Clavi trabales, or, Nailes fastned by some great masters of assemblyes confirming the Kings supremacy, the subjects duty, church government by bishops ... : unto which is added a sermon of regal power, and the novelty of the doctrine of resistance : also a preface by the right Reverend Father in God, the Lord Bishop of Lincolne / published by Nicholas Bernard ...

ROM. 13. 2.

Whosoever resisteth the Power, resisteth the Ordinance of God; and they that resist, shall receive to themselves Damnation.

THe former Chapter may be called the A∣postles Ethicks; this his Politicks; in the former he had taught them their dutys one to another, in this, towards the Magi∣strate. And for this subject, De officio sub∣ditorum both St. Peter, and this our Apostle are ve∣ry often and copious upon, not only in this Epistle, but in divers others, inculcating it as his last words to Timo∣thy and Titus, chargeing them to teach it to the genera∣tion succeeding, 1 Tim. 2. 1. & 3. 1. And (a) some Ex∣positors conceive one Cause to be the Rumor then falsly raised upon the Apostles, as if they had been Seditious Innovators of the Roman Laws, and the Kingdom of Christ preached by them, tended to the absolving Sub∣jects

from their obedience to any other. Whose mouths he here stops in shewing that the laws of Christ were not induced for the overturning the Civil, but confirm∣ing; not abolishing, but establishing and making them the more sacred. Abhorring those tumultuous spirits who under pretext of Religion and Christian liberty, run into Rebellion as if there could be no perfect ser∣vice of Christ, nisi excusso terrenae potestatis jugo, with∣out casting off the yoak of earthly power.

In the text it self he exhorts to a Loyall subjection from these two principall Arguments. First from the Originall of Regall Power, ordained of God; Secondly the Penalty of resisting it, threatned as from God him∣self; They shall receive to themselves damnation.

Every word in the Text hath its Emphosis.

Whosoever] See how he commands a subjection with∣out exception as in the former verse, Let every Soul; Om∣nis Anima, si Apostolus sis, si Evangelista, si Prepheta, sive quisquis tandem fueris (as S. Chrysostom upon the place.)

Resisteth] 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 which implies how all pre∣parative Ordering of forces & Risings to that end (as the Syriack renders it qui insurgit) are condemned, as a vio∣lation of Gods Ordinance; not only an actuall resistance by open force in the field, commonly called Rebellion (like that of Absolom against David, Jeroboam against Rehoboam) but all secret undermining of a Prince by fraud and falsehood tending to it.

The Power] 'Tis observable the Apostle rather men∣tions the power then the person armed with it, to teach us we should not so much mind the worth of the person as the authority it self he bears. We acknowledge that sacred Apothegme of the Apostle (Acts 5. 29.) 'tis bet∣ter

to obey God then man: but both may be at once obeyed: God actively, and the Magistrate passively, as the Apostles themselves then did.

The Ordinance of God] As if Rebellion were Giant∣like, b a waging of war with God himself, as St. Chry∣sostome hath it, which fully checks that proud conceit of some (viz.) that being made heirs of God, they are no longer to be made subject to man.

Receive to themselves damnation.] As the Rebellion is against God, so from God the penalty is threatned, and that not c a common one, but exceeding heavy, as St. Chrysostom upon it. The Vulgar Latin reads it, Ipsi sibi damnationem acquirunt, implying the vanity & madness of it, Nemo enim sanus seipsum laedit, Men that run their heads against a Rock, hurt themselves, not it: and so in conclusion Rebels seek their own ruine, and bring upon themselves swift damnation 2 Pet. 2.

By this short Paraphrase upon the words, these two observations may be deduced: First, that Regal power is derived from God: Secondly, that it is not lawfull for Subjects to take up Arms in the resistance of it with∣out being fighters against God, and in peril of damna∣tion.

The first is so apparent that I need not insist upon it: 'Tis acknowledged even by heathens 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 cal∣led 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c. You see it de facto in the old Testament Moses (who was •• King in Jeshurun) was ap∣pointed of God, and Joshua succeeding him, the Judg∣es as Elective Kings were raised by him also: Saul, David, &c. 'Tis the complaint of God (Hoseae the 8.) fecerunt reges, sed non ex me; They have made them∣selves Kings, but not by me. God, who is the God

of Order, and not of Confusion, was pleased from the very first to take care of constituting a successive Mo∣narchy; The first-born was his own establishment in his specch to Cain (though a bad, and his Brother Abel a righteous person) only by right of his primogeniture (Gen 4. 9) his desire shall be subject to thee, and thou shalt rule over him, from whence it succeeded in Jacobs family (Gen. 49 28) Ruben thou art my first born, the excellency of dignity and the excellency of power (〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 & 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 honor and authority▪ (i, e.) the suprema∣cy of both, and when he with Symeon and Levy for their severall crimes were disinherited by their father, and the primogeniture fallen to Judah; to him it was said, thou art he whom thy brethren shall honour, thy Fathers children shall bow down unto thee (ver. 10.) to whom the Scepter was given, and the gathering or Assemblies of the People. That as in the creation in the Natural government of the world God made one ruler of the day, the Sun, the sole fountain of Light (for the Moon and Starres are but as a Vice Roy of subordinate Go∣vernors, deriving theirs from him:) so was it in the Ci∣vil Government also.

As God by whom Kings reign, and who have the Title of God given them, I have said ye are Gods) is one; so was he pleased to represent himself in one accordingly, and in the Text ordained by him.

[Object. 1] There is a place which the adversaries of this do∣ctrine much insist upon, 'tis out of S. Peter 1. Epist. c. 2. 13. where he calls a Magist••ate an Ordinance of man: Submit your selves to every Ordinance of man (as we render it) for the Lords sake, whether to the King as supreme, or Governors sent by him, &c.

The Answer is ready, that this is no ways a contra∣diction to St. Paul in this Text; for,

1. By an humane Ordinance he doth not meane an humane Invention, but quia inter homines institutam, because it was ordained or appointed among or over men, called humane, respectu termiiii sive subjecti, but yet divine, respectu authoris primarii.

