni tyrāng truculentior ferociebat, imo insaniebat in eos qui aut Papae primatum, aut purgatorium, aut mortuorum invo••••tiones, aut imagi∣num cultus aut simile quiddam oliabolicarum imposturarum negabant, a vivisi••a▪ Dei veritate ita edocti. Consentire hic Harpagus no∣luit ut Rex Christianus in suo Regno primus esset, nec quod ei liceret cum Davide, Salomone, Iosaphato, Ezechia, & Iosia s••∣cerdotes, & Levitas reject•• Romanensium Nembrodorum tyrannide in proprio ordinare dominio &c.

Adding the attribute of tenebri••, of veritatis evangelicae perver∣sissimus os••r, of obstina••us ••alophanta, of impudens Christi adver∣sarius; and saith of his end that decollatus suit in Turre Londin••n∣si sexto die Iulij Anno Dom. 1535. Capite ad magnum Londini pontem (ut proditoribus fieri s••let) s••ipiti imposito, & nihilominus a Papistis pronovo Martyre colitur.

Thus he became a Martyr and a Saint; but we shall finde o∣ther cause of his condemnation by his owne testimony; for when he stood at the Barre arraigned, some exceptions having been urg'd against him, for seeming to uphold and maintaine the Popes supremacy in England, his reply was, he could

not see quomodo laicus vel secularis homo possit vel debeat esse caput status spiritualis aut ecclesiastici; yet insinuated, that this opinion was taken hold off but for a pretext to supplant him; the grea∣test cause of the Kings displeasure being for his withstanding the divorce, between him and Katharine of Castile his wife, and his second marriage with the Lady Anne Bullen Marquesset of Pembrooke: And his owne words (spoken to the Judges, as they were set downe by his deare friend, George Courinus, in a short discourse upon his death) are, non me pudet quamobrem a vobis condemnatus sum (videlicet) ob id, quod nunquam volue∣rim assentiri in negotium novi matrimonij Regis, which uttered, after sentence of condemnation, (when no evasion or subter••u∣gies would availe) must proceed surely from his conscience; and before this, he wrote a letter to Mr. Secretary Cromwell; (which I have seene) wherein he protested, he was not against the King, either for his second marriage, or for the Churches supremacy: But wisheth him good successe in those affaires, &c. which renders him, (well looked upon) not so stout a Cham∣pion for the Pope, as many of his partiall friends and Romanists supposed; neither so sound in his Religion; for I have seene amongst the multitude of writings, concerning the conference about the alteration of Religion, and suppressing of Churches and Religious houses, that his connivance and consent was in it; nor could he excuse it, with all his policy and wisdome, neither had the King ever attempted it, had not the Pope and his Agents opposed that second marriage, an error and insolency Rome hath ever since repented. But it prov'd a happy blow of Justice to this Kingdome, cutting of him and his authority, which else had hazarded the best Queene that ever was, the sacred and eternally honoured Elizabeth, to whose growing glory and virtue Master Moore became an early and cruell adversary, even before she was in rerum natura. To know him further, let me referre you to the Ecclesiasticall History of Master Iohn Fox, in the raigne of Henry the eight, who describes him graphically; for his historicall fragment, it shewes what great paines he tooke to item the faults and sad fortunes of King Richard the third; and how industrious he was to be a time observer, it being the most plausible theame his poeticall straine could fall on in those times,, and could not want acceptance nor credit, well know∣ing in what fame he stood, and that the weaker Analysts and Chroniclers, (of meane learning and lesse judgement) would boldly take it upon trust from his pen; who tanquam ignotum & servum pecus, have followed him step by step without con∣sideration, or just examination of their occurrents and conse∣quents. And the reputation of him and Doctor Morton (being both Lord Chancellours of England) might easily mislead men part blind, who have dealt with King Richard, as some triviall

clawing Pamphleters, and Historicall parasites, with the mag∣nificent Prelate, Thomas Wolsey Cardinall and Archbishop o Yorke, A man of very excellent ingredients and without Peere in his time; yet his values had the sting of much detracti∣on, and the worth of his many glorious good workes interpre∣ted for vices and excesses; to such it must be said, quod ab ipso allatum est, id sibi relatum esse putant. And if their injustice suffer under the same lash, they must know this doome hath the credit of an Oracle, quale verbum dixisti tale etiam audies.

But so much gall and envy is thrown upon King Richards sto∣ry, as cannot possibly fall into the stile of an ingenuous and cha∣ritable pen; all his virtue is by a malitious Alchymy substracted into crimes, and where they necessarily fall into mention, ei∣ther scornefully transmitted or perverted, with injurious con∣structions, not allowing him the resemblance of goodnesse or merit: If his disposition be affable and curteous, (as general∣ly it was, which their owne relations cannot deny) then he in∣sinuates and dives into the peoples hearts, so where he expres∣ses the bounty and magnificence of his minde; it is a subtle tricke to purchase friendship; let him conceale the knowledge of his jujuries, and his patience is deepe hypocrisie; for his mercy and clemency extended to the highest offendors, (as to Fogge the Atturney, who had made a Libell against him, be∣sides the counterfeiting of his hand and seale) they were but pal∣liated, and his friendship meerely a Court brow. They have yet a more captious and subtle calumny, reproaching the ca∣sting of his eyes, motions of his fingers, manner of his gesture, and his other naturall actions.

I confesse with Cicero that status, incessus, sessio, occubatio, vultus, oculi, mannum motio, have a certaine kind of decorum; but he makes it not a vice to erre in any of them, nor that any errour committed in them was a vice; although in him it must be so defined by the Lawes of Utopia: nay, they will dissect his very sleepes, to finde prodigious dreames and bug-beares, (accidents frequent to themselves) which they dresse in all the fright and horrour fiction and the stage can adde, who would have sung Peans to his glory, had his sword brought victory from Bosworth field: but now, their envy is borne with him, from his mothers wombe, and delivers him into the world with a strange prodigy of Teeth; although (I am perswaded) nei∣ther Doctor Morton, nor Sir Thomas Moore ever spake with the Dutchesse his Mother, or her Midwife about the matter.

But if true; it importeth no reason why those earely and natalatious teeth should presage such horrour and guilt to his birth; when we shall remember those many Noble and worthy men, who have had the like, (without any imputa∣tion of crime) as Marcus Curius sirnamed thereupon Dentatus,

Cu. Papiene, King of the Epirots (a Prince much renowned for his victories and virtues) Monodas Sonne of Prusias King of Bithynia, borne with an intire semicircular bone in their mouthes, instead of Teeth; then they aggravate the pangs of the Dutchesse in her travaile with him: which had not been sufferable without death, if so extreame and intolerable, as they would have them thought for,

Quod ferri potest leve est; quod non, breve est.

But she overcame them and lived almost fifty yeares after; others have died in that Bed, yet the children not made guilty of murther; Iulia the daughter of Iulius Caesar, Wife to great Pompey, Iuliola the deare daughter of Marcus Cicero, Wife of Dolabella, and Iunia Claudilla the Empresse, and Wife of Cali∣gula, died all of the difficulties and extremity of their childe∣bearing; so did Queene Elizabeth Wife of King Henry the seventh; and since the Mother of that most towardly and hope∣full Prince Edward the sixth in travaile of his birth; with many thousands more, whose deaths (much lesse their paines) were never imputed to their children.

The next objection is somewhat of more regard, (but as farre without the certainty of a proofe) which is the pretended deformity of his body, controverted by many; some perem∣torily asserted he was not deformed, of which opinion was Iohn Stow, a man indifferently inquisitive (as in all their o∣ther affaires) after the verball relations and persons of Princes, and curious in his description of their features and lineaments, who in all his inquiry could finde no such note of deformitie in this King: but hath acknowledged viva voce, that he had spoken with some ancient men, who from their owne sight and knowledge affirmed he was of bodily shape comely e∣nough, onely of low stature, which is all the deformity they proportion so monstrously; neither did Iohn Rouce who knew him and writ much in his discription, observe any other: and Archienbald Qhuitlaw, Ambassador unto this King from Scot∣land, in his Oration saies, he had corpus exiguum; not otherwise; so (to my conceit) Philip de Comines and the Prior de Croy∣land (who had seen and knowne this Prince) seeme to cleere him implicatively; for in all their discourses of him they never directly nor indirectly, covertly or apertly, insinuate this deformity which (I suppose) they would not have pas∣sed; And by his sundry Pictures which I have seen, there was no such disproportion in his person or lineaments, but all decently compacted to his stature; his face of a warlike aspect, (which Sir Thomas Moore calleth a crabled visage) of all the children being said to be most like his Father in favour and composition of shape, who though not tall was of an even and well disposed structure.

And Sir Thomas Moore himselfe, doth not certainely affirme the deformity, but rather seemes to take it as a malitious re∣port; for saith he, King Richard was deformed as the fame ranne by those that hated him; habemus reu•• consitentem, and surely, it had been a strange kinde of confidence and rea∣son in Doctor Shaw, to disclaime a thing which must be so palpable, openly in the Pulpit at Saint Pauls Crosse, whilst the Protector was present, before many hundreds of people, (who had seen and known him before) and might then bet∣ter view and note him; In these words, the Lord Protector is a very noble Prince, the speciall patterne of Knightly prow∣esse, as well in all Princely behaviour as in the lineaments of his body and in the favour of his visage, representing the very face of the Noble Duke his Father; this is the Fa∣thers owne figure, this is his owne countenance, the very sure and undoubted Image and expresse likenesse of that No∣ble Duke.

Now, what can malice extract out of this, to upbraid or stig∣matize his honour; if men of blemisht persons may containe a wise, valiant, learned, liberall and religious soule, and be in every part most absolute, exampled to us in many famous men; and at our home (as well in this present age, as in the more ancient) we have had men of a harsh fabrick, most nobly furnisht in the composures of their mindes.

