The history of Scotland written in Latin by George Buchanan ; faithfully rendered into English.

The Nineteenth BOOK. (Book 19)

WHEN the King was set up, and the Power of the Regent almost settled, there was Quietness from Force and Arms, but the Peace was but Ticklish, Mens minds were yet in a Fermentation, and their Indignation, which they could not hide, did seem to portend some sudden Mischief. In this great uncertainty of Affairs, all Mens thoughts and Eyes were fixt upon, what the insuing Par∣liament would do; The time of its Sitting was the 25th of August, where the Assembly was so Numerous, that no Man, ever before, remember'd the like Concourse. Therein the Authority of the Regent was confirm'd; but, about the Queen, they differ'd in their Opinions; for, it appearing by many Testimonies and Proofs, e∣specially by her own Letters to Bothwel, that the whole Plot of the bloody Fact was laid by Her; Some being moved with the Hein∣ousness of the thing, and Others being afterwards made ac∣quainted therewith by Her, lest They themselves should be pu∣nished, as Accessories to so odious a Crime, to remove her Testi∣mony out of the way, Voted, That she should suffer the utmost extremity of the Law; but the Major part Sentenced Her on∣ly to be kept in Prison. After the Parliament rose, The Winter was spent in settling Judicatories, and punishing Delinquents. The Embassadors of the French and English had Audience, they Both de∣sir'd to see the Queen; but, she being a Prisoner on a publique Account, 'twas deny'd them: None but Bothwel was then in Arms; Whereupon some were sent with a Navy, to catch him as he was exercising Piracy near the Orcades and the Isles of Schetland. The publick Stock was then so low, that they were forc'd to borrow Mony of Iames Douglas, Earl of Morton, to rig and fit the Navy; so that his private Purse, at that Time, bore the Burden of the publick Charge. Bothwel was there, in a manner, secure, both because of the fierceness of Winter-Tempests, then raging in those Seas, which made them inaccessible for a Fleet; as also, because he knew the Treasury, which he himself had exhausted, could not afford Mony to set out One; so that by the sudden coming of William Kircade, of Grange, who commanded the Fleet, he was almost surpriz'd, some of his Company were taken,* 1.1 but he him∣self escap'd, with a few in Company, by the contrary side of the Island amongst the Shallows and Fords, where great Ships could not follow, and so sail'd to Denmark: Where giving no good Account, Whence he came, nor Whither he was Bound, he was put in Ward; and afterward, being known by some Merchants,* 1.2 he was clapt up close Prisoner; where, after ten Years nasty Imprisonment, and other Miseries, at last he grew Mad, and came to a Death, suitable to his base and wicked Life.

At the beginning of the next Spring, the Regent determin'd to make a Progress over the whole Kingdom, to settle Courts of Justice there, that so he might repair and amend what was Amiss,

or else shrewdly Shaken, by the Tumults of the former Years. Which Proceeding of his was variously interpreted, according to Mens several Humours and Dispositions; The adverse Faction de∣claim'd every where against the Regent's Severity; or, as they phras'd it, Cruelty, which was formidable to them, who, by rea∣son of the greatness of their Offences, could not endure to be regu∣lated by the Law, in regard they had been us'd to Licentiousness in former Times: But, if the Queen were set at Liberty, some of them had Rewards; Others, Impunity, in their Eye, by which means many were drawn in to the contrary Faction; yea, some of those too, who had been Instruments in her Apprehension.

Maitland was as great an Enemy to Bothwel, (whom he look'd upon, as a vile and naughty Person, and one that would have cut his Throat,) as he was a Favourer of the Queen's Affairs, and because he was out of hope to overthrow him, as long as the Queen was alive, therefore he inclin'd, in the Parliament, to that side that would have had her punish'd according to Law. Iames Balfure was in the like Circumstances, as imagining Bothwel to be his im∣placable Enemy, tho neither of them was thought innocent in the matter of the King's Death. But when Bothwel was taken, and kept Prisoner in Denmark, they then apply'd their Thoughts whol∣ly to the Deliverance of the Queen; not only, because they hop'd for an impunity of their common Crime more easily from her; but also, because, they thought, She, that had made away her Husband, would do but little better with her Son, whose Infancy and Shadow of Royal Name was That alone, which kept her from the Throne; but besides, they judg'd it also for their own Security, lest the Son should come to the Kingdom to be a Revenger of his Father's Death. Moreover, they were no obscure Conjectures, That the Queen's mind was not much abhorrent from such an Attempt; For she was often heard to say, The Child was not long-liv'd, for a skilful Astrologer had told her at Paris, that her first Child would not live above a Year, and (tis thought) that she her Self came once to Sterlin, in the same Hope, intending to bring the Child with her to Edinburgh, which Suspicion caus'd Iohn Erskin, Governor of the Castle, not to suffer the Child to be taken from him; it also made a great part of the Nobility, then met at Sterlin, to associ∣ate themselves, by Oath, to maintain the said young Prince in Safety.

Moreover, the Hamiltons, were, might and main, for freeing the Queen;* 1.3 because, if her Son were remov'd, by her means, They were one degree nearer to the Crown, and after that, 'twere no hard task to take her off also, because, she was hated of all for her Crimes; and having once been stopp'd in her Tyranny, would afterwards let forth the Reins looser, and more impetuously, to Cruelty. Argyle and Huntly, of which one had a Mother, the other a Wife, of the Family of the Hamiltons, did cherish their hopes, and wish'd them good Success, but they had also proper Reasons of their own to incline them so to do; because, neither of them was judg'd to be wholly ignorant, or guiltless, of the Queen's Crimes; Besides, William Murray of * 1.4 Tillibarden, being alie∣nated,

both by Reason of his different Opinion, in point of Reli∣gion, and bearing also a private Grudg against the Regent, tho he had been highly serviceable in taking the Queen; yet, did not only revolt from the Royal Party himself, but also drew a great many of his Friends along with him, upon proposal of no small Rewards to them. These were the Principals in delivering the Queen, there were many others also that fell in with their Party, whom either domestick Necessity, private Grudges, desire of Revenge, Hope of bett'ring their Fortune, or else Propinquity or Obligation to those above nam'd, did draw in and engage.

In this troublesome state of Affairs, the Regent was equally un∣moveable against the Intreaties of his Friends, and the Threats of his Enemies, tho he knew, by the publick Libels, which they posted up and down, the Cause of their hatred, and their desire of Revenge: And tho some Astrologers, not unacquainted with the Plots design'd against him, did foretel, he should not live beyond such a Day; yet he persisted in his purpose, often saying,* 1.5 That he knew well enough, he must die one time or other; and that he could never part with his Life more nobly or creditably, than by procuring the publick Tranquillity of his Native Country. And therefore, first, he summon'd a Convention of the Estates at Glasgow, whither the Lennox Men, the Renfroans and the Men of Clydsdale, were com∣manded to come, and whilst he was busied there, in the Admini∣stration of Justice, and in the punishment of Offenders, the Plot, so long agitated, for the Deliverance of the Queen, took effect. The manner of it was This. In the Castle, that the Queen was kept in, in Lough-Levin, there was the Regent's Mother, and his 3 Brother's by another Father, with abundance of other Women; yet, none were admitted to visit the Queen, but such as were well known; or else, that came by the Regents Order. Of these do∣mestick Attendants, the Queen made choice of George Douglas, as fittest for her Purpose; He was the Regent's youngest Brother, a young Man, ingenious enough, and, by reason of his Age, apt to be impos'd upon by female Inticements; He, being something fa∣miliar with Her, on pretence to attend her in such Sports, as Courts, at idle times, refresh themselves withal, undertook to corrupt some of the common Servants of the Castle, by Gifts and Promises; and She, having intrusted him therein, would not deny any thing to such a Person, from whom she expected her Liberty; George then, having a promise of Indemnity from her for himself, and his Partizans, and being excited with the hopes of great Wealth and Power for the future, not without the Con∣sent of his Mother, (as was verily thought) acted all that ever he could to bring the thing about. And tho some Persons did smell the Design, and acquainted the Regent therewith, yet he put such a confidence in Those he had plac'd there, that he chang'd none of the old Guard, only George himself was commanded out of the Island; whereupon, he departed to the next Village, on the edge of the Lough; where, having before corrupted the Officers of the Castle with Mony, he had, in a manner, a freer Communi∣cation with the Queen, by Letters, than before; whereupon,

there were not only those Scots admitted to a partnership in the Plot, who were discontented at the present State of things, but the French were associated too, by Iames Hamilton, who had been Re∣gent some Years before; and by Iames Beton, Archbishop of Glas∣gow; the Scots were to do the Work, and the French to pay the Wages.

About the end of April, an Embassador came from France, and, in the Name of his King,* 1.6 desir'd leave to visit the Queen, which, if he did not obtain, he pretended, he would presently depart. The Regent told him, 'twas not in his Power, That the Queen was not made Prisoner by him, neither could he determine any thing in the Case, without advising with Those who had first committed Her, and with Others who had afterward confirm'd by an Act of Parliament, what was done; Nevertheless he would gratify his Sister, and the King his Ally, in what he could, and would call an Assembly of the Nobles, the 20th of the next Month in order to that End. With that Answer the Embassador was somewhat paci∣fied, and the Regent went on in his Judicatories; Whereupon the Queen,* 1.7 having brib'd the Master of a Vessel, Her other Compani∣ons being sent about sleeveless Errands, was brought out of the Lough; Her escape being told to those that were then at Dinner in the Castle, they made a great stir, but to little purpose, for all the Boats were haled a Shore, and their Loop-holes, to put out their Oars, were all stopt up, so that no speedy Pursuit could be made. There were Horsemen expecting the Queen on the other side the Lough, who carried her to the several Houses of the Partizans in the Design, and the Day after, which was May the 3d, she came to Hamilton, a Town 8 Miles distant from Glasgow; when the thing was nois'd abroad, many came in to Her, some distrusting the King's Party, which they look'd upon as not very strong; Others in hope of Favour from the Queen; and some, in confidence of a Reward for their old Services, in this Tumult, discover'd their Minds; and part of them, having obtain'd Pardon for what was past, expecting the Event of Fortune, were but loose Adherents to the Regent. The Defection of others, was not so much won∣dred at, but the revolt of Robert Boyd, who, till that very Day, had obtain'd a great opinion for his Constancy, afforded matter of Dis∣course; He, being brought up on the ruins of a Noble Family (as I said before, in the life of King Iames the 3d,) parsimoniously and meanly under his Father, a valiant Man, and emulous of the anci∣ent Frugality, follow'd the same course of Life, as the rest of his Kin did, viz. by applying himself to richer Families to make way to repair his own, lately flourishing, but now decaying one, to their ancient Estate and Dignity. Whereupon, his Father and He first apply'd themselves to the Hamiltons, who were than up∣permost. And when their Regentship was laid down, and the chief Magistracy settled in the Queen Dowager; and Controversies about Religion began to arise, he join'd himself to the Reformers, to which his Father was most averse. That Faction was accounted the most potent, to That he adher'd, till the Queen's coming out of France; yea, he grew very renown'd for his Constancy, Forti∣tude

and Prudence; So that Gilespy, Earl of Argyle, was so taken with him, that he did almost nothing without his Advice. But, when some of the Nobles had associated at Sterlin, not for any Treasonable Project, but only to defend the King, he, indeed, sub∣scrib'd the League too; but, with great Levity, both himself, and Argyle, who was guided by his Counsel, discover'd the whole In∣trigue to the Queen. From that time forward, Boyd sided with the Queen, in all her Designs against his old Friends, being well reputed of on that side; but by those, he deserted, he was accounted a Turn-coat, and an inconstant Person. When the Queen was com∣mitted to Prison, Boyd apply'd himself to Murray the Regent, and was so well respected by him, for his industrious Ingenuity, that he was admitted into his Cabinet-Council; and tho several Opinions past upon him by others, yet he was in high Favour with the Re∣gent at Glasgow in his Juridical Processes; but when he perceiv'd it was like to come to Blows, he went off privately to the Queen, and from thence sent a Letter to the Earl of Morton, by his Son, excusing his Departure, and alleging, he might probably do the Royalists as much Service, there, as if he had staid with them. His revolt, by reason of the good Opinion many had of his Con∣versation and Manners, gave great occasion of Discourse.