The word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, which we render Ordinance (being, as e Rivetus observeth) never so taken throughout the Scripture were better rendred Creature (which it pro∣perly signifies) as the vulgar Latine doth it, omni huma∣nae creaturae, to every humane creature. Now creature is frequently taken for what is eminent and excellent, as if the sense were, submit your selves to all that do excell, or are eminent amongst or over men, according to the next words, whether to the King, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 that ex∣celleth: and the Hebrews do sometimes by a Creation im∣ply a Rare and Eminent thing, Num. 16. 30. Si creatio∣nem creaverit deus. i. e. if the Lord make a new or rare thing, To which agrees that of our Saviour in his last words to his Apostles, Mark 16. 15. Preach the Gospell to every Creature, i. e. man: Because of his excellencie above all sublunary Creatures. f And thus why may not the King for the same cause, be so called here. So that St. Peter is so far from denying Regal Power to be ordained of God, that he rather confirms it. g A Crea∣ture, therefore the act of the Creator, and by way of excel∣lency, therefore of God the sole original of it, and for the Lords sake, i. e. who hath so ordained him, or whom here∣presents.

[Object. 2] For that objection of Saul's being elected by the peo∣ple; the contrary appears (1 Sam. 12. 8. 5.) where Sa∣muel saith thus to them, [Answer.] Dominus constituit regem su∣per vos, and they to Samuel as a Delegate from God, Constitue nobis Regem, who in the name of God pro∣posed to them jus Regis. And though Saul was elected by a Sacred Lot, yet ye have not the like again after him in David, Solomon, or any other, but they succeeded jure hereditario.

[Object. 3] But have evil Kings their power from God, [Answer.] Indeed as evil, they are not of him, because no evil can descend from him, from whom every good and perfect gift doth, (though for the sins of people, God may justly permit such) but we must sever their personal staines as men, from their lawfull Authority received of God, which looseth not its essence by such an accession, 'tis no true maxime, Dominium fundatur in gratia, St. Paul applys that of Exod 22. to Ananias, Acts 23, Thou shalt not speak evil of the Ruler of thy people, though he commanded him unjustly to be smitten. Pilate condem∣ning Innocency it self, our Saviour acknowledgeth his power to have been from above, thou couldst not have any power over me, Nisi tibi data esset desuper. Claudius or Nero (whom elsewhere St. Paul calls a Lyon) reigned when he writ this Epistle, and is doubtless included in the verse before the Text: the powers that be (i. e. now in being) are ordained of God, and exhorts to pay unto him as the Minister of God the due of Tribute, Custome, Fear, Honour, &c. Daniel acknowledgeth Nebuchad∣nezzars dominion and Kingdom to have been given him of God, which copy the Fathers of the Primitive Church under Christianity we find to have wrote after.

Constantius was an Arrian, and had exiled many of the Orthodox Bishops, yet Athanasius in his Apo∣logy to them saith thus, God hath given the Empire to him, whosover shall with an evil eye reproach it, doth contrary to Gods Ordinance.

h Tertullian faith thus to the Emperor Severus in his Apologie for the Christians, We must needs have him in great honor whom our Lord hath chosen, that I may truly say Caesar is rather ours then yours, as being constituted by our God, acknowledging him next to God, and less then God only, according to that known speech of Optatus * Super Imperatorem non est nisi solus Deus qui fecit Imperatorem: There is none above the Em∣peror but God only, who made him Emperor. And surely in the Text St. Paul can mean no other by the Powers, but the Roman Empire and Heathens, for none that were Christians had then any dominion. And so much for the first, that Kings and their Royal Power are of Gods ordination.

[ 2] This supposed, the second point necessarily fol∣lows (which we shall a little longer insist upon) viz. that it is not lawfull for Subjects to take up Arms. against their lawfull Prince without being fighters a∣gainst God, and running the hazard of damnation, ac∣cording to the Text, They that resist, shall receive to themselves damnation.

The k Pharisees (as Josephus tells us) a subtle kind of men, proud, scrupulous about the Law, wherein they placed their Religion having a seeming shew of piety,

took themselves to be of exempt jurisdiction, and being about 6000. besides their party among the people which they had influence upon, stiffly refused to take the Oath of Allegiance to Caesar, (and indeed were the first we read of that did so, for the whole Nation of the Jews had done it) and were great opposites to Regal power. There are too many who of late years have trod in their steps, one writes a seditious book, as an Anony∣mus, another puts a feigned name to it, by which dissimu∣lation they shew what is to be thought of the thing it self: Nam ••ui luce indigna tract at, lucem fugit, some of whom being of the vulgar, (and each are most apt to ad∣vance their own Order) have so promoted the preten∣ded right of the people, that not being satisfied in quit∣ting of Subjects from their obedience to their King, they have also (subverting the very course of Nature) given the people power over their King, And I wish the Jesuites only had given their votes to these parado∣xes, but (which is the more to be lamented) there are some of our own, at least bearing the name, who either out of an overmuch desire to be heads of parties, or drawn to it like Baalam for the wages of unrighteousness, have to the Scandall of our profession) delivered the same opinion with the Jesuits, and have taken their arguments out of them.

l Bellarmine in his first book de pontifice Romano cap. 8. affirms, That the Prince was made for the People, That Principality is from humane Law and Authority, That the People can never so farre transferre their Power

over to a King, but they retain the habit of it still within themselves, and in some cases may actually reassume it; which he confirms (in his 5. book cap. 8.) by the Exam∣ples of Ozia and Athalia, who were deposed by the peo∣ple; These have been the Assertions of some of our own, urged in the same sense and manner.

Who hath not heard of these Maximes m So long as a King keeps his obligation, the people are obliged to theirs; he that governs as he ought, may expect to be ac∣cordingly obeyed. They that constitute may depose, &c. But are not these transcribed out of the aforenamed Writers.