But because these cavils could not fetch blood from him, they will make him guilty of other men, and first of King Henry the sixth, whose murther they say (and very favou∣rably) his Brother Edward contrived, but wrought him to act it; an accusation of very harsh credit, that either King Ed∣ward, so truly noble and valiant a Prince, should put a Prince and his owne Brother, upon so horrid a thing, or he indure to heare it: Sir Thomas Moore holds King Edward would not ingage his Brother in so butcherly an office, there being ma∣ny reasons that he durst not, neither doe his adversaries charge him directly by any credible Author of that time, or discover by whom this murther was; onely the Prior of Croyland maketh it somewhat suspitious.

Hoc tempore inventum est corpus regis Henrici sexti exanime in turre Londinarium. Par••at Deus, & spatium poenitentiae ei donet qui••unque sacrilegas manus in Christum Domini ausus immit∣tere, unde & agens tyranni & patiens gloriosi martyris titulum mereantur.

Tyrannus in the proper construction, being Rex, for who∣soever is Rex is Tyrannus, according to the ancient signification▪ for amongst the Greeks 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 was used for a King simply, good or bad, and this (some hold) makes against King Ed∣ward; Richard being Duke of Gloucester then, yet so doubt∣fully

as may be refelled by good authority; for it is the opinion of very grave men, Henry the sixth was not mur∣thered, but died of naturall sicknesse, and extreame infirmity of body.

Rex Henricus sextus, ab annis jam multis ex accidente sibi aegri∣tu••ine qua••dam animi incurreret infirmitatem, & sic aeger corpo∣re & impos mentis permansit diutius; this considered with the aggravation of his griefe and sorrow, in the losse of his Crown and liberty (being then a prisoner) the overthrow of all his friends and forces in the Battaile of Teuxbury, but (above all) the death of his Sonne the Prince, might master a stronger heart and constitution then his, in a shorter time; which opi∣nion is received and alleadged by a learned and discreet Gen∣tleman.

The occasion of the murther of King Henry the sixth, hath no other proofe but the malitious affirmation of one man; for many other men more truly did suppose that he died of meere griefe and melancholy, when he heard the overthrow of his cause and friends, with the slaughter of the Prince his Sonne: And Iohannes Majerus saith it was reported, King Henry the sixth died of griefe and thought. Concerning the slaughter of the Prince his onely Sonne, it is noted to be casuall, and made suddaine by his owne insolence, not out of any preten∣ded malice, or premeditated treachery, and so it cannot be called wilfull murther; for the King demanding him why he invaded his Kingdome, his reply was, he might, and ought to doe it, in defence and preservation of the right, which the King his Father and his heires had in the Crowne, and main∣tained this lofty answer so peremtorily and boldly, the King in rage strooke him with his fist, (as some say armed with a Gantlet) and instantly the Noblemen attending, as George Duke of Clarence, Marquesse Dorset, the Lord Hastings and others, drew their swords upon the Prince and killed him; which they would make the particular fact of Duke Richard.

But to the contrary, I have seene in a faithfull Manuscript Chronicle of those times, that the Duke of Gloucester onely of all the great persons, stood still and drew not his sword; the reasons to credit this are, first it might be in his meere sence of honour, seeing so many drawn upon him, there was no need of his, or in his respects to the Princes Wife, who (as Iohannes Majerus saith) was in the roome and neare a∣kinne to the Dutchesse of Yorke his Mother, and to whom the Duke was also very affectionate, (though secretly (which he soone after demonstrated in marrying her; nay, this Duke bore such a sence of noble actions in his bosome, that mislike∣ing the obscure and meane buriall of Henry the sixth, this Princes Father, he caused his corps to be taken from Chertsey,

and to be Honourably conveyed to the Royall and stately Chappell of Windsor, ordained for Kings.

And Sir Thomas Moore saith further, he was suspected to have the contriving part in the Duke of Clarence his Brothers death, yet confesseth it was commonly said Richard opposed him∣selfe against the unnaturall proceedings of the King, both pri∣vately and publiquely; and the truth is, it was the Kings owne immoveable and inexplorable doome who thought it justly and necessarily his due; for Clarence stood guilty of many treasons and great ones, and by his ingratidude had so forfe••∣ted himselfe to the Kings displeasure, that no friend durst move in his behalfe; this the King did afterward acknowledge with some discontent, when his wrath had cooled, as we may guesse in this expression of his: O infaelicem ••ratrem, pro cujus salute ne••o homo rogavit; yet Polidor Virgil doth not rightly understand here as I conjecture by the sequell; but let us interpret that a little, and take up another accusation which puts into the way.

That Richard Duke of Gloucester should scandall the birth of the King his Brother with basterdy, and alleadge it for a speciall matter in Doctor Shawes Sermon, that he should fame King Edward the fourth a bastard, and that the Dutchesse his Mother had wanton familiarity with a certaine Gentleman; this he might erroneously scatter in the Pulpit, and take it up▪on the like intelligence, by which (in the same Sermon) he called her (to whom King Edward was betrothed before his marriage with the Lady Grey) Elizabeth Lucy, whose name was for a certaine Ellenor Butler, alias Talbot, so called by King Rich∣ard, and written in the Records.

This drift had been too grosse for King Richard, to lay an im∣putation of whoredome upon his owne Mother, (a virtuous and honourable Lady) being it cast also a shame and basterdy upon himselfe; for if she offended in one, she might as likely offend in another, and in the rest.

And to quit him of it, Sir Thomas Moore, Richard Graf••on, Mr. Hall, say that King Richard was much displeased with the Doctor, when he heard the relation, which the Duke of Buc∣kingham also affirmed in his speech to the Lord Mayor of Lon∣don. That Doctor Shaw had incurred the great displeasure of the Protectour for speaking so dishonourably of the Dutchesse his Mother.

That he was able of his owne knowledge to say, he had done wrong to the Protectour therein, who was ever known to beare a reverend and filiall love unto her: and to cut of all farther doubt and question, it was proved and is testified upon records that George Duke of Clarence onely raised this slander in an extreame hatred to the King his Brother, many jarres

falling between them) by which the King had a just cause to take notice of his malice.

Visus est dux Clarentiae magis, ac magis a regis praesentia desu••∣trahere, in consilio vix verbum proferre, neque libenter bibere aut manducare in domo Regis.

When Richard even in that calamitous time Henry the sixth had overthrowne King Edward in a battaile, recovered the Kingdome, and proclaimed Edward an usurper; so faithfull was his Brother, that a he was proclaimed traitor for him; and b when Queene Margaret besiedged the City of Glou∣cester with the Kings power, the Citizens stood at defiance with her Army, and told her it was the Duke of Gloucester his Towne, who was with the King, and for the King, and for him they would hold it; his Loyalty bearing a most con∣stant expression in this motto c Loualto melie; which I have seen written by his owne hand and subscribed Richard Gloucester. The other was as constantly undermining at him, after confe∣derate with the Earle of Warwicke his Father Allie, who had turn'd faith from the King, and went into France, sollici∣ting for force against England; which they brought in, fought with the King and overthrew him, and so fiercely pursuing the victory, that the King was forc't to fly out of the Land: Clarence not so satisfied, (unlesse he might utterly supplant him) studied that slander of basterdy, to bring in himselfe an heire to the Crowne, which was proved and given in ex∣presse evidence against him, at his triall and attainder by Par∣liament, amongst sundry other articles of high Treason.

Videlicet That the said Duke of Clarence had falsly and un∣truly published King Edward a bastard and not legitimate to Raigne, that himselfe therefore was true Heire of the King∣dome, the Royalty and Crowne belonging unto him, and to his▪ Heires; these be the very words of the Record, and e∣nough to tell us who was the Author of that slander, and what important cause the King had to quit himselfe of Clarens: a bitter proofe of the old Proverbe, fratrum inter se irae acerbissimae sunt; and all the favour Clarence could at his end obtaine, was to choose it, (as Iohn de Serres reporteth it) so that it was not the Duke of Gloucester, but the Kings implacable displea∣sure for his malice and treasons that cut him off, who could not thinke himselfe secure whilst he lived: Witnesse Polidor Virgil, Edvardus Rex post mortem fratris se a cunctis timeri anim∣advertit, & ipse jam timebat neminem.

Next for the murther of the two sonnes of King Edward the fourth, Edward the fifth King in hope, and Richard of Shrewsbury Duke of Yorke and Norfolke his younger Brother, they alleadge it in this manner.

That King Richard, being desirous to rid those two Princes

his Nephews out of the world; imployed his trusty servant Iohn Greene to Sir Robert Brackenbury Lieutenant Constable of the Tower, about the executing of this murther; and by reason that plot tooke no effect, (Sir Robert not liking it) The Protectour suborned foure desperate Villaines, Iohn Dighton, Miles Forrest, Iames Tyrrell, and William Slater to undertake it, who, (as they further alleadge) smothered them in their beds, which done, they made a deepe hole in the ground, at the foote of the staires of their lodging, and their buried them, hi∣ding the place under an heape of stones, (not after the antient manner of tumulus testis;) others vary from this, and say con∣fidently, the young Princes were imbarqued in a Ship at Tower wharfe, and conveyed from thence to Sea, so cast into the Blacke deeps; others averre they were not drowned, but set safe on shore beyond Seas. And thus their stories and relations are scatter'd in various formes, their accusations differing in very many and materiall points▪ which shakes the credit of their suggestion, and makes it both fabulous and uncertaine, one giving the lie to the other, their malice having too much Tongue for their memories, and is worth the noting how opposite (and as it were) ex Diametro repugnant they are.

In vulgus fama valuitfilios Edwardi Regis aliquò terrarum par∣te••migrasse, atque ita supestites esse.

Thus Pollidor, with which Dr. Morton and Sir Thomas Moore agree in one place: The man (say they) commonly called Perkin Warbeck was as well with the Princes, as with the people, English and forraigne, held to be the younger Son of Edward the fourth, and that the deaths of the young King Edward and of Richard his brother, had come so far in question, as some are yet in doubt whether they were destroyed or no, in the dayes of King Richard; By which it appeares they were thought to be living after his death. And as the act of their death is thus uncertainly disputed, so is the manner of it controverted.

For, Sir Thomas Moore affirmeth (as before reported) they were smothered in their beds with Pillowes; but Pollidor saith peremptorily it was never known of what kinde of death they dyed.

