Historicall relations of the United Provinces & of Flanders written originally in Italian by Cardinall Bentivoglio ; and now rendred into English by the Right Honourable Henry, Earle of Monmouth.

A RELATION of the TREATY of the TRUCE in FLANDERS, which was concluded in Antwerp, the ninth of Aprill 1609.

Written by Cardinall Bentivoglio in the time of his being Nuntio with their Highnesses, the Arch-Dukes, ALBER∣TUS and ISABELLA Infanta of Spain.

The first Book of the Truce of Flanders.

THE Treaty of the Truce of Flanders made of late between Philip the third King of Spain; together with the Arch-Dukes, Albertus and Isabella, and the States General of the United Provinces of these Countreys, may doubtlesly be num∣bred amongst the most memorable, affairs of our time. If we con∣sider

the time therein imploy'd, it was above two years; if the Prin∣ces who intervened therein, all the chiefest of Europe had therein their share; if the difficulties which were to be overcome, there were never any greater met withall in any negotiation: and lastly, if we will consider the effects which insued thereupon, nothing could be of more importance to the publick affairs of Christendom, then the 12 years cessation of those arms, which had so long troubled almost whole Europe with the bitter Wars of Flanders: It was my fortune to be present at so important an affair, at the beginning of my Nun∣tioship, the indeavours therein were already begun when I came to Brussels; and some notice was likewise taken thereof at Rome be∣fore I parted from that Court; wherefore I received strict Orders from the Pope both by word of mouth, and instructions, that I should watch very narrowly over whatsoever should insue upon so weighty occurrances, and particularly over such occasions as might arise upon such a conjuncture, of any ways bettering the state of the Catholick Religion in the United Provinces. Thus my Princes commands, the Duty of my imployment, and the very business it self which had drawn upon it the eyes of all Europe, made me the more dilligent in observing what had already been done therein. I came to Flanders, (as I have said) at their commencing, when the overture had been made by a suspension of Arms for some months: and indeavouring to be as well informed as I could; I took short notes of what discourses past therein between my self, and Embassadors of forein Princes, and the other chief Officers of the Court of Flanders; I found that (ta∣king the narrative a little higher) that the beginning and progress thereof till my arrival was thus.

Marquiss Spinola having the Command of the Catholick Army gi∣ven him, after the taking of Ostend; the Spaniards labour'd very much to get into the heart of the Enemies Countrey. Their designes were to get some safe pass over the Rheine; and when they should have got footing on the other side, to indeavour afterwards to pass o∣ver the Isell, and to carry the War into the very heart of Holland. To this end Spinola after having raised the Forts over the Rheine at Rurort, and possest himself of that passage in the former of the two fields before the Truce; had then advanced farther towards the Pro∣vince of Friesland, and taken Linghen a strong hold, and Oldensell, a town near Linghen; and in the last field had divided his Army into two parts; had again incamped himself with one of them beyond the Rhein, using all his might to pass the Isell, and betake himself to the taking in of some important place; and that the Count Buquoy had indeavoured with the other part to pass over the Vahall, and to take Niminghen, a town which commanded that river a great way; but the climat of Flan∣ders being naturally moyst and rainy, the summer that year did so a∣bound in continuall showrs, as by reason of the overflowing of the Ri∣vers, it was impossible either for Spinola to pass over the Isell, or Buquoy the Vahall, and the enemy had so fortified the banks on their side, to∣••ether with all those Frontiers, as though the heavens had not fought for them, their own forces, and fortifications would have much impe∣led the ends which the Spaniards had propounded unto themselvs; Spi∣nola despairing to compass his forenamed designes; after having taken Groll, a very considerable place; and having made Buquoy joyn

with him had besieged and taken Renberg; and thus by means of this place, which is of great importance, had made himself master of ano∣ther passage over the Rhein, much better then that which he had first got. These were the Spaniards conditions and designes; and these were Spinolas undertakings in the two last fields wherin he govern'd; and doubtless the events thereof would have bin of great moment, though very far short of the conceiv'd hopes: for respect being had to the so great preparations, the enemys fear would have bin greater then the blow it self would have bin unto them: and in Spain it was thought im∣possible to continue such an excessive provision of moneys as was that which was disburst, which was 300000 crowns a month; though double that expence was not since able to hinder the Army from mutinying when the siege of Renberg was hardly ended, a thing whereat Spinola was much afflicted; and which made him the more take those things in∣to consideration, which som of the gravest and best experienc'd Coun∣cellors or officers had already oft times done both in Spain & Flanders, touching the difficulties and dangers which the war of Flanders carri∣ed with it; and the undertaking to subdue the enemy by force of Arms. They discoursed thus amongst themselves.

