The history of Scotland written in Latin by George Buchanan ; faithfully rendered into English.

The Twentieth BOOK.

ALL that Time, which immediately followed the Death of the last Regent, although it were free from Blood-shed, yet, was embroyled with the various Attempts of the Factions. Before the Murder, the Hamiltons, in great Numbers, had met at Edinburgh, under the Pretence of prevail∣ing with the Regent, to release Iames Hamilton, the Head of their Kin or Tribe, who was yet kept Prisoner in the Castle: But, after the Murder was perpetrated, they sent some, from amongst them, to the rest of the Hamiltons, who were to dissuade the other Clans, (for so they would have made People believe) from joining with, or protecting, the publick Parricides: But, as very many suspect∣ed, it was to bid them, be prepared, and ready, for all Occasions. For, the next Night after the Murder, Walter Scot, and Thomas Carr of Farnihest, entring into England, did ravage over all Places with Fire and Sword; and that, with somewhat more Cruelty than was used in former times. Neither was it so much the Desire of Prey, or Revenge, which mov'd them to this unusual Crueltie, as, that it was long before resolved by the Bishop of Saint Andrews, and the rest of the Heads of the Faction, to incense the English against the Scots: And, if they could provoke them, no other way, to take up Arms; then, by Injuries to draw them, tho unwillingly, into a War. The Governour of the Castle, although convinced by many Evidences, so that all Mens Eyes and Discourse were upon him by way of Reflection, as yet continued in his former counterfeited Loyalty to the King; 'Twas upon his account, that William Maitland was delivered out of Prison; For, when he had,

in many Words, pleaded his Innocency before the Council, the No∣bles, then present, attesting, That it did not, with any certainty, appear to them, That he was guilty of those Crimes which were laid to his Charge, (for he was accused to have been privy to the King's and Regent's Murders, and also to be the Author of the Ci∣vil War that was lately raised in England) he was at last dismissed, yet so, that the Matter seem'd to be deferred till Another time, ra∣ther than absolutely to be decided at That: He also, protesting his Innocency upon Oath, did promise to appear, whensoever the King's Kindred would set a Day for his Trial. Afterwards, when, upon consulting about the State of the Kingdom, they had almost agreed, That of those, whom the Queen, before she abjured her Government, had nominated Tutors to the King, he that would undertake it, provided he had not afterwards revolted to the ad∣verse Faction, should have the chief Administration of Affairs. Maitland, now contriving the Disturbance of Matters, brought it so about, that it should be again signified to the absent Lords, that they might, if they pleased, be present in the Parliament of the Regent, to be assembled at a set Day, lest they might afterwards complain, That so great an Affair was hastily rash'd up in their Absence. Athol, with a few others, consented; neither did the rest refuse it, more that they would take away all occasion of De∣traction and Calumny from their Adversaries, than that they had any Hopes, that this Delay of the Parliament would bring any Pro∣fit to the Publick.

After these Things, Thomas Randolph, the English Embassador, had Audience; for That Queen, the Regent being yet alive, had sent her Embassadors, to demand those English Exiles, who, after How∣ard's Conspiracy was detected, and he punished, for fear of Pu∣nishment, had escaped thither: The Regent, giving these Embas∣sadors Audience at Sterlin, put them off till his Arrival at Edin∣burgh: and, after his Death, Things being in Confusion, they de∣parted without an Answer. But, when they conven'd about choo∣sing a Regent, Randolph, (who, for some years, had been in Scot∣land) for that he was thought to be well read in the Affairs, and in the Men, of that Nation; and that his former Embassies had been also advantagious to both Nations, was in dear Esteem of all that were good, like himself.

He, being introduc'd into the Council, having declared, How great his Queen's Good-will had always been towards the Scots; That, as she had not formerly been want∣ing to them in their Disturbances, so she would not fail them now. Then he rehearsed their Incursions into England, the Slaughters, Rapines, Burnings, of late Days committed: Ad∣ding, That she knew well enough, That none of these Things were acted by the Publick Council; therefore, that, at present, her Kindness and Friendship towards them, was the same it ever was: So that, although she had been grievously, and, without any Cause, provoked; yet she did not, as she might justly do, repeat Matters, nor publickly require Reparation; nor, for the Fault of a Few, seek Punishment of All: That indeed she was not ignorant, what a great Disturbance in Affairs was risen of late;

yet, she was not doubtful of the Good-will of honest Men to∣wards her: That, in Favour of them, she did not only free the Publick from any Guilt, but if, by reason of domestick Trou∣bles, they could not compel the Disturbers of the Peace, to resettle Matters, that she would join her Forces with theirs, that so, by common Consent, they might exact Punishment of those Viola∣tors of Leagues and Truces: But, if they were not able to do That, that then she would revenge their Injuries with her own Souldiers: That her Army should pass peaceably through the Country, without the least Damage to it; That none, that had not been guilty of the Crimes, should be concerned in the Punish∣ment.

The remaining Heads of his Embassy contained Admoni∣tions, ever profitable in all Legal Assemblies, but now, as the pre∣sent Posture of Affairs was, very necessary, viz.

That they should first of all, with all Care and Vigilance, have regard to Religi∣on, which alone teaches us our Duty, both towards God, and to∣wards Man: That, seeing no Common-wealth, at Discord with∣in itself, can long subsist, they should bend their chiefest Endea∣vours, and strive, with their utmost Force, that, at Home, among Fellow-Subjects, and Country-Men, Peace and Concord might be re∣ligiously observed; and seeing God, the Framer of the Universe, had indulged Them with a Kingly Government, it was just for them to honour and obey their Kings, and to yield all Observance and Obedience to them: That Peace, Concord, and Friendship with all Men, as much as possible, are most acceptable to God, and quench, or, at least, lessen, the Thirst of shedding human Blood, (which Wickedness God especially detests): That they increase the Ri∣ches of All in general, and render a People more formidable to their Enemies: That Justice is the Preserver of the Publick Safe∣ty, of which, the chief Part now to be made use of, is, The Pu∣nishment of Offenders: Seeing that Treason is most hateful to eve∣ry lawful Government, its Abettors, to what part of the Earth soever they retreated, should have neither Mercy, Favour, nor Indulgence, shewed them.

Thus far Randolph; whose Advice seemed both pious, wholsom, and reasonable. But, because none was yet chosen Regent, he could not have any certain Answer, and therefore was put off till the first of May. Last of all, William and Robert Douglas, Brothers, by the Mother's Side, to the late murdered Regent, petition'd, That the villanous Death of their Brother, suffer'd upon no Private, but the Common-wealth's, Ac∣count, should be revenged. Herein, the Opinions were various, although all agreed, That the Murderers were to be punished: Some thought fit, That a Day should be set for those, suspected of the Murder, to appear, (and many of their Names were given in): Others were of Opinion, That Court-Days were not to be waited for against those, who were now in Arms, to maintain, by Force, that Fact, which they had wickedly committed: And, that it was fit, not only to take up Arms forthwith against them, but likewise against all those, who were sentenced by the last Parliament. To this Opinion the Knights of Shires were most inclined, yet they could not obtain their Purpose, by the dissuasion chiefly of Athol,

who said, They ought to expect a more numerous Assembly of No∣bles; and of Morton, who thought, That, should they join more Crimes together, the Revenge of the Regent's Death would miscar∣ry, and a Civil War break out; because all those, who dreaded the Peace, would join with the Murderers. Therefore, that their Crimes should be separated, and Affairs, if possible, acted by Law, and nothing innovated, before the first of May, (which was the Day appointed for their Meeting.) And so that Session was dissol∣ved; most part of the People condemning this Delay of the Nobi∣lity, because (said they) all things are acted, as the King's Ene∣mies please, who had occasion'd these Delays purposely, that, in length of Time, the Odium of the Murder might diminish, and the opposite Faction, that while, gain Strength. This Opinion of the Peoples was confirmed, not only by some preceding Accidents, but also by very many, which followed: For presently, when the Regent's Murder was yet hardly divulged, Iames Hamilton, upon a Mortgage of his Lands, procures Mony of Iohn Somerval, of Camnethen, which, together with another Sum, borrowed of his Friends, he sent to his Complices to hire Souldiers with, having warned them before, to be ready for all Essays, because of the sud∣den Alteration which had happen'd, upon their having rid them∣selves of their capital Enemy. And after that, the Queen's Party ceased not to have Meetings, in many and distant Places. About the 15th of February, almost all the Chiefs of the Rebellious Facti∣on met together at Glasgow; whence Argyle and Boyd wrote to Morton, That they, because, as yet, they knew not Who were the Actors in, or privy to, the Regent's Murder, would willingly communicate their Counsel with the rest of the Nobility, as well for the Discovery, as Punishment, of that Murder; but, that they would not come to Edinburgh; but if the King's Party would be persuaded to meet them at Linlithgo, at Falkirk, or at Sterlin, they would, without Delay, come thither. This Business, being communicated to Maitland by Morton, (for so the Letter requested) came to nothing. About the same time, Thomas Car wrote to his Father-in-Law, the Governour of the Castle, from Linlithgo, That, if the Queen of England would be prevailed withal, to lay by her Resentment of the late Incursions, he would endeavour, that, for the future, the Borders should be quieted, and kept in due Or∣der; but that, if she should refuse these Offers, he would continue in the Design he had begun; not doubting, but that his honest Country-men, who yet retained their Fealty to their Queen, would join with him, and that the French Auxiliaries would speedily come, also.

About the third of March, the Hamiltons, with Argyle and Boyd, met at Linlithgo; but the killing of one common Souldier, beget∣ting a Tumult, disturbed all their Counsels; which made the Arch∣bishop of St. Andrews carry home the Hamiltons with him. The rest of the Rebels, chiefly Huntly, Athol, Crawford, Ogilby; also, of those on this side Forth, Hume, Seton and Maitland, met at E∣dinburgh; in which City Morton was, accompanied but with few, till the Earls of Glencarn and Marr, with their Followers, came to

him. About the fourth of March, the Heads of the Factions met to consult about the Main, but this Consultation went but slowly on, by reason of Argyle's Abs••nce, whose Power and Authority was then very great. Huntly goes to him, undertaking to persuade him to join with the rest of the Faction, but returns without Success, by the Treachery of Maitland, (as most Men thought) who desi∣red to drill on Affairs, that, amidst the Confusions of the Kingdom, he might have the fitter Opportunity for Innovations. Argyle also, in all his Undertakings, had another Impediment, which hindred, That his Power was not now so great, as it was found to be former∣ly, which was, That, though he himself was a most eager Favou∣rer of the Queen's Cause, yet his Friends and Clients, no, nor his very Brother, could not be prevailed with to follow him against the King. The Night following, a sudden Terror, without any apparent Cause, did so seize upon all the Factious, that they watch'd in their Armour, till it was Day-light; and, in the Morning, they as fearfully departed from Edinburgh. All the Time of this Con∣vention, the chief Thing controverted, was, By what Autho∣rity the Scots might, at that time, choose a Regent? Some, ac∣cording to the Queen's Letters-Patents, by which she had designed Eight of the Nobility, that, out of them, one, or more, as should be thought fit, might be nominated as Tutors to her Son, would have one of that number placed at the Helm. Others were of Opi∣nion, That those Letters were now useless, since that a Regent was already chosen, according to their Appointment; and that all Thoughts of them should be laid aside, as being not made to be al∣ways in Force, but for that one Juncture of Time, only. Some there were, who would have the whole Affair deferred, until the General Convention of the Nobility, but These were mostly of Maitland's Faction, which expected, That a great Distraction in Affairs would follow, which, in a great Multitude, without a Go∣vernour, is easily rais'd, but not so easily laid. The Third Opini∣on condemned both the Others: The First, for that now there ought less Account to be made of the Queen's Letters-Patent, since (if the Matter of Law were considered) they were, from their beginning, of little or no force: The Other, for that a Prorogation would both draw much Danger along with it, & also a greater Delay, than the present Condition of Affairs could well permit; and there∣fore they would have all those to meet, who, at first, had advised the King to enter upon the Government, and had constantly adhered to him, ever since: These, according to the sense of this Party, were to take the best Care they could for the Publick-Weal, and speedily appoint such a Regent, who was both able and willing to provide for the Safety of King and Kingdom, both. But this Opinion was rejected also, and so, before any thing was concluded upon, the Convention was broke up.

So many Meetings having been tried in vain, the Rebels again return to the old Seminary of the English War, thereby to draw the Populacy to their Faction; and send out the same Captains of the Freebooters, which were sent before, who left nothing of Cru∣elty uncommitted, even to the utmost extremity. And, in the

mean time, the Heads of their Faction bespatter the Queen of Eng∣land with all manner of Reproaches: And also, they malici∣ously accuse the Scotish Nobles, as Pensioners to the English, com∣monly giving out, in a way of Threatning, That if their Adversa∣ries did call in the English to their Aid, they would have recourse to the French and Spanish Succours. About this time, Mr. Le Ve∣rac, one of the King of France's Bed-Chamber-Men, came from France to Dumbritton, who, with his large Promises, somewhat raised up their Courages. Hereupon, the Hamiltons appointed a Meeting of their People, to be held the 9th of April, at Linlith∣go; Where, when the Queen's Faction was gathered together in great Numbers, They began openly to treat of That, which they had long before meditated in their private Cabals, That, if a War against the English could be made, thereby private Inju∣ries and Actions, either about the King's or Regent's Murder, in that universal Disturbance of Affairs, would either grow out of Re∣membrance, or, at least, the Resentment of them much abate. These Things having been transacted at Linlithgo, by the Associates of the Conspiracy only, who having not yet plainly unmasked their Intentions, that they might have more Shew of Authority, they determine to meet at Edinburgh, on the 11th of April, and there∣by, besides the other Conveniencies which the Place would afford them, draw the Citizens, of whom they always made great ac∣count, either way, to their Party. This seemed no hard Matter, since they had already gained William Kircady, the Governour both of the City and Castle, to their Side: But, because they under∣stood, that Watch and Ward was kept there, and that the Common People were more inclined to their Adversaries, they thought fit to send to the Citizens, first, to know, Whether or no it was their Pleasure, they should meet there? The Citizens Answer was, That they would exclude no Person, that was desirous of the Publick Peace, and obedient to the King; but that they would admit nei∣ther the English Exiles, nor the Hamiltons, into their City, lest they should either highly displease the Queen of England, in whose Kingdom they had great Traffick, or seem to join in Counsel with those that were guilty of that horrid Murder; nor likewise, would they endure the Proposal of any New Edicts, which might tend to the lessening of the Regal Authority; or, that their Souldiery should be forc'd (as the Custom was) to run to their Arms by sound of Drum. Upon these Conditions, how hard soever they seemed, they not∣withstanding came into the City, in hopes, by degrees, to gain upon the unwary Multitude, and, by soothing them up with fair Speeches, at last, to bring them all to their beck; but, for all this, they could not prevail with the Citizens to deliver up their Keys to them, or to cease their usual Watch, though Kircady, Governour of the Castle and City, join'd his utmost Endeavours with them, that they should do so.