Another Author and more ancient agreeth with them.

Vulgatum est Regis Edwardi pueros concessisse in sata, sed qu•• genere interitus ignoratur; one reason of this may be that they who held Perkin Warbeck and Richard Duke of Yorke to be all one, give another accompt of his death, whereas if it had beene certaine these foure before named for Assasines had murdered them, then the place, time and manner had beene easily known upon their strict examination, they living freely and securely, (and without question) long after this murde•• was said to be done; Therefore there can be no excuse for this

neglect of Examination, much lesse for the suffering such to goe unpunished, and at liberty, which me thinks maketh much for the cleering of King Richard.

As for the burying of their bodyes in the Tower, if that be brought in question, certes, the affirmative will be much more hard to prove then the negative.

For true it is▪ there was much diligent search made for their bodies in the Tower: all places opened and digged, that was supposed: but not found; Then it was given out a certaine Priest tooke up their bodies and buried them in another secret place nto to be found; hereunto (but with better decorum for the more credit of this assertion) they might have added it was done sub sigillo confessionis, which may not be revealed.

Sir Thomas Moore seeing the absurdities and contrarieties of these opinions, (as a man puzeled and distracted with the va∣riety and uncertainty thereof) concludeth their bodies were bestowed God wot where, and that it could never come to light what became of them; Hall, Hallingshed, Grafton and the rest, confesse, the very truth hereof was never knowne; And (if there be a stricter inquiry into the mystery) we shall discover, that they were neither buried in the Tower nor swallowed in the Sea; for the testimony and Relation of sun∣dry grave, and discre••te persons (and such as knew the young Duke of Yorke) will resolve us how he was preser∣ved and secretly conveyed into a foraigne Country; also alive many years after the time of this imaginary murder; to which may be added strong authorities having layd downe some conjectures that may answer the iniquiry after the other. And first whereas it is said the Lord Protector before his Coronation procured this murder: To refell and contradict that, there bee certaine proofes that the Princes were both living in the moneth of February following the death of their Father, which was ten moneths after; for King Edward dyed in April before, and this is plaine in the Records of the Parliament of Anno 1. Rich. 3. where there is mention made of this Prince, as then living; and Sir Thomas Moore confesseth that they were living long after that time before said; But I conjecture Edward the Eldest brother lived not long after, but died of sicknesse and infirmity, being of a weake and sickly disposition, as also was his Brother, which the Queene their Mother intimated in her speech to the Cardinall Boursier; and the weake constitutions and short lives of their sisters may be a naturall proofe to infer it probable enough this Prince dyed in the Tower; which some men of these times are the ra∣ther brought to thinke, certaine bones like to the bones of a Child being found lately in a high desolate Turret, supposed to be the bones of one of these Princes; others are of opinion

it was the ••a••r••asse▪ of an Apekept in the Tower, that in his old age had happened into that place to die in, and having clamber'd up thither, according to the light and idle manner of those wanton Animals, after when he would have gone down, seeing the way to be steepe and the precipice so terrible, durst not adventure to descend, but for feare stayed and starved himselfe, and although hee might bee soone mist, and long sought for, yet was not easily to be found, that Turret being reckoned a vast and damned place for the hight, and hard accesse, no body in many yeares looking into it.

But it is of no great consequence to our purpose, whether it were the Carcasse of a Child or of an Ape, or whether this young Prince dyed in the Tower, or no: for wheresoever hee dyed, why should it not be as probable hee dyed of a naturall sicknesse and infirmity, as for his young Cozen german the sonne and heire of King Richard? many reasons conducing why the qualities and kinde of their death might be the same, and neere one time, being even parallels almost, and in their hu∣mane constitutions and corporall habitude sympathizing, of one Linage and Family, of one blood and age, of the same quality and fortune, therefore not unlikely of the same Stu∣dies, Affections, Passions; Distemperatures, so consequently subject to the same infirmities, to which may be added equall and common constellations, the same compatient and commori∣ent fates and times, and then there is reason and naturall cause they might both die of like Diseases and infirmity, and were not 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, taken away by violence, secret, or overt: for it may with asmuch Argument bee suspected the son of King Richard, (being in the like danger of secret violence for the same cause as his Cozen was) might suffer so.

But to open the circumstance a little neerer: what danger could the lives of those two Princes be to Richard? who was accepted King by a just title, and his Nephewes declared ille∣gitimate, by the high Court of Parliament, and whilst they were reputed such by so great and generall a conclusion, why should he be lesse secure of them, then Hen. 2. was of Robert E. of Glocester, base sonne to Hen. 1.? or Richard the first of his base Brother Geoffrey Plantagenet? So although Iohn of Gaunt left base sonnes, aspiring enough, yet they were of no danger to the Lancastrian Kings▪ neither did Henry 7. or Henry 8. stand in any jealousy of Arthur Plantagenet: and surely Richard the third was as valiant, wise and consident, as any of his prede∣cessors, and had as little cause to dread his Nephewes, as they stood adjudged, or be more cruell and bloudy; neither hath my reading found any Bastards of France or Spaine, who have aspired so publickly, onely except Don Eurique E. of Trastamara▪ who was drawne into that action by the violent rages of the

people, and by the perswasions of the revolted states of Castile, to put downe a monster of Soveraignty the hatefull tyrant, Don Pedro & Cruell. But being Sir Thomas Moore and our best Chroniclers make it doubtfull, whether these two Princes were so lost in King Richards time, or no, and infer that one of them was thought to be living many years after his death; that might be enough to acquit him; which opinion I like the better, because it mentioneth the survivance but of one of them.

Neither doe our most credible stories mention the transpor∣tation of more then one, into Flanders, nor had they reason; it will bee sufficient, if one of them survived him, more, or lesse time; we will follow therefore the examination of his story, under the opinion of those times, and the attesta∣tion of grave and credible men, because it will be more con∣spicuous in the true and simple narration of this one Brother; every story being fraught with reports concerning him, and few or none of his brother finding no mention of the Elder Bothers being in Flanders; but of the youngers much, and of his other adventures: The prudent and honorable care of sending away this younger Brother, by some is ascribed to Sr. Robert Brakenbury, by others to the Queene his Mother, and it may well be the projection of them both, though no doubt there was the advise and assent of other well affected friends. And it is the more credible, the Queen wrought in it; for the story of Sr. Thomas Moore saith shee was before suspected to have had such a purpose, which was objected to her by some of the Lords; and the Cardinall Boursier told her the maine Reason which made the Protector and Nobles so urgeing to have him sent to his Brother (being then in the Tower) was a suspition and feare they had shee would convey Him forth of the Realme.

So then, it may be cleerly supposed: he was sent into a for∣raine Country, and that Flanders (as all our stories testify) there commended to a liberall education, under the curature of a worthy Gentleman in Warbeck, a Towne in Flanders, but kept very privately all the life time of his Uncle, his Friends not daring to make him of the councell. After his death, know∣ing Henry Richmond a cruell enemy to the house of Yorke, for his better safety was committed to the care of Charles of Bur∣gundy, and his Dutchesse the Lady Margaret Aunt to the Prince, as formerly the Dutchesse of Yorke upon a like cause of feare and jealousy had sent thither her two younger sons George and Richard.

The Dutchesse being very tender to let this young Duke have all Princely and vertuous education in Tornay in Antwerp and after in the Court of the Duke of Burgundy, as hee had

bin in Warbeck, &c. And with the greater circumspection, be∣cause the Dutchesse of Burgundy had as jealous an opinion of Henry the Seventh, as the Queene Widdow had of Richard 3. Therefore, as yet, it was advised to conceale his Name and Quality: being not come to the growth nor age to have ex∣perience in his own affaires, much lesse to undertake an attempt so consequent and mighty as the recovery of a Kingdome: neither were the times and opportunity yet ripe, or propitious to fashion such an alteration, as was projected and must be pro∣duced, though there was pregnant hope of an induction to a change of Government stir'd by the Kings coveteousnesse, and some acts of Tyrany, Greivance and Rebellions in the North and West parts; not long after (which lent a seasonable hand to these designes) great unkindnesse fell out betwixt Charles the French King, and Henry the 7. who so far provoked the French, that he besieged Bulloigne, with a great army by land and Sea, the quarrell was of good advancement to the Dutchesse of Burgondy's Plot, and brought the Duke of Yorke better acquainted with forraigne Princes and their Courts; who was sent into France, into Portugall, and other places where he was received and entertained like a Prince.

In which time such of the English Nobility as were inter∣essed in the secret, and knew where this Prince resided, found some opportunity to give him assistance, and sent Sr. Robert Clifford and Sr. William Barley into Flanders, to give him a vi∣sit and intelligence of what noble friends he had ready to serve him: though their more particular errant was, to take a strict observance of him, and such private marks as hee had bin knowne by from his Cradle: there had beene some coun∣terfeits, incouraged to take upon them the persons of Edward E. of Warwick, and Richard Duke of Yorke; But here, the certainty of their knowledge found him they looked for, by his Face, Countenance, Lineaments and all tokens familiarly and privately knowne to them; observing his behaviour, naturaliz'd and heightned with a Princely grace, and in his discourse able to give them a ready accompt of many pas∣sages he had heard or seene whilst hee was in England; with such things as had beene done and discourst very privately, speaking English very perfectly, and better then the Dutch, or Wallonish: by which Sr. Kobert Clifford and the rest, found themselves so well satisfied, and were so confirm'd, That they wrot to the Lord Fitzwater, to Sir Symon Mountford and others (who had a good opinion towards him;) the full accompt of what they had observ'd ex certa scientia, & supra visum cor∣poris. About this time (to intermix the Scene with more varie∣ty, and fill the Stage) some principall persons, well affecting the E. of Warwick, and hoping to get him forth of the Tower in

purpose to make him King) had inticed a handsome young fellow, one Lambert Simonell of Lancashire, bred in the Uni∣versity of Oxford to become his counterfeit, and so instruct∣ed him in the royall Genealogy, that hee was able to say as hee was taught; maintained and abetted, cheifly, by the Viscount Lovell, the E. of Lincolne, Sir Thomas Broughton, and Sir Symon Preist, &c. who being presented to the Duke and Dutchesse of Burgondy and by them honorably entertained, drew to him in Flanders one Martin Swartz (a Captaine of a very eminent fame) and some forces, with which hee made over into Ireland where they received him as Edward Earle of Warwick, as hee was of many here at home: and when the deceit was discovered, the excuse was, those Lords but used this counterfet of the Earle for a Colour, whilst they could get him out of the Tower to make him King. But the vaile is easily taken from the face of such impost∣ors, examples giving us light in many; for though some men may, all cannot be deceived: so Speudo-Agrippa in the time of Tiberius was soone found to bee Clemens the servant of Agrippa, though very like to him, and Puesdo-Nero in Otho's time, who tooke upon him to be Nero revived, was quickly unmasked.