That all the good they had reaped by 40 years war was, their having made the enemy the more strong; more resolute to defend their usurpt liberty; more firm in the union which they had establish'd amongst themselves; and bet∣ter united to the forein Princes who sided with them: That Nature's self might be said to have fought always for them, by their bulwarks of sea and rivers, and their strong scituations in all others parts; and that where nature was wanting, there industry together with their so many wel munited places did make amends: that their power by land was very great in all things else; and their power at sea so great, as that the crown of Spain had bin much indamag'd thereby, even in the East Indies, and was in danger of being yet a greater sufferer by them in the West Indies also: what a mass of strength (on the other side) and mony must it cost the K. to maintain the war of Flanders; that doubtles∣ly his Empire was very large, but much disunited; Flanders, the most disunited member of the whole body of his dominions both by sea and land; that the sea was block'd up by the enemies ships; that their pas∣sage by land did depend upon many Princes, w^ch always caus'd great difficulties in their sending of aid, and destroy'd their men more by their marches then by their bick'rings: then, how many corruptions & disorders had bin rooted in their army? and how could they be reme∣died during the war, they being the effects which so long a war had in∣evitably produced? that insted of obedience, strife reign'd amongst the nations; that there were now more wives then soldiers, more mutinys then years; that their own forces were almost as dangerous to them as those of their enemys: and mutenies gowing so familiar, now of one, now of another nation, & oft times of many nations at once, what a sad day wo'd that be, when the whole army should mutiny together? a day which would bring the K. affairs in Flanders to their utmost danger, as also the caus of the catholick religion; for the defence wherof the war at first was chiefly made, and hath been so long maintained by the Spanish side. If then by so many reasons and so long experience, war against the enemy were to be esteem'd so fruitless, is it not bet∣ter (said they) to come to some fair agreement with them? is it not better to order our Army anew, and in the mean time to get strength,

and laying down arms, except what with time would make most to the Spanish advantage? Arms being laid down, the King of France already grown old, might in this interim die, and with him that as∣sistance might chance to cease, which was subministred to the enemy by a Prince of such power and repute: that after his death the af∣fairs of France might peradventure change face, their King being so young: the like might be expected in the affairs of England, their King being a new King, and a Scotch man; but ill look'd on by that Kingdom; the enemy having likewise received considerable succors from Scotland: and in case any of these things should happen, how much would the affairs of Spain be bettered? but above all it was to be hoped that even peace it self might turn to a secret war against the enemy: that the fear of the Spanish Forces was the bond which fastened their Union closest; so as this fear ceasing through the en∣joyment of quiet, some domestick evil might arise amongst them, which might break the Union; and some oportunity in favour of the King and Arch-Dukes, of regaining some of the rebellious Pro∣vinces by under-hand dealing, and of subjugating the others after∣wards by force.

These reasons were doubtlesly very weighty, and of great conside∣ration, and had been oft times argued in Spain; whereupon the King had at last resolv'd that if he could not effect his ends by arms, all pos∣sible means should be used to come by some convenient Treaty of agreement with the enemy in Flanders: and the affairs of Flanders may be said to depend totally upon the King: For the marriage be∣tween the Arch-Duke and the Kings sister, proving barren, and the Provinces of Flanders being consequently to return unto the King again, he had therefore chiefly maintained the war with his Forces, and consequently all Treaties of agreement were chiefly to depend upon his authority. The Arch-Duke inclin'd likewise very much to bring things to some accommodation; he being a Prince naturally gi∣ven to love his quiet, and full of years and experience, might compre∣hend better then any other the dangerous consequences which the war of Flanders brought with it: but it was very hard to find out a way how to treat of accommodation. A while since the enemy seem'd to be quite averse unto any such treaty; and stil swelling with prosperity & succes, they resolv'd never to listen to any whatsoever treaty, till such time as the K. and Archdukes should first publickly declare that they treated with them as with free Provinces and States, unto the which the K. nor Archdukes made no claim or pretence whatsoever: wherein the Arch∣duke found great repugnancy in himself, and foresaw the like in the King. He thought that to declare those now to be a free people, against

whom they had fought as against rebels, would be to confess that their former war had bin unjust; and that to seem so willing now to put an end unto it, would be likewise a declaring that they were no longer able to maintain it; what honor should they lose herein? how could they with credit treat of peace or truce with their own rebels; and how dangerous a president would it be, to make liberty the reward of re∣bellion? for such an example in favour of those Provinces which had rebelled, would be an invitation to such as kept yet their obedience, to do the like.