In the mean time, the Regent had an hot Debate in Council, Whether they should stay, where they were, or else, go to the King at Sterlin? A great many were of opinion, that 'twas better to depart, and they urg'd Arguments for it; as, that Hamilton was a Town near them, full of People, and all the Clanships of that Family lay round about it: Besides, the Queen had with her 500 Horse, and it was reported, many more were making towards her from remoter Parts; whereas, with the Regent there were only a few of his own Friends, the rest having ran away to the Queen, or gone privately home, about their own Affairs, as if all things had been quiet; and, tho the Citizens of Glasgow were faithful enough, as being provok'd by the many and great Injuries they had receiv'd from the Hamiltons, when in Power; yet the Town it self was large, not very Populous, and every way approachable. On the contrary, Others reason'd, That all depended on the first Beginning of things; That his departure would be Dishonourable, and look like running away; That all Suspicion of fear was then principally to be avoided, for they should heighten their Enemies thereby, and discourage their Friends. On the one side, there were the Cuning∣hams and the Semples, potent Families; On the other side, Lennox, the King's peculiar Patrimony, from whence the next Neighbours might presently come in, in a few Hours; the rest, the next, or, at furthest, the Day after; In the interim, till further Aid came, they had strength enough, especially being assisted by the Towns∣men. This advice prevail'd in Council.

The French Embassador posted betwixt both Parties,* 1.8 rather as a Spy, than a Peace-maker, which yet he pretended to be; for, per∣ceiving, that there was but a small Force at Glasgow at first, and an Appearance of a great Multitude at Hamilton, he earnestly excited the Queen to put it to a Battel, presently. The Regent had ga∣thered a party from the Neighbourhood, and expected those further

off from Merch and Lothian; there came in about 600 Horse, choice and resolute Men; he gave them one day to refresh themselves in, and then determined to march out to Hamilton, and to engage the Enemy immediately; for he believed, Delay was dangerous for him, and advantagious to the Enemy, whom the remote Parts of the Kingdom favour'd most. Two days after, he was inform'd, That, about the third Watch, the Enemy was drawing together from all places, where they quarter'd; they trusted to their Num∣ber, being about 6500 fighting Men, and they knew the Regent had scarce 4000; but they resolved to march by Glasgow, and to leave the Queen in Dunbarton-Castle, and so either to fight, or lengthen out the War, as they pleased; or, if the Regent should be so bold as to stop their Passage, which they believed he durst not do, they would then fight, and were confident they should beat Him. But he, having determined to urge them to fight before, as soon as ever he could, drew out his Men into the open Field before the Town, the way that he thought the Enemy would come, and there waited for them in Battel-array, for some Hours: But when he saw their Troops pass by the other side of the River, he pre∣sently understood their Design, and commanded his Foot to pass over the Bridg, and his Horse to ford over the River, which they might do, it being low Water, and so to march to * 1.9 Langside, which was a Village by the River Carth, where the Enemies were to pass, scituated in the Foot of an Hill, respecting the South-West; on the East and North, the Passage was steep, but on the other side, there was a gentle Descent into a Plain, thither they hastned with such Speed, that the Royalists had neer possest the Hill, before the Enemy, who aim'd at the same place, under∣stood their Design, though they march'd thither by a nearer Cut; But the Royalists met with Two Advantages, which was a great Discouragement to their Enemies; One, that Gilespy Cambel, Earl of Argyle, who commanded in chief, fell suddenly down from his Horse sick, and by his Fall, much delayed the March of his Party. The Other, that their Forces being plac'd here and there, in little Vallies, could never see all the Royalists at once, whose Paucity (as indeed, they were not many) made the Enemy to despise them, and the Disadvantage of the place, too. At last, when the Queen's Forces drew nigh, and saw the Ground which they aim'd at, possest by the Enemy, they went to another little Hill over against them, and there divided their Party into two Bodies: Their chief Strength they plac'd in the First; if they had overthrown their adverse Par∣ty there, they knew, the rest would be dismaid at their Flight, and so they should overcome them without Fighting. The King's Party also divided themselves into Two Wings; Iames Douglas Earl of Morton,* 1.10 Robert Semple, Alexander Hume, Patrick Lindsy, each with his Clanship, were placed in the Right. In the left, stood Iohn Earl of Marr, Alexander Earl of Glencarn, William Earl of Men∣teith, and the Citizens of Glasgow. The Musqueteers were in the Village and Gardens below, near the high Way. Both Armies thus placed in Battel-array, The Queens Cannoneers and Foot were driven from their Posts by the King's Forces; on the other side, the King's Horse being fewer in Number, were beat back by the Ene∣my;

after they had performed that Service, they endeavoured also to break the Battalions of Foot, in order whereunto, they charg'd directly up the Hill, but were beat back by the King's Archers, and by some of those, who after their Rout, had rallied again, and joined with the rest of their Body: In the mean time, the left Wing of the Enemy march'd by the High-way, where there was a rising Ground, lower down into the Vally, where, though they were galled by the King's Musqueteers, yet passing by those Straits, they opened and ranged their Body; there 'twas, that the two Bat∣tailions held out a thick Stand of Pikes, as a Brest-work, before them, and fought desperately for half an Hour, without giving Ground on either side; insomuch that they, whose long Pikes were broke, threw Daggers, Stones, Pieces of Pikes or Lances; yea, whatsoever they could come by, into their Enemies Faces: But some of the hindermost Ranks of the King's Forces, being flying away, (whether for Fear or Treachery is uncertain) no doubt, their Flight had much disordered those who stood to it, unless the Ranks had been so thick, that the formost well knew not, what the hindmost did: Then they, which were in the second Battailion, taking notice of the Danger, and perceiving no Enemy coming to charge them, sent some whole Troops to wheel to the Right, and to join with the first; whereupon, the adverse Party could not bear their Charge, but were wholly routed and put to Flight; many were so inrag'd with Wrath and Hatred against them, that there had been a notable Slaughter in the Pursuit, unless the Regent had sent out Horse several ways, to forbid the Execution: The second Squadron of the Royalists stood so long, till they saw the Enemy scattering and flying in a disorderly manner; then they also brake their Ranks and pursued. The Queen stood about a Mile from the Place, to behold the Fight; and, after the Discomfiture, fled with some Horsemen of her Party, who had escap'd out of the Battel, toward England; the rest ran away as they could,* 1.11 each to his own home: There were but few slain in the Field, but more fell in the Pursuit, being wearied and wounded, all along the High-ways and Fields. The Number of the Slain, was about 300, but there were more taken Prisoners. Of the King's Forces, there were not ma∣ny wounded, of the chief Commanders, none but Alexander Hume and Andrew Stuart, only one Man was slain; the rest of the Army, besides a few Horse-men, who followed the Pursuit very far, re∣turned joyfully into the Town; where, after giving Thanks to Al∣mighty God, for prospering their just Cause against a double Num∣ber of their Enemies, and for giving them, in a manner, an unbloody Victory, mutually gratulating one another, they went to Dinner. This Battel was fought May the 13th, eleven Days after the Queen's Escape out of Prison.

The French Embassador expected the Event of the Fight,* 1.12 and promis'd himself a sure Victory on the Queen's side; but being thus disappointed of his Hope, he put off his Vizard, and with∣out taking his Leave of the Regent, to whom he pretended he was sent, got a Party of Horse to guide him; and, with what Speed he could, made for England. In the way he was robb'd by Moss-Troo∣pers;

but Iames Douglas Laird of Drumlanerick, though he knew he was of the Enemies Party, yet deferr'd so much to the Honour and Name of an Embassador, that he caus'd his Goods to be restored to him. The Regent spent the rest of the Day of Battel, in taking a List of the Prisoners; some he discharged gratis; others, upon Sure∣ties; the chief Commanders were retained, especially of the Ha∣milton's Family, and sent to Prison. The Day after, knowing how much that Sept was envied in the Neighbourhood, he took only 500 Horse, commanding the rest of the Army to abide in their Quarters, and went into the Vale of Clydisdale, where he found all Places naked and desolate, the Inhabitants being run away, as ra∣ther conscious to themselves what they had deserved, than confi∣ding in the Regents Clemency, of which yet they had Experience before, he took in the Castles of Hamilton and * 1.13 Draffin, which were naked Places, only in Hamilton-Castle, some of the Hous∣hold-Stuff of King Iames the 5th was found. The same Fear and Terror drove the Queen into England too, either because she thought no Place in that Part of Scotland safe enough for her; or else, because she durst not trust Iohn Maxwel of Herreis.

When the Regent had setled all things, as well as he could at present, he summon'd an Assembly of the Estates to be held at E∣dinburgh in the Month of . . . . . The adverse Party plotted ma∣ny Ways to hinder it: Rumors were spread abroad of Aid from France, neither were they altogether without Ground: For some Troops were drawn down to the Sea-side, under the Command of the Earl of Martigues, a stout Man of the Luxemburgh's Family, to be transported with all Speed into Scotland; and they had been so, unless the Civil Wars had on a sudden broke forth in France. But that Assistance would not have been so prejudicial to the Regent, as his Enemies thought, for it would have alienated England from them, and engaged It to him. Moreover, Argyle with 600 of his Clanship came to Glasgow, there he had a Conference with the Ha∣miltonians, and other Leaders of the Faction, to hinder the Con∣vention, but finding no way to do it, they went every Man severally home. Huntly also had gathered together a thousand Foot, against the Day of the Parliaments Sitting, he came as far as Perth, and there perceiving that the Fords of the River Tay, were guarded by William Ruven and the Neighbouring Nobility, who remained Loyal to the King, he retired without doing any thing to Purpose.

About the same time, there came also Letters from the Queen of England, obtained by the Intercession of the adverse Party, to the Regent,* 1.14 to put off the Parliament; she desired, that Judgment might not be hastned concerning the Rebels, till she were made ac∣quainted with the whole Cause; for she could not well bear the In∣jury and Affront, which the Queen, her Neighbour, and near Kinswoman, did pretend she had received from her Subjects. Tho the Request was but small in it self, yet, if it should have been granted, at the Instance of the Rebels, they might have thought to have carried all; either because such a Trifling and Delay seem'd to hearten them, and weaken their Enemy, especially seeing it might argue a Fear in the Royalists; and also, that they, in the mean

time, resolv'd to Indict a Convention in the Name of the Queen. But the Regent, being sensible of what great Consequence it was, to have the Parliament to sit; yea, though all the Force of the E∣nemy had combin'd against it, resolved to keep his Day: In that Parliament, there was a great Debate, Whether all those who had took Arms against the King, and afterward had not obtained their Pardon, should be condemn'd as Traitors, and have their Goods con∣fiscate. But William Maitland, who favoured the Rebels, but co∣vertly, obtained, that only a few of them should be condemn'd at present, as a Terror to the rest; and a Door of Clemency should be opened to others, if they repented. That Procedure did won∣derfully incourage the Conspirators, and increas'd their Obstinacy, in regard, they saw, their Punishment was deferr'd, and they were verily persuaded, that the Queen of England being their Queen's Neighbour and Kinswoman, nor the Guises, who then were very powerful in the French Court, nor the French King himself would suffer such an Encroachment to be made on the Royal Authority; yea, if they should be deserted by them, yet they were not so weak of themselves, as not to be able to maintain their Cause without fo∣reign Aid, as being superior in Number and Power; so that no∣thing was wanting to the Victory, but the empty Shadow of the Royal Name, which was (said they) usurped by Force.