Valerius Paterculus telleth of a certaine ambitious coun∣terfet in Macedonia, who called himselfe Philip, and would be reputed the next heire of the Crowne, but was discovered and nicknamed Pesudo-Philippus; Also in the Raigne of Commodus one pretended to be Sextus Claudianus, the son of Maximus; with many such that are obvious in old stories; and many of the like stampe have beene here con∣victed in England; which bred the greater jealousy of this Richard, when hee came first to be heard of, Though those jealosies proceeded not from the detection of any fraud in him, but of the late imposture of the said Lambert the Shooemakers son, and the abuse of the Complotters; for the Kingdome having been abused with those Pseudo-Clarences, had reason to bee doubtfull of every unknowne person, which assumed the name of greatnesse; in regard whereof, many shrunke in their opinions from this Perkin, or Rich∣ard; many others suspecting their beliefe, were very cu∣rious to inform themselves who the further they inquired, were the more confirmed, that hee was no other but the second son of Edward the Fourth, against whom those of the harder credulity objected it as an impossibility, that this young Duke could bee conveyed out of the Tower, so long, and so concealed; which the wiser sort could easily answer by many ancient examples, which give us di∣vers

Relations of Noble Children preserved more admi∣rably: and this young Duke himselfe, in his owne behalfe, when such objections were made against him, did alledge to Iames King of Scotland the History of Ioah mentioned in the Booke of the Kings, and that most speciall one of Moses: which the Dutches his Aunt Sister German to his Father, was strongly confirmed in, giving him all answerable and hono∣rable accommodation: so did the chiefe Nobility of those parts, and as an heire of the house of Yorke, there was rendred him the Title of La▪Rose-Blanch, the proper and an∣cient devise of the house of Yorke; with all, a gallant Guard of Souldiers was allowed him for attendance, and much was hee favored by the Arch-Duke Maximilian King of the Romans, by Philip his Sonne Duke of Burgondy, Charles the French King, the King of Portugall and Scotland, by the chiefest of Ireland and many Personages in England, who at extreame perill and hazard avowed him to be the second son of Edward the fourth.

The Princes aforementioned readily supplying him with Coyne and assistance, towards his atcheivements. King Hen∣ry actively apprehends what it threatned, and bestirs him∣selfe to take of their inclinations, dispatching Doctor Wil∣liam Warkam (after Archbishop of Canterbury) with Sr. Edward Poynings a grave and worthy Knight, to under-rare his credit with those Princes; and such strong perswasions were used That Philip Duke of Burgondy (for his Fa∣ther Maximilian was before returned into Austria) utterly declines himselfe and his subjects from his first ingage∣ment, but excepted the Widdow Dutchesse of Burgondy, over whom hee had no power of command, because shee had all justice and Jurisdiction in those large signories whereof her dowry was composed.

And thus Richard was supplanted here; what hope of ayde hee had, or did expect by his voyage into Portugall, I cannot say, though his entertainment there was honorable: but by reason of the distance of the Country ••it may bee thought hee was to build little upon any from thence; his chiefe con••idence and refuge being in England and Ireland, where he had a good party, and sayled with a prety Fleete in∣to Ireland; there hee was welcomed, and received as the the second Sonne of King Edward; some of the Geraldins and other great Lords in Ireland, purposing to make him their King; To overtake him betimes there too, Doctor Henry Deane, Abbot of Lanthory (a very wise able man) was sent and made Chancellor of Ireland; with him went the said Sr. Edward Poynings, who so actively bestirred themselves

that in short time they drew the Irish from Perkin, so that now hee must returne home, but by the way was encouraged, to apply himselfe to Iames King of Scotland, whither forthwith hee directs his hopes, and found his entertainment answerable to them: the King receiving him very Nobly by his title of Duke of York, calls him Cozen, with promises to give him strong▪ footing in England, and (in earnest of his better intents) bestowed in Marriage upon him, the most Noble and faire Lady Katharine Gordon his neere kinswoman, Daughter of Alexander Earle of Hunt∣ly: This came home very sharpely to King Henry, who knew King Iames to bee a Prince so Wise, and Valiant, that no easy delusion could abuse him.

And true it is, King Iames was very precise in his con∣sideration of this young Duke: but very cleerely con∣firmed before hee would acknowledge him. King Henry is very Studious how to thwa••t the event of this scene, and unfasten the King: but casts his con••idence againe, upon the fortune of his judgement, and sends many Protesta∣tions with rich promises, to King Iames for Perkin (for now wee shall so call him with the times) which tooke small effect at first; but King Henry (being a man preg∣nant to finde any advantage, and one whose providence would not let it die) remembers the stong affinity and friendship betwixt King Iames and Ferdinando King of Castile, (one of the most Noble Princes then living.) At that time too, it happened so happily, there was a Treaty and intelligence betwixt Henry the Seventh and Ferdinan∣do, for proposition of a Marriage of Arthur the Prince of Wales, and Katharine Daughter of King Ferdinando: this occasion no sooner offered it selfe to his consideration, but a Post was dispatcht to Castile, with Letters and Instru∣ctions to give the King to know what had passed betweene him and King Iames of Scotland, urging him to use the Power and Credit hee had with him, for the delivery of Perkin to himselfe: which Ferdinando undertooke; and sends Don Pedro Ayala (not one Peter Hialas, or Peter Hayles) as our vulgar stories have (a wise and learned man and of a very Noble house) who so ably used his Braine in this imployment, that King Iames passed to him his promise, to dis∣misse Perkin to his own fortunes; But would by no meanes deli∣ver him to the King.

Thus Perkin was againe supplanted Virtute vel dolo, and of necessity driven into Ireland, where hee was formerly received and entertained; whilst they were agitating their first Plot of setling him King, Charles the French King

sends to him Lois de Laques and Estiene Friant, to offer him his friendship and ayde; with this good newes Perkin hast∣ed into France, where hee found his welcome very hono∣rable, as befitting a Prince, a Guard appointed to attend him, of which Monsieur Congre-Salle was Captaine; before this King Henry had threatned France with an Army, but now upon a better view and deliberation, foreseeing what this had in it, He propounds very faire Conditions for a Peace with the French King, which the French King was as willing to intertaine, and so it was concluded; Perkin after this began to thinke the King shortned his respects, and looked upon him (as it were) but imagine lusca, with halfe a Coun∣tenance, and fearing there might bee some capitulation in this new League, that might concerne his liberty, private∣ly quits Paris, returning to his Aunt of Burgondy. Al∣though Perkin was thus shortned in his forraine expecta∣tions, hee had those both in England and Ireland, that much favored him and his cause, making another voyage into Ireland, but returned with his first comfort; for though they stood constantly affected and were willing, the Kings Officers curbed them so, they could not stir.

From Ireland hee sayled into England, landing at Bod∣min in Cornewall, the Cornish and Westerne men there∣abouts receiving him very gladly, proclayming him King of England and of France, &c, by the Title of Richard the Fourth (as Hee had beene proclaimed before in the North parts of England, by the Councell and Countenance of the King of Scots.) Out of Cornewall Hee marches into Devonshire to Exeter, to which Hee layd Siege, having then about five thousand men in his Army; but the Kings being at hand and farre stronger, Hee was forc't to rise from the siege, upon which those few friends Hee had left (finding His want, and the King with greater strength approaching) forsooke him to provide for themselves: thus abandoned, no way before him but flight, and being well mounted, with a traine of some forty or fifty reso∣lute Gentlemen, recovers the Abby of Beanely in Hamp∣shire, where Hee tooke Sanctuary, from which the Kings party who persued Him would violently have surprised Him;

Which the Abbot and Religious persons would not in∣dure as a thing too foule against their Priviledge. The King after sends to him profers of favours and mercy, with promises of such Honour and Condition as drew Him to the Court, where the King looked upon him with a very Gratious and Bountifull usage as a Noble person;

But his prompting Jealousies and Feares soone east a dul∣nesse over this first favours and promises; Then a Guard must bee set upon Perkin and his usuall freedome restrain∣ed; these were harsh presages (Hee thought) which so justly moved His suspition and discontent that hee thought Sanctuary againe must bee his best safety, and passing by the Monastery of Shrene, hee suddenly slips into it from his Guard, whither the King sends unto him with per∣swasions of the first Courtly and Honorable tincture; But Perkin that had discerned the Hook, was not easily to be tempt∣ed with the bait this second time.

Then the King dealt with the Prior for him, who would not yeeld him, but upon faithfull promise from the King to use him with all favour and grace, which was protested, although Perkin no sooner came into his power againe but hee was sent to the Tower, where his imprisonment was made so hard and rude, that it much dejected and troubled him, oftentimes in private and with peircing groanes, having beene heard to wish himselfe borne the Sonne of any Pesant. And indeed, every one could tell hee fared the worse for his Name, it being an observation of those times that there was three men most feared of the King.