This preparation of the affairs of Flanders was in the beginning of the year 1607. Father Iohn Neyen a Franciscan Fryer, was then at Brussels; he was born at Antwerp, and after having tane upon him that religious

he had staid a while in Spain, to pass the course of his studies there, and by that reason was well acquainted with the affairs of that Court. He return'd from thence to Flanders, and being become Commissary Ge∣neral of his Order in those parts, he kept very much at Brussels: He was very religious, of an eloquent tongue, very well fitted to the na∣ture of his Country, and therefore as well acceptable in privat dis∣course as in the Pulpit; and much vers'd in the negotiations of the age. The Commissary had some acquaintance in Holland; and by chance a Holland Merchant who was a friend of his was then in Brus∣sels: This Merchant was very inward with divers of the chiefest that sate at the Helm in the United Provinces: The Arch-Duke being at privat Councell with Spinola and some others of the Kings Officers in Flanders, 'twas thought expedient that the Commissary should di∣spose the Merchant to go to the Hague in Holland to indeavour some new Overture of Treaty. The Merchant went▪ but he found no eare would be given thereunto, till the abovesaid Declaration of their be∣ing free States were granted, and that this should precede all other things. The Arch-Duke was sencible of the aforesaid repugnancies in condescending thereunto; yet all the former considerations being again weighed, it was at last judged, that it was best to yeild to the present necessity, and that all means should be used to procure a ces∣sation of Arms, and to enter into a Treaty of accommodation.

If the Treaty should have good success, the success would suffici∣ently applaud the Treaty; if it should not succeed well, but that they must be forced to continue the war; the making of such a ver∣ball Declaration would not import much: 'Twas added, that to de∣clare that they treated with the United Provinces, as with free States unto which the King and Arch-Dukes laid no pretension, was always to be understood by way of supposition, to wit; as if they were free, not signifying a true and legitimate liberty; which they by their re∣bellion could never justly come by, nor justly injoy: which being so manifest, neither did the King nor the Arch-Dukes lose any right which they formerly had to the United Provinces, though they should make a Declaration thus limited.

Sudden advertisement was sent to Spain of what had been disco∣vered by the Merchants means; and all things were again represented unto the King, which were thought likelyest to induce him to give way, that some treaty of agreement might be had with the United Provinces, in such manner as hath been said. The reasons which pre∣vailed in Flanders, did so likewise in Spain, in perswading the King to give way to the Treaty which was desired. Whereupon the Arch-Duke resolved to send the Commissary Generall in person, into Hol∣land, to indeavour once more some fairer way of commencing a Trea∣ty, and to yeild at last, if there were no remedy, to what the United Provinces pretended unto. The Commissary took his journey about the end of February; and being come to the Hague, he soon percei∣ved there was no hopes of ever being heard in any thing whatsoever, unless the abovesaid Declaration should precede: whereupon being admitted into the Councel of the States General, which is the supream magistracy by which the whole body of those Provinces is represen∣ted: he open'd himself thus unto them.

That the Arch-Duke Albertus, and the Arch-Dutches the Infanta

his wife, had always desired to see the Lowcountrys once free from Civil wars; that so many and so bitter calamities of war, might be turned to the enjoyment of a happy Peace. That Peace was the end of War; which not being to be had but by the way of Treaty; they did consent on their side that the Declaration of Liberty which they knew the United Provinces do pretend unto should precede; that it became all good Princes to indeavour all means whereby to cause quiet unto their people, and that to justifie this their so just and religious end to the world, they had willingly descended now to an overture of treaty; and to second the success thereof would be as willing to do any thing that might tend to the good of the weal-publick.