In the mean time, the Regent minded only the publick Peace; some of the Neighbouring Offenders he fined in small Sums, and so took them into Favour; the Earl of Rothes, by his Friends Inter∣cession, was banish'd for three Years; as for the rest, he daily, by Cor∣respondents, solicited them to repent and come in; but perceiving, That many of them were obstinate, and inclined to Revenge, he levied an Army, and march'd into Annandale, Niddisdale, and lower Galway, where he took some Castles, and put Garisons into them; others, whose Owners were more refractary, he demolish'd, and in a short time, he would have ran over the whole Country, un∣less Letters from the Queen of England had interrupted the course of his Victories. She was persuaded by the Exiles, That the Queen of Scots had receiv'd much Wrong; That her ill-affected Subjects had laid unjust Imputations on her, and That she would not suffer the Royal Name to grow so cheap, or Majesty to be so contume∣liously used, as to be exposed to the Wills of seditious Persons. That the Wrong of this great Wickedness redounded only to One, but the Example to All, and therefore, she desired, they would apply some speedy Remedy, that the Contagion of dethroning Princes might not spread further. Having made a great Harangue in her Letters to this purpose, against the Avengers of the King's Mur∣der; she desired of the Regent,

That he would send Commissio∣ners to her, to inform her in the State of the whole Matter, and to make Answer to those, either Crimes or Reproaches, which were cast upon, and alleged against himself.

This Demand seem∣ed very grievous and offensive, That things, already judg'd, should be called again in Question, to a new and hazardous Trial, and that before foreign Princes, who are oft-times emulous, if not E∣nemies, and their Minds already prepossess'd by Adversaries; yea,

for a Man, as it were to plead for his own Life, before a foreign Judicature, though the Case was dangerous and hard, yet many Ar∣guments induc'd him to accept of the Proposal, though never so unequal.* 1.15 Abroad, the Cardinal of Lorrain, the Queen's Uncle, rul••d all in France; and at home, a great part of the Nobility con∣spired in behalf of the Queen; and if the Queen of England were disobliged too, then he should have no Force to withstand so great Difficulties. Being thus resolved to send Embassadors, he could not tell, Whom to pitch upon: The chief Nobles declining the Em∣ployment: At last, the Regent himself resolved to go, and chuse Companions to accompany him, amongst whom was William Mait∣land, though much against his Will; but the Regent, knowing him to be a factious Man, and inclinable to the Queen's Party, did not think it safe to leave him behind, whilst things were in such a doubtful Posture at home; and therefore he persuaded him, by great Promises and Rewards, to accompany him, not doubting but to overcome his avaritious Mind with Largesses and Gifts; the rest went willingly along: The chief were, Iames Douglas, and Pa∣trick Lindsy of the Nobles; of the Clergy, the Bishop of the Orca∣des, and the Abbat of Dumfermlin; of Lawyers, Iames Macgil, and Henry Balnavey; to whom he added a Ninth, viz. George Buchanan. Though these difficult Circumstances did attend him,* 1.16 yet Two things relieved his Thoughts, One was, the Equity of his Cause; the Other, the last Letters he received from the Queen of England, gave him Assurance, that, if the Crimes objected against the Queen of Scots were true, she held her unworthy to hold that Scepter any longer. The Regent was a little heartned by those Letters, and with above a 100 Horse in his Company, he began his Journy, though he had certain Intelligence brought him, that the Earl of Westmorland, at the Command of the Duke of Norfolk, watch'd to intercept him, before he got to York; yet October 4. he came to York, the Place appointed for the Conference, and, the same Day, and almost hour,* 1.17 Thomas Howard, Duke of Norfolk, entred the City, also. The rea∣son, why an Ambush was laid for the Regent, was, because the Duke, by secret Correspondents, was dealing with the Queen of Scots to marry her; and therefore, that the Suspicion of the King's Murder might be more easily taken away, she resolved, if the Regent were slain, to return home; and also to take and suppress the Letters she had wrote to Bothwel, containing a manifest Discovery of the Plot: but, because the Duke was so near, she could not so accomplish it, as that he also might not be aspersed with the Infamy of so cruel a Murder; and therefore the Plot was deferr'd till another time. Besides Norfolk, there were appointed Two other Commissioners by the Queen of England, to determine the Controversies of the Scots, the Earl of Sussex, who inclined to Howard's Party, as 'twas common∣ly reported, and Sir Ralph Sadler, an indifferent and equal Person. Within a few days, there came Messengers from the Queen of Scots, to complain of her disobedient Subjects, and also to desire leave of the Queen of England, to return home, without Delay; they had their Hearing apart from the Regent, and his Attendants: First, they Protested, that they came not before them as Judges, that had a

lawful Superiority over them; then they made a long Harangue, What Wrong the Queen had received from her Subjects; and after, desired of the Queen of England, that either she would persuade her ungrateful Subjects to admit their Prince; or, if they refused, then she would supply her with an Army, to force them so to do. After some few Hours, the Regent was heard; He stood upon the Equity of his Cause, before indifferent Judges; He pleaded, that the Royalists had done nothing, but according to the ancient Laws and Customs of their Nation, and that, in full Parliament, ratified and approved; and that he being a single Person, with those few with him, could not abrogate any thing which had been enacted by common Consent of all the Estates in Parliament. But when the English Commissioners told them, they could not be satisfied with those Statutes made at their Parliaments at home, and now produced, unless withal they produced the Reasons, which moved the Nobles to such a severe Judgment against the Queen: The Regent was unwilling, as much avoiding to divulge the foul Offences of the Queen, being his Sister also, and that amongst Foreigners, who were forward enough to hear them, and therefore denied to do it, unless upon these Terms, That,* 1.18 if he made good the Charge against the Queen, that she killed her Husband, then the Queen of England should stipulate and promise to defend the young King's Cause, and take him as 'twere into her Protection. But when the English Embassadors told them, that they had only a Commission to hear the Demands of both Sides, and so to lay the whole Matter be∣fore the Queen. The Regent again urg'd them to obtain such a Promise from their Queen, or else that they themselves should get a Commission, fully to decide the Controversy; if they would do That, he promised, that unless he did evidently make it appear, that the King was slain by his Wives Means, he would not deprecate the Punishment due to the most heinous Offence. The Commissio∣ners wrote to the Queen to know her Mind herein; who returned Answer,* 1.19

That the Scots of the Royal Party should send one or more of their Number to her Court, who might fully acquaint her with the Merits of their Cause, and then she would consult, what was fit for her to do.

Whereupon the Regent sent William Mait∣land, on whom many sinister Opinions did daily arise, and Iames Macgil, not so much to be his Assistant in publick Business, as to ob∣serve, what his Actions were. The Causes which made Maitland suspected were These, amongst many others: Before his Journy into England, though he mightily endeavoured to conceal his Designs,* 1.20 yet by his Words and Actions, and further, by his great Familiarity with the Men of the adverse Party; but more clearly yet, by Let∣ters, he sent to the Queen, which were intercepted, they could not be hid. In those Letters he endeavoured to persuade the Queen, that his Service might yet be useful to her, using the Example of the Lion, as 'tis in the Fable, who, being taken in a Net, was freed by such mean Animals as Rats. And after he came to York,* 1.21 there was scarce a Night, wherein he did not meet with the chief Em∣bassadors of the adverse Party, compared Notes with them, and acquainted them with the Designs of the Regent. The Regent

did not forbid those Meetings, knowing, he should do no Good there∣by, only then they would meet more secretly. Though these were manifest Evidences of his Treachery, yet casually there happen'd an undeniable Demonstration thereof. Norfolk, and He, went abroad, pretendedly to hunt, where they had much Discourse con∣cerning the whole Affair, and came to this Agreement amongst themselves, to spin out the matter, if 'twas possible, and so to de∣lay it, that, at last, nothing might be done, and yet the Cause not seem wholly deserted, neither. For, by this means, the Regent must depart, without effecting what he came for; or else, some Commotion at home would inforce him so to do, and then other Remedies might emerge, in time: For Norfolk was then designing a Civil War, how to take off the One Queen, and to marry the Other. Maitland inform'd Iohn Lesly, Bishop of Ross, herewith, one intimately acquainted with all the Queen's Affairs, who accord∣ingly inform'd his Mistress, by Letter, how the Duke would have her write to Court, what Course to steer for the future; and tho her Cause went but slowly on, yet that Delay should not hinder her from expecting a good Issue thereof. The Queen having read those Letters, laid them by, as loose Papers, so that they came to be read by diverse others; and, from hand to hand, were, at last, brought to the Regent, who, by them, discovered the main of his Adversaries Design against him; as for Maitland, he had experi∣mented his Perfidiousness many times before.

When the Embassadors, before-mentioned, came to the Queen at London, She, and her Council, thought it best, that the Regent himself should come up, and so dispute the Controversy, by word of Mouth:* 1.22 Whereupon, he dismiss'd part of his Retinue, and, with the rest, went to London; but there he met with the same Difficulty as he had done at York; for he refus'd to enter upon the Ac∣cusation of the Queen, and his Sister too, unless, if he prov'd her Guilty, the Queen of England would take the Scots King's Party in∣to her Protection; if she would do That, he would begin the Accu∣sation immediately, upon the same Terms, as he had propounded to the Delegates at York. Whilst these things were acting in London, the Queen of Scots,* 1.23 by means of Iames Balfure, endeavoured to raise Commotions in Scotland; and that she might more easily accom∣plish her Designs, she wrote Letters to all the Exiles, and to Bothwel's Friends, to contribute all their Endeavours to infest the contrary Fa∣ction by Force of Arms: And, besides, she created Lieutenants through all the Kingdom, to whom she gave even Kingly Power. And moreover, she caus'd Rumours to be spread abroad, That the Regent, and his Companions, were committed Prisoners to the Tower of London; and foreseeing, that Lie could not be long be∣lieved, she devis'd another, (i. e.) That the Regent had promis'd to subject Scotland to the Crown of England; and, That he was to give up the King, as a Pledg thereof. 'Tis thought, her Design herein, was, That, whereas she had promis'd the same things by her Commissioners; and the English look'd upon it, as a Vanity in her, seeing She had no power to perform it; yet she was willing to possess the Minds of the Vulgar with an Untruth, and so to raise

up Envy against the Regent; and, if she could not avert the whole Reproach from her self, yet, at least, she would have her Adversa∣ries bear a Part with her, therein.

When the Regent saw himself in these Straits, he resolv'd to end the Matter, as well as he could, and so to return home:* 1.24 Whereup∣on, at the earnest Sollicitation of the English, who desir'd to know the Causes of the Proceedings in Scotland, (without which they could determine nothing;) he also, being desirous to satisfy the Queen of England at that time, whom he could nor offend, without great prejudice to his Cause; and, being willing also to return home to extinguish the Civil War, then appearing in its first Rise, nei∣ther of which he could well do, unless the Queen of England was his Friend, or, at least, not his Adversary; induc'd by these Mo∣tives, He first protested before the Council of England, That 'twas not willingly, but by the importunity of his Enemies, that he was compell'd to accuse his Queen, and she his Sister's Son too, of so horrid a Crime; that he did not do it out of a wanton humour to accuse, but out of necessity to clear himself; for he was very un∣willing to discover those things, which he wish'd, if possible, might be cover'd in perpetual Oblivion; and therefore, if any Re∣flection were made on what he did, the Envy ought deservedly to light upon Those, who would not suffer him to be like Him∣self, that is, to obey his Prince chearfully, when Good; and to reprove Him, or Her, against his Will, when she was Evil; only he desire one Thing, That the Queen's Proxies, who had inforced him to that Dispute, might be present to hear the Crimes objected; that so, if they were false, they might dis∣prove them before the Council; and that he himself, in many weighty Matters, might also make use of their Testimonies. The Queen's Commissioners refus'd this, as putting little Confidence in their own Cause, and insisted only on this one thing, That the Queen, who was, by Force of Arms, ejected, might be restor'd: Whereupon, a Day was appointed for the Regent to shew Cause, why the Revengers of the King's Murder had taken up Arms, (for he himself was then in France,) and had ejected the Queen from her Government, and acted other things, as, till that time, they had done. When the Time came, he declar'd the Order of all Things, as they had been acted, and the Testimonies of the Partisans of the King's Murder, made before their Deaths; and also the Statute of Parliament, to which many of the Regent's Accusers had subscri∣bed: And when the Silver Cabinet was produc'd, which the Queen had given her from her former Husband Francis, and had bestow'd on Bothwel, in which were Letters to Bothwel, writ in French, with the Queen's own Hand, and also a French Poem, not unelegantly compos'd by her; and also the Manner of the King's Death, and, after his Death, her Surprize, and three Contracts of Marriage with him, the One before the Parricide, written with her own Hand, wherein, as by a Bill, she promises to marry him, as soon as ever she was freed from her former Husband: The Other was, before the Divorce from his former Wife, writ by Huntly's Hand: The Third was openly made, a little before the Marriage. When all this was