It was the speech of the Bishop af Ments when the Emperor Henry the fourth's deposing was agitated. Quem meritum investivimus quare non immeritum de∣vestiamus, i. e. Him while wel meriting we invested with the Empire, why may not we for his unworthi∣ness disinvest again; n Gregory the seventh (vulgarly Hildebrand) the Patron of Rebellious subjects endea∣voured to draw them away from the Emperor, Quem∣admodum militem ignavem imperator, &c. i. e. as the Emperor may Cashier a sluggish Souldier that neglects his duty in the Camp: So may the souldiery put off or desert an unfit King or Emperor. The Obligations of Sub∣jects are quitted if Princes recede from theirs. Thus much to shew how neer of kin such are to the Sea of Rome, which is a professed Adversary to Regall power, according to St. Pauls description of that man of sin, 2 Thes. 2. 10. Who opposeth himself against all that is cal∣led God, i. e. Kings so called in Psalms.

But now leaving these Parallels, let us come to the matter it self, and prove what we have asserted, both

out of holy Writ, the ancient Fathers, and Practice of the Primitive Church, who we shall finde have not li∣mited their loyalty within that narrow compass, viz. the Kings defence of the true Relogion, but continued it under their opposition to it.

First, That those who have or shall presume thus to resist, doe tread under feet the holy Scriptures; appears by the whole current of them.

Suppose an unjust, cruel, bloody act in a King. Was not David in that sense vir sanguinis in the perfidious murther of Uriah, after his Adultery with his wife Bathsheba: And for my part I see not wherein that of Ahab in the Murther of Naboth doth exceed it, both unjustly caused a Subject to be slain; Ahab only out of a desire to his Vinyard, but David to his wife. Did not Solomon Apostatize when to please his wives and concubines (whom he married out of the Nati∣ons whereof God had given him a charge to the con∣trary) he tollerated the worshipping of Idols, in build∣ing houses for each of them, and went after them also himself. Asa oppressed the people, cast the Prophet in∣to prison that came with a message of God unto him.

Yet we never read that God gave any Commission to the People, either for these or any other (farre more degenerating) any liberty to disturb them in their Re∣gall government: For David, God punished him in his son Absolon. Solomon was disturbed by Hadad the Edomite, and Rezon a Servant of Hadadazer King of Zobah. Against Asa God sent some forreign Kings; A∣gainst Ahaz came the Kings of Ass••ria: Hezekiah's pride was punished by Sennacherib, Manass••s Idolatry & blood∣shed by the Babylonians, Ahab slain at Ramoth Gilcad

by the King of Syriah: but for the People, either some or the whole, ye find not an instance where power was given them, to the offering any violence to them.

Who was ever worse and more obstinate then Ahab to all Rapine, Murther and Idolotry, who gave himself to work wickedness; but were ever the People exhort∣ed by any Prophet to withdraw their obedience from him, or gather head against him? For his posterity God indeed extraordinarily gives a special Commission by Elisha to John to destroy it, but ye doe not find the people of themselves here, or elsewhere so much as at∣tempting it, or encouraged by the Prophets persecuted by them so to do; which if it had been in their power, we should have found some president or other for it.

What was the cause David was so carefull that his hand might not be upon Saul, though doubtless he had the hearts of the better, if not the greatest part of the people, and sometimes Saul was, as from God him∣self given up into his hands: And he was not altoge∣ther a private Subject; but was heir of the Crown af∣ter him, being already annointed to it, and none could have a better pretence: Saul was now seeking his life, and injuriously persecuting him by force and fraud, yet he would not lay his hands upon him; what can be ima∣gined to be the Cause, but that it was against the do∣ctrine then received.

Who knows not, that Saul was become an absolute Tyrant (which some think to be the sense of 1 Sam. 13. Saul reigned two yeers; &c. i. e. Quasi biennium tantum ut Rex reliquum temporis ut Tyrannus.) rejected by Sa∣muel: The Kingdome rent from him given to David, yet ye never read of Samuel moving David to get pos∣session

by force of Armes; he mourned for Saul, but ne∣ver stirred up any disturbance in the Kingdome against him, but patiently expected Gods determination.

o Optatus elegantly enlargeth himself thus upon it, David had Saul his enemy in his hands, might have se∣curely slaine him, without the blood of any others, his ser∣vants and the opportunity moved him to it, but the full remembrance of Gods commands to the contrary with-held him, he drew back his hand and sword, and whilest he re∣verenced the oyntment he spared his enemy, and when he had compleated his loyalty, revenged his death (i. e.) in the Amalekite.)

We doe not say men are bound to doe whatever the Prince shall command against the Law of God and Nature, but yet neither doe we say, we may by force take up Armes against him: he said well Scutum dan∣dum est subditis, non gladius: The three children refu∣sed to obey the command of Nebuchadnezzar in wor∣shipping his golden Image; and Daniel Darius his E∣dict in praying for thirty dayes to none but to him, (as a new erected Numen) but yet they resisted not when they were questioned and call••d to suffer for it. Elias withdrew himself from Jezebell and Ahabs bloody fu∣ry, yet ye doe not read him tampering with those ma∣ny thousands hid in Samaria, by any secret Machinati∣ons against him, but were all patiently passive, and committed themselves to God that judgeth righteously: When Peter drew his Sword against the present power, though under the best defensive pretence, yet was bid to put it up, with a check as if it had been upon a pri∣vate quarrell, qui accipit gladium gladio peribit. Rossae∣us a Romanist hath indeed published a Book, De justa

Reipublicae in Principem haereticum potestate, not blushing to (a) averre the contrary to what we have asserted, viz. That the Israelites did often make insurrections against their Kings, even of the stock of David, and with Gods approbation, but instanceth in none to any purpose.