All that time, they visited Maitland (who (if he did not dissem∣ble deeply,) was troubled with the Gout) every day, and in such Numbers, that his House was commonly named a School, and he a Schoolmaster: Athol, the whilst, incessantly passing from one

Place to another, that he might draw those of the contrary Faction to this Meeting at Edinburgh; but they all, with one accord, refused to come before May 1. (which was the Day generally agreed on by all) unless they were satisfied of the necessity of coming, before; if any thing of moment had happen'd, which would admit of no Delay, they would have them acquaint the Earl of Morton with it, who was at his House but four Miles off, and he would tell the rest of it. Athol, at last, appoints a Day, on which, some of either Fa∣ction should meet at Morton-Hall, which is in Dalkeith; but this Place did not please the Queen's Faction, not that they dreaded any Treachery, but out of a Conceit, That it would be an undervalu∣ing to their Authority, if they should come to Morton, rather than He come to Them. Therefore, after many Attempts, and that no∣thing proceeded to their Satisfaction, they were forc'd to break up the Meeting; for seeing, that, being desirous to rid the City of their Adversaries, they could not prevail with the Citizens to join with them; in order to it, they resolved to call in a greater Number of their Friends dwelling nearest, that, in spite of the Inhabitants, they might get all Things into their own Power. The Governour of the Castle facilitated This very much, who set at Liberty those Per∣sons whom he had in Custody, (and they were well nigh All the Heads of the Queen's Faction.) But a sudden Rumour, That the English Army was come to Berwick, startled all their Resolutions: Alexander Hume, and Iohn Maxwel, lately let out of Prison, with∣out any Publick Authority, betook themselves to their own Homes, to look to their own Concerns: And Hume had part of the Mony (gathered for raising of Souldiers) given him, to fortify his own Castle, Hume. Thomas Carr, and Walter Scot, who, by the Insti∣gation chiefly of the Archbishop of St. Andrews, had made Incur∣sions into England, foreseeing, That, from this beginning, a War would be kindled between the Two Kingdoms, being deserted by their Neighbours, and doubtful of their own Strength, send to the Heads of their Faction for Aid; or, if that could not be done, that, at least, they would come as far as Lauder, (a neighbouring Town), and from thence make a Shew of War. Therefore, when they could neither obtain their Request in This, nor yet the least Portion of their common Stock, for the Publick Advantage; and, being highly incensed to be thus betrayed and forsaken by those very Men, that had put them upon the War, every one of them betakes himself to take care for his own Safety, their Hopes, for the time to come, being all blasted: So that, so many cross Accidents, unexpectedly falling out at one and the same time, quite and clean disturbed all their Plots and Machinations; but the sudden Approach of the English Army, was It, which most surprized them; and therefore, to see if they could put a stop to it, they make use of two Embas∣sies into England; the One to Thomas, Earl of Sussex, to desire a Truce, till such time, as they had laid open the State of their Af∣fairs to the Queen of England: The Other Embassador carried Let∣ters to the Queen, containing many things, as well for their own Cause, as against the King's Faction; especially, by making their Brags of greater Forces than they had in reality, and vilifying

Those of their Adversaries, thereby covertly threatning the English with a War: For Maitland had made them believe, That that Queen, a Woman naturally timorous, would do any thing rather than be brought to a War, at a time when both the French and Spaniard were, for many Reasons, at Emmity with her, and her own Affairs at home were scarce setled; The Rebels desired, that, by the English Queens Arbitrement, all the Ordinances of the last Two Years should be called in, although many amongst them had sub∣scribed them; and that all things, being, as it were, acted de novo, a new Ordinance should, by a general Consent, be made: And that they might better set forth the Potency of their Faction, their Let∣ter had all the great Mens Names, that were of their Party, sub∣scribed to It; and also, for the greater Ostentation of their Multi∣tude, they set to it the Names of Many as well of the adverse Faction, as of those that were Neuters; in Hopes, that the English (by Reason of the great Distance, and their Ignorance of things done so far off; and that their Letters to the Queen, would be exposed to the View but of few Persons) would hardly be able to detect their Fraud.

About that time, an Accident happened, as they thought, very advantagious to their Affairs, as hoping, that it would both make the English less forward, and also terrify the Scotch Populacie; viz. the Arrival of a certain French-Man, however of a mean Conditi∣on, who, as being Lansack's Menial Servant, was, for his Master's sake, entertained at that Court. This Man brought a great many Letters, all of the same Purport, from the French King, not only to the Heads of the Queen's Faction, but likewise to Many, who had not declared themselves for either Faction, in which great Thanks were given to every one of them, for their having hitherto taken the Queen's Part; the King desiring them constantly to per∣sist in so doing, and he would send them Aid, even greater than they had desired of him, as soon as ever he could do it with Conve∣niencie. He also that brought the Letters, adds, as from himself,

That all things were now at quiet in France, Iaspar Colligny and the other Rebels being reduced to such Terms, as to promise to de∣part from France, lest their Presence should be a Hindrance to the Publick Peace: And that he doubted not, but that the Souldiers which were to be sent to assist them, would all be raised, before his Return.

The Wiser sort, although they knew, that these things were mostly nothing but vain Reports, yet permitted the common Sort to be deluded by them. When therefore the Minds of many People became, by these Means, to be erected, their Joy was lessen∣ed by the unsuccessful Return of their Embassadors: For Sussex could not, by any Conditions they could offer him, be induced, to think it to be for the English Interest, either to maintain an Army only to idle their Time away in Truces; or, wholly to desist from the War. And the Queen having, after Pe∣rusal, caused their Letter to be sealed up again, and sent back to the King's Party in Scotland; which was done, that the Expectation of an Answer from her should cause Delay in Affairs, and thereby their Fraud be easily found out. And, for that their Letter contained

nothing but vain Boasting, and that the English were not ignorant of any thing that had been transacted in Scotland, their Embassa∣dors, grievously abashed with Reproaches, were forced to return. Therefore being disappointed of that Hope, and affrightned by the so sudden drawing near of the English Army to their very Borders, and those who were to have assisted them, being gone to defend their own Homes; having also small Confidence in the Citizens, and knowing, that their Enemies would come to Edinburgh on the first of May: They therefore departed thence, and went to Lin∣lithgo, holding that Place to be very commodious for the sending for those of their Party from the most distant Places of the King∣dom; as also for the hindring the Journies of the others that were going to the Assembly; and for bringing about of those other things, which were lately discussed at their Consultations. From this Place, the Hamiltons, with their Friends and Vassals, made the whole Road leading to Edinburgh, very unsafe for Passengers; and know∣ing, that Iohn Erskin, Earl of Marr, was to come that Way, they placed themselves on the Neighbouring Hills to hinder his Journy; but he, knowing how the Way was beset, passed the River, about two Miles above; and so April 29, in the Evening, he came safe to Edinburgh. After that Day, the King's Party abode at Edinburgh, and the Queen's at Linlithgo, mutually charging and criminating one another, as the Causes and Rise of these Civil Combustions. But those at Edinburgh informed their Contrariants, That they were wil∣ling to come to an easy Agreement upon other Heads, as, that if they had done any Man wrong, they would give him just Satisfaction, as indifferent Arbitrators should award; provided always, That this King's Authority might be secured, and that both Parties might join to revenge the Murder of the last King, and of the Re∣gent. To this Proposal, they at Linlithgo gave no satisfactory An∣swer, but, instead thereof, made an Edict, That all Subjects should obey the Queen's Commissioners; and the three Earls, of Arran, Argyle and Huntly, Indicted an Assembly to be held at Linlithgo, August 3. Whereupon the other Party sent Robert Petcarn their Em∣bassador to the Queen of England, to treat with her about suppres∣sing the Common Enemy; and to shew, how well-affected the Scots stood towards her, he was to inform her, That they would chuse such a Regent, as she should please to recommend, or ap∣prove.

Thus, whilst each Party was crossing one another's Design, the English enter Teviotdale, and spoil the Towns and Villages belong∣ing to the Families of the Cars, and of the Scots, (who had violated the Peace, by making Excursions into England, and giving Harbour to such English Fugitives, as fled to them for Shelter) wasting and burning their Country. The Earl of Sussex, their General, be∣sieged Hume-Castle, where the Owner of it had laid up much Pro∣vision, and all the Neighbourhood had brought in their best Goods to that Fort, as into a Place of Safety. It was valiantly defended by the Garison within, and the English, the next day after, were about to raise the Siege; when, lo! Letters were brought to the Garison-Souldiers, written a while before by Alexander, Owner of the

Castle, which disturbed all their Measures. For therein he com∣manded them to obey the Orders of William Drury, an English Knight, and to do what he commanded them, without any Dis∣pute. Drury acquainted Sussex herewith, whereupon the Castle was surrendred and plundered, and Sussex placing a Garison of English therein, with a great Booty, returned to Berwick. Thus Hume, who was so far from being afraid of the English, that ra∣ther he thought them his very Friends, as knowing that Drury and Sussex Both did secretly favour Howard's Affairs, did almost undo himself by his own Credulity; for, at last, being forsaken of all his Friends and Kindred, who were mostly Royalists, he came with One or Two in his Company to Edinburgh, and shut up himself, as a Recluse, in the Castle there.

On the other Side of the Borders, Scroop, an English Commander, entred Annandale, and ransack'd the Lands of one Iohnston, (who also had made Incursions into England) but Iohnston himself, with a few of his Companions, being well acquainted with the Passes of the Country, made a Shift to escape from the Horse, that pursued him. Iohn Maxwel, who had gathered together 3000 Men, out of the Neighbourhood, yet durst not adventure to come in to his Aid, but only stood upon his own Guard. A while after, the English that were at Berwick, having received Hostages, and think∣ing that Matters would have been carried with Fidelity towards them, sent in 300 Horse, and a 1000 Foot, under the Command of Drury against the common Enemy. Upon the Bruit of their March, the Hamiltonians went to Glasgow, resolving to demolish the Castle of the Arch-bishop there, that it might not be a Recep∣tacle to the Earl of Lennox, then returned out of England, and so that Country be made the Seat of War. They knew, that it was kept but by a few raw Souldiers; that the Governor was absent; and that it was unprovided of Necessaries, so that they thought to surprize it by their sudden Approach; for they flew into the Town in such Haste, that they shut out a good part of the Garison-Soul∣diers from entring the Castle; but, being disappointed of their Hope, they began to batter and storm violently, and were as valiantly re∣pulsed, for the Garison Souldiers (which were but 24) did so warmly receive them for several Days, that they slew more of the Assailants, than they themselves were; and the rest they beat off, sorely wounded: of their Own, they lost but one Man, and none of the rest received so much as a Wound. But the Hamiltonians, hearing, that the English were already at Edinburgh, and that Iohn Erskin was come to Sterlin, with a Design speedily to relieve the Castle, though they had received some additional Force, even from the remote Parts of the Kingdom; yet, toward Evening, they raised their Seige, and in great fear pack'd away: Hamilton and Argyle himself posted into Argyle's Country: Huntly went home, over the, almost, impassable Mountains; the rest shifted for them∣selves, and ran several Ways, to save their Lives.

But the English, two Days after they came to Edinburgh, went to Glasgow, and, in their Passage through Clydsdale, they wasted all the Lands of the Hamiltons, and any others that had consented to

the Death of the Regent; as also of those, who had harbour'd the English Fugitives, and drove great Preys from them, making ha∣vock in all the Country; when the Engines to beat down the Castle, that was scituated near a Village called Hamilton, were bringing to Sterlin. Drury, who privately favoured the English Re∣bels, had almost rendred the whole Expedition fruitless; for he was so far from quieting the English, who mutinied, because their Pay was not paid them at the Day; (whereupon, they threatned im∣mediately to lay down their Arms) That, 'twas thought by many, he himself was the Author of the Mutiny: But the Souldiers were appeased, upon the receiving their Pay down upon the nail; and the great Guns being planted, and playing against it, the Castle was surrendred in a few Hours. Amongst the Booty, some there were, that knew the Apparel, and other Houshold-stuff of King Iames the 5th; that the Owner of the Castle, when he resign'd up his Regency, had so solemnly sworn, he had none of. The Castle was left half demolish'd; and the Town, together with the stately Mansion of the Hamiltons therein, the wild common Souldiers burnt to the Ground, against the Will of their Commanders. Whereupon the Army march'd back, the English to Berwick, and the Scots each to their own home; Drury interceded for the Gari∣son, that they should march away in Safety, who, being dismiss'd, took Robert Semple Prisoner, the chief of his Family, out of the House of his Son-in-Law, who was quietly returning home, as if the Service had been ended; which Passage greatly increas'd the Suspicion on Drury.

These Matters were scarce finish'd, before Petcarn return'd from his Embassy out of England, and brought this Answer,

That the Queen wonder'd, they never made her acquainted with the ••tate of their Affairs, till now, four Months after the Death of the Regent; and, by reason of this delay, she was uncertain in her Hopes, concerning them; In the mean time, that she had been often solicited by the Importunity of the French and Spanish Em∣bassadors in the Name of their Kings, and that she was even ti∣red out with the daily complaints of the Scots Queen, that she had promis'd them Audience, but upon Condition, that the Queen of Scots should write to her Party for a Cessation of Arms, till the Conference was ended; That those Innovations, which they had attempted by their publick Edicts, they should revoke by other Edicts contrary to the former, and so suffer things to stand as they were, when the Regent was slain; That the English Exiles should be given up without fraud; and if, upon the Conference, Matters were accorded betwixt them, Hostages and other Pledges should be given on Both sides, for the faithful performance of Agreements. Upon these Conditions, a Conference was promised, and having oblig'd her self in such Circumstances, she could not join with them in their Design in making a new Regent, lest she might seem to condemn their Queen, without hearing Her; But in ge∣neral, she said, That she had a great Affection for them, and their Affairs. In the mean time, She desir'd, that they would abstain from Arms, and from making a Regent, and she would take care,

that such a small delay should be no damage to them.