produc'd, seen, and read before the Council: The whole Fact was so plainly expos'd, that now no Doubt could be made, Who was the Author of it. Though the Queen of England could not but be∣lieve these Discoveries,* 1.25 yet she did fluctuate in her Mind; on the one side, there was Emulation, Queens mutually hating one ano∣ther; there were also such great Crimes, and such evident Proofs, that the Queen thought her Kinswoman of Scotland deserv'd no Assistance to restore her: And, though her Mind did incline to that which was right, yet 'twas shaken, and did hesitate, upon the re∣membrance of her former State, not without a Commiseration; and besides, the Majesty of Kingly Honour, and a Fea••, lest the Example of driving out Princes might creep into the Neighbour-Kingdoms, wrought much upon her: Besides, she was afraid of France, for the Peace with them was not very sure or firm; and then especially, the French Embassador did plead the Cause of the banish'd Queen daily. The Spanish Embassador was desir'd also to interpose his Mediation; but the foulness of the Crimes did so deter him, that he refus'd to meddle therewith. Whereupon, the Queen of England, that she might leave a Door for Repentance, if Mat∣ters should succeed amiss in France, and not cut off all occasion of gratifying them, gave a middle Answer, so tempering it, that at present she said, She saw no cause to the contrary, but that all things had been acted according to Law and Justice in Scotland; yet, as if she deferr'd the compleat Decision till another time, she desir'd, that seeing intestine Tumults did recal the Regent, he would leave here one of his Retinue in his Place, to make Answer to those Crimes, which might be objected against him in his Absence. But the Regent, who saw the Matter to be so put off, that That Queen might take her Measures to give Sentence for her own Advantage, and the Event of foreign Affairs, left no Stone unturn'd, that he might have the Cause fully determin'd, now; and therefore he desir'd, as most just and equitable, that if his Enemies, who had long studied before-hand to accuse him, had any thing to allege, they would now produce it, and not watch an Opportunity to calumniate him in his Absence, seeing they refus'd to cope with him face to face; he was not ignorant, what Rumors his Enemies would cause to be spread amongst the People, and what they had already said to some of the Council, and to the French Embassador; and therefore, he earnestly desir'd of the Council, to command them not to mutter privately, but to declare openly, what they had to say; and that he would not make such haste home, but that, though it were much to his own Damage, and the Publicks, yet he would willingly purge himself there, in presence. Whereupon, the Commissioners of the banish'd Queen were sent for, and demanded, If they had any thing to allege against the Regent or his Companions, in reference to the King's Murder, they should produce it. Their Answer was, They had nothing at present, but they would accuse them, when they were commanded by their Queen. The Regent answer'd, That he was always ready to give an account of all the Actions perform'd by him; neither would he shun either Time or Place so to do; ye••, seeing the Queen began that Accusation of him, he desir'd of his

Accusers, there present, That if any of them had the least Objecti∣on against him, they would then declare it; for 'twas much more noble and handsom to produce it, before so illustrious an Assembly, than, in private Cabals, to nibble at his Fame, in his Absence: They also refused This. Whereupon, the whole Council cried out upon them, and, in a manner, reproach'd them, so that they were compell'd, singly and severally, to confess,* 1.26 That they knew no∣thing of themselves, why Murray, or any of his, should be accus'd of the King's Murder. Then, after a long Dispute, pro and con, the Council was dismiss'd, and from that time, there was never any more mention made of accusing the Regent, or any of his Com∣panions.

Whilst the Regent was thus necessarily detain'd in England, on a publick Account, the Queen's Faction turn'd every Stone, both at Home and Abroad, to make Disturbances, but without effect. Iames Hamilton, who had been Regent some Years before,* 1.27 seeing that Things went not according to his Mind at Home, had gone long before into France; there he had but a few Companions, but lay privately, with a Servant or Two, to attend him, free from the hurry of all Publick Business; but when the Queen of Scots was escap'd out of Prison, overcome in Battel, and then fled for Eng∣land; The French, knowing that Murray was call'd Home, into his own Country, and, in his Passage through France, not being able to work him over to their Party, in regard they could not send Men, or Mony, to Scotland, to raise Disturbance there, by reason of their own Commotions at Home; they therefore thought it most ad∣visable, to set up Hamilton, in an emulating competition with him, especially at that Time, when the Regent, with part of the No∣bility, were absent, and out of the way. He was therefore drawn out of his Privacy, and accommodated with some few Pistols, and larger Promises. In his return thro' England, his Friends persuaded him, That, in regard the Queen of Scots, with her Faction, favour'd him, and the Queen of England was not averse from it, he would deal with her, to persuade Murray, by her Authority, to resign his Regency to him, in regard, that Office, by the Law, and Con∣sent of almost all Nations, and especially by the Custom of their own Country, was due to him, as the next in Blood and Heir∣ship: Neither (said he) was there any great need to make a labo∣rious search into the Records of Ancient Times, for This; wherein they might easily find, That Governors were always appointed to their Princes, when under Age, out of the next of Kin; as when Iames the 3d died, in the absence of Iames the 1st, his Uncle Ro∣bert manag'd the Government, and his Son Murdac succeeded Ro∣bert: And of late Times, Iohn, Duke of Albany, was made Go∣vernor to King Iames the 5th, whilst he was under Age: Yea,* 1.28 Ha∣milton himself had been Regent, some few Years, before Mary, now Queen, was of Age, fit to Govern, or Marry; and how he was not excluded from that Office, by any lawful Suffrages, but unjustly by the Rebellious; and that which increas'd the Indignity, was, That it was done in Contempt of the Blood Royal, and a Bastard set up in his Room; but if the Honour were restor'd to

him, in a very short Time, all Domestick Tumults would be quieted; and the Queen, even without Blood, would recover her Crown and Dignity, again. Whereunto the King's Embassadors answer'd,* 1.29

That Hamilton desir'd a Thing, not only contrary to the Lavvs and Customs of their Ancestors, but, if the consideration of the Law vvere omitted, yet 'twas very unjust in it self; for our Ancestors (said they) by reason of the Slaughters of their Prin∣ces by their Kindred, for 1300 Years ago, did vvholly change the Method of their Assemblies in making a King: For, as before, in the Family of Fergus, our first King, after the King's Death, it was not the next of Blood, but he, that was most fit, was chosen King, by Suffrage: So, Kenneth the 3d, that he might take away all Plots against Princes, by those of their Blood, and also might prevent the cruel and bloody Emulations of their Kindred amongst themselves, made this Decree of Succession, that now is, for the next of Blood to inherit. And Men, by Experience, finding, that in so great an Inconstancy of Fortune, 'twas scarce possible, but that sometimes the Right of Chief Magistracy should fall on a Child, or else, on one unable to govern; therefore they decreed, That he, who preceded others in Power and Wisdom, should undergo the Administration of the Government, in the mean time; and our Ancestors, observing this Course for almost 600 Years, have trans∣mitted down a Kingdom safe to us: Thus, when Robert Bruce died, there succeeded Regents chosen by most Voices, Thomas Randolf, Earl of Murray; Donald, Earl of Marr; Andrew Murray, Iohn Ran∣dolf, Robert Stuart; sometimes particular Persons, sometimes more than one, were chosen, by our publick Conventions, to that Office: So, when Iames the Second was a Child, Alexander Levingston was appointed his Governour, who was no way rela∣ted to that King in Blood, no, nor a Noble Man neither, but a Knight only, more eminent for his Wisdom than his Family. And if any say, That was for want of some of the King's Line; the Excuse will not hold; for, at that very time, there was Iohn Kennedy, chief of his Family, his Nephew, by the Sister of Iames the First, a Man both wise and virtuous; there were also his Uncles, Iames Kennedy, Archbishop of St. Andrews, the emi∣nentest Person for Virtue in the whole Kingdom; and also his Brothers, the Son of the King's Aunt, Douglas, Earl of Angus; Archibald also, Earl of Douglas, was not excluded from the King's Line, but in Power was almost equal to him; to be sure, he was superiour to all others; yet none ever complain'd of the Injustice of our Assemblies in so doing. And not long after, Iames the Third had four Tutors or Guardians assign'd him, not taken on the account of Alliance, but chosen by Vote. And of late, Iohn, Duke of Albany, was sent for by the Nobility out of France, to go∣vern Scotland, in the Minority of Iames the 4th; and when he came, he was setled in the Regency, by a publick Statute, enacted in a Convention of the Estates, which was not done on the account of Proximity in Blood; for he had Alexander, an elder Brother, one perhaps inferiour to him, yet far more virtuous than Iames Hamil∣ton, who, for a season, affected that Dignity: But, in the Absence

of Iames the Fifth, Robert, his Uncle, manag'd the Kingdom. I pray, by what Right? Was he assum'd into that Office for Pro∣pinquity of Blood? No: Was he elected by the People? No, nor that neither? How was he then created? I'le tell you, how; When King Robert the Third was neither, in Body nor Mind, fit to manage the Kingly Office, he set up Robert, his Brother, in his stead, and commended his Children to his Care; David,* 1.30 his el∣dest Son, he starv'd to Death; Iames, the younger, had been al∣so slain, unless he had saved his Life by Flight: And, being thus setled in the Possession of the Government, his Brother dying for Grief, he kept it, without the Consent of the People in Parliament, and deliver'd it down by Hand, to his Son Mordacus. How Ro∣bert the King, that died last, stood affected towards his Brother, is very plain; for, as when he was a dying, he abominated and curs'd him, as the Executioner of his Children; so, certainly if he had been alive, and in Health, he would not have designed him Guardian to his Children. We are so put in mind of that time, wherein, after the Death of Iames the Fifth, he himself was made Regent; (as if any thing at all was legally acted, since that time.) When Cardinal Beton endeavoured, by Fraud, to invade the chief Magistracy, he crept into the vacant Office, rather out of Peoples Hatred to Beton, than Love to Him; being got into it, he ruled with great Cruelty and Avarice; and, not many years ago, he sold that Magistracy, which he got by Force, and the Queen too, then committed to his Care; therein was manifested, what Affe∣ction the People bare to him, when they preferred the Govern∣ment of a Woman-Stranger before that bitter Slavery they suffer'd under him. You see then, I suppose, how this Request of Ha∣milton's is contrary to the Laws of our Country, and the Institu∣tions of our Ancestors; yea, so contrary, that for want of Argu∣ments to maintain it, he bolsters it up only with Lies: And if there were any Custom of this kind, all Men see, how unjust it is: For what can be more unequal, than to commit the innocent and weak Age of the Prince to his Care, who either daily expects, or wishes for, the Death of his Pupil? All whose Family hath born, and doth bear, great and lasting Enmity with the Family of the King, that now reigns. What Safeguard can there be here, in Nearness of Blood, against ancient Hatred, griping Avarice, and the precipitate Force of forestalled Tyranny? Laodice,* 1.31 Queen of the Cappadocians, is reported to have slain her Sons, as they came to Age, thus buying out, or, as it were, redeeming a small Stay in the Government, with the innocent Blood of her own Chil∣dren. If a Mother destroy'd the Fruit of her own Womb, only to reign a little longer, What, shall we think, will old Enemies attempt; or rather, What will they not attempt, being inflam'd to Cruelty, by the Stings of Avarice, against a Child, who is the only Remora to their Hopes of the Kingdom? And if this Exam∣ple seem old, obscure, and far-fetch'd, I will add some more Illu∣strious Ones, nearer hand; Who is ignorant of what was lately acted, how that Galeacius Sforza was slain by his Uncle Lewis,* 1.32 though he was of Age, and married, and the Son-in-Law, too,

of a most powerful Prince? Who doth not know the Calamities, that followed upon that cruel Parricide? The brave fertile Coun∣try of Italy was almost made a Wilderness, thereby; The Family of the Sforza's, from whence so many valiant Men proceeded, was extinguish'd; and the Barbarians were introduc'd into the pleasant Country, about the Po; whose Avarice and Cruelty spoil'd all. Besides, who is there, of the Inhabitants of Great Britain, that hath not heard of the Cruelty of Richard the 3d, King of England, against his Brother's Children? And with how much Blood, was that Parricide expiated? If Men that were o∣therwise prudent, did not fear to commit such things against their nearest in Blood, excited only by the desire of the Crown, What can be expected from him, whose Inconstancy is well known to all, and whose ill management of the Government hath already cost us so much Blood? Whose Family, not content with the Mur∣der of this King's Great Grandfather, did always work Treache∣ry against his Grandfather by the Mother's side, as long as he liv'd; and, as for his Grandfather by his Father's side, when he could not kill him, he drove him, poor, out of the Kingdom; his Father he brought forth as a Sacrifice to be slain; his Mother and the Kingdom, when they could not enjoy it themselves, they sold it to Strangers, and after, by the Providence of God, she was de∣liver'd from that Bondage, they cast her into those Straits, where∣in she now is. What Judgment the Subjects made of these things, may appear by this, That Men seem'd to themselves deliver'd from the Prison of a most miserable Bondage, and to tast the sweetness of Liberty, when they sold the Government, which they themselves, were not able to manage, to a Woman-Stran∣ger.