Edward Plantagenet Earle of Warwicke, Perkin, alias Richard Plantagenet, and Edmond de la Poole Sonne of King Edwards Sister, all of the Family of Yorke, but most of all Perkin, being of a more active spirit, so more sen∣sible of his wrongs then the other; and cost the King more Consultation and Treasure in the working him into his hands; Therefore answerably aggravated his miseries and disgraces which now beganne to exceede; for hee was not onely sharpely restrained in the Tower, but the fame was the Question or Gehenne was given Him: some∣times he was taken forth, and carried in most ignominious manner abroade, to bee set in the Pillory, otherwhile in the Stockes; after all these bitter and cruell punish∣ments (to pull downe his stomacke) there was sent some unto Him of purpose to perswade his submission to the Kings mercy, and by renowncing His Blood, Birth, and Title, to confesse himselfe no other but Perkin War∣berk the Sonne of a base Flemming▪ which Hee scorn∣ing and denying, His sufferings were made more rigorous, and Hee lodged poorely and basely, as meanely fedde, worse cladde, untill at length by Torments and Extre∣mities, Hee was forc't to say any thing, and content to unsay what they would have Him, to accuse Himselfe

by a forc't Recantation of his Family▪ Name, and Roy∣all Parentage; this must bee compell'd too under His hand, then to bee brought by the Officers unto the most publique places of London and Westminster, to suffer as before related, and with a loud voyce to reade the same, which might passe at present with the multitude for current, who knew not how it was forcd from Him, nor had judgement enough to know and consider that Racks and Tortures have made very able men accuse themselves and others unjustly: Seneca telleth of a man who being suspected of Theft was inforced by torture to confesse the theft and his fellow Theeves; but have∣ing none, hee accused the good and just Cato, to a∣voyd the torture; nay (which is a thing of more hor∣ror) it maketh men by false Oaths to blaspheme God; Therefore Saint Augustine inveigheth sharply against the cruell use of it, and amongst many other sins, which hee findeth in it, this is one,

Tortus si diutius nolet sustinere Tormenta, quod non commisit, se commisisse dicit.

The tortured gladly doing this the sooner to exchange those torments with death as the far lesse pain.

And therefore this young Man may bee excusable in what hee did against himselfe, his youth being igno∣rant of these high points of Honour, and could not yet bee confirmed in any brave and firme resolution, nor happily in Religion, and the worse also by the reason of his long imprisonment and heavy trouble, having no Councell to strengthen him, nor so much as in Charity to comfort Him, but left a miserable despe∣rate forlorne Man, and feared to bee so for ever, and at the best. And if learned grave Men, Men of grace, having large Talents of Spirit and Science, for feare of such punishments have denyed some chiefe points of Chri∣stian▪ Faith, yet have beene excused for the torture sake, (of which wee have testimony in the Ecclesiasti∣call Stories) what may a tender and unexperienced youth doe? For which just causes the best Doctors of the Ci∣vill Law, and also of Theology condemne and aborre the use of Torture, as having a further mischiefe in it, and is Arcanum Gehennae a secret of Torture or of Hell.

For when the Prisoners body by exteame toment is

brought into any mortall State, or symptome of death, or made incurable and deadly, then to avoyde the im∣putation of Murder, the prisoner by a short and pri∣vate processe is condemned of some capitall crime, and presently executed, whilst there is yet some life in him; And to that censure Perkin at last came; for no∣thing could serve but his blood, his confession being on∣ly extorted from him to perswade the People hee was an impostor, and because they could not lay hold of his Life by the Course of Law or Justice (being not at∣tainted nor condemned of any capitall crime.) This scraple being a little considered, there was found out a way to remove that, and matter enough to make him guilty of a capitall offence, for which purpose it was devised there should a practise of escape bee offered him; and because the case of Edward Plantagenet, Earle of VVarrwicke, was like unto his, and as well wisht, being not attainted of any crime, hee also must desire to escape, that devise being the onely matter of guilt, or capitall crime, which was wanting, and might bee (as it were) created for them the more colorably to effect their executions; there not wanting instruments for that purpose to betray their innocent considence, whose inprisonment had layne so heavily and cruelly upon them, that they were easily perswaded to catch at any hope of liberty.

Some say the Earle of Warwicke at his arraignment was charged with perswading the other to make this e∣scape, but sure it is they both gladly hearkened to the motion of it; And were (soone after) accused as guil∣ty of practise and Conspiracy, to escape out of the Tower, so for the same arraigned and condemned to die: though g••eat difference was put in their processe, and execu∣tion; for the Earle of Warwick was tryed by his noble Peeres, and had the supplice of a Noble man, in an ho∣norable place, the Tower of London: Perkin alias Rich∣ard, by a Common Jury, who are men (many times) of little honesty, and to suffer at the common and in∣famous place, Tyburne, by the name of Perkin War∣becke, to confirme the People Hee was what they con∣demned him for; For this Nick-name was supposed to have utterly disnobled Him, and (as it were) divested Him of all his Noble Bloud and Titles, the condition of an impostor serving best for a cloke against that purple shower, which was at the fall and cruell usage of this misera∣ble Prince.

It may bee thought, the Earle of VVarwicke had as shamefully suffered, if the Wit and Malice of the Cardinall could have reacht to have made him a coun∣terfeit; But all men knew Hee was not onely a true and certaine▪ Prince, but free from all practise, yet Hee was restrained of his liberty, and a prisoner the most pa••t of Hislife; from the time of his Fathers attainder untill He Suffered; this was after they had survived King Richard their Unckle about fifteen years.

Now for their Offence, the learned Judges will tell us of what Nature and Quality, it is called in Law.

Some holding an escape to bee but an errour, a na∣turall dislike of bondage, or a forfeit of simplicity, pro∣ceeding from a naturall and very tolerable desire of li∣berty, which opinion is contingent to right; And the cause of these two Princes may also bee the better received, if it bee well considered, that this Plot of their escape▪ was not projected by themselves, but cunning∣ly propounded to them by proper instruments (being young and unexperienced) to intangle▪ them in some capitall offence, and so of Death, of which kinde of of∣fences they stood cleere before, not once accused, have∣ing never beene indicted, or attained of any thing Capitall. Therefore now their innocence must bee made guilty; And in this I say no more then all our H••∣storians, or others say, who agree in one opinion that The KING could not take away the lives of Per∣kin Warbecke and this Earle of Warwicke, untill this practise of their escape was layde to them, and they made guilty thereof. Therefore they were not Tray∣tors before, neither was Perkin now to bee thought a Counterfeit, but a Prince of the Bloud, clayming the Crowne; for otherwayes, Hee was Perkin of Flanders, a base fellow and a most culpable and notorious Traitor: then what neede they looke further for a Crime to put him to Death?

And if Hee were not a Traitor, surely it was a Tyranny to make of an Innocent and guiltlesse Man a guilty Fo∣lon, and by Traines, and Acts, to forge an offence out of nothing.

For doubtlesse an Innocent and a true man may seeke freedome, and purpose an act of escape, also commit in, and yet be still an honest Man, and a faithfull good subject; for nature and reason teacheth and alloweth all men to eschew in∣juries and oppression.

Besides this Practise of those young men, to escape, was found (as Pollidor well observeth) Crimen Alienum, and not Crimen pro∣prium: then how much greater was the wrong, to take away their lives.

But however it may bee laid upon them, it was nothing but a desire of liberty out of durance, in which they were kept for a small, or no offence.

The Civill law holdeth suspition of flight or escape, to bee no crime. Suspicio fugae quia, non solet detrimentum, reipublice ad ferre, non censetur crimen; so ulpian. And by the Lawes of Eng∣land, if a Prisoner doe escape, who is not imprisoned for Trea∣son, or felony, but some lesser fault of trespasse according to the old Law of England.

Escapae non adjudicabitur versus eum, qui Commissus est prisonae, pro transgressione. Escape shall not bee adjudged for Felony, or other crime, in one who is committed for trespasse.

For the offence of the escape is made in the common Law, to be of the same nature and guilt with the crime whereof the Prisoner is attainted; And certainely neither the Earle of Warwicke, nor Ri∣chard alias Perkin were attainted of Treason or Felony, &c. before.

But to close this dispute and tragedy, not long after some of the Instruments which betrayed them into this, as Walter Blunt, Thomas Astwood, servants to the Lieutenant of the Tower, fini∣shed at Tiburn because they should tell no tales.

And to this succinct relation, there can be no better testimony then the hands of those witnesses, who have sealed their confessi∣on and knowledge with their bloods.

Men of all conditions and estates, all maintaining at the last gaspe, that Perkin was the true Duke of Yorke, whose Affirma∣tions I will produce, give mee but leave by the way, to answer one Objection or Cavill brought against this Duke called in scorn, Perkin Warbecke. A new Writer affirming him to bee an Impostor, whose learning may be as much mistaken in this, as other things, though he laid a great pretence to knowledge, especially in the History of England and other Countreyes: indeed his judgement and reading are much exprest alike, in his Pamphlet which he cals the History of Perkin Warbecke, wherein he forfeits all his skill, to make him a parallel in advers fortunes, and supposed base qua∣lity, to the unhappy Don Sebastian late King of Portugall, who he also protests an Impostore. And to arrive at this huge know∣ledge, (he would have us thinke) hee tooke much paines in the sifting of Authors (and indeed I thinke he did sift them) concer∣ning his ignorance in the case of Don Sebastian (if he be not too wise to have it informed) I will urge some reasons on Don Sebasti∣ans side, who was King of Portugall: and invading the Kingdom of Barbary, Anno Dom. 1584. was overthrown in a fierce & bloo∣dy Battel in the fields of Alcazer, by the King of Morucco, where it

was thought he was slaine, but escaped and fled secretly, traver sti••e or disguised: travailing in that manner through many parts of Africa and Asia some 30. yeares, in which time and travaile he suffered much, lived in Captivity and misery, but at last got a∣way into Europe with purpose to have got into Portugall (if possi∣ble) to repossesse the Kingdome.

In this returne he came to Venice, there discovered himselfe, and desires aide of the Venetian States: they entertained him as a Prince distressed, gave him good words, but durst not lend him Assistance, fearing the King of Spaine; Yet the chiefe Senators, and many of the wisest of the Sigmory, made no doubt of him.