This An∣swer, being reported to the Scots, did variously affect them. On the one hand, the Necessity of the time requir'd them to steer their Counsels, so as they might be pleasing to the Queen of England; And on the other, they knew of what Concernment it was to the Pub∣lick, That one chief Magistrate should be set up, to whom all Com∣plaints might be made; and, for want of creating One some Months already past, the Enemy had improv'd the delay to gather Forces, to make new Courts of Justice, daily to set forth new Edicts, and to usurp all the Offices of a King. On the other side, the Royalists were dejected, and a Multitude, without one certain Person, whom to obey, could not be long kept in Obedience. After the Embassa∣dors Return, News came, That there was a new Insurrection in England, and that, in London, the Popes Bull was fastned on the Church Doors, to exhort the English, partly to cast off the unjust Yoke of the Queen's Government, and partly, to return to the Popish Religion; and it was thought, that the Hand of the Queen of Scots was in all This.

These things, tho kept private, yet came to be known by Letters from the Earl of Sussex; and also, the same Thomas Randolph had, in presence, confirm'd it, yet they could hardly be restrain'd from chusing a Regent. But at last, a middle Way prevail'd, That they might have an appearance of a chief Magistrate, to set up an Inferi∣or Regent, or Deputy-Governour, to continue till the 12th of Iuly, in which time, they might be further inform'd of the Queen of England's Mind; they judg'd, That she was not averse from their Undertaking, especially upon This ground, That she had put it into the Articles of Capitulation, That the Rebels should give up all the exil'd English: If that were done, they might easily understand, that the Spirits of all the Papists about England were alienated from the Queen of Scots: If it were denied, then the Conference, or Treaty, would break off, and the Suspicions, which made the Com∣monalty averse, would daily increase. For, they saw, that other things would not easily be agreed upon, when a greater Danger was imminent over the English, than the Scots, upon the Deliverance of their Queen; and if other things were accorded, yet the Queen of England would never let her go, without giving Hostages; neither was she able to give any such, who could make a sufficient War∣ranty. These Considerations gave them some Encouragement, so that they proceeded to create Matthew Stuart, Earl of Lennox, the King's Grandfather, to be Vice-Gerent, for the time.

Whilst this new Vice-Roy, by the advice of his Council, was busied in rectifying things, which had been disorder'd in the late Tumults; Letters came opportunely from the Queen of England, Iuly the 10th, wherein she spake much of her Affection to the King and Kingdom of Scotland, and freely offer'd them her Assistance; withal, she deprecated the naming of a Regent, which was a Title invidious of it self, and of no good Example to them; only, if they ask'd her Advice, she thought, none was to be preferr'd to that high Office, before the King's Grandfather; none being of greater Faithfulness to the King, yet a Pupil; and, who now for the same

Reasons was made Deputy-Governour of the Kingdom. These Letters incourag'd them, by the joint Suffrages of all the Estates, of a Vice-Roy to make him Regent. Assoon as ever he was created Regent, and had taken an Oath (according to Custom) to observe the Laws and Customs of his Country; First of all, he command∣ed, that All, which were able to bear Arms, should appear at Lin∣lithgo, August the 2d, to hinder the Convention, which the Sedi∣tious had there Indicted in the Name of the Queen; then, he him∣self summon'd a Parliament, in the Name of the King, to be held the 10th day of October; he also sent to the Governour of the Castle of Edinburgh, (who, as yet, pretended great Friendship to the King's Party, tho his Words and Actions did very much disa∣gree) to send him some Brass-Guns, Carriages, and other Apparatus for the managing of them; This he did, rather to try them, than in hopes to obtain his desires. He promis'd very fair at first, but when the Day was coming on, that the Parliament was to Meet, when he was desir'd to perform his Promise, he peremptorily refus'd, al∣leging, That his Service should be always ready to make up an A∣greement between, but not to shed the Blood of, his Country-Men. Nevertheless, the Regent came at the Day appointed to Linlithgo with 5000 arm'd Men in his Company; but hearing, that the Ene∣my did not stir, only that Huntly had placed 160 Souldiers at Bre∣chin, and had sent out an Order, commanding the Brechinians, to get in Provision for some Thousands of Men by the 2d of August. The Garison, there plac'd by him, did rob not only the Inhabitants, but all Travellers also, when they were wearied with their Journy: Whereupon, the Regent, by the advice of his Council, resolv'd to march thither, and to seize on the Place, which would be of great ad∣vantage to him, before Huntly's coming; and, if occasion were offer'd, there to fight him, before his Partners came up with their Force, and so to overthrow that Party of Musqueteers, which was All he had; and, by that means, he might catch some of the Leaders of the Faction, as the Earl of Crawford, Iames Ogilby, and Iames Balfure, who, he heard, were there. Whereupon, he commanded Patrick Lindsy, and William Ruven, chief Officers, and Iames Ha∣liburton, Governour of Dundee, to take what Souldiers they could raise at Dundee, and St. Iohnstons, and to make haste thither to pre∣vent the News of their coming: They made all the speed that ever they were able, the next Night horsing their Foot for greater Ex∣pedition; yet, as they drew near the Place, they march'd slowly, that they might get some Refreshment, before they charg'd the Ene∣my: so that, the Alarum was taken at Brechin, that the Ene∣my was a coming; whereupon Ogilby and Balfure, who chanc'd to be there, got the Souldiers presently together; and incouraging them, as well as they could for the time, They told them, that They and Huntly would return again in 3 Days; and so they got an Horseback, and made haste away, over the Mountains; The Soul∣diers, that were left, catch'd up what was next at hand, and about 20 of them got to the Tower of a Church, that was near: The rest fled into the House of the Earl of Marr, which was seated on a Hill near thereto, it was like a Castle, and commanded the Town.

Iames Douglas, Earl of Morton, with 800 Horse, went a further March about, and came not in, till the Day after; The Regent sent home the Lennoxians and the Renfroans, to guard their own Country, if Argyle should attempt any thing against it; But he himself, in 3 Days, overtook those, whom he had sent before to Brechin. At the noise of his coming, the neighbour Nobility came in, so that now he muster'd 7000 Men, effective: Whereupon they, who were in the Church Tower, presently surrendred them∣selves. The rest, having stoutly defended themselves for a few Days, Killing and Wounding some, who were unwary in their Ap∣proaches, at last hearing, That Brass-Guns were planted against them, and that Huntly had forsaken them, surrendred also at Mer∣cy to the Regent. He hang'd up 30 of the obstinatest of them, many of them, having been taken and releas'd before; the rest, being very feeble, he dismist. Huntly was then about 20 Miles off, endeavouring to gather more Force, but in vain, (for most Men, when they had free liberty to declare themselves, did abhor so foul a Cause); Whereupon he was forc'd, in fear, to provide for his Safety, and with a small Party retired into the remote Coun∣tries.

Whereupon, the Regent return'd to Edinburgh, to be present at the Parliament there Summon'd; and, by the advice thereof, to set∣tle the present Disturbances. The Rebels perceiving, that, by the Agreement of all the Estates, there was no Hope left them; especial∣ly They, who were Guilty of the King's Murder, and of the Death of the Regent, dealt with the Queen of England, that, because she had promis'd the French and Spanish Embassadors, that she would hear both Parties, and compose Things, if she could, that therefore no new Decree should be made, in the mean time. This Delay being obtain'd, (for nothing was done, in that Assembly, only the E∣lection of the Regent was confirm'd) the Rebels never ceas'd to solicite the French and Spaniard, to send Aid into Britain, to re∣store the Queen; and because they affirm'd, That the Restitution of the Popes, or the old, Religion, depended on Her, therefore they made means to the Pope also, that, tho he were far remote, yet he might help them with Mony. Whereupon he sent an Agent into Scotland, to enquire into the present State of things there, who giving him an Account, that the Popish Party there was very weak; and that all the Rebels, neither, were not unanimous in the restoring of Popery, he refus'd to intermeddle in the Business; but, in the mean time, he endeavour'd to raise up some Commotion in England, by his Execrations and Curses hung upon Church doors by Night; by his Indulgences; and by his promise of Indemnity for what was past; for there, he thought, his Faction was the strongest. The Regent, having appointed the Parliament to be held the 25th of Ianuary, (for, within that time, he hoped to satisfy all foreign Embassadors) to compose things Legally and Judicially, as well as he could, return'd to Edinburgh. The Rebels, having re∣new'd the Truce, by means of the Queen of England, till the Em∣bassadors of both Parties had been heard, before her; yet, contrary to the Peace desir'd by themselves, were very busy to attempt Al∣terations,

encourag'd (as 'tis thought) by the favour of the Earl of Sussex, who then commanded the Army of the English in Nor∣thumberland. For he, either not altogether despairing of the Busi∣ness of the Duke of Norfolk; or else, induc'd by the Promises of the Exiled Queen, of whose Return he had some Hopes, was somewhat inclinable to the Rebels; which the Scots taking notice of, were more sparing in communicating Counsels with him. The Winter being thus spent in the reviving of the Truce; the Parliament Summon'd on the 25th of Ianuary, was deferr'd till May. In the mean time, the Hamiltons, having, in vain, suborn'd many Men to kill the Regent, at last seiz'd upon the Tower of Pasley, driving out the Garison-Souldiers therein, thinking they might do such a thing with Impunity, whilst Mens Minds were imploy'd in greater Matters. The Regent appointed the Earl of Morton, Robert Pet∣carn, and Iames Macgil, his Embassadors to England, to reason the Matter with the Embassadors of other Princes, and sent them away February the 5th, and he himself march'd to Pasley, where he sum∣mon'd in the neighbour-Nobility, that were of his Party, and at∣tempted the Castle. The Besieg'd, he having cut off their Water, were forc'd to a Surrender. Afterwards, when Gilbert Kennedy in∣fested the Royalists with his plundering Incursions in Carrick, he went to Aire; and assoon as Kennedy heard of the Approach of a few Troops, being also afraid of his Clanships, who had been al∣ways Loyal to the King and his Party, he gave in his only Brother for an Hostage, and appointed a Day to come to Sterlin, and sub∣scribe to the Capitulation, agreed on. Hugh Montgomery, Earl of Eglington, and Robert Boyd, follow'd his Example; and surrendring themselves to the Regent, were by him receiv'd into Favour. Du∣ring all this time, that the Regent was quelling the Seditious, and Morton was absent in his Embassy in England; They that hold E∣dinburgh Castle; being freed from the fear of their Enemies near at hand, ceas'd not to list Souldiers, to put Garisons in the most con∣venient Places of the City, to take away Provisions, which Mer∣chants had brought to Leith, and to provide all things necessary to endure a Siege, till their expected Relief, from foreign Parts, might come.

The Regent was sorely bruis'd by a fall from his Horse, and therefore return'd to Glasgow, where a common Souldier came to him, and gave him some hopes of surp••izing Dunbarton; he had been a Garison-Souldier in the Castle there, and his Wife coming often to visit him, had been accus'd, and whipt for Theft, by Flemming the Governour. Her Husband, being an uxorious Man, and judging his Wife to have been wrongfully punish'd, departed from the Castle; and from that Day forward, imploy'd all his thoughts, how he might do Flemming a mischief: Whereupon, he breaks the business to Robert Douglas, Kinsman to the Regent; and promises him, That if he would assign a small Party to follow him, he would shortly make him Master of that Castle. Robert ac∣quainted Iohn Cuningham with the Design, who was to enquire diligently of him, How so great an Attempt could be accomplish'd? He, being a blunt rude Souldier, perceiving, that they boggled at

him, because he could not well make out, How to accomplish, what he had promised. Since, said he, you do not believe my Words;

I'le go on my self, the first Man in the Service; if you will fol∣low me, I will make you Masters of the Place; but, if you be Da∣stards and Scoundrels, then let it alone.

When his Speech was told to the Regent, though the thing it self, being great, had somewhat excited their Minds, and made them willing enough to have it done, yet the Author (though they judg'd him faithful) seem'd not a fit Instrument to effect so great a Matter: Whereupon Thomas Crawford, a valiant Man, and a good Souldier, was made acquainted with the Project, and 'twas agreed betwixt them, rather to try the Hazard of so great and casual a Proffer, than slothfully to neg∣lect such an Opportunity. Whereupon, a few Days were allotted to provide Ladders, and other Necessaries, and the Plot was to be executed on the first of April, for then the Truce granted to the Rebels, by the Mediation of the Queen of England, would ex∣pire. In the mean time, no Talk at all was to be made about it.

Before I declare the Event of this Piece of Service, give me leave to tell you the Nature and Situation of the Castle of Dun∣barton. From the Confluence of the Rivers Clyde and Levin, there is a plain Champaign of about a Mile, extended to the Foot of the adjoining Mountains; and in the very Angle, where the two Ri∣vers meet, there stands a Rock with Two Cops or Heads. The one Branch, or Cop, which is the highest, respects the West; and in the very Top of it there is a Watch-Tower, from whence there is a large Prospect to all Parts thereabouts. The other Cop is lower, and looks towards the East; between the two Cops, that Side that turns towards the North and the Fields, hath Stairs ascending ob∣liquely by the Rock, cut out by Mens Hands, where hardly a sin∣gle Man can go up at once. For the Rock is very hard, and scarce malleable by any Iron-Tool; but if any Part of it be broken off by Force, or falls down of it self, it emits a Smell far and near, like Sulphur. In the upper Part of the Castle, there is an huge Stony Rock, of the Nature of a Load-stone, but so closely cemented, and fastned to the rest of the Rock, that no Joint at all, or Commis∣sure, doth appear; Where the River Clyde runs by to the South, the Rock (naturally steep in other Parts,) is somewhat bending; and stretching out its Arms on both Sides, takes in some firm Land, which is so inclosed, partly by the Nature of the Place, and partly by human Industry, that, in the overthwart or transverse Sides thereof, it affords Place for many Houses; and also, in the River, a Road for Ships, very safe for the Inhabitants, by playing Brass-Guns from thence; but unsafe for an Enemy; and small Boats therein may come up, almost to the very Castle Gate. The mid∣dle Part of the Rock, by which you go up, being full of Buildings, makes, as it were, another Castle, distinct and secluded from the higher one: Besides the Natural Fortification of the Rock, the two Rivers, Levin to the West, and Clyde to the South, make a kind of Graff and Trench about it; on the East Side, when the Tide is in, the Sea washes the very Foot of the Rock; when 'tis

out, that Place is not sandy (as usually Shores are) but muddy; the fat Soil being dissolv'd into Dirt. This Strand is also intercepted and cut by many Torrents of Water, which tumble down from the Mountain, adjacent. The other side turns towards a plain Field, full of Grass. The Castle hath three Fountains in it, always running; besides Springs of fresh Water in many other Places. The ancient Britains, as Bede says, call'd the Place Alcuith; but the Scots, which were heretofore sever'd from the Britains by the River Levin, because that Fort was built on the Borders of the Britains, call'd it Dumbritton, now Dunbarton. There is a little Town hard by, of the same Name, upon the Bank of the River of Levin, about a Mile distant from the meeting of the Rivers.