Upon the hearing of this Oration, the Queen told Hamilton, That his Demand was unjust,* 1.33 and, That she would not assist him therein; but That she was desir'd by the King's Embassadors, not to suffer him to depart, (in regard he plotted nothing but Sedition) till they likewise went, themselves; which, she look'd upon, as a just thing, and therefore had promis'd them so to do, and thereupon she charg'd him, not to depart before that time. Moreover, the banish'd Queen encourag'd her Friends with the hopes of her speedy Return; for some Letters of hers were intercepted, wherein she advis'd them, to seize upon as many Castles and fortified Places as they could; and so to disperse the War abroad, as far as ever they were able: Nei∣ther need they fear the noise of a Truce, or Accomodation, for, if Matters were ended that way, all the Offences of former times would be cover'd, and forgiven, under the umbrage of Peace: But, if it should brake forth into open War, the more Garisons they had, the greater opportunity would be put into their Hands, to hurt the Enemy.

When the Regent had settled Matters, as well as he could, in England, and had leave to return, some Letters were produc'd, lately intercepted, from the Queen of Scots, wherein she complains, That she was otherwise treated by the Queen of England, than she her self first expected; or, as was promis'd her, and that was done

by some Courtiers, who were the Cause, That she was not sent back with an Army, as, she affirm'd,* 1.34 the Queen of England had promis'd Her; but she did hope, shortly, to obtain a good issue another Way, (for Messengers often had passed betwixt Her, and Howard, about a Marriage between them) and therefore, she wish'd them not to be discouraged, but to increase the strength of their Party, to make a general Disturbance, and, by all the Arts they could, to hinder the Regent's return into Scotland. These Letters, being divulg'd, did affect People, severally. The Queen of England took it ill, That she was accus'd of breach of Promise; as also, That the Conditions of the Truce, made by her means, were not kept: and therefore, being very angry and inrag'd, she remitted much of her ancient Favour to the Scot's Queen, and was more inclin'd to E∣quity, than before. The English, who wish'd well to the Regent,* 1.35 were afraid that his Enemies would way-lay him to do him a mis∣chief in his Journy; for in the Countries, which he was to pass thrô, there were either, for the most part, Papists, or else Thieves, in∣habiting the Borders of both Kingdoms, who were all excited to hope for a sudden Change; and 'twas plain, they were dealt with to intercept him in his Return, and therefore abundance of the English Courtiers offer'd him their assistance to secure his Passage; but he was contented only with his own Retinue, and about the 13th of Ianuary, began his Journy: But the Queen of England,* 1.36 judging it to be for her own Credit and Honour, that he should return in Safety, had of her own accord written to the Commanders and the Warden of the Marches, That, when he came to places suspected, or noted for Robbery; They should take care, that he might not be circumvented; And they were very careful therein, for strong Guards of Horse and Foot were plac'd about the Way, so that he came safe to Berwick, and, the day after, which was the 2d of February, he was conducted home to Edinburgh, to the great joy of his Friends; who, in great Numbers, were there Assembled. His Enemies did hardly believe his coming at first, because false Reports had been causelesly spread, that he was shut up Prisoner in the Tower of London; But when it was certainly known, that he was at Edinburgh: Those, who had beset the High-ways to inter∣cept Passengers, let go their Prisoners, and slipt away Home; So that, immediately from a turbulent Tempest, there grew a great Calm.

A few Days after,* 1.37 the Nobles of the King's Party had a great Meeting at Sterlin, there the Transactions with the Queen of Eng∣land were opened and highly approv'd, by the consent of all there Present. About the same time, Iames Hamilton, chief of his Fa∣mily, came out of England, who, by a new, and unheard of, Pre∣tence and Arrogance, was adopted, as a Father, by the Queen of Scots, and made Lieutenant of the Kingdom. He declar'd his Commission, and forbad the People to obey any, but Those sub∣stituted by him; Whereupon, the Royalists disburst Sums of Mony to raise Forces, and to prepare to fight, if need were: And accord∣ingly, at an appointed Day, they met at Glasgow, but seeing the Country came not in to Hamilton, according to his Expectation, by

the Mediation of his Friends,* 1.38 Terms of Agreement were propound∣ed, whereupon Hamilton was commanded to come to Glasgow, to acknowledg the King, as chief Magistrate: If he did That, the rest would be easily accorded; if he refus'd, it was in vain for him to come. He, by the advice of his Friends that were with him, be∣ing forsaken by his Clanships, and terrifi'd by the near approach of his Enemies Army, resolv'd to comply with Necessity, and to promise all that was desir'd; but when the Forces of the Royalists were disbanded, then he would consult his Advantage, at leisure. When they came to Glasgow, a Day was appointed, wherein they and their Friends should profess their Allegiance to the King, and so recover their old Estates and Honours; In the mean time, they were to remain in Prison, or, to give in Hostages, of their Kindred, for their forth-coming. This also was added to the Conditions, That all of the same Party might come in, if they pleas'd, on the same Terms. Argyle and Huntly refus'd to subscribe to those Articles, either out of anger to Hamilton,* 1.39 that he had given up himself to his Enemies Hands, without asking their Advice; or else, because they thought to obtain for themselves more easie Terms of Peace, in regard of their Power; or else, being incourag'd by frequent Letters from England, they were easily inclin'd to That, they had most mind to. For, whilst these things were acted in Scotland, Letters came from the exiled Queen, containing large Promises, and willing them not to be terrifi'd with vain Threats, for she should shortly be with them, with a great Army. Their Minds were ready to receive this News; and so much the rather, because the Queen was kept with a looser Guard than ordinary; and there was daily talk of her Marriage with Howard. When Hamilton was come to Edinburgh,* 1.40 at the Day appointed, he eluded his Promise, by va∣rious Postulations and Pretences, making many Delays; as, that the rest of his Party should come together, and so be all comprehended at once in one Agreement: And also, that they might send to the Queen to know her Mind; and to this end he desir'd to defer the Matter, till the 10th day of May. To this his plain Mockery, they answer'd, That 'twas to no purpose for him to expect Argyle and Huntly, for they had declar'd, they would manage their Con∣cerns apart. As for the Queen, 'twas demanded, if she did not ap∣prove the Capitulation, what they would do. Then Hamilton an∣swer'd ingenuously enough, but not so prudently for the time, That he was compell'd to those Conditions, by the Force and Terror of an Army, and that if he were left free to himself, he would not subscribe any thing thereof; This their Baffle being open∣ly discover'd,* 1.41 The Regent committed Hamilton and Maxwel to E∣dinburgh Castle. The rest of the Dispute was about Argyle and Huntly. For Argyle, whilst the Regent was in England, came to Glasgow, to consult about publick Affairs, with about 1500 Men in his Company; Thither also came many of the neighbour Countries of the same Faction; where they differ'd in their Opinions, and agreed in nothing, but only to disturb the Publick Peace. The Hamiltonians desir'd of Argyle, That, in regard the Inhabitants of Lennox were firm to the King's Cause, he would vex them, by

driving away Preys from them, that so he might draw them, tho unwilling, to his Party; or else, might so impoverish them, that they might not much advantage their own Party. When Argyle had communicated the thing to the Council of his Friends, not one of them favour'd his Design; For they remembred, That for many Years, the Lennoxians had been much addicted to Argyle, and that there were many Alliances, between them. Moreover, said they, Why are the Argyle Men nearer to the Lennoxians, than the Hamiltonians, seeing they lie in the middle betwixt them Both? why then should they put a Service, so full of odium, upon him? Seeing it was their own Affair, principally; let them appear first in it, and then Argyle would not be wanting; He would be a Com∣panion, not a Leader, in such a plundering Expedition. When that Assembly had held some Days, it was dissolv'd, without doing any thing, and Argyle return'd, thrô Lennox, which was his nearest way, without doing them any hurt; which Moderation of his did indear him, even to the chief of the opposite Faction, and made his Pardon more easily obtainable.

But Huntly had indeavour'd to break thrô Mern, Angus, and Strath-••arn, in the Regents absence, having plunder'd the Country, and prey'd their Castle, and, ranging over the neighbour Places, had appointed Crawford and Ogilby his Lieutenants about Dee; Usurping also all the Power of a King. That Carriage of his made his Reconciliation the more difficult. These two Men, seeing their Con∣cerns were several, had a Council assign'd, to meet at St. Andrews. Thither Argyle came first: He was easily reconcil'd; for, that Year, and the Former, he had committed no hostile Act; and besides, he was the Regent's Kinsman, and, from his Childhood, his great Ac∣quaintance, and familiar Friend; So that all he requir'd of him, was, an Oath to be Faithful to the King for the future; which if he were not, besides the usual punishment of the Law, he did not deprecate, but that he was to be accounted the basest Person living; the rest also were admitted into Favour, upon the same Oath, but on far different Conditions. But Huntly's Case, before his Arrival,* 1.42 was long debated in Council. For, whereas in England, the Mar∣riage of the Exile Queen with Howard was carry'd on, and their coming into Scotland was privately design'd; their Faction there did, by degrees, take heart, and incourage the Rebellious to Disobe∣dience: For, if Matters were put into a Confusion, they thought, the new King would have an easier entrance to possess the King∣dom; Wherefore, when they knew, That the Regent would not be persuaded to betray the King, as being his Guardian and Uncle, they endeavour'd, by all means, to abridg his Power. For, besides Those, that openly took Arms against the King, a great part of the Counsellors, did not now, as heretofore, favour Huntly in secret, but openly; they pleaded for him, might and main, That he should be indemnified for what was past; for that was the readiest and safest way to Agreement; yea, 'twas more creditable for the State, to heal civil Breaches without Violence, and not to proceed to for∣feiture of Goods or loss of Life; and, by this means, Peace might be obtain'd at Home and Renown Abroad. But if a military Course