Among them Signieur Lorenzo Iustiniano of the Senators Order, (a man of wise and great abilities) was appointed by the States, a Commissioner (with others) to hear and examine this cause of Don Sebastian, in which they tooke much paines. And this Sig∣nieur Lorenzo (being lieger Ambassadour in England) affirmed and protested solemnly, he and all the other Commissioners were clear and very confident he was Don Sebastian King of Portugall, not∣withstanding they durst not give him aide, but councelled him for France, where the King favoured right, without feare of a∣nothers displeasure. But taking Florence in his way, in the habit of a Fryer, he was observ'd and discovered by some spyes which the Grand Duke of Tuscany had set upon him from Venice: who to in sinuate with the King of Spaine, Philip the second, and for some other commodious considerations, delivered Sebastian to the Go∣vernour of Orbattelli (a Spanish Port in Tuscany) from thence sent him by Sea to the Count De le Mos, Vice-roy of Naples, who con∣veyed him into Spaine: there for a while his entertainment was no better then in the Gallies: what other welcome hee had I know not; but the fame went certainly he was secretly made away after Philip the third was King. The said Vice-roy of Naples confessed in secret to a friend of his, he verily believed his prisoner was the true Sebastian King of Portugall, and was induced to be of that o∣pinion, by the strong Testimonies, and many strange and peculi∣ar markes, which some Honourable Portugesses did know him by, all found about the body of this Sebastian. And the French King, Henry the 4^th it should seeme, was perswaded no lesse: for when the newes was told him the Duke of Florence had sent this Sebasti∣an to the King of Spaine, he told the Queene what an ill deed her Unckle had done in these words; Nostre Uncle a faict un act fort indigne de sa Persone.

Doctor Stephen de Sampugo, in a letter to Ioseph Texere, Coun∣cellour and Almoner to the most Christian King, writes thus. The King Don Sebastian is here in Vonice, &c. So soone as hee arrived here (where he hoped to find support) the Ambassadour of Castile persecuted him very cruelly, perswading the Signeury that he was a Calabrois, &c. I sweare to your Father-hood by the Passion of

Jesus Christ, this man is truly the King Don Sebastian, he hath all the markes on his body, without failing in any one as he had in his in∣fancy, only the wounds excepted which he received in that Battel at Affricke, he gives the reason of his life, & account of all his passages, &c. He is knowne and re-known by the Conciergres, by the Judg∣es, by the greater part of the Senate, and by his owne Confes∣sor, &c. and a great deal more of him upon knowledg he justifies: as much witnesses Ion de Castro, Sonne to Don de Alvaro de Castro, one of the four Governours that ruled the Kingdome Conjunctly with the King Don Sebastian, who in his letter the same man sayes thus. The King Don Sebastian (whom the enemies call a Cala∣brois) is the very same which is detained here, as certainly as you are Fryer Ioseph, and my selfe Don Ion. He departed alive from the battaile, but very sore wounded: God having so delivered him with some other of his company, amongst whom was the Duke Anegro, &c. as for the Exterior marks of his body he wants not one of them, he is wounded on the brow of the right eye and on the head, as many witnessed when they saw him in the Affrick Battell. His hand-writing is still the same, observing the very same method, as is very well remembred by divers.

There might much more be instanced in the behalfe of this Se∣bastian, but this may serve for better intelligence, to which I may adde, that men experienced in the Affaires and policy of State, know it a rare thing to find in any History the examples of a Prince being seised and possessed of any Signiory or Principality (how un∣lawfull soever) who hath resigned them or any part to the true heires. Have we not instances at home, where the Sonne hath ta∣ken the Kingdome from the Father, and would not let it goe a∣gaine, but rather endeavoured to hast his Fathers fate? Much af∣ter that manner when Henry Duke of Lancaster had got the King∣dome, he held it and would not resigne to the right Heyr Richard the second, nor after his death to the Earle of March, though these were no Impostors; neither was Edward Earl of Warwicke: yet King Henry would not let his hold goe: and the Cardinall Fa∣vourite, finding he could not compasse his aymes one way, con∣trived it another. By the Machivilian advice he gave to Ferdinand King of Castile, not to conclude the treaty of the Marriage be∣tweene Prince Arthur and his Daughter Katherine untill this Earle and Perkin were disposed of, which Ferdinando followed and ur∣ged the King, pretending it the security of his Estate and Issue.

In briefe, it is not possible to perswade a private man, though wrongfully possessed to acknowledge the true proprietary hath a better title then he.

How unjustly have the Kings of Spaine detain'd sundry Signeu∣ries and Principalities from the lawfull Heirs: yet if the wrong done by such another disseising Lord, be put to this former Usur∣per, Malafide (as the Imperiall Iurisconsults will terme him) his

sentence will be, such a Rapinous Prince doth wrong.

But let us now take a more particular view of those witnesses who stood for Perkin. And having formerly mentioned Sir Robert Clifford, a Knight of the Noble Family of the Barons Cliffords, I will proceed with that which may be the more remarkable in him, because hee was of a Family that long hated the House of Yorke, from the Battaile of Wakefield, when and where they resolved an enmity so deadly, as was not to bee reconciled or satisfied whilst one of them remained; yet became followers againe of the White Rose family; and this Sir Robert Clifford served King Edward ve∣ry neare, and in good credit, so could not but have an assured knowledge of the Kings Sonnes, and was therefore the more par∣ticularly sent to certifie his knowledge, who certainely affirmed him to bee the younger sonne of Edward 4. and confirmed many with him, such as had likewise served King Edward, and had been acquainted with the Prince his conveying beyond Sea, though much was done to alter Sir Roberts opinion: the Lord Fitz-Walter was of the same beliefe, and avowed Perkin the true Duke of York, most constantly unto death; as resolute was Sir William Stanley, though he were Lord Chamberlaine to Henry the seventh, and in great favour; with Sir George Nevill Brother to the Earle of West∣morland, Sir Symon Mountford, Sir William Daubeny, father to the Lord Daubeny, Sir Thomas Thwaits, Sir Robert Ratcliffe of the house of the Baron FitzWalter, Sir Iohn Taylor, Sir Thomas Chaloner, Tho∣mas Bagnall with many other Gentlemen of quality, all maintai∣ning him to be the Duke of Yorke, sonne of Edward the fourth, & sundry of the Clergy who had beene Chaplaines to the King his Father, or otherwise occasioned to attend the Court, as Doctor Rochford, Doctor Poynes, Doctor Sutton, Doctor Worsley Deane of St. Pauls, Doctor Leyborn, Doctor Lesly, with many other learned Professors of Divinity, who would not endure to heare him called Perkin.a The Lord FitzWater, Sir William Stanley, Sir Simon Mount∣ford, Sir Robert Ratcliffe, Sir William Daubeny (as martyrs of state) confirmed their Testimonies with their bloods. So did the Kings Serjant Ferrier, who left the Kings service, and applyed himself to Perkin, for which he was executed as a Traitor; and one Ed∣wards who had served this Duke Richard, was cut in pieces for the same cause, also Corbet, Sir Quinton Betts, and Gage, Gen∣tlemen of good worth, with 200. more at least, put to death in sundry Cities and Townes, particularly in Kent, Essex, Suffolke, Norfolke, and about London for their confidence and opinions in this Prince.

There were some great men (though they made noe professi∣on of their knowledge of him,) could whisper it one to another which in generall words, is confessed by all our better writers; who say, that as well the Noblemen, as others, held the said Perkin to

be the younger Sonne of King Edward the Fourth.

And Sir Thomas Moore after Doctor Morton, thus writeth, The man commonly called Perkin Warbeck, was as well with the Prince, as with the people, held to be the younger Sonne of King Edward the Fourth.

Richard Grafton affirmeth the same, in Flanders (saith he) and most of all here in England, it was received for an undoubted truth, not onely of the people but of the Nobles, that Perkin was the Sonne of King Edward the Fourth. And they all swore and af∣firmed this to be true; The learned and famous Mr. Cambden aver∣reth, there were many wise, grave and persons of good intelli gence, (who liued in that time and neere it) That affirmed consi∣dently this Perkin was second Sonne to King Edward, then both the Brothers were not made a way by King Richard, and sarely it was little reason, or policy, to cut off the one & spare the other, nei∣ther indeed was there ever any proofes made, by Testimony, Argu∣ment, or Presumption, nor by Reason, Honour, or Policy, that this crime could be his, though many to the contrary; for he not onely preserved his Nephew the young Earle of Warwicke, but in his confidence (a speciall note of his magnanimity) gave him libertie, pleasure, and the command of a Statly house of his owne.

Now if he had beene so Ambitious and bloudy, he would have provided otherwise for him, knowing his Title was to take place, if his bloud had not beene attainted in his Father; in regard where∣of King Richard when his owne Sonne was dead, caused his Ne∣phew Iohn de la Poole, Eldest Sonne of the Duke of Suffolke, and of the Dutches his sister, (then the next lawfull heir to the Crowne) to be proclaimed heir apparant, an Argument of res∣pect to his kindred & next title to the Crowne, in whomsoever it was; which other men regarded not so much as the unhappy Se∣quel shewed: (& there was an impious necessitie in that) for whilst the Prince of Yorke survived, (Especially the males) no other titular Lord, or pretender could be King by his owne right, or by colour of right, nor by any other meanes: unlesse he had married a daughter, and the Eldest Daughter of King Edward the Fourth.

And although the deathes & manner of taking away these Prin∣ces (the Sonnes of King Edward) is held by our writers uncertaine and obscure, It is manifest (at least for the generall manner of their death) to be either by the Publicke sword, that is the sword of Justice, or of Battaile as were King Richard, the Children of the Duke of Clarence and the Duke of Suffolke, &c▪ or by the private sword, that is, by secret and close slights, treachery (which the Romans called Insidiae, dolus, by Smothering, Strangling, Poyson, Sorcery, &c. And that the sword was used against the family of Yorke, there is more then conjecture, both by Testimonies of wri∣ters, and records▪ King Edward himselfe, (as Credible Authors re∣port)

dyed of poyson. In the Parliament Anno. 1. Richardi tertij there was a••cused and attainted of sorcerie and such other devilish practices. Doctor Lewis, Doctor Morton, William Knevitt, of Buckin gham, the Countesse of Richmont, Thomas Nandick, of Cambridge Conjurer, with others; There was also an Earle ac∣cused of the same hellish Art, and an old Manuscript Booke, which I have seene, sayes, that Doctor Morton and a certaine Coun∣tesse, contriveing the death of King Edward and others, resolv'd it by poyson.