This Castle was accounted impregnable, and, in all foreign and civil Wars, was of great Advantage to them that held it, and as prejudicial to their Enemy. At that time, Iohn Flemming was Go∣vernor of it, by Commission from the banish'd Queen; he, though he consented not to the King's Murder; yet, having not a Force sufficient to defend himself against the Royalists, sided with the Parricides, and for four Years last past, had kept up the Garison at the Charge of the King of France, (whom he had persuaded, That almost all the Scots had secretly confederated with the Queen of England;) yea, he had made a Boast to him, like a Bragadochio as he was, That he did, as it were, hold the Fetters of Scotland in his own Hands; and when ever the French had leisure from other Wars, if they would but send him a little Assistance, he would ea∣sily clap them on, and bring all Scotland under their Power: And the French King was as vain, in feeding his senseless Humor, for he sent him some Military Provisions by one Monsieur Verack, whom he commanded to stay there, and to give him an Account of all Scotish Affairs. Besides, the Insolencie of the Governor was in∣creas'd by the Treachery of the Garison-Souldiers of Edinburgh-Castle, who had lately revolted from the King; and also, he was somewhat animated by the Sickness of the Regent, who was al∣most kill'd with a Fall from his Horse, and had now the Gout also; and moreover he was incouraged by the Truce, which the Queen of England had obtained for them till the End of March. These things made him and his Garison-Souldiers so secure and negligent, that they went often to be merry into the Town, and would lie there all Night, as if they had been lull'd in the very Bosom of Peace.

Matters standing in this Posture, and Preparation being made for the Expedition, as much as the present Haste would permit; Iohn Cuningham was sent before with some Horse, to stop all Passengers; that so the Enemy might have no Intelligence of their Coming. Thomas Crawford followed after with the Foot; they were appointed to meet together at Dumbeck, an Hill about a Mile or two from the Castle, about Midnight. At that Place Crawford (as he was commanded) told the Souldiers, What the Design was, they were to go upon, and How they were to effect it; he shew'd them, who was to lead them on, and had promised to scale the Walls, first; and then he, and those Commanders that would be noticed for their

Valour, were to follow. The Souldiers were easily persuaded to follow their Leaders; whereupon the Ladders were carried, and other things, to storm the Castle; and the Foot, a little before Day, march'd on towards it. The Horse were commanded to stay in the same Place, to expect the Issue, whether good or bad. As they were approaching the Castle, they met with two Rubs or Checks; One was, That the Bridg over the Brook, that runs be∣tween the Fields, was broken; and Next, A Fire, appearing sud∣denly near it, occasioned a Suspicion, lest the Bridg was broken on Purpose to stop the Enemy; and the Fire kindled by the Garison-Souldiers, to discover and prevent the Enemies Approach: But this Fear was soon dispell'd, by their repairing the Bridg, as well as they could, in such haste, and making it passable for the Foot; and also the Scouts were sent out to the Place, where the Fire was seen, and they could find no Sign of any Fire at all; so that the Fire was of a Meteorous Nature, like those Fires which are bred in the Air, and sometimes pitch on the Ground, and presently vanish away; but they had a greater Cause of Fear, lest the Heaven which was all bespangled with Stars, and the Approach of the Day, should discover them to the Sentinels, that watch'd above; but, behold! on a sudden, a thick Mist covered the Heavens, yet so that it reach'd not beyond the middle Rock of the Castle, but the upper Part of it was so dark, that the Guards in the Castle could see nothing of what was done below. But as the Mist came seasonably, so there was another Misfortune, which fell out very unluckily, and had almost marr'd the whole Business: For, many Ladders being re∣quired to get up that high Rock, and the first were unmanageable, by reason of their Length; they, being over-loaden with the Weight of those who went hastily up, and being not well fastned at Foot in a slippery Soil, fell suddenly down with those that were upon them: That Accident cast them into a great Consternation at pre∣sent; but when they found, that no Body was hurt in the Fall, they recollected their Spirits, which were almost desponding; and, as if God Almighty had favoured their Design, they went on, upon that dangerous Service, with greater Alacrity, so that they set the Ladders up again, more cautiously; and when they came to the mid∣dle of the Rock, there was a Place reasonably convenient, where they might stand, and there they found an Ash Shrub, casually growing amongst the Stones, which did them great Service, for they tied Ropes to it, and let them down; by which means, they lifted up their Fellows, that were left below; so that, at one and the same time, some were drawn up by the Ropes to the middle of the Rock; and others, by setting other Ladders, got up to the Top thereof. There also they met with a new and unexpected Mis∣fortune, which had almost spoiled all their Measures; for one of the Souldiers, as he was in the middle of the Ladder, was suddenly taken with a kind of Fit of an Apoplexy, so that he stuck fast to the Ladder, and could not be pluck'd therefrom, but stopp'd the Way to those that would ascend. This Danger was also overcome by the Diligence and Alacrity of the Souldiers, for they bound him to the Ladder, so that when he recovered out of his Fit, he could not fall;

and then in great Silence, turning the Ladder, the rest easily as∣cended; when they came to the Top of the Rock, there was a Wall built by Hand, to which they were to put their third Ladders, to get over it. Alexander Ramsy, with two Files of Musqueteers, got upon it; the Sentinel presently spied him, gave the Alarm, and cast down Stones upon him, and his Men; Alexander being assaulted with this unusual kind of Fight, as having neither Stones to throw again, nor an Helmet to defend him, yet leap'd down from the Wall into the Castle, and there was set upon by Three of the Guard; he fought it out valiantly with them, till his Fellow-Souldiers, being more solicitous for his Danger, than their own, leapt down after him, and presently dispatch'd the three Sentinels. In the mean time, the rest made what haste they could, so that the Wall being old, loose, and overcharged with the Weight of those who made haste to get over it, fell down to the Ground; and by its Fall, as there was a Breach made for the rest to enter, so the Ruins made the Descent more easy through the Rock, that was very high and rugged within the Castle; whereupon, they entred in a Body, cry∣ing out with a great Noise; For God and the King; and often pro∣claiming the Name of the Regent also; so that the Guards were amazed, and forgot to fight, but fled every one to shift for himself, as well as he could; some kept themselves within Doors, till the first brunt of the Souldiers Fury was over. Flemming escaped the Danger, by slipping down through the oblique Rock, having but one in his Company, who was knock'd down, and fell, but he, de∣scending a by-way, was let out at the Gate, and so got into a Vessel on the River, which, by reason of the Tides being in, came up to the Walls of the Castle, and so fled into Argyle. The Sentinels of the lower Castle, and twenty five more of the Garison-Souldiers, who had been Drinking and Whoring in the Town all Night, taking the Alarum, never offered to fight, but fled every one which way he could. There were taken in the Castle Iohn Hamil∣ton Arch-bishop of S. Andrews; Iohn Flemming of Bogal; a young Eng∣lish Gentleman, that had fled from the last Insurrection in England; Verac the French Man, who, a good while before, had been sent to them with some Warlike Furniture and Provisions, and staid there in the Name of his King, to acquaint the French King with the State of Scotish Affairs: Alexander, the Son of William Levingston, endea∣voured to escape by changing his Habit, but was discovered, and brought back. The Regent being inform'd of the taking the Castle, before Noon came thither: 1st. He highly commended the Souldiers, then he comforted Flemming's Wife, and gave her not only her own Furniture, Plate, and all her Houshold-stuff, and Utensils, but also assigned an Estate, part of her Husband's, which had long before been forfeited into the King's Exchequer, to main∣tain her Self and Children: The rest of the Booty was allowed the Souldiers. Having setled things thus, he had Leisure to take a View of the Castle; and coming to the Rock, by which the Souldiers got up, it seem'd so difficult an Ascent to them all, that the Soul∣diers themselves confess'd, if they had foreseen the Danger of the Service, no Reward whatsoever should have hired them to under∣take

it. Verac was accused by the Merchants, that, whereas they came into the Bay of Clyde, he had robb'd them in an Hostile Man∣ner: Whereupon, many of the Council were of Opinion, he should have been Indicted as a Pirate or Robber; but the empty Name of an Embassador prevailed more with the Regent, which yet he him∣self had violated by his flagitious Actions: Wherefore, that the despoil'd Persons might be kept in some Hope (at least) of Satis∣faction from him; he was kept seemingly for a Trial, and lodg'd in an House at St. Andrews, whose Owner was inclined to the Rebels; whence he was taken away, as 'twere by Force, which was the thing aim'd at, and so he speedily departed. The English-Man, though many Suspicions were fix'd upon him; and besides, the Com∣mendatory Letters of Iohn Lesly Bishop of Ross to Flemming, which were found after the Castle was taken, did convict him, yet he was sent home; but, after he was gone, 'twas found, that he was sub∣orn'd by the Norfolkians to poison the King of Scots: Bogal was kept Prisoner. There was one Prisoner more, which the Gover∣nour most desired to have punish'd, That was the Bishop of St. Andrews: He, in former times, while his Brother was Regent, had advised him to many cruel and avaricious Practices; and under the Queen also, he bore the Blame of all Miscarriages. The Re∣gent feared, if he should delay his Punishment, the Queen of Eng∣land would intercede for him, and the Arch-bishop's Friends were in great Hopes of it; and, lest Straitness of time should prevent them, the Arch-bishop earnestly desired, he might be tried by the Legal Way of the Country, for that would occasion some, though not much Delay. But these Interposals were over-ruled, it being alleged, That there was no need of any new Process, in the Arch-Bishops case, for it had been already judg'd in the Parliament. Wherefore he, being plainly convicted as guilty of the King's Murder, and of the last Regents also, was hang'd at Sterlin. There was then new Evidence brought in against him, for, the greatest Part thereof had been discovered, but lately. The Arch-Bishop of St. Andrews, who lodg'd in the next House, when the Proposition of killing the King was made to him, willingly undertook it, both by Reason of old Feuds between their Families, and also an Hope thereby to bring the Kingdom nearer to his Family; whereupon, he chuses out six or eight of the most flagitious of his Vassals, and commended the Matter to them, giving them the Keyes of the King's Lodgings; they then enter very silently into his Chamber, and strangle him, when he was asleep; and when they had so done, they carried out his Body through a little Gate, (of which I spake before) into an Orchard adjoining to the Walls; and then a Sign was given to blow up the House. The Discovery of this Wickedness was made by Iohn Hamilton, who was a chief Actor therein, upon this Occa∣sion: He was much troubled in his Mind, Day and Night, his Con∣science tormenting him for the Guilt of the Fact, and not only so, but, as if the Contagion reach'd to his Body too, That also was mise∣rably pained and consumed by degrees; endeavouring all ways to ease himself, at last he remembred, That there was a School-Master at Pasley, no bad Man, who was yet a Papist; to him he confesses

the whole Plot, and the Names of those who joined with him in perpetrating the Murder: The Priest comforted him, what he could, and put him in mind of the Mercy of God; yet, because the Dis∣ease had taken deeper root, than to be expiable by such slight Reme∣dies, within a few days, he was overwhelmed with Grief, and di∣ed. The Priest was not so silent in the thing, but that some ink∣ling of it came to the King's Friends. They, many Months after the Murder was committed, when Matthew, Earl of Lennox, was Regent, and when Dunbarton was taken, and the Bishop brought to Sterlin, caused the Priest to be sent for, thither: He then justifi∣ed, what he had spoken before, about the King's Murder; where∣upon, being ask'd by Hamilton, How he came to know it? Whe∣ther 'twere revealed to him in Auricular Confession? He told him, Yes; then said Hamilton, You are not ignorant of the Punishment due to those, who reveal the Secrets of Confessions, and made no other Answer to the Crime. After fifteen Months or more, the same Priest was taken, saying Mass the third time; and, as the Law ap∣pointed, was led out to suffer; then also he publickly declared all, that he had before affirm'd in the thing, in plainer and fuller words, which were so openly divulged, that now Hamilton's Vassals fell out amongst themselves, and one of them charged another with the King's Death.

In the mean while, the Rebels had procured some small matter of Mony from France, by means of the Brother of him, who com∣manded Edinburgh-Castle. And moreover, Morton was returned from his English Embassy, and, in a Convention of the Nobles held at Sterlin, declar'd the Effect thereof, in these Words;

When we came to London, February 20. we were put over to a Council, chosen out for that purpose; who, after much Dis∣pute betwixt us, at last, insisted upon two Points, First, That we would produce the clearest and best Arguments we had, to evidence the Justness of those Actions, which had pass'd in Scot∣land, both formerly and now, that so the Queen might be satisfied in the Equity of them, and thereby know how to answer those, who demanded a Reason for them: If we could not do That, yet the Queen would omit nothing which might conduce to our Safe∣ty. In Answer to which, we gave in a Memorial to Them, to this effect; The Crimes, wherewith, at first, our King's Mother alleged, that she was falsly charged with, have been so clearly prov'd by the Earl of Murray, and his Associates in that Embas∣sy, That both the Queen her self, and those, who were delegated by her, to hear the Cause, could not be ignorant of the Author of the King's Murder, which was the Source of all our other Mise∣ries: To repeat them again before the Queen, who, we doubt not, is therein sufficiently satisfied already, we think it not neces∣sary; and besides, we our selves are unwillingly drawn into the Task of repeating the Memory of so great a Wickedness. But they, who cannot deny, that this Fact was cruelly and flagitiously perpetrated, yet do calumniate the Resignation of the Kingdom, and the Translation of the Government from the Mother to the Son, to be a new and grievous thing, extorted from her by mere