were taken, they must fight with a Man, who, by reason of his an∣cient Power, his great Alliance; and by his many Clanships, was very formidable; and if he were overcome, (which yet was uncertain) yet he might fly to the Highlands and Mountainous Deserts, or to foreign Kings; where, out of a small spark of Disgust, a mighty flame of War might, in time, be kindled. On the other side, 'twas al∣leged, That the War would not be so formidable, as some imagin'd. For his Father, tho he had the Report of a very prudent Man, even whilst his Force was intire, was yet easily subdued; and therefore, this young Man, whose Power was not yet establish'd, and besides, was discourag'd by the recent calamity of his Family, was never able to bear up against all the Power of the Kingdom, and the Majesty of the Kingly Name too; and, if he were overcome in fight; or, if distrusting his Forces, he fled to the Mountains, there were Those, who, by the same Largesses, as he had firm'd them for his Service, or by greater, might be induc'd either to kill him, or to betray him to the Regent. For the Faith of Mercenaries is changed with Fortune, they follow the Prosperous, and forsake the Afflicted. As for foreign Kings,* 1.43 They esteem'd Men, according to their Power, neither were they concern'd for anothers Misery, but respected only their own Advantage. But if any King of another Kidney should be so Courteous and Merciful, as to entertain a Fugitive, and a Beggar too; yet now, the Times were such as did cancel that fear. For England, alone, of all Europe, was the Country, which enjoy'd a flourishing Peace, and That favour'd the King's Cause; but other neighbour Kingdoms were so busied with domestick Dissensions, that they had no time to look Abroad; And if they had leisure so to do, yet there was some ground of Hope, That Equity would pre∣vail more with them, than Mercy towards Exiles, who were Rebels to their own Kings, and Faithless to the Kings of other Nations; As for the Indemnity, which, they say, will declare our Clemency; it will rather be an Argument of our Negligence, in regard, a just Combate being declin'd thrô Fear, a War is imprudently nourish'd under a pretence of Peace, and that an unjust pretence too, which would incourage the crest-fallen Spirits of the Rebels, and weaken the chearful endeavours of the King's best Friends. For, how do you think, will both Parties stand affected; When the one side sees, That all is lawful for them, without present punishment, and so they hope it will be for the future? And the other sees perfidious Enemies to enjoy the Rewards of their wicked Crimes, themselves robbed of all their Goods, and vexed with all the Calamities of War; and whereas they expected a Reward for their Faithfulness and Constancy, instead thereof to be punish'd for their Love to their King and Country; And therefore, who can doubt, but that, if Matters hereafter come to Arms, (which of necessity they must do, unless this Fire be now quenched, before it break forth) who, I say, can doubt, but that Party will be strongest, which thrives by its Wickedness, and who may do all things with Impunity, rather than the other, who must suffer all injuries offer'd to them forcibly, gratis? And if those Inconveniencies did not attend this vain shew of Clemency; yet, neither the Regent, nor the King himself,

could lawfully so Pardon, as to give away the Goods of the Robbed to their Plunderers: If they should do that, They must lay down the Persons of Rulers, and take upon them the habit of Spoilers, too; if such a Condition should be granted, it were much more Cruel, for People to be despoil'd of their Estates by Kings, the Granters of Indemnity, than by their very Enemies, and Toryes them∣selves, that robbed them. Many things having been alternately canvas'd, and alleged, to this purpose, on either side: Those which were for his Indemnity were out-voted, by a few Voices. The Regent declar'd, That, for Peace-sake, he was very willing to Pardon the private wrongs done to himself and the King; but,* 1.44 for the Injuries offer'd to particular Persons, he neither could, nor would, Pardon them: But if Huntly and those Friends of his, who follow'd his Party, could make some Terms of Agreement with those they had plunder'd, he was very willing, by the Consent of both Parties, to appoint Arbitrators, who might adjust the value of the Losses.

Peace, as 'twas thought, being settled on these Conditions, there was another Dispute arose, seemingly small, but manag'd with greater eagerness, than before; The Controversy was, Whether Pardon were to be given to all of Huntly's Party, promiscuously? or, Whether every Mans Cause and Desert should be consider'd, a∣part? Some were of Opinion, that, because they thought Huntly was dealt hardly with in being inforc'd to pay D••mages to the Sufferers, that it was equitable to indulge him here, and not to press so severely, as to disoblige his Followers, also: On the other side, 'twas alleged, That the chief aim, in such kind of Wars, was, to dissolve Factions, and that could not be done easily, any otherwise, than if the judgment of Pardon or Punishment did reside in the Breast of the Prince alone: All Men understand, how unjust it is, to impose an equal Fine on Those, whose Offences are unequal; and that the adjusting of the Punishment, should be left to Huntly himself, was, by no means, fit, for he ('twas probable) would exact the lightest Mulct from the greatest Offenders; and would lay almost the whole Burden upon such as were least Nocent; in regard, in impo∣sing Punishment, he would not weigh each Man's Merit, but rather his Propensity to his Service; and as any Man had been more fierce and cruel in the War, so he would obtain from him an higher Place in his Favour. On the other side, the lightest Offenders would have the sorest Punishment, and they, which were less active in Wickedness, should be fined for their Moderation, and Favour, towards the King. These Reasons so prevail'd with the Council, that they decreed to weigh every Man's Case apart; and yet, that they might seem to gratify Huntly in some thing, his Domesticks were exempted, he was to lay a Fine on them himself, as he pleas'd; But that which he most desir'd, that the Regent should not come with an Army into the North-parts, was absolute∣ly refus'd him.

Things being thus settled with Huntly at St. Andrews; the Re∣gent, with two Bands of Souldiers, and a great Number of his Friends, went first to Aberdeen, then to Elgin, at last to Inverness:

The Inhabitants near the Town were commanded to appear, they obeyed the Summons, some paid down their Mony, imposed as a Fine on them, others gave Sureties: Huntly, and the chief of his Septs and Clanships, put in Hostages. Thus having settled the Country towards the North, being highly gratulated by all good Men, through all his March, he return'd to St. Iohnston's; there an Assembly of the Nobility was Indicted, by reason of Letters, which Robert Boyd had brought out of England to the Regent at El∣gin; some of them were publick, some were private; the private ones were from some Courtiers in England, containing a Relation of Howard's Conspiracy,* 1.45 which was so strong and cunningly laid, that they thought no Force or Policy could withstand it, no, not if all the remaining Power of Britain were united together: Therein his Friends exhorted him not to mingle his own flourishing Fortune with the desperate Estate of others, but to provide for himself and his Concerns, yet unimpair'd, apart.

The State of Affairs in England compels me here a little to di∣gress; because, at that time, the Good and Ill of both Kingdoms were so conjoin'd, that the one cannot well be explained without the other. The Scots, a few Years before, were delivered out of the Slavery of the French by the Assistance of the English, and thereupon they observed and subscribed to the same Rites in Religi∣on, in common with the English; that sudden Change of things seemed to promise an universal Quietness to all Britain, free from all domestick Tumults: But presently thereupon, the Pope of Rome, with the Kings of France and Spain threatned a War, and privately managed Designs to alter things. The Pope was not wanting, by his Exhortations and Promises, to stir up their Minds already inraged; but the Kings were not sufficiently agreed amongst themselves; and their Forces were so exhausted, that they rather desired a War, than were able to make it. Besides, there was an Emulation betwixt them, one could not well bear, that the other should have so great an Accession as England, if it were conquered, to his Dominions. Moreover, some Disputes arose betwixt Them and their Subjects, which diverted their Thoughts from foreign Affairs, though the Novelty of a Woman's Reign, and she a young Woman too, without an Husband, gave Encou∣ragement thereto, (especially since those who were ill affected to her, said she was born to Henry the 8th in an unlawful Marriage) and al∣so the former Differences about the Kingdom, and about Religion, were rather stifled than extinguished; yea, the Sparks of Discontent did glow in Mens Minds, which in a short time were likely to break forth into a great Flame.

In the mean time, the English Papists had made many Attempts, but in vain, for they were soon quell'd; and though their Designs never succeeded, yet, Foreigners still feeding them only with bloom∣ing Hopes, not with real Supplies, they still persisted in the same resolute Design, wanting rather a Commander for their Num∣bers, than Power or Courage to come together. The Common People of that Sect had taken a View of all the Nobility, and they found none fit enough, to whom they might commit their Lives

and Fortunes; many of the most stirring, had been consumed in the Civil Wars; many had past over to the other Party; some were so old, that they were unfit for publick Business; or else, the Vigor of their Minds, as well as the Strength of their Bodies, was so de∣bilitated, that they desired Peace, if it were but a tolerable one. There was only one Man, who for Courage and Power seemed fit to undertake so great a Business, and that was Thomas Howard, who though he was of himself inclinable to Quietness, yet there were some Causes which moved him to study Innovations; For his Fa∣ther and Grand-father, though they had been highly eminent, both in War and Peace, yet, in the Storms of an unstable Court, they had been so toss'd, that their highest Glory was ballanc'd with as great Disgrace. His Father was condemn'd for Treason, and pub∣lickly beheaded; and Two Queens, his Kinswomen, had been also put to Death; He in those Difficulties was liberally brought up, and so preserved his Family from being quite extinguish'd, and blown up: In his very Youth, he gave a Specimen of great Pru∣dence, and in a few Years, by the Death of his Wives, and by new Marriages, he grew so rich, that, next to the Queen, he was the most potent of the English; for Wealth and Prudence, the rest of the Nobility yielded to him; but as for his Skill in Military Matters he had yet given no Proof of his Valor; but in the Controversies of Re∣ligion, he carried himself so swimmingly and ambiguously, that, tho he favoured Popery in his Heart, yet he was such a Fosterer of the contrary Party, that Many of them made sure of him, in their Thoughts, as their Own.

Amids these things, the Queen of Scots was overcome in Battel and fled to England, whence she wrote Letters to that Queen, concern∣ing the cause of her coming; she was bid by her to retire to the House of the Lord Scroop, Warden of the Marches, till she did consider of her Demands in Council;* 1.46 Scroop's Wife was Howard's Sister, and, by her Means, the Treaty of Marriage was secretly be∣gun betwixt the Queen and Howard, and the Opportunity seemed to be offered by God himself, seeing Howard's third Wife was lately dead, and he was then a Widower. The Design was concealed, as be∣ing intrusted but to a few, yet 'twas whisper'd abroad among the Common People; For narrow Spirits cannot conceal great Hopes, but Ioy gives them Vent, and so they fly abroad. The Matter was so far advanc'd, That the Fire of a Civil War seemed ready to break out, yea, some were so confident of Success, after they had consi∣dered the Strength of the Parties, that they thought Howard might easily do what he pleased, without using any Force.

Things were in this Posture, when the Scots Nobles had a great Meeting at Perth, to hear the Demands of both Queen's,* 1.47 both of them having wrote to them. The Queen of England's Letters pro∣posed one of these Three Conditions. The first was absolute, That the Queen might be restored to her Throne and Dignity, as former∣ly. But if that could not be granted, Then, that she might reign jointly with her Son, that so she might injoy Princely Honour in Letters and publick Acts; in the mean time, the Regency should be in the Hands of the present Regent, till the King came to the