'Tis true (as he saith) Atheliah was deposed, but 'twas from her usurpation. Hezekiah shook off the yoak of the King of Assyria, to the service of whom he had no just obligation. The Judges before Samuels time did the like in delivering themselves and the Israelites from their several servitudes. Absolon was suppressed by the same way of Force, he had most perfidiously and wickedly attempted his Fathers Crown, but what are these instances to a lawful Prince, or to such as are Sub∣jects. Some I find thus endeavoring to evade the Text, by distinguishing between the Power and the Person; as if this and the like were to be understood, only de po∣testatein abstracto. But certainly St. Peter applys it cleerly in co••creto, to the Person of the King: Regi quasi praecellenti & Magistratibus ab eo missis, as in the next, Fear God, honor the King. Nei∣ther can that Speech of Davids be otherwise meant then of the Person of Saul. God forbid that I should do this thing unto my Master the Lords annointed, to stretch forth my hand against him seeing he is the annointed of the Lord; 'Tis not the Power that is annointed; but the Person who by it is resigned to the Power.

Again 'tis very probable, that St. Paul writing to the Romans, in this expression here of Powers, conform∣ed himself to their Stile. Who as Berclaius observes out of Pliny, Suetonius and Tertullian, do very frequent∣ly take, the Abstract, for the Concrete, i. e. the Power for the Person armed with it.

There is another argumentation still in the mouths of many, viz. That Princes receive their power from the people, and so may be abridged accordingly by them.

But first let such know from whence they had this, even from the Jesuites, or the like (for many other Au∣thors of the Church of Rome are against it.) Alphonsus de Castro (de potestate Leg. Paen. lib. 1.) and Vasques (lib. 1. controvers. cap. 47.) averre it, and call all pow∣er Tyrannical, that comes not by the people. It was that which Pope Zachariah suggested to the French for de∣posing of Childerick their King. b That the people who constituted him may as well depose him; the Prince is obnoxious to the people, by whom he possesseth that Honor. Unto which agrees that of c Augustinus Triumphus de Anchona, (who by the Sea of Rome hath the Title of Beatus given him.) That th Pope may depose the Emperor who can deny it, for he that constitutes can depose, whose practice in story hath been accordingly, Henry the Fourth the Emperor, and d Childerick the Third, the French King, were by Pope Gregory the Seventh, the latter of which was deposed, as the Historian saith, non pro suis iniquitatibus, sed quod inutilis esset tantae potestati, as e Carolus Crassus, the Germans and Italians withdrew their obedience from him, by the Papal approbation, on∣ly ob segnitiem corporis ingeniique traditatem, though o∣therwise a most pious, devout and vertuous Prince, ac∣cording to which is the Argument and Application of f Brllarmine, Constituens est prius constituto; subditi vero constituunt Reges•• Principes sunt propter populum, ergo populus est nobilior.

[ 2] But secondly tis of no force in it self. The Pastor is for the good of the Flock. The master of the family is for the welfare of it: forma est propter actionem, is there∣fore actio nobilior formâ? Again a servant voluntarily binds himself to a Master, and after a manner constitutes him over him, What? can he at pleasure withdraw himself again.

[ 3] Again these men consider not of the Oath of God taken of Subjects to their King, which Solomon men∣tions, Eccles. 8, 2. I councel thee to keep the Kings com∣mandements, and that because of tht Oath of God.

[ 4] They have likewise but little esteem of St. Pauls Judgement in the Text, viz. that the powers are of God, and ordained of God; That they bear the sword of the Lord, and are his ministers. And indeed few Kings have originally come to their Crowns by the people, but most frequently as one observes, invitis subdi••is, Belli jure (si hoc jus sit dicendum) prima regnandi fecis∣se fundamenta: but after an Oath of an Allegiance the bonds are deposited in Gods hand; so that the whole argumentation is both unchristian and irrational, and rejected by us as the Doctrine of some Romanists, which such as are so afraid to come neer them in any thing else, should be as much deterred in this.

In a word, as Kings receive their power from God: so are we to leave them only unto God, if they shall abuse it, not but that they may and ought to be prudently and humbly reminded of their duties (for which we have the example of the Primitive Fathers & Bishops to the Emperors, Constantius, Constans, and others, introdu∣cing Arianism) but yet without lifting up our hands a∣gainst them in the least resistance of them, which is the

Judgement also of most of our Modern Orthodox Di∣vines and even divers of the Writers of the Church of Rome, who have stiffey contradicted the Jesuites as∣sertions of the contrary, one of each shall suf∣fice.

1. For those of ours, g Franciscus Junius thus determines: All good men should bear even the most cru∣el injury from the magistrate, rather then enveigh a∣gainst him by word, pen, or action, to the disturbance of order and the publick peace, according to which see Lu∣ther (lob. de offic. magistr. Tom. 2.) Brentius (Hom. 27. in cap. 8. lib. 1. Sam.) Melanthon, Bucer, Musculus, Ma∣thesius Erasmus, and others.

2. For those of the Church of Rome h Gregorius Tholosanus: Governours (saith he) are rather to be left to the Judgement of God then to defile our hands by a Rebellion against them. God wants not means whereby he can (when he pleaseth) remove or amend them. If there be an evil Government, farre be it from us to re∣venge it by an evil obedience, or to punish the sins of the King by our own sins, but rather by a patient bearing, to mollify the wrath of God, who governs the hearts of Kings with his own hands, &c.

And surely if it be a h terrible thing for any man to fall into the hands of the living God, much more is it to them, who are only accomptable to him, and the Justice of God hath been often notoriously mani∣fested upon them, in sacred story. Abimelec, Jerobo∣am, Baasa, Ahab, both the Herods. In Ecclesiasticall story. Anastasius, Julian, Valens, and others. So much for holy writ.

Now secondly let me demonstrate this out of the

antient-Fathers, and practise of the Primitive Church in these three things.

[ 1] 1. After the example of Jeremiah and Daniel for Nebuchadnezzar, and St. Paul for Nero. 1 Tim. 2. We find the antient Fathers praying for the Emperors (though of a different Religion, and persecutors of the true) Now to be at the same time praying for them and conspiring in any combinations against their govern∣ment, are inconsistent.

i Tertulliau who lived under Severus the Empe∣ror, saith this in the name of the Christians, we pray daily for the health of the Emperors, &c. That of Mar∣cus Aurelius distress in his expedition into Germany, when by the prayers of the Christian Legion (as it was acknowledged by the heathen) Rain was obtained in a great Drought, and consequently a victory is sufficient∣ly known: They called not for fire from heaven to consume him and his Army, according to that advice of Sanders the Jesuit, in the like case (lib. 2. cap. 4. de visib. Monarch.) but for water to refresh both.