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Force. First, as for the Matter of Fact, in punishing our Princes, the old Custom of our Ancestors will not suffer it to be called new; neither can the Moderateness of the Punishment make it in∣vidious: 'Tis not needful for us to reckon up the many Kings, whom our Forefathers have chastis'd by Imprisonment, Ba∣nishment, yea, Death it self; much less need we confirm our Practice by foreign Examples, of which there are abundance in old Histories. The Nation of the Scots being at first free, by the common Suffrage of the People, set up Kings over them, conditi∣onally, That, if need were, they might take away the Govern∣ment by the same Suffrages that gave it: The Footsteps of this Law remain to this very Day, for, in the circumjacent Islands, and in many Places of the Continent too, which have retained the anci∣ent Speech and Customs of our Fore-fathers to this Day; the same Course is yet observed, in creating their Magistrates. More∣over, those Ceremonies, which are used in the Inauguration of our Kings themselves, have an express Representation of this Law, by which it easily appears, That Kingly Government is nothing else, but a mutual Stipulation betwixt King and People; and the same is most clearly evidenced by the inoffensive Tenor of the Old Law, which hath been observed ever since there was a King in Scotland, even unto this present time, no Man having ever attempted to abrogate, abate, or diminish this Law, in the least. 'Tis too long to enumerate, How many Kings our Ance∣stors have put by their Kingdoms, have banish'd, have imprison'd, have put to Death; neither is there the least mention made of the Severity of this Law, or the abrogating thereof, and that on good Grounds: For 'tis not of the Nature of such Sanctions, which are subject to the Mutations of Time; but, in the very Original of Mankind, 'twas ingraven in Mens Hearts, approv'd by the mu∣tual Consent of almost all Nations, and, together with Nature it self, was to remain inviolate and sempiternal; so that these Laws are not subject to the Empire of any Men, but all Men subject to the Dominion and Power of Them. This Law prescribes to us in all our Actions, 'tis always before our Eyes and Minds, whe∣ther we will or no; it dwells in us: Our Ancestors followed it, in repressing the Violence of Tyrants by armed Force. 'Tis a Law, not proper to the Scots only, but common to all Nations and Peo∣ple in well-instituted Governments. To pass by the famous Ci∣ties of Athens, Sparta, Rome, Venice, who never suffer'd this Right to be taken from them, but with their Liberty it self: Even in those Times, wherein Oppression and Tyranny were most tri∣umphant in the Roman Government, if any good Man were cho∣sen Emperour, he counted it his Glory, to confess himself inferi∣our to the whole Body of the People, and to be subject to the Law. For Trajan, when he delivered a Sword to the Governour of a certain City, (according to Custom) is reported to say, Vse it either for me, or against me, as I deserve: Yea, Theodosius, a good Emperour in bad Times, would have it left recorded amongst his Sanctions and Laws, as a Speech worthy of an Emperour, yea, greater than his Empire it self, to confess, That he was inferiour to

the Laws: Yea, the most barbarous Nations, such as were most remote from all Civility, had a Sense and Knowledg hereof, as the History of all Nations, and common Observation, shews. But, not to insist on obsolete Examples, I will produce Two in our own Memory; Of late, Christiern of Denmark, for his Cruelty, was dri∣ven out of the Kingdom, with all his Lineage, a greater Punish∣ment than ever our People exacted from any of their Kings, for they never punish'd the Sins of the Fathers upon their Children. As for him, he was deservedly punish'd, after a singular manner, as the Monster of his Age, for all kind of Wickedness. But what did the Mother of the Emperour, Charles the Fifth, do, as to de∣serve perpetual Imprisonment? She was a Woman in her flourish∣ing Age, and her Husband died young, even in the Prime of his Age; it was reported, She had a mind to marry again, she was not accus'd for any Wickedness, but for a certain allowable Intem∣perance, (as the severe Cato's of the Age speak); and, as the pub∣lick Manners now are, of an honest Copulation, approved by God's and Man's Law, both. If the Calamity of our Queen be compared with Christiern's of Denmark, she is not less an Offender, (to say no more,) but she hath been more moderately proceeded against and punish'd: But, if she be compared with Ioan of Au∣stria, Charles his Mother, what did that poor Lady do, but desire, as far as lawfully she might, a Pleasure allowed by the Law, and a Remedy necessary for her Age? Yet, being an innocent Woman, she suffer'd that Punishment, of which our Queen, convict of the highest Wickedness, doth now complain: The Murder of her lawful Husband, and her unlawful Marriage with a publick Par∣ricide, have now those same Deprecators, who, in killing the King, did inflict the Punishment, due to wicked Men, on the In∣nocent. But here they remember not, what the Examples of their Ancestors do prompt them to do; neither are they mindful of that eternal Law, which our noble Progenitors, even from the first beginnings of Kingdoms, having followed, have thereby re∣strain'd the Violence of Tyrants. And, in our present Case, what have we done more, than trod in the Steps of so many Kingdoms and free Nations, and so bridled that Arbitrariness, which claim'd a Power above Law? And yet, we have not done it with that Severity neither, as our Ancestors have us'd in the like kind; for they would never have suffer'd any one, who had been found guilty of such a notorious Crime, to escape the Punish∣ment of the Law. If we had imitated Them, we had been free from fear of Danger, and also from the Trouble of Calumniators; and, that may be easily known by the Postulations of our Adver∣saries. How often have they criminated and arraigned us before our Neighbour-Princes? What Nations do they not solicite, and stir up against us? What do they desire by this Importunity? Is it only. That the Controversy may be decided by Law and Equi∣ty? We never refused That Condition; and they would never ac∣cept of It, though 'twere often offer'd them. What then do they desire? Even This, That we should arm Tyrants, by Publick Au∣thority, who are manifestly guilty of the most notorious Wicked∣ness,

who are stuff'd with the Spoils of their Subjects, besmear'd with the Blood of Kings, and aim at the Destruction of all good Men? Shall we set them up over our Lives, who are found Actors in the Parricide, and shrewdly suspected to be the Design∣ers of it, without acquitting themselves in a Judiciary way? And yet, we have gratified their Request, more than the Custom of our Country, the Severity of the Law, or the Distribution of equal Justice would allow. There is nothing more frequently celebra∣ted, nor more diligently handled, by the Writers of our History, than our Punishment of evil Kings. And amongst so many pec∣cant Governours, who ever felt the like Lenity of angry Subjects, in inflicting Punishment, as we have used in punishing our King's Mother, though evidently guilty of a most atrocious Crime? What Ruler, standing convict of Murder, had ever power given to substitute a Son, or Kinsman in his, or her, place: To whom, in such Circumstances, also was the Liberty ever granted, to appoint what Guardians they pleas'd, to the succeeding King? And in the very Abjuration of the Kingdom, Who can complain of any hard Usage? A young Woman, unable to undergo the Burden, and toss'd by the Storms of unsettled Affairs, sent Letters to the No∣bility, to free her from That Government, which was as burden∣som to her, as it was honourable: It was granted her: She desir'd the Government might be transferr'd from her to her Son; her Request was assented to: She also desir'd to have the Naming of the Guardians, who might manage the Government, till her Son came to be of Age; it was done, as she desir'd: And, that the thing might have more Authority, the whole Matter was referr'd to the Estates in Parliament, who Voted, That all was rightly done, and in good order, and they confirm'd it by an Act, than which there cannot be a more sacred and a firmer Obligation. But 'tis alleged, What was done in Prison, is to be taken, not as done willingly, but forc'd by Durance, for fear of Death; and so many other things, which Men are inforc'd to do for fear, are wont, as they ought, to go for Nothing. Indeed, this Excuse of Fear, as sometimes it is, not without reason, admitted by the Judges, so it doth not always infer a just Cause for abolishing a publick Act, once made, in a Suit of Law; if a Man strike a Fear into his Ad∣versary for ones own Advantage, and so the Plaintiff extorts more from the Defendant, than he could ever obtain by the Equity of the Law: Those Remedies are most rightfully and deservedly provi∣ded against such, as are either terrified by Compulsion, or inforc'd by Fear, to do what is prejudicial to themselves. But 'tis other∣wise, If a guilty Conscience creates a Fear to it self, out of an Expectation of a deserved Punishment, to avoid which, he assents to some certain Conditions: This Fear carries with it no just Cause to rescind publick Acts; for otherwise, the wickeder a Person is, so much the easier Retreat he might have to the Sanctu∣ary of the Law; and then, the Remedies found out for the Relief of the Innocent, would be transferred to indemnify the Nocent. And the Laws themselves, the Avengers of Wrongs, would not be a Refuge to good Men, when vex'd by the Improbity of the

Bad; but an unjust Shelter to the Evil, when they fear deserv'd Punishment. But that Fear, let it be what it will, wherein hath it made the Condition of the Queen, the worse? The Title of Kingly Dignity, and the Power of Government, was long since taken from Her by Parliament; and being reduc'd to her Privacy, she liv'd a precarious Life, upon the account of the Peoples Mer∣cy, not her own Innocency; When therefore she was put by the Kingdom, what did she lose by her fear? Her Dominion was ended before, she only cast away the empty Name of Ruler, and that which might lawfully have been extorted from her against her Will, she parted with of her own accord, and so redeem'd the resi∣due of her Life, the Sentiment of her Infamy, the perpetual Fear of imminent Death, which is worse than Death it self, only by the laying down the Shadow of a mere Title and Name. And there∣fore, I wonder, that, on this Head, no Body discovers the Prevari∣cation of the Queen's Delegates, and of her Embassadors. For they, who desire, That what was done in Prison, by the Queen, may be undone, ask this also, That she may be restor'd to that Place, from which, she complains, she was ejected, through Fear. And what is that Place, to which they so earnestly desire, she should be re∣stor'd? She was remov'd from governing the Kingdom before, all publick Administration was taken away from her, and she was left to the Punishment of the Law. Now these goodly Advocates, forsooth, would have her restor'd to that Place, as to plead for her self in a Cause which is as manifest, as 'tis foul and detestable; or, rather, it being already prov'd, that she should suffer just Punish∣ment for the same. And whereas, now she injoys some ease in the Compassion of her Kindred, and, in so foul an Offence, is not in any of the worst Cases, they would again cast her into the tem∣pestuous Hurry of a new Judgment; She having no better hope of her Safety, than she can gather from the Condemnation of so many former Kings, who have been called before Judges to an∣swer for themselves. But, because our Adversaries do seditiously boast, to trouble the Minds of the simpler Sort, That the Majesty of good Kings is impair'd and their Authority almost vilifi'd, if Tyrants be punish'd, let us see, what Weight there is in this Pre∣tence. We may rather contrarily judge, That there is nothing more honourable for the Societies and Assemblies of the Good, than if they are freed from the Contagion of the Bad. Who ever thought, that the Senate of Rome incurr'd any Guilt, by the Punishment of Lentulus, Cethegus, or Catiline: And Valerius Asiaticus, when the Souldiers Mutined for the Slaughter of Caligula, and cry'd out, to know, Who was the Author of so audacious a Fact. He answer'd from an high and lofty Place, where he stood, I wish, I could truely say, I did it; So much Majesty there was in that free Speech of one pri∣vate Man, That the wild common Souldiers were presently dissi∣pated and quieted thereby. When Iunius Brutus overthrew the Conspiracy, made for bringing back Kings into the City, he did not think that his Family was stained by a nefarious Slaughter; but that, by the Blood of his Children, the stain was rather wiped away from the Roman Nobility. Did the Imprisonment of

Christiern of Denmark detract any thing from the Commendation of Christiern, the next King? What hindred, but that he might have been accounted the best of Kings, in his time; For a noble Mind, that is supported by his own Virtue, doth neither increase by the Glory, nor is lessened by the Infamy, of another. But to let these things pass, let us return to the Proof of the Crime. I think, we have abundantly satisfi'd the Queen's Request; her desire was, That we should shew her such strengthning and convincing Proofs, for what we have done, that she might be satisfied in the justness of our Cause; and also, be able to inform Others, who desir'd to hear, what we could say for our Selves. As for the King's Mur∣der; the Author, the Method, and the Causes thereof, have been so fully declar'd by the Earl of Murray and his Fellows in that Em∣bassy, that they must needs be clear to the exact Judgments of the Queen, and those Others, delegated by her to hear that Affair. As for what is objected to us, as blame-worthy, after that time, we have shewn, That 'tis consentaneous to the Divine Law, and also to the Law of Nature, which too is, in a sort, Divine; More∣over, 'tis consonant to our own Country-Laws and Customs; Neither is it different from the Usage of other Nations, who have the Face of any Good and just Government amongst them; Seeing then, that our Cause is justifi'd by all the Interpreters of Divine and Human Laws; seeing the Examples of so many Ages, the Judgments of so many People, and the Punishments of Tyrants do confirm it, we see no such Novelty (not to say, Injustice) in our Cause, but that the Queen her self might readily subscribe to it; yea, and persuade others, that, in this Matter, they should be no otherwise opinionated of us, but that we have carried our Selves like good Subjects and Christians, too.

These were the Allegations, which, we thought fit, to make to justify our Cause, which we committed to writing, and read them the last day of February, before those grave and learned Persons, whom the Queen had appointed to confer with us, on this Subject; and the next Day, which was March the first, We again went, in the Morning, to Court, to learn, how she relish'd our Answer, and what Judgment she made of the whole Cause; but, because she, that Day, was going to her Country-House, called Greenwich, about three Miles below London, we had no Opportunity to speak with her; What was Next to that, we went to the Chief of the Council, who, at first, were appointed to hear and transact with us;

They told us, That the Queen (though she had very little spare time, in regard of the Journy, and other Business, yet) had read our Memorial: But she was not yet so fully persuaded, that our Cause was so just, that She could approve it without Scruple; and therefore, she desired us to go to the Second thing, at first proposed by us, which was, To find out some Way, whereby this Dispute might be ended, upon some moderate or handsom Conditions.

Whereunto we replied,

That we were not sent from home with an unbounded Commission, but One circumscribed within certain Limits; so that we had no Freedom to enter into any Debate at all, of what might in the least diminish the Authority of our

King; and if such a Liberty had been offered us, yet we should have been unwilling to accept it; or to make use of it, if accepted.