Which are conjectures and proofes more positive and strong against them, then any, they have against King Richard▪ but it was a great neglect in their malice, makeing King Richard soe politick and treacherous as they did, not to charge him also with these Princes Sisters, For it could not serve his turne, to rid away the Brothers, and not them; who were capable of the Crowne and had their turne royall, before any Collaterall males. Then he had, the children of his elder Brother, George Duke of Clarence, Ed∣ward Plantagent Earl of Warwick, & the Lady Margaret his sister, after countesse of Salisbury to make away; for they without their Fathers corruption of bloud (which might easily have beene sal∣ved by Parliament, the Lords and Commons affecting them) had a Priority of bloud and precedency of Title before the Protector.

I would aske the reason too why King Richard might not en∣dure his Nephewes (being by Parliament held and adjudged ille∣gitimate) as well as the Kings Henry 7. and Henry the eight, endu∣red Arthur Plantagenet, the Bastard of the same King Edward their natales and cases being alike, or why Sir Thomas Moore and Doc∣tor Morton should in one place, say it was held in doubt, when or how they were made away, and in another place, to averr that Tiroll and Dighton being examined, confessed plainely, the murder of them and all the manner of it.

These be contraries which with a great disadvantage, drawes their allegation into another argument, Bicorne, or Crocodilites; For in revealing the confession of these men, it is implicatively granted, their fault was not then to be punished, and soe it ap∣peares no fault: or not worth the consideration, the confession of a man being the greatest evidence, can be produced against him. Then in regard the confession of those was such as might not be o∣pened, nor the crime called in question (as the same Authors ac∣knowledge) it was but a fained confession, and they had done better not to have mentioned such a thing, which begot but a jea∣lousie in the falsitie thereof, or privity of some great ones in it; & a just imputation of injustice upon the Magistracy. For if Digh∣••on, Tirroll, Forrest and Slater, confesse the murder in Act and manner, King Richard being dead (who was said to subborne and protect them) necessarily and in due course of justice, (especial∣ly in the Act of so high a nature, and notice as this was) The pu∣nishment

should have beene expected with all extremity.

But being for some unknowne causes deferred, and after a while quite omitted and pardoned, it may be thought such strange Cle∣mency and impunitie proceeded from a singular high indulgence, or else, those examinations and confessions, werebut Buzes and quaint devises, to amaze the people, and entertaine them with ex∣pectation of a justice, to be done in some more convenient time (which was never.) This was after the death of King Richard. All that was done before, was to make him the Author of that horri∣ble crime and no bodie else; For Dighton and the rest were in se∣curity and liberty, yet it stood in good steed with the Lancastrians, to draw the peoples hate upon King Richard, not unlike that story of great Alexander, and a noble man in his Court, who stood so high in the favour of his Nobles and people, that the King grew jealous, and fearefull of his Popularity, studying how he might decline it and him to contempt, but could finde no colour or apt occasion, because he was soe strongly fixt in the peoples like∣ing and was a man of so great a desert, that noe crime could bee charged upon him. The King unbosoming himselfe to the coun∣cell and care of a friend one Medius (of his Country, as I thinke) had this advise.

Sir (quoth hee) let not this mans greatnesse trouble you, cause him to be accused of some hainous crime, (though falsly) and wee will finde meanes to make him guiltie, so formally and firmely, that the brand of it shall sticke up on him ever, which he delive∣red in these termes, though divers, yet the same in effect. Medea∣tur licet vulueri, qui morsus, aut dilaniatus est, remanebit tamen Cica∣trix. And it is truely approved by an Antient Christian Poet, thus,

Paulum distare videntur, Suspecti verèque rei.

The guilty and suspected Innocent, In mans opinion are little different.

For there is no more dangerous or fatall destiny to greatenesse, then to be intangled in the multitudes contempt, Odium et Con∣tempt us, being the two evills that overthrow Kings, and King∣domes, the one, that is, Contempt, proceeding from the vanity and obstinacy of the Prince, the other from the peoples opinion of him and his vices, And then he must neither raigne, nor live any longer: Ennius said with Cicero, quem oderunt perijsse expetunt: And soe all that was practised upon the fortune, fame, and person of King Richard was by this rule (though in the judgment and e∣quity of the most knowing in those times) their cunning translatio Criminis could take noe hold of him, neither appeares it proba∣ble, that the Earle of Richmond himselfe (when he had got all

justice and power in his hand) did hold King Richard guilty of the murder, and Subornation of those fellowes: nor them the Assasines; for doubtlesse then, being so wise and religious a Prince, he would have done all right to the lawes divine and hu∣mane, And that I beleeve in the extreamest and publick'st way of punishment, to make it more satisfactory; and terrible to the people and times: but they freely inioyed their liberty with secu∣rity to naturall deaths without any question or apprehension, Tirrell excepted, who suffered for treason not long after commit∣ted by him, against King Henry himselfe. Neither was Iohn Greene (named a party in this murder) ever called in question, nor doe the Historians of those times (though meere temporizers) charge him with this practise against his Nephewes, untill after his Coronation (some say they survived King Richard) and give∣ing this respi••e of time, there was no cause, why after that, he should make them away being then secure in his Throne and Ti∣tle, and they longe before pronounced uncapable; First by the ec∣clesiasticall Iudges, then by the Barons and Parliament: and where was the cause of feare? but if King Richard had beene of that bloody constitution, the man whose life could be most prejudiciall unto him, was the Erle of Warwicke lawfull Sonne of George Plant a∣genet Duke of Clarence, Elder Brother to King Richard: now there was a necessitie for the Lancastrian faction (if they must have a King of that family) to take those Princes away, not to leave King Richard or his Sonne, nor yet any legitimate issue of Lan∣caster, for all those were before any of the house of Beauforts in the true order of Succession, and stood in their way, so did the Progeny of Brotherton, of Woodstocke, of both the Clarencies, Glocester, &c. Though they feared few, or none of those Titu∣lare Lords being modest men, not affecting Soveraignty, but content with their owne private fate and feudall estate, when all was one with the Lancastrians, who were so vehement in their royall approaches, that besides King Edward the Fourth and his two Sonnes, King Richard and his Son, the Prince of Wales, there was afterward (and as occasion served) The Earle of Warwicke and Duke of Suffolke and others, both male and female, of that princly family, laid in their cold vrnes, and it must be so, else, there could be no place for the Beauforts and Somersets, their turnes be∣ing last (the Kings of Portugall, of Castile, and other being before them, if not excluded by Act of Parliament.)

In this Tragedy there was a Scene acted by Iohn de Vere Earle of Oxenford, which may be worthy of our observation for example sake, and makes not against the cause of Perkin.

This Earle of Oxenford much affected and devoted to King Henry the Seventh, was a great enemie to this Richard (Alias Per∣kin) and I thinke the onely enemie he had of the great Nobility, how this dislike grew I cannot say, whether out of ignorance, or

incredulity, or out of malice, hateing King Edward, and all that had a neare relation to that family, or else to applyhimselfe to the honour of the King, but he and the Cardinall are said to be the ch••ife vrgers of Perkins dispatch and hee being high constable pronounced the sentence against the young Earle of Warwicke; (which much distasted the Country) and ne're to Heveningham Castle, (that was his cheifest Seate) there lived in the woods an old Hermit (a very devoute and holy man as the fame of those times admit him) who seem'd much troubled to heare this newes, for the love he bare to the ancient and Noble family of Oxenford, of much anguish of Spirit, saying, the Earle and his house would repent, and rue that guilty and bloody pursuite of the innocent Princes, for the event of which prophesy this hath bine observed.

Not long after the Earle was arrested for an offence so small, that no man (considering his merit and credit with the King) could have thought it worth the question, for which he was fined at thirty thousand pounds (in those dayes a kingly sum,) a after this he lived many yeares in great discontent: and dyed without issue, or any child lawfully begotten by him, and in much shorter time then his life time, that great and b stately Earldome of Ox∣enford, with the opulent and Princly patrimony, was utterly dis∣sipated, and como sal in agna (as the Spaniard saith in the refran) yet this Earle was a very wise, magnificent, learned, and religious man in the estimation of all that knew him, and one more like to raise, and acquire a new Erledome. c But it thus fell and was wasted, the Castles and Mannors dilapidated, the Chappell wherein this Iohn de Vere and all his Ancestors lay intombed with their monu∣ments quite defaced to the ground, their bones left under the o∣pen Aire in the feilds, and all this within lesse then threescore yeares after the death of the said Earle Iohn; about the same time these unhappie Gentlemen suffered, there was a base d sone of King Richard the Third made away, having beene kept long before in Prison. The occasion as it seemeth was the attempt of certaine Irishmen of the West, and South parts, who would have got him into their power and made him their cheife, being strongly affect∣ed to any of the house of Yorke were they legitimate, or naturall, for Richard Duke of Yorkes sake sometimes their viceroy, and thus much in breife of that.

e Now to resolve a question, why the King deferred so long the death & execution of the Earle of Warwick & Perkin, and tooke so much deliberation after he had resolved it, one reason and the cheifest brought by some, is, That in regard Perkin was an Alien, and in the allegeance of a Forraigne Prince, therefore he could not be condemned, nor executed for felony, nor treason by our lawes: which is a ridiculous evasion, for we have frequent exam∣ples in our stories, that the naturall subjects of France, of Scot∣land, Spaine, Portugall, Germany, and Italy, have had judgement

and execution by our lawes, for felony and treason, as Peter de Gaveston a French man, Sir Andrew Harcley a Scot, and lately Dr. Lopez a Portugall, therefore apparantly that was not the cause the King so doubtfully, and (as it were) timerously deferred their Arraignments & Executions. The Heathens perhaps would have defined it some inward awe or concealed scruple, such as they called Eumenides, and Eurinnies, and beleeved haunted those men that had purposed or acted a wickednesse: upon which the Poet said well:

—Patiturque unos mens saucia Manes.