The Letters of the Fathers Synodi Ariminensis writ∣ten to Constantius an Arrian are observable, who ask∣ing him leave to return to their severall Diocesses, give this for their reason, That we may diligently pray for thy health, Empire, and peace, which the mercifull God everlastingly bestow upon thee.

And in their second Letters, asking the same request of him: they say thus: Again most glorious Emperor,

we beseech thee that before the sharpness of the Winter, thou wouldst command our return to our Churches, that we may, as we have done and doe earnestly pray unto the Al∣mighty God for the state of thy might with thy peo∣ple.

How are they then to be abhorred who to a Chri∣stian, pious, Orthodox King stained neither with Vice nor Heresie, temperate, meek, prudent, gracious, instead of pray∣ers have returned menacies, for a dutifull subjection, Arrogant language, if he yield not to every particular of their peremptory demands.

[ 2] You shall not find the antient Fathers either by word or writing giving the least offence to the Emperors, though Hereticks. St. Hillary wrote two books against Constantius the Arrian, yet stiles him Gloriosissimum, Beatissimum; nay Sanctum i. e. Ratione Imperii, Non Religionis &c.

k Nazianzen is found of the like temper in his Orations against Valens and Valentinian, which are written throughout with all the Reverence and subjecti∣on that can be ezpected from a Subject to a Prince; and yet Valens burnt fourscore Orthodox Bishops and Presbyters together in a ship, and did other horrid Acts, which l Socrates tells us.

Oh the distance between the spirits of some men now dayes and those of the antient Church, even as as far those excelled these, in sanctimony of life, inte∣grity of Conversation, piety and truth of Doctrine.

[ 3] You shall ever find them exemplary in their obedi∣ence and subjection to the Emperors, never stirring up the people to the least resistance or mutiny, but ap∣peasing them.

Excellently is that of St. Augustine m of the Chri∣stians under Julian; An Infidel Emperor, a wic∣ked Apostate. The Faithfull souldiers served a faith∣less Emperor; when it came to the Cause of Christ, then they acknowledged no other then him that sits in heaven; but in Millitary affairs, when he said unto them, bring forth your forces into the field goe against such a Nation presently they obeyed, they distinguisht the Lord who is aeternal from him that is only temporall, and yet were subject to the temporall Lord for his sake who is ae∣ternall.

n Tertullian affirms it as a high honour to Chri∣stianity, that they could never find a Christian in a∣ny seditious conspiracy: We are (saith he) defamed in relation to his Imperiall Majesty, but yet they could never find any of us among the Albiniani, Nigriani, or Cassiani (who had been some seditious parties against the Emperor.

That o of St. Ambrose was both becomming a good Bishop and a Loyall Subject, when he was com∣manded (by the means of Justina the Empress, who was an Arrian) to deliver up the Churches of Mil∣lain to the use of the Arrians, returned this answer to his people, and to the Emperor; Willingly I shall ne∣ver do it, but if compel'd I have not learned to fight, I can weep, my Tears are my Arms, I neither can nor ought to resist otherwise. Indeed by the desire of the Ortho∣dox party he refused to give up the chief Church or his Cathedral to them, but the detaining of it was with all possible humble representation by way of Petition for it, with all the solicitous care that might be, of preventing the least misinterpretation of contumacie,

and the people went into it with him, and there continu∣ed night and day, in fasting and prayer, that God would move the Emperor, not to disturb them (which as some observe (to prevent a weariness in it) occasio∣ned the use of Anthemes in these Western parts, though long before in the East) he offered all his p own pro∣per goods to the pleasure of the Emperor: Were it my Land, I should not gain-say it, doth the Emperor re∣quire my Body, I shall meet him, would he have me to pri∣son, put me to death, I am pleas d with it, I shall not en∣close my self with a guard of the multitude of the people, nor will I take hold of the Altar to ask my life, but I shall freely be sacrificed for the Altars, (or the Service of God.)

Thus saith another Father many hundreds of years after him. q We will fight for our Mother the Church, but with what arms, not with Swords and Shields, but with Prayers and Tears, to God.

Athanasius was four or five times banished by several Emperors, but in each he quietly yielded, r as con∣ceiving it more consenant to the Religion professed by him, to overcome that injury by a patient suffering, then to have made his defence by an unwarranted seditious opposition by the people, and therefore in his Apology ye shall not find a word tending that way, but on the contrary, up∣on any Tumult of them whose zeale to him might pos∣sibly have carried them beyond their Limits) he ever exhorts them to be quiet, and to retire to their homes, telling them that for those of his order, no ways was al∣lowed them in their defence, but preces, fuga, & humiles supplicationes. i. e. Prayers to God, petitioning the Em∣peror, or a flight, and for Petitions to the Emperor, ye

have the example of Ebedmelech for Jeremiah to the King of Israel; Esther for her Nation to Ahasuerus, Jonathan for David to Saul; In Ecclesiasticall story Plinius Secundus for the Christians (in the Province of Bythinia) to Trajan. And as each of these in some measure prevailed, so can they be hardly rejected by any person who is not wholly a stranger both to piety and humanity.

For a flight, when petitions will not prevail, the same Athanasius (in his Apologie for his from the Arrians) produceth a great Catalogue of Examples. Jacob from Esau, Moses from Pharaoh, David from Saul, Elias from Jezabel, St. Paul from the Conspirators against him at Damascus, Acts 9. Nay, the Example of our blessed Saviour in his fight from Herod into Egypt in his Infancy, afterwards from the fury of the Jews and Pha∣risies, and the other Herod, till his time was come, ac∣cording to which is his command to his Disciples, Mat. 10. When ye are persecuted in one City flye to another; but no warrant or example from him or his for a resi∣stance, or in the Primitive times succeeding for many hundred years, as a Sigebert tells us, that Doctrine, or Heresie rather, was a novelty in the world till the year 1088. after Christ.