Matters standing thus; the Queen being at Greenwich, and we at London, we sent some of our Number to her, to know,

Whether she had any thing more to say to us? if not, that we might have Liberty to depart home, there to consult, what we could, the Good of our Country, and our own private Concerns: And if there were any thing, we might gratify her Majesty in; We were willing to shew our Obsequiousness and Respect therein; yea, we should take more Opportunity to shew it at home, than we could have now in anothers Dominions. This Demand procur'd us a Sum∣mons to appear at Court, the 5th of March: When we were come into her Presence, she mightily blam'd our stifness in maintaining our conceiv'd Opinion, and that we did so pertinaciously shun a Dispute, or rather a Consultation, about a Matter so much con∣cerning our Security; She also added a large Declaration of her Mind and Will anent the King, and Those who maintain'd his Cause. We urg'd, that the Justness of our Cause had been clearly enough declar'd, before. She answer'd, that she was not satisfi'd in her Mind, with the Examples and Arguments produc'd by us; neither, said she, am I wholly ignorant of such Disputes, as ha∣ving spent some of my former time in the Study of the Law: But, says she, if you be fully determin'd to make no other Proposal for your King's Safety, and your Own; yet, I would have you, at least, enter upon another Conference, with the Chief of my Coun∣cil, who treated with you about these things, before. We answer'd, That we were not at all so stiffly wedded to our own Opinions, as not to be willing to hear any good Expedient, that might be offer'd by her, or her Counsellors; always with this Proviso, That no Alteration be made in the present State of the Kingdom; nor any Diminution at all of the King's Authority: For, upon those Two Heads, we neither could, or would, admit the least Consultation or Debate. The Day after, we went down again to the Queen's Palace, (as we agreed) and entred into a Conference with her Counsellors, where many Proposals were made by them to decide the Controversy, between Mother and Son, concerning the Title to the Government; We, because the Reasons were many, and concerning Matters of such great Moment on both sides, desir'd, That we might have them given to us in writing, and Time allow∣ed us, to consider of Things of such great Consequence. They were very ready to do it, having first consulted the Queen. When we had ran Them all over in order, the Matters propos'd seem'd so difficult to us, and also so derogatory to the Power of the King; and withal, so exceeding the Bounds of our Embassy and Com∣mission, that we neither would, could, nor durst, touch upon them. The Day after, Robert Petcarn was sent to Court with this Answer, That such Matters did belong to the Decision of all the E∣states, and were not to be disputed by so small a Number of Per∣sons as we were.

He also carried our Answer to Them, who the Day before, viz. the 4th of March, had desir'd to have all in writing.

Further, he earnestly desir'd the Queen, that, seeing they had exe∣cuted

all the points within the Bounds of their Commission; They might have leave to return home. Ten Days after, we had liberty to attend the Queen: The Delegates of the Council, who, from our first coming, were appointed to treat with us, were very ur∣gent, That we would yet treat with them, about finding out some Remedies, to compose Things; They us'd many Arguments to that purpose, telling us, That if War from abroad should be added to our Troubles at home, our Labours, Dangers and Difficulties would be doubled, especially, being not able to extricate our selves by our own Forces. But we persisted in our Resolution, and would hearken to no Model of Accommodation, which lessened the King's Authority, and so that Day ended.

The next Day, which was the 20th of March, we were sent for again to Court, and being commanded to come to the Queen, she spake to us to this purpose;

That she, and her Council, had weigh'd our Answers, by which she understood, That none but a Supream Council, or Parliament of Scotland, consisting of all the Estates, could give a certain Answer to her Demands; and thereupon, she had found out a Way, how to leave the matter intire, as she found it, and with an ho∣nest Pretence too. She was inform'd, that there was shortly to be a Convention of all the Estates in Scotland, thither we should go, and God speed us well, and therein we should endeavour, that an equal Number of both Factions should be chosen to examine the Grounds of the Difference betwixt them; and that she also would send her Embassadors thither, which should join Endeavours with Those, to promote a Peace; In the mean time, she desir'd, That the Pacification might be renew'd, till the Matter was brought to some Issue. She said also, That she would confer with the Queen of Scots Embassadors, and persuade them, if she could, to the same. But when 'twas mov'd to Them, they excus'd themselves, saying, That they could determine nothing on that head, without consulting the Queen; but, that they would write to her to know her Pleasure in the Case. Yet we prest hard to have our Convoy to return, as was promised us, but were desir'd to have a little Pati∣ence, till an Answer was return'd from the Scots Queen to the Bi∣shop of Ross, and the rest of her Embassadors, and then we should have our Dismission. We urg'd our Return still, but without ef∣fect, though we told her, we had nothing to do with the Bishop of Ross, neither was our Embassy to him, we had ended what we came for, and did much wonder, why the Bishop of Ross should retard our Journy, especially, since so many Tumults were rais'd in our Absence, to the great Inconvenience of the King's Party: But though our Importunity was almost Shameless, yet we could not prevail, for the Matter was deferr'd from Day to Day, till the last of March, and then the Queen return'd to London.

The Things which were acted in Parliament, for 3 Days after, did so take up the Queen, that she had no leisure to debate foreign Matters.

But the 4th of April, she sent for us, and excus'd the Delay; She told us, That our King's Mother had by her Letters grievously chid her Embassadors for their Presumptuous Confidence in descending to de∣bate her Cause after that Fashion, and therefore, say's the Queen,

seeing they are so averse from the Way of Concord, which I pro∣pose, I will detain you no longer; but if she hereafter repent of her present Sentiment, (of which I have some hope) and take the Course chalkt out by me, I do not doubt, but you, for your part, will perform your Duty.

Thus we were lovingly and kindly Dis∣mist, and, the 8th Day of April, began our Journy towards our own Country.

This Account was given at Sterlin by the Embassadors before the Convention of the Estates. Whereupon, the Care and Diligence of the Embassadors were unanimously approv'd. Other Matters they referr'd to the first of May, a Parliament being summon'd against that time. In the mean time, both Parties bestir themselves, one to promote, the other to hinder, the Assembling thereof. The wisest Senators were of opinion, That the Queen of England would never let the Scot's Queen depart; as foreseeing, how dangerous her Deliverance would be to all Britain. In the interim, Mention was made by some, of demanding the Scot's King, as an Hostage for his Mother, rather in hopes to hinder a Concord, than to establish it; for she was well assur'd, that the Scots would never yield to it; but there were some potent Men in her Council, who did secretly fa∣vour the Duke of Norfolk's Faction; These were desirous, that the Queen of Scots should be deliver'd, and thereby the adverse Faction might, in tract of time, be broken and diminish'd, that so, they might obtain that Point from her by Necessity, which, they saw, they could not otherwise do; neither did they doubt, but the Mat∣ter would come to that Pass, if the R••bels were assisted with Mony and other Furniture for War from France, and the Royalists had their Eye only on the Queen of England; who had, at the begin∣ning, largely promis'd them, upon understanding the flagitious Act of the Queen, that she would take a special care of the King and Kingdom of Scotland. Neither could the French King well compass his Designs. He was willing, the Scot's Queen should be deliver'd, but not that the King should be put into English Hands; and hear∣ing, how strong the Norfolk Faction was, which was all for Inno∣vations, he did not despair, but that the Scot's Queen might, in time, escape out of Prison privately, or be deliver'd by his Means. Thus stood the State of Britain, at that time.

Morton, having given a laudable Account of his Embassy to the Convention at Sterlin, return'd to his own House about 4 Miles from Edinburgh; he had a Company of 100 Foot, and a few Horse to guard his House, and to defen•• himself, if the Townsmen should attempt to make any Excursion, till more Forces might come in. In the mean time, the Queen's Faction were Masters of the Town, and set Guards in all convenient Places; and levell'd all their De∣signs to exclude the Regent, and to hinder the Parliament, which was Indicted to be held at Edinburgh. Whereupon Morton was commanded, by the Regent, with 20 Horse and about 70 Foot (for the rest had Passes to go abroad for Forage) to march to Leith; who was to make a publick Proclamation there, (for they had ga∣rison'd Edinburgh already) That no Man should assist the Rebels by Land or Sea, either with Provision, Arms, or any other warlike

Furniture; they that did so, were to undergo the same Punishment with them. They, knowing themselves to be inferior to the Town-Souldiers, sent their Foot another Way about, which was cover'd by an Hill from the Sight of the City, (commonly call'd Arthur's Seat) and the Horse past near the Walls and Gates of the City, not a Man of the Enemy stiring out. When they had done, what they were commanded to do at Leith, they had not the same Fortune at their Return, for the Foot refus'd to march back the same Way that they came, but return'd, against the will of the Horse, near the Gates of the City, and so pass'd with them, under the Walls, with an intent to try, what Metal themselves were made of, and their E∣nemies, too; when, lo, on a sudden, a Sally was made out against them from Two of the Gates. At first, they fought Manfully, so that the Oppidans were driven back in disorder into the Town, with no great loss, 'tis true, yet, it easily appear'd, that they were Inferior in Valour, though Superior in Number. The Regent, having nothing in readiness to assault the Town, and having no time neither, by reason of the sudden Sitting of the Parliament, to bring any great Guns thither, thought it better to desist from Force, and to hold the Parliament without the Gate of Edinburgh; For that City being stretch'd out mostly in Length, they, who first com∣passed it with a Wall, left a great Part of it in the Suburbs; yet so, that the Inhabitants of that Part had the full priviledg of Citizens, as well as those within the Walls. There the Convention was held, for the Lawyers gave their Opinions, That 'twas no great Matter, in what Part soever of the City, it met. In this Parliament, These were declar'd Traitors, viz. The chief of Them who held out the Castle, especially those, who, out of Consciousness of their guilt of the King's and Regent's Murders, had avoided Tryal. The Rebels being thus condemn'd by an Act of Parliament (The Judg∣ment of which Court is of very great Authority,) lest the Common∣alty, which ordinarily is at the beck of the Nobility, should be a∣lienated from them, They also, of the Number which they had there, made up a Convention, such as it was. Few appear'd there, who had any lawful right to Vote; and of them, some came not into the Assembly at all; some presented themselves, but as Spectators only, abstaining from all Judiciary Actings; so that they, having neither a just Number of Voices, nor were they assembled, either in due Time, or according to ancient Custom; yet, that they might make shew of a lawful sufficient Number, Two Bishops, and some Others which were absent (a thing never heard of before) sent in their Votes, in writing, at hap-hazard, as being doubtful of the Event of that Assembly. At this time, the Castle continually plaid with great Guns upon the Place, where the Nobles were As∣sembled, and though the Bullets often fell amongst crouds of Peo∣ple, yet they neither hurt, nor kill'd, so much as one Man. There were but few condemn'd in either Convention; and both Parties appointed another Convention to be held in August, one at Ster∣lin, the other at Edinburgh. When the Assembly was dismist, nei∣ther Party issued out one upon other, so that there was a kind of Truce between them. Thereupon the greatest part of the Souldi∣ers,

that were with Morton, being press'd Men, slipt away to their own homes. They, who kept the Town, knew, That Morton had but a small Party for his Guard, and being willing also to cry quits for their former ignominious Repulse, they sent out 220 Mus∣queteers, and a 100 Horse; they carried two Brass Field-Pieces along with them, intending either to burn the Town of Dalkeith, where Morton then was; or, if That succeeded not, to frighten the Enemy, and keep him within the Town; and if they could thus put him into a Fright, they intended to make their Braggs thereof all over the Country. They shewed themselves, well accoutred, on an Hill over against Dalkeith; Whereupon, they at Dalkeith, being alarm'd, cry'd presently, Arm, Arm. The Mortonians drew out immediately, being 200 Foot, and about 60 Horse, and mount∣ed a little an opposite Hill, and then again descending into the Val∣ly and Plain, they stood over against them, ready to fight: Some Archers picquered and skirmished on both Sides, and there was a light Onset; but the Rebels, who expected to find their Enemies unprepared, being disappointed of their Hope, march'd back, in as entire a Body as they could, to recover the City; and thus some pressing upon Others, in the Eagerness of their Retreat, they came to Cragmiller-Castle, scituate almost in the Mid-way between Edin∣burgh and Dalkeith. There a few of Morton's Foot, which past by the Castle privately on the other side, rose from their Ambush, and assaulted the Enemies Body, in the strait Passage of the Way, which was between them, and so disorder'd their Ranks, and put them to Flight: They, who kept Garison in the Castle of Edinburgh, per∣ceiving from the higher Ground, that their Men were flying to∣ward them, sent out 80 Horse, and 30 Foot, to relieve them; with this Supply, they charg'd again, and the King's Horse, being few∣er in Number by half, and not able to indure the brunt, fled back in as much haste as they had pursued before. The Foot was in a manner useless on both sides, because of a great Shower that fell suddenly from the Clouds. In the Pursuit of the Mortonians, there were but Two slain, more were wounded, and about 26 taken Prisoners: Of the Rebels, there were more slain, but fewer Priso∣ners taken. But one Accident did almost equal the Loss of both Parties: They which came from Edinburgh, brought with them a Barrel of Gun-powder, and as the Souldiers, in haste and carelesly, went to take out some Powder, a Spark of Fire light into it, and blew it up, insomuch that the Horse which carried it, Iames Mel∣vil, the Commander of the Foot, and many other Souldiers, were so scorch'd and burnt, that the most Part of them, in a few Days after, died.

Whilst these things were acting about Edinburgh, Victory in∣clining to neither Side, one Troop of the Scots, who, some Years before, had serv'd in Denmark, under Michael Weems, a noble, virtuous, and learn'd young Man, return'd into their own Country, and offer'd their Service to the King, against the Desires of the Townsmen, who would willingly have drawn them over to their Party. They had a little Time allow'd them to visit their Friends; and coming together at the Day appointed, they were imform'd,

That some Ships were mann'd out by the Rebels, to intercept them. Morton himself was aware of the Plot, and therefore taking what Force he could, on a sudden, make, without acquainting any Bo∣dy with his Design, he came so hastily to Leith, that he had almost catch'd them, before they went a Ship-bord, sixteen of the Loite∣rers, who did not make such haste to lanch out their Boat, he took Prisoners, on the Shore. The next Day, he provided Ships, either to follow them, (he could not do it sooner, because of the Tide) or, to intercept them in their Return. The Regent also was made acquainted with it the same Night, who, speedily gathering some Tumultuary Force, hastned to the left Shore of the Fort, to set upon the Rebels, when they landed: But the Speed of the Danish Souldiers rendred those Endeavours needless, for the greatest Part of them got aboard a large Vessel, and so past safely over. The rest, who were in a smaller Skiff, were taken, not far from Leith, and, being about twenty six, were brought Prisoners to the Castle. After this Action, the Regent returned to Sterlin: Morton, being o∣verladen with Labour and Watching, and troubled with the Cho∣lick too, fell sick at Leith. Drury, the English-Man, who had transacted for a Truce between the Factions for so many Days, could, finally, effect nothing; for the Regent would yield to no other Terms, but that the Places, which were seized on, during the for∣mer Truce, should be restored. When Drury was about to depart, the Rebels, as 'twere in Testimony of Respect and Complement to him, drew forth all the Strength that ever they could make, sup∣posing, That whilst Morton was sick, they should either put their Enemies into a terrible Fright, who were inferior in Number to themselves; or else, if they durst fight, with the Force they had, without their General, they might do some considerable Execution upon them, toward the ending of the War. Morton being im∣form'd hereof, by his Guard of Horse, rose presently out of his Bed, and buckles on his Armor, and brings up all his Men into a Neighbour-hill, where he kept them ready for the Onset, about 400 Paces from the Enemy. Drury rode between both Armies, and earnestly desired both to return home, and not to brake off all Hope of Accommodation, by over-rash and hasty Counsels; Where∣upon, they both agreed to retreat, only the Dispute was, who should turn about their Colours, first. Drury endeavoured to com∣pound this Difference also, and desired of Both, that when he, standing in the middle between both Armies, gave a Sign, they should Both retreat, in one and the same Moment. Morton was willing, but the Rebels threatned, That unless he retreated first of his own Accord, they would beat him shamefully out of the Field; and indeed, they could hardly be kept from advancing their Bodies toward him. When Morton heard this Answer, he sup∣posed he had satisfied Drury and the English, whom at this time he was unwilling to offend, but would rather have them Witnesses of his Moderation; whereupon, he presently drew forth against the Enemy; first, the Horse made a brisk Charge, and routed the Enemies Wings; the Foot attempted to charge, but were routed also; when the Gate of the next Street, being narrow, could not

admit so many at once in their thick and hasty Flight, many were there slain, many trodden under Foot; many taken, none making any Resistance, but only a Party of Foot, who, having the Advan∣tage of the next Church-yard, rallied again; and yet, at the first Charge, were a second time put to Flight. Their Flight into the City was so confused, that the Guard left the Gates, and all fled in∣to the Castle; so that, if the Enemy that pursued, had not been intent on the Prey, they might have entred also the Town Pell-mell with them, as being unguarded. About 50 of the Rebels were slain, and about 150 taken. Alexander Hume had a slight Wound with a Fall from his Horse, and was taken: Gawen Hamilton was killed: Iames Culen, Huntly's Kinsman, a Commander of Foot, hid him∣self in a poor Woman's Pantry, but was discovered, and brought to Leith. The Common People, when they saw him, made such a Shout, that it plainly appeared, they would not be satisfied, but by his Death; for, in the former Civil Wars, he had been a cruel and avaritious Plunderer. He was infamous in his Military Imployment in France; and, when the Kings of Denmark and Sweden were at odds, he promised to serve them Both, and accordingly had Mony to raise Souldiers from either, but couzen'd them Both. And he, being thus taken, at length (as I said) to the great Joy of all, was led forth to his Execution.