And assigned to every man his protecting Spirit, whom the Greekes called Doe∣mones, the Latines Genios, concluding, that when the Geni∣us of him against whom the mischiefe aimes, is stronger and more active then his who is to act it, there the Plot hardly taketh effect.

For example, produce the mortall enmity betweene Octavi∣anus Caesar, and M. Antonius, in which Anthony could never prevaile by any Attempt: who consulting with his Soothsay∣ers, they give the reason to beethe power of Octavians Genius above his. It is reported the great Philosopher Appollonius had such a secret protection, and so strong, that the Emperour Do∣mitian had no power over his life, though hee studied meanes to take it, Suidas adding that this Philosopher in confidence of his Genius when he left the Emperour, added this verse,

〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Me non occides quia fataliter protectus sum: which is that Fla∣mius Vopiscus calleth Majestatem Apollonij (as I ghesse) and with it the Profestors of Christian Religion agree in the effects, not in the causes, for those whom the Heathen call 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Daemones, &c. Genios, the Christian Theologues call Angels or Spirits, whereof they hold good and bad.

But to returne to the matters further Allegate & Probate. The industrious Antiquary Master Iohn Stow, being required to deliver his opinion concerning the proofes of this murther, affir∣med it was never proved by any credible evidence, no not by pro∣bable suspitions, or so much as by the Knights of the Post, that King Richard was guilty of it. And Sir Thomas Moore (being pu∣zelled with his Equivocations) sayes, that it could never come to light what became of the bodies of these two Princes. Grafton, Hall, and Hollinshead agreeing in the same report, that the trueth hereof was utterly unknowne. Then where is their farre seeing knowledge, that will have them transported into Forraign Coun∣treyes, or drowned, or their giganticke proofes, that say pe∣remptorily, they were both murthered and buryed in the Tower by those foure named before: if so, we need go no further for the

truth. But these are splenitick reaches, and the Parachronisme is too groste as the Comaedian said,

Quod dictum, indictum est, Quod modo ratum, irritum est.

Besides, if Perkin were not the second Sonne of King Edward, he must bee nothing, for the Flemish, French, and Wallons ac∣knowledged no such Noble young man to be borne in Warbecke, or in Tourney, but make honourable mention of a young Sonne of the King of England, who was brought to the Dutchesse of Burgundy his Aunt, being then in Flanders, and how hee was in France and in other Kingdomes. And surely so many Noble and discreet English, if they had not knowne him to be the same, by most certaine tokens, and evidence, would not so confidently have laid downe their lives to confirme their knowledge of him, or hazarded their judgements and honours upon an Imposture, or vanity, especially those who had places of Quality and Emi∣nency neare the King then living, and were in favour at Court. Therefore I would be resolv'd from our Anti-Richards, what aim those Noble-men could have, in averring him the Son of Edward the Fourth by the hazard of their lives and Estates (if the KING pleased) and how could they expect lesse; for though they were enough to justifie it a truth, they were too few to maintaine it a∣gainst him, there could be no aime or hope to super-induce young Richard to be King: but meerly I am perswaded in point of truth and honour, as they thought themselves bound to doe, they freely tendred their lives to make good what their Conscience & knowledge witnessed, for it would be an Imposture of a miracu∣lous Deception, so many worthy and wise persons both of the Nobility and Clergy, some of them having served the King his Father and himselfe, that they all in their particular and generall intelligence and understandings, should be mistaken and cheated. I say it was a strange delusion if it could bee so: but indeede those that would have it, so leave it in question, and know not well what to make of their own relations, or how to resolve his History, and if wee marke Sir Francis Bacon in the life of Henry the Seventh (though his speculation be tender, and as favourable as hee can that way) touching the History of this young Duke, hee gently slides from it;

Explicit liber tertius.

Notes

• Erasmus in Chiliad.
• Terentius in Adelph.
• This Booke was lately in the hands of Mr. Roper, of Eltham, as Sir Edward Hoby who saw it told me.
• Herodotus.
• He wrote many Poems and Epigrams, sundry petty Comedies, and Ent••rludes, often times personating, with the Act ors, as his so ving and fami∣liar friend ••▪ rasmus reports.
• Brixius Antimore.
• Ioan. Baleus de scriptoribu•• Brit. ••ent. ••8 cap. 69.
• Richard Graf¦ton saith he di∣ed mocking and scoffing as he lived.
• Courinus.
• In scrinijs div. Ro: Cot∣ton.
• Terent. Phorm.
• Iliad. 20.
• The virtues of King Rich∣ard malitiously censured.
• Cicero de Ossic. lib. 1••
• Pliny, Livy, valel. Maximus, Plutarch.
• This Dutchesse of Yorke died about the 1•• of King Hen. 7. at Berkhamsted and was buried at Tothering∣am, Iohn Stow. Seneca.
• King Richard not deformed.
• Rot. in an. 2 R. 2.
• Sir Thomas Moor apud Harli••gton.
• Doctor Shaw.
• Socrates. AE••opus. Epictetus. Gal••a a great and excellent Captain of the Romans, all of deformed sta∣ture.
• Chron. Croyland.
• Idem Croyland.
• Anonymu••. M. S.
• Rex Hen. 6. in custodia ut a∣lij referunt, gla∣d••o, & alij me∣••ore, deperijt. Ioan Majerus, Annall Flandr. lib. 17. The slaughter of the Prince sonn•• of H. 6.
• Polidor. Virgil. lib. 24.
• Chron in quarto M. S. apud Dom. Regis. Rob. Cot∣ton.
• Anna. uxo•• Ed. filij reg. H. 6. capta est cum marito. Ioan. Majerus in An∣nal Fland. l. 17.
• Richard not guilty of the Duke of Cla∣rence.
• Polidor. Virgil.
• ••rrour of Dr. Shaw.
• That the Duke of Gloucester raised not the slander against the Dutchesse his Mother, nor of his Bro∣thers basterdy.
• Anno. 10. Edward. 4.
• a

  Lib. M. S. in quarto. apud Dom. Rob. Cot∣ton.
• b

  Chronicle, Croyland.
• c

  Loyalty bindeth men.
• Father allie. Quod vulgo & corrupte Fa∣ther in law di∣citur.
• In Parlia∣ment, anno. 17. Ed. 4. Iu. Stow. vidit & legit.
• Erasmus C••i∣liad.
• Ioan de Se••res. Invent.
• Who made away the sonnes of King Edward the fourth.
• Poodir, Virgill. l. 2. 6.
• Dr. Morton, Sir Tho. Moore.
• Prior Croy. land.
• Moore, Halling∣shed Graston, Hall, Stow.
• Dion, Tacitus, S••eionius. Counterfeit Princes.
• Its written by some of the old Historians that King Harold was not shine at the Battaile of Hastings, by the Conquerer; but that he sur∣vived & went to Ierusalem, &c. But it not importeth whether He were the true Harold, or Pseu∣do Harold, be∣cause he never came to claime any thing in England.
• The practice of Hen. 7. with the Duke of Burgondy.
• The meanes used by Hen. 7. to prevent the practises of Per∣kin in Ireland.
• This Lady was so rarely faire and lovely that King H. 7 wondred at her beauty, and was inamored of her sending her to London to be safely kept till his returne out of the West Countries, where he theu was and first saw her.
• The practice of H. 7. to the King of Scots, and of Castile ••o get or sup∣plant Perkins.
• Don Pedro, Aylau.
• Hall in H. 7.
• Perkins Enter∣tainment in the Court.
• Ra••k.
• The force and mischiefe of Torture.
• August. in Civi∣tate Dei.
• The French ••all torture la Gehenne.
• Yorke and Warwick, paralels.
• Of escape.
• The French word escape, is to seeke to be free, and the French men transl••••e escape in to the Latine Salvus.
• Escape what.
• Just: Stanford, in pleas de la Corone. lib. 1. cap. 26, 27.
• Whether Don Sebastian of Portugall were a Counterfeit or not.
• 162.
• Hi•• legatus haec Domino Baroni Darcey retulit.
• Edward 2. and Edward 3.
• Moor, Hollinsh. Stow, Gains∣sord.
• Moor, Hollinsh. Stow, Grafton, Gainsford, Hal.
• Idem Autor.
• a

  He was the Noble ••roge∣nitor of the Earles of York.
• Hollinshed, Grafton, Hall, Stow.
• Iohn Morton. Thomas Moor. Grafton.
• Mr. William Cambden.
• Some think he dyed unnatu∣rally.
• Publike sword. Private sword.
• The arts of treachery.
• Reasons why King Richard should not de∣stroy his Ne∣phewes.
• Other great ••ones p••ivy to the deaths of those Princes, especially of King ••••••••••••ds Sons.
• Ausonius.
• Ennius apud Ci ceronem offic. lib. 2.
• Sir Tho. Moor. Edward Hall. Ralph H••llin∣shead. Iohn Stow, &c.
• The Earle of Oxen persecu∣tor of Perkin.
• a

  This Earle Iohn, died An∣no. 4. H. 8. 1512 Domin••s de Ar∣undell viva vo••e
• b

  I may call it a stately Erle∣dome, for the Earle of Oxen∣ford, when he came to the possession of it, was offered by some 12000 pounds per An∣num. and leave to his occupa∣tion all Man nors, Houses Castles, Parks, Woods, For∣rests, & all the Demesn lands thereto belong∣ing, which might be more worth by year∣ly value then many Erldoms in this age.
• c

  The Mathe∣maticians that calculated, the Nativitie of this Earle Ed∣ward, told the Earle his Fa∣ther, that the Earledome would fall in his Sons time.
• d

  Bastards of King Richard. Grafton & Chron. M. S. in quarto apud Dn. Rob. Cotton.
• e

  Why the pub lique justice deferred the death of the Princes.
• D••mones G••nij.
• Pluta•••••• in Anton.
• Philostrat in vita Appollon.
• Vopiscus in Aureliano.
• Angels good and bad.
• Terentius in Phormio.