There is this one Evasion pretended against these Quotations of the Fathers, which must be answered (viz.) that this their patience then, was to be attributed rather to their (b) necessity then virtue, their number and strength being so smal, that they could not help it, and so were compelled to yield. This indeed is the very objection of the Jesuites, Bellarmine against Barclay saith the same, facultatibus non fuerint prediti satis ido∣neis,

i. e. they wanted sufficient forces to resist, and would have that of Nazianzen, Lachrymas solas superes∣se Christianis contra Juliani persecutiones, &c. (i. e. That Tears was all the Christians had to defend them∣selves against the persecutions of Julian) thus to be understood, as b if Julian had by his tyranny cut off all their forces, which else it had been lawfull for them to have made use of against the Apostate, against whom in that, many of the Church of Rome have written, Gre∣gorius Thelosanus, c Bercliaus (whom we named be∣fore) d Widringtonus. This is the objection of Bel∣larmine.

But the Contrary is evident, that the number and strength of the Christians was then very great, not only to have resisted, but overthrown, and even shaken the foundations of the Empire. They were as the Israe∣lites in Egypt, stronger then their enemies. See what Eusebius saith, that when Constantine the first professed to be a Christian, who succeed Dioclesian, that had made such havock of them) the e whole world rose with him, and forsaking their Idols, joyned themselves unto him.

f Tertullian who lived an hundred years before him, sets so th thus the number of the Christians in his time. We fill the whole Empire, your Cities, Castles, Corporations, Councels, your very Camps, Courts of Ju∣stice, Palaces, Market-places, your Senate, with whom are not we able to make a warre, who so willingly offer our selves to the slaughter, but that our Religion teacheth us, that 'tis better to be killed then-to kill in such cases.

It was so in St. Ambrose his time, the Army and peo∣ple were (at least the major part of them) at his beck. I (saith he) upon all occasions am still desired, ut com∣pecerem populum, ego Tyrannus appellor & plus quam Ty∣rannus. The Emperor often tells his Courtiers, he must doe what Ambrose will have him, the whole im∣plying the great number of the Orthodox Christians then, and yet alwayes submitted to the Government.

Now no man can conceive that in this the Christians wanted courage. That passage g which Theodoret tels us of sufficiently satisfies, viz. that when many of the Souldiers had been deluded by Julians impostures to have offered some incense to the Idols, they ran to and fro the Cities, offered not only their hands, but their bodies to the fire, that being polluted by fire, they might be purged by the fire.

Can any in reason think that they who were so fear∣less of death in the profession of what they were taught by the Fathers, if they had been also by the same tea∣chers assured what a merit it had been to have fought for them, and themselves against the Emperor and his Edicts made for their destruction, can we think them so senseless and heartless as not to have appeared ac∣cordingly? No, it was only for the fear of God, and this Text with-held them, as Tertullian hath it; Repri∣mebant manus quia non ignorabant quod leg ssent, qui re∣sistit potestati Dei, ordinationi resistit. &c.

There was then no such Jesuiticall doctrine known (contrary to the doctrine of the Church of England) that men may in the like cases take up Arms in Rebel∣lion against their lawfull Princes. And surely it not in case of Heresie, i. e. if the Prince shall exemplo vel prae∣cepto

compel, or endeavour to draw his Subjects to it (which is the assertion of h Bellarmine, fideles here∣tico non obligari; licite posse veneno aut quacunque rati∣one è mediorollere, &c.) surely much less may this be in cases of less consequence, which do not touch upon the foundation, but are only circumstantials. The ancient Christians held not these things worthy of blood, but submitted to them after St. Pauls example in the like.

And now 'tis high time to apply my self to the con∣sideration of that horrid Fact which, as fruit sprung from those deadly seeds of Doctrine, we lament this day. This was the day when out of pretence of relieving the Mother (as they call the Common-wealth) children de∣stroyed the Father, and so at once both, The Casuists say, Si filius patrem in ultionem matris occidat, haec pie∣tas erit scelus, but for a Son to slay both Parents at once is a Monster indeed.

This was the black work of this day, rather to be trembled at the thought of, then uttered, when the most wise, pious, prudent, meek, mercifull King was put to death by pefidious sons of Belial, faithless and mer∣ciless men: And this not in the dark, but in the face of the Sun, at his own gates, a thing unparalleld in any Story. That which hitherto hath been urged, is from what the ancient Church abhorred even to a Heretick, a Persecutor, a Heathen; how much then is this cruelty and hypocrisie to be loathed when exercised against the life and soveraignty of a pious, orthodox, just, and Chri∣stian Prince, not only to a dreadfull Rebellion, but a bloody murther.

All history shews that Rebellion hath ever in con∣clusion been the ruine of the Authors; take the

word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in the Text, as some render it poenam, judici∣um, i. e.) for some corporal vengeance from God or man here. That known speech of i Rodolphus to those that were about him when he was nigh unto death after his taking up arms a∣gainst his Master the Emperor, is wor∣thy to be remembred: See ye my right hand maimed by a wound, with this I sware to my Lord Henry (the Emperor) that I would doe him no hurt, nor treacherously entrap him in his dignity, but the Apostolick Command (or that of the Pope) hath enduced me to it, that as a perjured person, I have usurped an honor not due unto me. Ye see in that very hand with which I violated my oath, I have received my mortall wound, let them look to it, who have invited us, to what a condition they have brought us, even to the very hazard of everlasting damnation; according to the Text, ipsi sibi damnationem acquirunt.