After a few Days Rest, the Townsmen recruited their Forces, and then shewed themselves again in Arms; after that, there were light Skirmishes past betwixt the Parties almost every Day, with various Events. The King's Party were more valorous, but the Rebels had Places more convenient for Ambushes; and besides, they had an high Castle, from whence they might see all the Moti∣ons of their Enemies, neither would they ordinarily venture an Onset any further, than their Ordnance out of the Castle could command. The Regent kept himself at Leith, watching all their Sallies, and stopping all Provisions by Sea, for he could not do it by Land, by reason of the Largeness of the City, and Inconveni∣ence of the adjacent Places, in the surrounding whereof many Op∣portunities of Service were lost. Whilst these things were acting about the City, a French Ship was taken, that brought Gun-Pow∣der, Iron Bullets, small Brass-Guns, and some Mony to the Rebels. The Mony went to pay the Souldiers, but the Bullets, Powder, and Part of the Guns, being sent with little or no Guard to Sterlin a∣gainst the Tide, the Rebels, having Intelligence thereof, procured some Vessels from other Havens, and surprized them; but not be∣ing able to carry their Booty to the Castle, they sunk it in the River. About the same time, another Ship was also taken, in which there was little else but Letters and large Promises of Assistance, speedily to be sent from France. For, during the Two whole last past Years, wherein, at times, there was War in Scotland: The Queen of England, on behalf of the Royalists; the King of France, and the English Papists, on behalf of the Rebels, did send in some small Drib∣blets of Mony, but loaded them with more Promises, as rather studying, that their side might not be conquer'd, rather than con∣quer, respectively; Both of them were willing, Matters should be brought to that Pinch of Necessity: The Queen of England's

Design was, That the Scots, being worn out by their Divisions, might be willing to send their King into England, and so seem to depend wholly on her: The French did it, That the Rebels might surrender Dunbarton and Edinburgh to him, and, by those Two com∣manding Garisons from both Seas, he would keep the Scots always in fear of his Arms. But, despairing of the Queen's Delivery, and Dunbarton Castle being lost, he mov'd but slowly in the Cause of the Rebels; his Aim only was, That, the Kingdom being ex∣hausted with domestick Sedition, he might not undertake a new and unnecessary War, for the sake of one Castle only; it was enough, he thought, at present, if it did not fall into the Enemies Hands.

The Scots were fully resolved not to give up their King to the English, upon the account of old Controversies; and also, because the English Papists were so strong, who plac'd all their Hopes in his Death. For, if he were taken out of the way, the Queen of Eng∣land would not only seem weaker, seeing it was the Life of one King only, that delayed their Hopes; but also, the Queen of Scots was the undoubted Heir of the whole Kingdom, who, by he•• Mar∣riage, might gratify whom she pleased with the Realm, and so bear a great Figure in the Change of the State of Religion through all Europe. And in the English Court there were some, no mean Men, who preferred the Hope of Novelty before ancient Courte∣sies; yet if, as long as the King of Scots was alive, they should cut off Elizabeth, many of those of the Queen's Privy-Council feared, lest the known Wickedness of the Scots Queen might diminish her Authority, and increase her Son's Power, and so, for fear of Ty∣ranny, endear him more to the English: Whereupon, the English Rebels were willing to destroy the Queen of England, and King of Scots, Both; and, not succeeding in doing it openly, they resolved upon Poison.

Matters standing thus in Scotland, Both Factions prepared them∣selves against the approaching Sitting of the Parliament. The Re∣bels had only Three of the Lords voting with them, of which Two were the Proctors, or Commissioners, to the Convention, to be held in the Queen's Name. The Third, Alexander Hume, was the only Man who had Right to vote: And of the Ecclesiastical Order, Two Bishops, the One banish'd thither a few Months before by the Regent, and, the State of the City being chang'd, not daring to de∣part without a Convoy, he staid there against his Will: The Other was a Bankrupt, who, having spent his Estate, was driven thither by necessity. By their Votes, above 200 were condemned, some of them being Children under Age. Moreover, the malapert Soul∣diers, as if they had already got the Victory, divided other Mens Patrimonies among themselves, and so put many quiet and inno∣cent Persons (and, by that means, more liable to Injuries,) into the Roll of the Confiscate.

The Regent went to Sterlin, where he had a great Convention of the Nobles: Therein, about Thirty of the obstinatest of the Queen's Party were condemn'd, the rest were put off, in hopes of Pardon. The Rebels thought this a fit Opportunity for them, to attempt something in the absence of the Nobility; and thereupon, they

drew all their Forces out of the City, and, to make a greater Show, the Townsmen with them; they set them in Battel-array, that so, as in former times, by light Skirmishes, they might draw the King's Forces out of Leith. In the mean time, while the Enemy were kept in play by them, they resolved to send the rest privately to march about, and when the Garison was drawn out, to enter in at the opposite Gate, and so burn the Town. Patrick Lindsy was Governour of Leith, a wise and valiant Person; he drew forth his Forces, having sufficiently provided against their Treachery, and marched directly towards the Enemy; they fought stoutly at first, at last, he gave the Rebels a round Salvo, and so beat them back, yet not without Loss, to the Gates of the Town; a great many Prisoners were brought off, but the most part of them were Towns∣men. Alexander Hume was taken once, but reliev'd again by his own side. In the Evening, as the King's Party were retreating, joyous for the Victory, Iames Haliburton, a good Man, and a skil∣ful Souldier, who commanded all the Foot, being too far from his Body, was taken by a Troop of Horse in the Twilight, when he could not discern of whose Party they were in the High-way, and so carried Prisoner into the City. Upon this Loss, the Rebels took heart, to make another Attempt, as full of Danger and Boldness, so more likely, if it had succeeded, to put an End to the whole War. For, having receiv'd Intelligence by their Spies, That the Nobility of the contrary Faction at Sterlin were so careless and remiss, that, in an open Town, they had not so much as a Night-guard, as if it had been a time of perfect Peace, they took 300 Foot, and 200 Horse, and march'd thither; to ease the Foot, who were hastily cal∣led forth, they took away all the Country-mens Horses, who came to Market the Day before; and if they occasionally lighted on any o∣ther Horses by the way, they took them also. The Captains, in that Expedition, were George Gordon, Claud Hamilton, and Walter Scot, they were much encouraged to the Undertaking by George Bell, an Ensign of a Foot-Company, who was born at Sterlin, he knew all the convenient Passages and Accesses into the Town, and was made acquainted, in Writing, with all the Noble Mens Lodgings; he gave them assured Hopes, That they would quickly master all, in∣somuch, that they were so confident of Success in their March, as to appoint Whom to kill, and Whom to save alive. They came to the Town early in the Morning, and found things in profound Security, not so much as a Dog opened his Mouth against them; so they silently enter'd the Town, and, without any resistance, went up to the Market-place; they set Guards at all the Passes thither, and then went to the Noblemens Lodgings; the rest were easily taken, only Iames Douglas, Earl of Morton, put some stop to them in his Lodging; when they could not break in upon him by Force, they set fire to the House; one or two of his Servants, who stoutly defended the Passes, were slain, and he himself, when all was a fire, hardly escaping out of the Flames, surrendred himself to Wal∣ter Scot, his Kinsman, then near at hand. Moreover, the Regent was taken Prisoner at the same time; his Men did not stand it out valiantly in his Defence, but he was forc'd to defend himself alone,

and, at last, was taken Prisoner. Alexander, Earl of Glencarn, and Hugh, Earl of Eglington, were reserv'd, under a Guard, for Execution: For Claud Hamilton told his Men, They should kill all the Nobles of the contrary Faction, as soon as ever they pass'd out of the Gates, without any distinction. All Things thus succeeding, beyond Expectation, the common Souldiers scattered themselves all over the Town to get Plunder. Thereupon, Iohn Erskin, Governour of the Castle, who had before tried to break through the Enemy in the Market-Place, but in vain, they were so strongly posted, sent a Party of Musqueteers into his own new House, which was then a building, and not quite finish'd, from whence there was a Pros∣pect into the whole Market-Place. This House, because it was un∣inhabited, and not compleated, was neglected by the Enemy, and afforded a safe Post to the Royalists, whence to play on their Ene∣mies: When the Rebels saw, that they were shot at from an high Place, garison'd against them, with unequal Weapons, they present∣ly turn'd their backs, and ran away in such Fear, that, when they came to the narrow Way leading to the Gate, they trod down one another: That which saved them, was, There were but few to pur∣sue, for they who had driven them out of the Market-Place, could come out but one by one, through the Gate of the new House, which was but one neither, and that half-shut too, towards the Town; and but a few came forth from other Houses, where they stood armed, ready for all Events. Thus the whole Souldiery, which, the Day before, had attempted so desperate a piece of Ser∣vice, and had almost successfully finish'd it, were driven out of the Town, in such Fear and Confusion, that they left their Prisoners, and every one shifted for himself. In this Onset, there was only one Man of Note slain, and that was George Ruven, a young Gen∣tleman of great Hopes, who, pressing too eagerly upon the thickest of the Enemies, lost his Life. And Alexander Stuart of Gairlice, when he was led away Prisoner, was killed; 'tis not known, whe∣ther by his own Men, or the Enemy. In this great Trepidation and Affrightment, they, who before kept within their own Doors for fear, now came abroad. They, who had taken Iames Douglas, and Alexander Cuningham, Prisoners, seeing no hopes to escape, sur∣rendred themselves up to their Captives. David Spence, Captain of Horse amongst the Rebels, was leading away the Regent; he knew, that many lay in wait for his Life, and therefore he defended him with all the Care he could; insomuch, that when the Ruffians aim'd at and shot the Regent, they hit him too, and he died the same Day, to the great grief of both Parties, for he was an accom∣plished young Man, in all Endowments both of Body and Mind, and inferiour to no Man of his Age in Scotland. After his Decease, the Enemies Horse never did any memorable Service. Two of the Regent's Murderers were put to Death, not being able to escape: The rest fled in such Fear, that the Prisoners, whom they had ta∣ken, escap'd out of their Hands. For certain, the Whole of the Ene∣mies Party might have been destroyed, if there had been Troops enow of Horse to have pursued: But the Tories of Teviotdale, at their first Entrance into the Town, had plundred all the Horses, That saved

them. The slain of Both sides were almost equal: Of the Royalists, not a Man was carry'd away Prisoner; of the other side, many; most of which were intent upon the Prey, and so were taken in the Houses which they were a rifling: The Regent died the same Day of his Wounds. His Funerals were celebrated in haste, as well as they could, in such an Hurry, and then the Nobles, which were there, Assembled, to create another Regent to succeed him. They chose Three out of their own Number; having first given them an Oath, to stand to the Decision of the Nobility, and thus, as Candidates, they were to expect the Issue of the next Assembly. The Three were, Gilespy Cambel, Earl of Argyle; Iames Douglas, Earl of Mor∣ton; and Iohn Erskin, Earl of Marr. All the Votes pitched on Iohn Erskin. His first attempt, was, to assault Edinburgh, there having been an Army appointed to be levy'd by the former Regent against the first of October, but this sudden change of Affairs made it to be de∣ferred till the 15th of the same Month; that Delay was a great hindrance to Business, for it gave liberty to the Townsmen, who wrought Night and Day, to perfect their Works; so that the early Winter, the long Nights, the bad Weather, in those cold Countries, the Difficulty of conveying Provisions, and his want of Military Accommodations, caused him to return, without carrying the Place.

For some Months succeeding, Sallies were made, but of no great Advantage to either side. For the Prospect of the Castle, being free and open to all Parts, gave Opportunity to the Rebels, that they would never come to handy-Blows, nor yet fall into any Ambush; for, by a Signal given from an high Place in the Castle, they were easily warn'd, to retreat in time; yet once, when all the Horse and Foot issu'd out of the Town, to intercept a few of the Royalists, and they prest upon them, who pretended hastily to fly away: When they in the Castle saw the Colours of some Companies start up, from a neighbour-Valley, presently they sounded a Retreat to them. Whereupon the Rebels, before they came to the Place of Ambush, retreated back in great Fear, and their flight was so much the more confus'd, because, though they were advis'd of their Danger before-hand, yet they did not know, What, or from Whence, it was, nor could they so much as suspect it; Those few Horsemen, which before counterfeited to fly away, did so press upon their Rear, that they caus'd the Foot to break their Ranks, and every One ran to the City as fast as ever he could; many were wound∣ed and taken, and, amongst them, some Captains, and Cornets of Horse.