Age of seventeen. If neither of those could be obtained, then the third Condition, was, (if the Queen could be persuaded to accept of it) That she should live privately at home, being content with those Honours, which, saving the Authority and Majesty of the King, might be granted to her. This last Request was easily assented to, if the Queen would accept it; But the other Two were perempto∣rily refused. For the better and more incorrupt Part of the Nobi∣lity were resolute in this, That they neither could, nor ought, to de∣termine any thing, which did diminish the King's Authority, es∣pecially being lawfully inthron'd; but the two former Heads did take off from the King's Honour, yea, it exposed his Life too, being a Pupil, unless it could be thought, that his Mother, who was known to be cruel towards her Husband, and was not well affected to∣ward her Son neither, being exasperated by her Banishment be∣sides, should be no more kind to him, than she had been ever be∣fore. Also the Letters from the exil'd Queen were read, wherein she desired, That some Judges might be appointed to consider of her Marriage with Bothwel; and if 'twas found contrary to Law, that she might be divorced from him. Those Letters did highly incense the King's Party, because she wrote her self as Queen, and commanded them as Subjects: Yea, some would not have had them answered at all, because they indeavoured to abridg the King of his Power, and to instate the Rule in the sole Power of an exil'd Queen; but that Part of the Council which was for the Queen, alleged, that they wondered much, why those who had formerly, the last Year, much desired, that she would separate her Cause from Bothwel's; now when it was freely offer'd to them, should hinder it as eagerly, (or rather more) as they had before earnestly desired it; if a Word or two in the Letters did displease them, that Fault might easily be amended; yea, some there were, who undertook (pro∣vided the Matter of the Divorce might be handled in the mean time) to procure a Commission from her, in what Expressions they them∣selves would have it: On the contrary, the adverse Party urg'd, That they saw no new Cause of such great haste, 60 days was but a lawful time for Bothwel, who was out of the Kingdom, to appear; within which time a new Commission might be sent: Neither ought that Delay to seem long, especially to her, who had past over so great a Matter in Silence, now two Years; and now also she had sent Letters, which were of themselves an Hindrance, why those who were willing to gratify her, could not comply with them; but if she desired a Divorce, 'twas easy to be obtained; let her but write to the King of Denmark, desiring him to punish the Murderer of her former Husband; if he were dead, though they all were unwilling, yet she might marry where and whom she pleased; but if she refused This, then 'twas plain, she spake not sincerely and from her Heart, but made a counterfeit Pretence of Divorce, that, if she married again, she might also live in a dispu∣table and uncertain Matrimony, even with her next Husband, too: And hereof there was a shrewd Suspicion, because she desired such Judges to determine of the Divorce, who had no Power in the Case. For what Power could the Regent have over Exiles, with

whom he had nothing at all to do, who, unless they themselves pleased, might refuse to stand to his Judgment; or, how should they submit to anothers Judgment, who were under the Power and Dominion of other Princes; but, seeing that there seem'd to be some hidden Fraud in the Case, a Decision was not to be hastily made, but the Queen of England was to be acquainted therewith, in whose Power it was, either to promote or hinder it. Hereupon, a Young Nobleman of the Regent's Friends was sent to the Queen of England, to acquaint her with the Acts of the Convention. Some may perhaps wonder, That seeing greater Matters were trans∣acted with less Dispute, there should be such ado made about the Divorce: But this was the cause of it; Howard had privately trans∣acted by his Friends, concerning his marrying the Queen of Scots; and the Conspiracy was so strong both at home and abroad, That 'twas bruited among the Vulgar, the Design was, to take away both of the lawful Princes, and so to seize on the two Kingdoms, for themselves; the Place, Time, and the Whole of the Design was so ordered, that all things seem'd to be secure against any Force what∣soever. The Conspirators did most insist on This, To remove what might hinder the Marriage: If that were done, they seemed se∣cure, that all the rest should fall in of it self. On the contrary, They which were for the King, made it their chief Business to cast in Rubbs to delay it; for, in the Interim, many secret Designs might in time be discovered, and the Conspiracy prevented by the Care of both Princes.

In this Posture of Affairs, the Decree of the Scots Council was brought to the Queen of England; but she, alleging, she was not sa∣tisfied with that Answer, and the Messenger did not seem to her a fit Person with whom she might confer, in so dangerous a time, and about such weighty Matters,* 1.48 desired to be better inform'd by the Scots of those Matters. Whereupon there was another Assembly of the Nobility Indicted at Sterlin, where they drew up this An∣swer,

That, as for the last of her Requests it might admit a Con∣sultation, in order to an Agreement; but the second was of that kind, that no Consultation at all could be admitted, on that Head, without manifest Impiety, in regard it would not only di∣minish, but even extirpate, the Royal Authority: For, besides that all Partnership in Supream Magistracy is dangerous; how can Two be equally join'd in Government, whereof One was a Youth, scarce out of his Infancy; the Other a Woman in the prime of her Age, of a crafty Disposition, having past through Variety of Fortunes, who, as soon as ever she can creep into Part of the Government, will, by the Strength of that Faction, which, though she was removed by a publick Decree from the Admini∣stration thereof, do yet labour to introduce her, not by Entreaties, but Threats; or else by corrupting the King's Enemies; or, lastly, by foreign Souldiers, whom she is now busy to procure, soon derive the whole Authority to her self? How will she indure, that an Infant should be equall'd with her, who would not be match'd even with her Husband? Besides, if she should marry some po∣tent Man, (such a Matter being now on Foot) her Strength

would be doubled, and her Husband (as of Necessity he must) be admitted into Part of the Government; perhaps, he would not willingly suffer, that his Children should be prevented in the Suc∣cession by a Son-in-Law; and then, in what a Case would the Child be? What if his Friends (as all Men are inconstant) should prefer a present Largess, before their future Hope, and so side with the strongest? What can attend the Child, being now thrust down into the second, and anon into the third Place, but utter Ruin? As for other things, they had rather leave them to her private Thoughts to meditate upon, than to make a previous Conjecture, What an angry Woman having Power in her Hands, prompted by the Imperious Counsels of her Uncles, having evidenc'd her Cru∣elty towards her Husband, being also exasperated by her Banish∣ment, would attempt against a Child, especially when stript of all Aid of Nature and Providence, and exposed as a Sacrifice to her Rage? And what Life would his Friends live, by whom she thought she was so grievously wrong'd? Besides, what would the State of Religion be, when she could vent that Rage, which in former time her Fear had concealed, especially if an Husband, of known Arrogance, should further excite her innate Cruelty? How easily might his Friends be destroyed, when the young King was slain; or else, how soon might the King be subverted, when he had lost his Friends? For these Reasons, the Queen could not be assumed into a Part of the Government, without evident De∣struction to the King's Affairs. Matters standing thus, there was no need to speak any thing to the first Head of her Demands.

* 1.49Robert Petcarn was sent to carry this Answer into England, a Man of no less Prudence than Loyalty; and he came to that Court in the very nick of time, when the Conspiracy to kill the Queen, and to seize on both Kingdoms, was discovered and made known. The Plot was so strongly laid, That the Queen of Eng∣land began to be afraid of her self, and after she had imprisoned Howard in the Tower of London, she durst not proceed to punish the Queen of Scots, but was consulting to send her, by Sea, to the Regent of Scotland; but when the Storm was a little over, that Design did not hold.

In the mean time, the Regent, in regard the Power of the ad∣verse Faction did mightily increase, sends for William Maitland, who was a great Incendiary to the Conspiracy, from Perth to Ster∣lin; he, being conscious of his Guilt, though he had experienc'd the Regent's Lenity to all his Friends, even in the greatest Offences, yet made no great haste to come; till having before sifted out, by his Friends, if any Design were form'd against him; he dealt also with the Earl of Athol, to go with him, that, if need were, he might use him as his Intercessor: As he was sitting in Council at Sterlin, Thomas Crawford, a Dependant of the Earl of Lennox's, accused him of having an hand in the King's Murder: Whereupon, he was com∣manded to be kept close Prisoner in a Chamber in the Castle; whilst others were sent to apprehend Iames Balfure, who was ab∣sent. The wiser sort would have had them both proceeded against according to Law, as having been the Authors of all the Tumults,

that had happened for some Years; and, as they were privy to the Murder of the last King,* 1.50 so they were Leaders of the Faction a∣gainst her Son: But the Lenity of the Regent overcame all Consi∣deration of Publick Good; so that it prov'd calamitous to his Coun∣try, and fatal to Himself: Balfure, by his Friends Mediation, ob∣tained Pardon for his Conspiracy, though lately entred into; and Maitland was brought to Edinburgh, into a Lodging not far from the Castle, some Horsemen were appointed to guard him, under the Command of Alexander Hume, a Young and active Noble-Man; but William Kircade, Governor of the Castle, about ten a Clock at Night, brought counterfeit Letters to Alexander, (as if they had been the Hand-Writing of the Earl of Murray,) which commanded him to deliver Maitland into his Custody: He, knowing in how great Favour Kircade was with Murray, readily obeyed, and thus Maitland was carried into the Castle by the Governor, who, even till then, had privily been of the Enemies Party; the Nobi∣lity much storming at it; and almost doubting, Whether they should impute so great an Offence to Kircade, or to the Regent him∣self, as one not ignorant of his Audacity; and the matter had come to a Sedition, if the Sanctity of his whole Life had not outballanc'd all Imputations of Reproach: 'Tis true, Kircade was a valiant Man, and accounted, till that time, a faithful Observer of Friend∣ship, and as he had received many other Courtesies from the Re∣gent, so he had been lately preferr'd by him to the Government of the Castle, before his other Friends and Kindred; though the Pru∣denter sort did, even then, suspect him; but such was the Indul∣gence of the Regent, towards those whom he once lov'd, That he could not be severe to them, though catch'd in the very Act of Offending. Kircade, the next day, was sent for by the Regent, but refused to come; and 'twas an unlucky Opportunity, for then Howard and the Queen were daily expected; and thereupon, the Spirits of the adverse Faction incouraged;* 1.51 ugly Reports were com∣monly spread abroad, That the Regent was forsaken by his intimate Friends, in such a doubtful time; and so the Castle being held against him, he was left to his Enemies Will, others being likely to follow so leading an Example very shortly; when their Go∣vernor was taken away, the innocent King and his Favourers would be delivered up to those Punishments, which the cruelest Tyrants could devise; yet, the Regent was not moved by their Speeches, but, the next Day, went to the Castle, and spoke to the Governor with an unchang'd Countenance, as if he had been re∣conciled to him, and so returned to the Expedition, he had under∣taken against the Robbers. In his Passage through Merch, he turn∣ed aside, as he was wont familiarly to do, to Alexander Hume, the chief of that Clanship; there also (Hume himself being cove∣tous, and having been drawn off by great Promises to the contrary Faction) he found no benevolous Reception from Hume's Wife, but she, being an arrogant Woman, did even mock at him to his Face; so that he departed to Teviotdale; coming thither with a small Re∣tinue, and little more than his ordinary Guard, the Thieves ad∣miring his Valour and Constancy, in that Solitude of his Friends,

having received the Publick Faith for their Return, came in such Numbers to him, that their Multitude equalled, yea sometimes ex∣ceeded, those of his Attendants; yet he remitted nothing of his for∣mer Greatness of Mind, but answered them as became the Dignity of the Publick and his Own too; and, without doubt, he had qui∣eted them without Force, unless some of the Neighbour-Nobility, affected to Howard, and now ready to take Arms, had impeded his Design. His Friends came in to him at the time appointed, and then he march'd into the Territory of the Thieves, though some of the Neighbourhood indeavoured to dissuade him, by telling him of the Difficulty and Danger of the Expedition; he past with his Army through Liddisdale, Ewsdale and Eskdale, and received Hostages, not only from them, but from those beyond them; only some, who, by reason of the Greatness of their Offences, despair'd of Pardon, were outlawed by him. This Expedition procur'd him not only the Favour of the People for setling them in Security, but raised their Admiration also, That a Man forsaken by his intimate Friends, and extreamly unprovided of Necessaries, should accomplish That in a few Days, which the most potent of our Kings, in full Peace, and with great Forces, could hardly effect in a long time.

Whilst these things were acting, he was made acquainted, That the English Conspiracy was detected,* 1.52 Howard committed to Prison, and the Scots Queen more strictly guarded, than before; and that Robert Petcarn had performed his Embassy with good Success, and was returned; he inform'd him, That his Proceedings were very acceptable to the Queen of England, That he had quieted the Bor∣ders;* 1.53 That he had imprisoned the Earl of Northumberland, one of the Conspirators, who was fled into Scotland; That he was pur∣suing all the rest, as Enemies; That he had sent to the Governor of Berwick, to offer him Assistance freely on all Occasions. These Courtesies she promised to remember, and that she would not be wanting to him in his Dangers, but all the Force of England should be at his Service, if need were.

All the time of this Expedition, the Regent had daily Infor∣mation brought him by his faithful Friends, of a great Conspiracy against him, entred into at home. And, in all the Letters, the Governor of the Castle was still accused; whereupon, the Regent's old Courtesies and ancient Acquaintance not being yet quite can∣cell'd out of his Memory, he wrote to him plainly, and sent him a Copy of all his Accusations. He answered so coldly to the Crimes objected, That he became now more suspected, than before: He denied, that any Man could shew his Subscription to any Pact, re∣lating to that Conspiracy.