I shall conclude with that sentence of St. Jude and St. Peter (cap. 2.) upon the like (then which ye have not a more full execration in the whole Bible) These are they that despise dominion, and are so presumptuous, as to speak evil of dignities (i, e. Kings and Princes,) Wo unto them for they have gone in the way of Cain, and ran greedily after the error of Baalam, and perished in the gain-saying of Core, these are spots in your feasts, clouds without water, trees without fruit, withered, plucked up by the roots, raging waves of the sea, foaming out their own shame, wandring stars, to whom is reserved the blackness of darkness for ever: Let us all say

Amen to that which fell from a Royal pen, King James of ever happy memory, in his maledictus qui maledicit uncto Domini, pereatque interitu Core, qui peceavit in contradictione Core: Let him be accursed that shall curse the Lords annointed, and let him perish with the perishing of Corah who hath sined in the gain-saying of Korah: And let us earnestly pray for the safety of the Kings Majesty according to that of the Christians for the Emperour in Tertullian. Det Deus illi vitam, ex∣ercitus fortes. Senatum fidelem, populum probum, orbem quietum, i. e. God give him a long life, a secure Empire, a safe house, valiant forces, a faithfull Councell, loyall people, and a quiet State, &c. even for his sake who is King of Kings and Lord of Lords, to whom with the Fa∣ther and holy Spirit be all honor and glory now and for ever

Amen.

Notes

• Plurima tune tempor is cir∣cumserebatur sama traducens Apostolos veluti seditiosos re∣rumque nova∣tores, &c.
• b

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. in Rom. ••om. 23.
• c

  〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 in Rom. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 23.
• (d) Deut. 33. 5.
• e

  In Decalog. Praer. 5. Nome•• creaturae, (sio enim malim vo∣cem 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 red∣dere, quam per ordinationem, cum nullibi in Scriptura tali sensu reperiatur usurpata) acci∣pi potest pro e∣minentia ut sen∣sus sit, subjecti esto••e eis qui in∣ter homines e∣minent, sicut immedtate ••••i∣dit sive Regi 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, quasi explicare volu sset ambi∣guam vocem 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• f

  Sic quid n•• á Petro hic per excellenti∣••m Rex dicitur, humana Creatu∣ra q••ia inter reliquos homi∣nes eminet. ibi∣dem.
• g

  Ibid. quia d••catur Creatura ideo actus Creatoris & humana per excellentiam, ideo a Deo originem traxisse qui origo est omnis excellentiae, quod sequentia etiam confirmant, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 propter dominum. i. e. quia cum instituit dominus.
• Apol. ad Con∣stant. Tibi Deus Im∣perium com∣misi qui tuum imperium ma∣lignis occulis carpit contradi∣cit ordinationi divinae.
• h

  Apolog. Necesse est ut suspiciamus e∣um quim Do∣minus noster ele∣git, & merito dixerim, noster est magis Caesar ut a nostro deo constitutus.
• (i) Colimus Imperatorem ut bominem a deo secundum, & solo deo mino∣rem. ad scapul.
• k

  Pharisaei ••••nus hominum astutum, arro∣gans, de scru∣pu ofitate pater∣nae legis gloriantes, & spectem p••etatis simulantes, Caesari (etsi cunct•• gens Ju laica, jureju∣rando jurasset) sidelitatem ju are recusaverunt, imo, qui numero erant supra sex millia, Re∣gibus adeo in••e••••i suerunt ut eos aperte opp••gnare ausi fuerint Josephus. Antiq 17. cap. 3.
• l

  Principem esse propter po∣pulum princ••p•• tum esse ex lege & au h••r••tate humana. Popu∣lum nunquam ita suam ••otestatem in regem transfe••re, quin illam sibi in habitu retineat, & in Cer•••• ••••si••a, etiam a ••u recipire possit l. 5. de Pontif. c. 8. quod lib. c. 8. Confirmat exem∣plis Oziae & Athalia, qui o••e populi, a solio sue••unt dejecti.
• m

  Si princeps promissa servet, & no•• servabi∣mus: Bene im∣••erant••, bene obtemperandū: Ad quem per∣••n•••• institutio ad eundem de∣stitutio.
• Helmold in Chron. Slau.
• n

  Avent. 5. annal.
• Si ab articu∣lis recedant princip••s non debet obligatia∣tio nocere sub∣tis, ibid.
• 2 Chron. 16.
• 2 Chron. 16. 2 Chron 28. 2 Chron. 22. Oap 33.
• Kin. 9. & 10.
• o

  Lib. 2. ad∣vers. Parmen. David. inimi∣cum habebat in manibus in cau∣tum & securum adversarium, sine labore potu∣ti jugulare, & sine sanguine, multorum bellu mutare in cae∣dem, preri ejus & opportui••as suadebant ad victoriam, &c. sed obstabat plena divino••ū memoria man∣datorum: re∣pressit cum gla∣dio manum, & dum timu•• ole∣um servav••t in∣imicum, &c. & cum comple ret observanti∣am, vindicavit occisum.
• (*) Cap 9. Ju∣••ae••, sepecon∣••ra proprios Re∣g••s, e••••am á Da∣vidica stirpe, approbant•• Deo ••s••rrexisse ••le-gumur.
• 1 Pet. 2. 13.
• 1 Sam. 24. 6.
• Lib. 3. cap. 10.
• b

  Avent. lib. 3. Annal. Regem cum piebs constituit, eunden. & de∣slituere potell. Prince S••op••lo, cujus beneficio posst. ••. obnoxi∣us est.
• c

  De potestate Eccles. q. 22. Art. 3. Imperatorem à Papa posse depo••i••jui•• ibit infic as, ejus e∣n••m est 〈…〉〈…〉 cujus e••t con¦stituere.
• d

  Trithem. lib 1. compend. Annal. de 〈◊〉〈◊〉. Reg & Gent. Franc.
• e

  Platina in Stepb. 6. Prin¦ceps qui alias suit Christianis∣simus deum ti∣mens, Ecclesi∣asticis sanct o••i∣bu•• devous••ame parens in Elce. mo••ynts largus Nationibus in desiu••nter 〈◊〉〈◊〉 &. •••• tamen cum his tot, & tantis virtutibus non effugit Carolus notam Tyranni & deposit us ••u••ta subditis.
• f