Whilst Matters were thus slowly carried on about the City, in the Country towards the North, there was a great Loss receiv'd up∣on this Occasion; There were two Families, of great Power in those Parts, The Gordons and the Forbes's; The Gordons liv'd in great Concord amongst themselves, and, by the King's Commission, had for many Years presided over the neighbouring Counties, and and so increas'd their ancient Power and Authority; On the other side, the Forbes's were always at Difference, and continually weakned one another; but neither of them, had now, for many Years, made any Attempt upon the other, there being rather a secret

Emulation, than an open Breach, betwixt them. In the Family of the Forbes's, there was one Arthur, a witty and an active Man, and who, from the beginning of the falling out, had always been on the King's side; he thought, 'twas then time for him to set up his own Name and his Families, and also to advance the Power of the Party, which he followed. He first then endeavour'd to reconcile All of his own Family; if he could effect that, he fear'd not any Power, that could be rais'd against him in those Parts; when a Day was appointed for that purpose, Adam Gordon, Brother to the Earl of Huntly, by all means, endeavour'd to hinder it, and therefore giving private Notice to his Friends and Vassals, there came a great Number of them to the Place. There were Two Troops of the Forbes's in sight, but, before they could join, he set upon One of them, and kill'd Arthur presently; at his Fall, the rest were scat∣ter'd, and put to flight; some eminent Men were slain, many were taken, the rest, some Days after, dar'd not stir, for Fear, lest those, they had taken Prisoners, should suffer for it. And their Fear was increas'd by the burning of Alexander Forbes's House, with his Wife, great with Child, his Children and Servants, in it. Arthur Forbes's Elder Brother, who was the Chief of the Sept, after his House was taken and plunder'd, hardly escapt and came to Court; there, tho they were somewhat straitned themselves, yet there were 200 Foot granted to him, and to the Nobles that follow'd his Party; and withal, Letters were written to the neighbour-Nobility to join with him: When they were thus join'd with the rest of the Forbes's, and some near Families, they thought themselves secure enough from Force, but they wanted a Chief Commander over them, for the Heads of the Families were most young Men, and there was scarce One more eminent than another amongst them: So that, they being unresolv'd in their Counsels, Iohn Keith, with 500 Horse went home to his own House, which was not far distant. Alexan∣der Forbes, and his Vassals, with 200 Foot march'd to Aberdeen to drive Adam Gordon from thence, and to refresh his Men after their March. Adam receiving intelligence, that his Enemy was ad∣vancing with but a small Party, draws his Men out of the Town, and, to make a show of a greater Multitude, compell'd the Towns∣men to draw forth with them, so that there was a sharp Conflict in the Field near the Town. The King's Foot, out of eagerness to fight, followed the Gordonians too far, and, having no Reserves, were repuls'd and put to flight, principally by the Archers, there were not many of them kill'd, because the fight lasted till dark Night, but several were taken, and, amongst them, Alexander Forbes him∣self, after he had stoutly defended himself against them, a long time.

This Success in the North did mightily incourage the Rebels, to attempt greater Matters: Whereupon, in a different Part of the Country, they resolv'd to attaque Iedburgh, a Town, as the Coun∣try Custom was, unfortifi'd; but the Inhabitants were very Vali∣ant, and, some Years before, had stoutly resisted the Rebels; Tho∣mas Carr of Farnihest, and Thomas Scot, liv'd near the Town; They, besides their old Clans, which were Numerous enough, had

associated to them, the Three neighbour Countries, Liddisdale, Ewes∣dale, and Eskdale, Places always given to Robbery; but then, in re∣gard of the Licentiousness of the Civil War, they rang'd for Booty, uncontrolably, even a great way off. And besides, in Teviotdale it self, there were some great Families noted for Robbing and Pillaging, either, being infected by their Neighbours; or, because they had been customably used to drive Preys out of their Enemies Country; neither did They only come in, but some of the neighbouring Eng∣lish, in hopes of Booty, join'd themselves with them; and besides, they sent for 120 Musqueteers from Edinburgh, select Men, out of all the Foot Companies. The Iedburgians knew, that They were aim'd at, and therefore they sent in haste to the Regent, to ac∣quaint him with their Danger; they only desir'd a few light harnas∣sed Souldiers from him; In the mean time, they were not wanting to do their best. They sent for Walter Carr of Sesford, and levy'd a reasonable Number of Souldiers out of the Neighbourhood, and fortifi'd their Town, as the time would permit: Both Parties were also inform'd, at the same time, that William Ruven was come as far as Driburgh, with 120 Horse and Foot, Part of which he had brought with him, and Part he rais'd in the neighbour-County of Merch. But the Rebels, being confident of their Number, as being 3000 Men, march'd to the Town early in the Morning, to prevent the Coming in of their Relief; Ruven suspected, they would do so, and therefore march'd speedily after them, and made some Attempts upon their Rear. And moreover, Walter Carr join'd the Townsmen to his Souldiers, and drew forth directly towards the Enemy. They, seeing This, that they might not be enclos'd before and behind, too, presently retreated to Places of greater Ad∣vantage. The Robbers, or Tories, who came in for Hopes of plun∣der, seeing the Town fortifi'd, and the Royalists ready for the En∣counter, return'd the nearest Way they could to their Own-homes; and the Rebels, with their Vassals, and a Company of Foot, retreat to Hawick, never thinking, that the Enemy would, in the least, at∣tempt any thing against them, there; and their Hopes were increas'd by the Winter-season, which was sharper than ordinary by reason of a great Quantity of Snow lately fallen, which cover'd all the Ground. But Ruven intended to make use of the Opportunity, and, in the third Watch, drew out his Party, and march'd so speedily towards Hawick, that he was in a Mile of it, before the Enemy took the A∣larum; They at Hawick were so amaz'd, that there was no room for Counsel left, but Foot and Horse were immediately drawn out, and following the Current of the next River, endeavour'd to re∣treat to a Place of more Safety. But the Swiftness of their Pursuers prevented them; the Horse knew the Country, and made a shift to escape, but the Foot were left for a Prey; they possest themselves of a small Wood on a Rock, near the River, there they were sur∣rounded by the Horse, and not adventuring to stay till the Foot came up, they all surrendred themselves at Mercy; But seeing that other Dangers were to be prevented, and they could not be carried up and down in so sharp a Winter, having past their Words to re∣turn at an appointed Day, and leaving some Hostages to that pur∣pose,

they were sent home, without their Arms: When they were discharged, Kircade made sleeveless Pretences, to elude their Promises, and so hinder'd them from returning, at the time appointed.

The rest of the Winter, and the following Spring, was wholly spent in light Skirmishes, wherein Few fell, but more of the Rebels than Royalists; For the Rebels, when they saw an Advantage, would draw out on the Hills near the City, and, before they had scarce begun a skirmish, would retire, sometimes, again in to the Ci∣ty. In the interim, frequent Embassies came from England, to re∣concile the Factions, but without effect; For the Queen of England, tho she most favour'd the King's Party, yet she was willing so to make Peace, as to ingage both Parties to her; but the French were wholly inclin'd to the Queen's Cause, and therefore, by large Pro∣mises, hindred Peace, and advis'd to continue the War: Some Mony they sent at present, not enough to do the Business, but only to feed Hope, and a great Part of what was sent was still nibbled away by those that brought it. In the mean time, light Skirmishes past for some Months betwixt the Parties, but not at all contributing to the main Chance. Neither were other Parts of the Kingdom free from Plunderings, and Firings: Adam Gordon gather'd a Party, and, entring Angus, besieg'd Douglas's House of Glembervy; and, finding that himself was absent, they miserably Burnt and Destroy'd all that he left behind, which struck such a Fear into those of Dun∣dee, that they call'd in the Garisons from the adjoining Parts of Fife, to their Assistance; they were Enemies to the Gordonians, as having been highly Faithful, continually, to the King's Cause. A∣bout this time, Blackness was betray'd by the Governor thereof to the Hamiltons. 'Tis a Castle that hinders commerce betwixt Leith and Sterlin. The Regent broke down all the Mills about Edinburgh, he also garison'd all the Noble Men's Houses about it, and stopt all Passages into the City; many Prisoners were taken on both sides. Archibald Douglas, one of Morton's familiar Friends, was apprehend∣ed on Suspicion, which was increas'd upon him, by the Baseness of his former Life; and also, by some Letters found about him; yea, even after he was taken, entercourse of Letters past betwixt him and the Enemy; which evidenc'd, that he had assisted the Rebels, by Ad∣vice and Action, too; as having transmitted to them, both Mony and Arms.

THE END.

Notes

• Bandyings in Scotland, upon the Regent's Murder.
• Randolph's (Queen Eliza∣beth's Embassa∣dor,) sober Speech to the Scots.
• The Douglasses Petition against the Murderers of the Regent, which occasi∣ons several De∣bates.
• Or, Commis∣sioners.
• A Barony on the East-side of Clyde.
• A Convention of the Nobles, with various Opinions about choosing a Re∣gent;
• But is dissol∣ved, re infecta.
• The Hamiltons, and others of the Queen's Party, meet at Edinburgh.
• The Edinburgh∣ers much court∣ed to side with them, but in vain.
• An English Ar∣my coming in∣to Scotland, puts the Queen's Facti∣on to a stand.
• The Queen's Party send Embassadors into England.
• St. Lewis de Galais, Ld. of Lansach in France.
• An Embassa∣dor from France to the Queen's Party.
• Q. Elizabeth rejects the Em∣bassy of the Queen's Party in Scotland.
• The Queen's Party at Lin∣lithgo, the King's at Edin∣burgh.
• Petcarn, an Em∣bassador from the Royalists in Scotland to Q, Elizabeth.
• The English Army under Sussex, ravage over a great Part of Scot∣land.
• Lord Scroop enters Scot∣land with ano∣ther English Army.
• The Hamilto∣nians depart from Glasgow.
• Hamilton-Ca∣stle taken.
• Petcarn's An∣swer from the Q▪ of England.
• Matthew Stu∣art, Earl of Len∣nox, created Vice-Roy; and then, Regent.
• Huntly garison•• Brechin,
• Which is taken by the Regent.
• Queen Eliza∣beth made Ar∣biter betwixt both Parties in Scotland.
• The Regent sends Embas∣sadors into England.
• The Regent hurt by a Fall from his Horse.
• A notable De∣sign of the Re∣g••nts, to sur∣prize Dunbar∣ton Castle, with the occasion of it, and the manner of car∣rying it on.
• The Scituation of the Castle, and Town, of Dunbarton, de∣scribed punctu∣ally by our Au∣thor, who was born there.
• Dumbritton, why so called.
• Iohn Fleming, Governor of Dunbarton.
• In Lennox.
• Ignis Fatuus; Country Peo∣ple call it, Iack with a Lan∣thorn, or Will with a Wisp.
• Dumbarton-Ca∣stle taken by Surprize.
• The Regent's Clemency to Flemming the Governor's Wife.
• The Arch∣bishop of St. Andrews exe∣cuted as guilty of the King's and Regent's Murders, with Evidences pro∣ving the same.
• 〈…〉〈…〉 an Actor in the King's Murder, in trou••le o•• Conscience ac∣cuses himself, and the Ar••h-bishop of St. And••ews, o•• that horrid Crime
• The Regent's Embassadors, Morton, &c. re∣turn from Eng∣land, with an ample account of their Nego∣tiations there, and the grounds alledged by them, to justify the late Acti∣ons in Scotland, against their Queen.
• The Original of Kingly Govern∣ment in Scot∣land.
• Kingly Govern∣ment, What?
• Trajan and The∣odosius, their memorable Speeches.
• Christiern, of Denmark, de∣posed.
• Valerius Asiati∣cus, his bold and confident Speech.
• He is said to have slain his own Sons; Who would have brought back Kingly Government into Rome.
• Some of Q. Elizabeth's Counsellors desire the Scots King to be sent into England.
• The Queen's Faction gari∣soned Edin∣burgh.
• Morton comes to Leith, and publishes a Proclamation against Them.
• The Garison of Edinburgh sallies out upon him in his re∣treat.
• Edinburgh, How seated?
• A Convention of the Estates held at one end of the Ci∣ty of Edinburgh, because the E∣nemy posses∣sed the Castle.
• The Castle plays upon the Conventioners with Cannon, but does them no hurt.
• Two Anti-Assemblies In∣dicted.
• A Sally out of Edinburgh, a∣gainst Morton, at Dalkeith,
• Near two 〈◊〉〈◊〉 from Edinburgh, wherein both Parties ••••ceive some Checks.
• A Scotch Troop from Denmark, comes to help the Royalists.
• Morton falls sick at Leith.
• Drury inter∣cedes in vain between the Parties.
• The Rebels sal∣ly out against Morton at Leith;
• But are re∣pulsed with ••oss.
• Iames Culen, a cruel Am••o∣dexter, justly punished.
• A Ship from France, taken by the Regent.
• The Queen of England, and King of France, censured for their slow Sup∣plies to their several Parties in Scotland.
• The Scots re∣fuse to send their young King into Eng∣land, with their Reasons, why.
• The Rebels Convention at Edinburgh.
• The Regent's Convention at Sterlin.
• The Rebels as∣sault Leith, but are repulsed.
• Iames Halibur∣ton taken Pri∣soner by the Rebels, by a Mistake.
• The bold At∣tempt of the Rebels to sur∣prize Sterlin, and the No∣bles of the Convention there assem∣bled:
• Which, in part, took Effect.
• The Rebels beaten again out of Sterlin, by the Valour of Iohn Erskin, Governour of the Castle.
• The Regent slain in this Scuffle, with Capt. Spence, who endea∣voured to save him.
• For killing him, after he had Quarter given him.
• Three Com∣petitors for the Regency.
• Iohn Erskin, Earl of Marr, chosen Regent.
• He assaults E∣dinburgh, but without effect.
• The Royalists receive a loss in the North, with the man∣ner of it.
• Deadly fewds between the Gordons and the Forbes's.
• The Cruelty of the Gordons against the Forbes's.
• The King's Party over∣thrown.
• The chief Town of Tevi∣otdale standing on the River Ied, near where it fal∣leth into the River Teviot.
• The Rebels at∣tempt Ied∣burgh,
• An Abby in Teviotdale,
• But are driven back to Ha∣wick where they are Rout∣ed.
• A Town in Teviotdale.
• A Barony up∣on the Water of Bervy in An∣gus.
• The Dundeans Enemies to the Gordons.
• A Castle on a Rock, lying in the Firth of Forth, above Abercorn.

  The Regent straitens Edin∣burgh.

  Archibald Doug∣las appre∣hended, upon Suspicion of his Tamper∣ing with the Enemy.