In the mean time, the Day for Maitland's Trial drew near; for, after he was carried to the Castle, to put a bold Face on a bad Matter, he expresly desired to be brought to his Trial; for he was fully persuaded, That the Power of the Conspirators was so great in England, and also in Scotland, (of which he was one of the chief) that nothing could be orderly or lawfully determined: For in Trials of Life and Death, there use to be great Flockings toge∣ther of Friends and Vassals, according to the Faction, Favour or

Nobility of the Accus'd, as it happen'd also, at that time. The chief of the Faction adverse to the King, viz. the Earls of Hamilton, Gordon, and Argyle, gather'd all their Force, against that Day; hoping, that if the Judgment were disturb'd by force, (as 'twas easy so to do) that they might quietly end the Conflict at one Skirmish, as being Superior in Number of Men, Opportunity of the Place, and also better provided for War. The Regent expect∣ed not a vying in Force, but in Law, and therefore had made no preparation on the other side; and so, being unwilling to put things to the utmost Hazard, before he needs must; and also, lest the Majesty of the Government might be lessened by con∣tending with his Inferiors, he put off the Day of Trial, and so He, a Day after, about Ianuary 1st, having sent the Earl of Northum∣berland to a Prison in Lough-Levin, went to Sterlin.

The adverse Faction, thus again disappointed, and perceiving the Authority and Power of the Regent to increase, and that, besides his Popularity at home, he was also supported by the English, being stirr'd up, partly by Emulation; partly by the large Promises from the Queen of Scots, who by Letters inform'd them, that the French and Spanish Aid would be presently with them, proceeded to accomplish that which they had long design'd, even the cuting off the Regent. As long as he was alive, they knew, their Projects could not take effect, and therefore they sent Messengers, thrô all Countries to the chief of their Faction, to enter into a League to that purpose. To this League, the Hamiltons subscrib'd, and Those, who either themselves, or their Children, were Prisoners in the Castle of Edin∣burgh. The Governour himself was thought to be privy to it, and That which follow'd, did increase the Suspicion of him; Iames Hamilton, Son of the Arch-bishop of St. Andrew's Sister, promised his Assistance, and indeavour'd to find a fit Time and Place to com∣mit the Murder. It happen'd, that, at the same time, some hopes were given to the Regent, That Dunbarton would be surrendred upon Conditions; thither he went, but return'd without his Er∣rand. Hamilton, being intent on all Occasions, his Ambushes not succeeding well first at Glasgow, then at Sterlin, appoints Linlithgo to be the Place fittest to execute his Purpose, because that Town was in the Clanship of the Hamiltons, and the Archbishop, his Uncle, had an house there, not far from the House where the Re∣gent us'd to lodge; in that House, being appointed for the Murder, he secretly hid himself.* 1.54 The Regent was made acquainted with the Plot, both before, and also, that very Day, before it was light; the Discoverer, for more surety, added, that the Murderer lay hid in 3 or 4 Houses from his Lodging; that, if he would send a small Party with him, he would pluck him out of his hole, and so dis∣cover the whole Design, and Order of the secret Plot; yet, the Re∣gent would not alter his former purpose; only he design'd to go out of the Town thrô the same Gate he enter'd in, and then turn a∣bout and proceed in his Journy; nor did he keep to this Reso∣lution, neither; either because he did undervalue such Dangers, as believing his Life to be in God's Hand, to whom he was willing to render it, when 'twas call'd for; or else, because the Multitude of

Horse, waiting for him, stopt up the way. When he was mounted on Horseback, he thought to ride swiftly by the suspected Places, and so to avoid the Danger; but, the Multitude of the People crouding in, hinder'd his Design, so that the Murderer, out of a wooden Balcony, which he had purposely cover'd with Linen, as if 'twere for another use,* 1.55 shot him with a Lead-bullet, a little be∣low the Navil, and it came out almost by his Reins, and also kill'd the Horse of Iames Douglas, which was beyond him; he himself escap'd, by a back Door, or Passage, of the Garden, which he had pluck'd down on purpose; and so mounted a swift Horse, set on purpose, to carry him off, after he had committed the Fact, by Iames Hamilton, Abbat of Aber-Brothwick, and so he went to Ha∣milton, with the great Gratulation of Those, who waited to hear the Event of his audacious Enterprize; when they heard, he had ef∣fected it, they commended him highly, and rewarded him as if now the Kingship had been actually translated into their own Fa∣mily.

In the mean time, at Linlithgo, the rest were startled at the suddenness of the Crack, and the Regent told them, he was Wounded, and, as if he had not felt it, he leap'd from his Horse, and went, on foot, to his lodging: They, which were sent for to Cure the Wound, at first said, 'Twas not Mortal; but, his Pain in∣creasing, tho his Mind was not disturb'd, he began seriously to think of Death. Those which were about him, often told him, that This was the fruit of his own Lenity, in sparing too many notori∣ous Offenders; and, amongst the rest, his own Murderer, who had been condemn'd for Treason. Whereto he return'd a mild Answer, according to his Custom, Saying, Your importunity shall never make me to Repent of my Clemency. Then, having settled his houshold-Affairs,* 1.56 he commended the King to the Nobles there present, and, without speaking a reproachful Word of any Man, he departed this Life before Midnight, about Ianuary 23, in the Year of our Salvation 1571. His Death was lamented by all Good Men, especi∣ally by the Commons; who lov'd him, Alive, and lamented him, Dead, as the publick Father of his Country; For, besides his many other noble Atchievements, they call'd to Mind, that, not a Year be∣fore, he had so quieted all the troublesome Parts of the Kingdom, That a Man was as safe on the Road, or at his Inn, as in his own House; and, Envy dying with him, They, who were disaffected to him, when alive, did really Praise him, when dead. They ad∣mir'd his Valour in War, which yet was always accompanied with a great desire of Peace;* 1.57 his Celerity in Business was always so suc∣cessful, that an especial Providence of God seem'd to shine on all his Actions; besides, his Clemency was great in moderately punish∣ing; and his Equity as great in his Legal Decisions: When he had any spare time from War, he would sit, all day long in the Col∣ledg of Judges; so that, his Presence struck such a Reverence into them, that the Poor were not opprest by false Accusations, neither were they tir'd out by long Attendances, in regard their Causes were not put off to gratify the Rich. His house, like an Holy Temple, was free, not only from flagitious Deeds, but even from

wanton Words; after Dinner and Supper, he always caus'd a Chap∣ter out of the Holy Bible to be read; and tho he had still a learned Man to interpret it; yet, if there were any eminent Scholars there, (as there were oft Many, and such were still well respected by him,) he would ask their Opinions; which he did, not out of a vain Ambition, but out of a desire to conform himself to the Rule thereof. He was, in a manner, too liberal; he gave to Many, and often, too; and his Alacrity in giving commended the Gift. To a great many, who were modest in receiving, he presented pri∣vately with his own Hand. In a word, He was honest and plain-hearted to his Friends and Domesticks; for if any of them did a∣miss, he reprov'd them more sharply, than he did Strangers. By these his Manners, Deportment and Innocency of Life, he was dear and venerable, not only to his Country-Men, but even to Foreign∣ers, especially to the English, to whom, in all the vicissitudes of Pro∣vidence, in his Life, his Virtues were more known, than to any o∣ther Nation.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Bothwel flies to the Northern Isles, and from thence to Den∣mark.
• * 1.2

  Where he is imprisoned, and dies, Di∣stracted.
• * 1.3

  The Queen's Party, of which the Hamiltons were the chief, design Her De∣liverance, out of Durance.
• * 1.4

  In Strath∣••arn.
• * 1.5

  The Regent remarkable Speech and Resolu••io••▪
• * 1.6

  An Embassador from France.
• * 1.7

  The Queen escapes out of Prison, and ga∣thers Forces against the Regent.
• * 1.8

  The French Embassador busy betwixt the Parties,
• * 1.9

  Two Miles South of Glas∣gow.
• * 1.10

  A Fight be∣tween the Roy∣alists▪ and the Queen's For∣ces.
• * 1.11

  Wherein the Queen is over∣thrown, and flies for Eng∣land.
• * 1.12

  The French Embassador sculks away, after the Fight.
• * 1.13

  In Clydsdal••.
• * 1.14

  Queen Eliza∣beth of England doth in part a∣dopt the cause of the Scots Queen.
• * 1.15

  Whereupon the Regent, with some o∣thers, meet the Queen of Eng∣land's Com∣missioners at York to de∣bate Matters.
• * 1.16

  George Bucha∣nan accompa∣nies the Regent into England.
• * 1.17

  A Plot to cu•• off the Regent in his Journy.
• * 1.18

  Disputes be∣tween the Commissio∣ners of both Sides.
• * 1.19

  Upon their Disagreement, Queen Eliza∣beth avokes the Cause to London.
• * 1.20

  Commissioners sent to London by the Regent.
• * 1.21

  Maitland not true to the Re∣gent.
• * 1.22

  The Regent himself comes to London.
• * 1.23

  The Queen of Scots endea∣vours to raise Commotions in Scotland, in the Regent's Absence.
• * 1.24

  The Regent manages his Accusation a∣gainst the Queen and her Party,
• * 1.25

  To the con∣vincement of the Queen of England, and her Privy-Council.
• * 1.26

  〈◊〉〈◊〉 acquit∣ted from Guilt, by the Queen of Scots's Com∣missioners themselves.
• * 1.27

  Iames Hamilton returns from France, and la∣bours to em∣broil things in Scotland, ho∣ping thereby to get the Re∣gency from M••rray.
• * 1.28

  The Queen of England tam∣pered with by the Hamiltoni∣ans, to make Hami••ton Re∣gent.
• * 1.29

  The Royalists answer their Reasons, in a large discourse.
• * 1.30

  The Cruelty of Robert against his Brother's Children.
• * 1.31

  Laodice's Unna∣turalness to∣wards her own Children.
• * 1.32

  Galeacius Sfor∣••a's Murder, with its Con∣sequents.
• * 1.33

  The Queen of England de∣clares against Hamiltons de∣sign for the Regency.
• * 1.34

  A Marriage de∣signed between the Queens of Scots and Ho∣ward.
• * 1.35

  Buds of discon∣tent between the Queens of England, and Scotland.
• * 1.36

  The Regent honourably dismis•• from England, and arrives in Scot∣land.
• * 1.37

  The Transacti∣ons of the Re∣gent with the Queen of Eng∣land, confirm∣ed by the No∣bility of Scot∣land.
• * 1.38

  Hamilton for∣ced to submit to the Regent;
• * 1.39

  So is Argyle.
• * 1.40

  Hamilton's Ter∣giversation;
• * 1.41

  For which he is imprisoned.
• * 1.42

  Various Dis∣putes about admitting Huntly to a Re∣conciliation, with Argu∣ments Pro and Con.
• * 1.43

  Sententious Maximes in Policy.
• * 1.44

  Yet, at last the Regent par∣dons him, up∣on Terms.
• * 1.45

  Letters from England, de∣claring the In∣trigues be∣tween the Q. of Scots and Howard.
• * 1.46

  Queen of Scots confined to the Lord Scroop's House, in the North of Eng∣land.
• * 1.47

  Letters from both Queens to the Scots Nobles, read and debated.
• * 1.48

  The Scots an∣swer Q. Eliza∣beth's Letter.
• * 1.49

  Petcarn sent Embassador into England, to satisfy Q. Elizabeth.
• * 1.50

  The Regent's Lenity, his own Over∣throw.
• * 1.51

  The Regent deserted by his intimate Friends▪
• * 1.52

  Howard im∣prisoned.
• * 1.53

  The Regent receives an en∣couraging Mes∣sage from the Queen of Eng∣land.
• * 1.54

  The Regent too negligent of his fore warned Dan∣ger.
• * 1.55

  The Regent shot out of a Balcony, at the Instigation of the Hamiltons,
• * 1.56

  Of which Wound he di∣ed.
• * 1.57

  The Pious and Laudable Cha∣racter of the Regent.