  In Recognit. lib. 3. q. de latcis.
• g

  De. Trans∣lat. imp. lib. 1 c 2. Omnes injuria•• a Mgist ata po tius serunt bo∣ni, quam atro∣cissimus, quàm ut in eum in∣vehunt, sermone, scr••p••c; opere, ad ordinis & pacis public per▪ turbationem.
• h

  potius re∣linquendi sunt mali regnantes judicio dei quā polluendae ma∣nus per rebellio∣onem; non ca∣ret Deus modis quibus possit, quando volue∣rit hujusmodi malos principes tollere, vel e∣mendare: Ma∣lum si sit Impe∣rium non est quod male obe∣dienda ulcisci debeamus, eut peccatum Regis peccatis nostris pu••ire, sed poti∣us patienter se∣rendo iram Dei tmolliere, qui corda Regum suâ gubernat. manu, &c. lib. 26. derepub. c. 5.
• h

  potius re∣linquendi sunt mali regnantes judicio dei quā polluendae ma∣nus per rebellio∣onem; non ca∣ret Deus modis quibus possit, quando volue∣rit hujusmodi malos principes tollere, vel e∣mendare: Ma∣lum si sit Impe∣rium non est quod male obe∣dienda ulcisci debeamus, eut peccatum Regis peccatis nostris pu••ire, sed poti∣us patienter se∣rendo iram Dei tmolliere, qui corda Regum suâ gubernat. manu, &c. lib. 26. derepub. c. 5.
• (i) Heb. 10. 31.
• i

  Lib. ad scapul. Nos prosalute Imperatorum Deum invoca∣mus, &c.
• Sozom lib. 4. cap. 17. ut o∣remus sedulo pro tua salute Imperio & race quam Deus tibi sempiternam benignus largia∣tur.
• Theodor. lib. 2. cap. 20. Rursumte, Gloriosissime Imperator obsecramus ut ante hyemis asperitatem jubeas nos ad Ec∣clesias nostras redire, ut omnipotenti Deo, pro statu potentiae tuae una cum porulo, quemad∣modum serimus & sacimus magno s••udio supplicare possemus.
• k

  Orat 8 18. 22. 24. 25. 27.
• l

  Socrat. lib. 4. cap. 13
• m

  In Psalm. 124. Iulianus, infidelis Impe∣rator, Apostata in qus, milites fideles servie∣••unt Impe atori infideli quando d••ceat, produ∣cite aciem ite contra illam 〈◊〉〈◊〉, statim obtem••eraba••t, ••••••ting••ebant, Dem••n••m ••••er∣nuon a Domino temporali, & tamen sui diti erant propter Dominum aeter∣nam, etiam Do∣mino temporali.
• n

  Ad Sca••••. ••n••a Majestatē Imperatora in∣samamur tamea nunquam t••ter Alb••anos, Ni∣ga••os, vel Cas∣sianos nos in ve∣nire potu••runt.
• o

  In orat, de busilic, non tra∣dend. Volens nunquam dese∣ram coastus re∣pugnare non no∣vi. Fle epot••ro, l••••b••ymae m••ae mea armi sunt, al••ter nec deb••o, nec possum resi∣sse••e.
• p

  Quod me um est. i. e. sun∣dum meum, non refragarer, si co. pus petit oc∣cu••ram, vultis in unicula ra∣pere vultis in mortem volup∣tati est mihi non ego me vallabo circumfusione populorum, nec altaria teneb•• vitam obsecrans sed pro altari∣bus gratis im∣molabor. ibid.
• q

  Bern Ep. 221. ad Ludon Reg. pro matre nostra Ecclesia Propugnabimus sed quibus ar∣mis non scutis, non glad••s sed precibus fl••cti∣bus{que} ad deum.
• r

  Religioni quam profi eba∣tur, putavit magis consen••a neum patientia quam injusta seditione conju∣riam imperato∣ris superare. Apol.
• a

  Haec sola novitas ne di∣cam haeresi••, nec dum in mundo emenserat: Si∣geb. Chronol. Ann. 1088.
• Object.
• Necessita••i ma∣gic quam vi t••∣•••• & valun••ati ••a••ctorum Pa∣t••um, &c.
• b

  Julianus Tyranide sua vi res omnes prae∣ciderit quibus alids its contra Apostatam uti fas fuisses.
• c

  Lib. 6 de regn. c. 26. & depo••est. Papae.
• d

  In Apol. B••ll. a n. 249. us{que} ad u. 267.
• Answer.
• e

  Fere om••e•• mortales ••un•• denrum cultu reli. to, Christi∣anorum genit. &c. Euseb. l b. 9. c. 9.
• f

  Apol. Exter•••• ••umus, & vestra omnia in p••cvimus, ur∣bes insulas, ca∣••••ella, m••••n••ci p••a, conciliaba la. castra ipsa, decarias, p••la ita, sorum, Se nals••••: cui bel∣lo non. 〈◊〉〈◊〉 non prem •••• suissexiu••, ••••i tam 〈…〉〈…〉, si nan apud discipliam nostram. magis ctcid. li••••re•• quam 〈…〉〈…〉.
• g

  Theod. lib. 3. cap. 17. Cum multi mil∣itum qui exer∣••ore thus adole∣verunt, impo∣sturis Juliani decepti, peregi∣am discurren∣ces, non tan∣tum manus, sed corpor a ad ig∣nam offerent ut igne polluti igne repurgarentur.
• h

  lib. 5. de Pontifice c. 7.
• i

  Helmold. histor. Sclau. cap. 28, 29, 30. lib. 1. Spectate manum meam dextram de vulneie cauciam, haec ego iuravi Domino Henrico, ut non nocerem et, nec insidtarer gloriae ejus, sed jussio Apostolica Po••tificamus mandatum me ad id dedu••i••, ut juramenti transgressor ho∣norem mihi 〈◊〉〈◊〉 usorparem: Vide∣tis quod in manu unde jura menta violavi mortale hoc vi••lnus accepi. Viderint ii qui nos ad 〈◊〉〈◊〉 instigave••unt, qualiter nos duxerint ne forte deducti simus in praeci∣pitium aeier••ae damnationis
• Praesat. Apol.
• Apol.