This Proposition being wel discust in the Councel of the States General, they thought that whatsoever could be desired, made then for the advantage of the Low-Countreys; whereupon they resolved to accept of the offer: and before the Commissary departed, a suspensi∣on of Arms for eight months was agreed upon, which was to begin the next May; and it was likewise concluded that the Treaty should begin the next September. The Commissary went from Holland with this answer. Not long after the Arch-Dukes declared by a particular E∣dict or Proclamation, that they came to suspension of Arms with the United Provinces, as with Free Provinces and States, unto which they did not lay any pretence; the States Generall did also the like on their side: the Commissary did likewise promise that the King of Spain should by the Arch-Dukes procurement ratifie the same with∣in three months: and he did likewise desire in the names of the Arch-Dukes, that the States would inhibit all hostility by sea, promising that the Arch-Dukes would oblige themselves that the King of Spain should do the same: to the which the States after some difficulties condescended: all this was afterwards published by the United Pro∣vinces to their people with great demonstrations of joy; and they gave an account thereof to their confederate Princes; but more particularly to the King of France and King of England; from both of which, Embassadors were forthwith sent to congratulate with them. The affairs of Flanders were at this pass when I came to Brussels, which was on Saint Laurence his eve, 1607. it cannot be exprest how all men on all sides did rejoyce, in expectation of what the event would prove. Soon after my coming to Brussels the Kings ratification came; to pro∣cure the which, as also to give a more particular account of what had past, the Arch-Duke had dispatch'd away Commissary Neyen: The ra∣tification came in general terms; and so pen'd, as it was to be doubt∣ed the United Provinces would not allow of it: yet Lewis Verreychen, chief Secretary of State to the Arch-Dukes was suddenly sent with it into Holland. The United Provinces shew'd strange arrogancy in these Negotiations; and particularly a great suspition of being over∣reach'd by the Spaniards; whence it was to be believ'd that they would interpret all that should come from that side in the worst sence.

You have heard what the number and Government of the United Provinces are, and how they are seated. How Holland and Zealand are seated in the bosome of the sea, and the other five lye more inwards into the land; these therefore did more willingly give way unto the Treaty at the first, and did afterwards appear more inclin'd to con∣tinue it. The principall and Fundamental Law of their Union is,

That in resolutions apertaining to the common interest, the Votes of all of them must equally agree; so as their businesses proceed but slowly; they being to be treated of apart in every several Province, and alike uniform consent to be gathered from them all by long and tedious perswasions, as their liberty is in all of them alike; The kings ratification being then sundry times consulted on, and with great jea∣lousies, these difficulties were objected by the United Provinces. That the Ratification came in general tearms; that it did not contain the essential clause touching their liberty; but that the King still styled the Arch-Dukes Princes of the Low Countries; that the King writ himself, I the King, as he used to do to his own Vassals; that it was written in ordinary Paper, and not in Parchment; as is usually done in things of great importance: and finally, that it was sealed with a little seal, and not with a great one; as it ought to have been. Ver∣reychin being afterwards sent for in, these difficulties were propound∣ed unto him and exaggerated rather in an insolent then free manner: and it was at last concluded, that the United Provinces would by no means accept of the Ratification in manner as it was by him presen∣ted.

The common peoples madnesse is always very great, but more when they are smiled upon by Fortune. They are full of arrogancy, and rashnesse, in time of Prosperity; and as base and abject in Ad••versity: So as a multitude must either not be treated with at all, or these alternate defects must be patiently born withall. Verreychin used therefore such dissimulation as was requisite; and endeavoured to re∣move their suspicions. He assured them that such a ratification would not have been sent from Spain, did not the King intend to make it good; that his intentions were excellent, and that he did vie there∣in with the Arch-Dukes; he prayed them to allow time for another to come; that he did again promise in the name of the Arch-Dukes to cause another ratification be sent in the same form as was by them de∣sired. The resolution put on in Holland was; that the Arch-Dukes should procure a new ratification to bee sent from Spain within sixe weeks, which should contain word for word the same Declaration of Freedome, which the Arch-Dukes had made in their Instrument; that it should be written in Latine, French, or Dutch, and should be sub∣scribed by the King, with his own name; and to the end that no more errors might be run into, the form thereof was given to Verreychin in all the three Languages.

Father Neyen was this mean while returned from the Court; hee acquainted them how hard it was to procure the King to send the for∣mer ratification, though in general tearms; yet he affirmed that he did verily hope that a second would come in particular tearms. The Spaniards knowing what necessity there was to commence a treaty thus with the United Provinces; since no other way would be admitted of. The Arch-Dukes did again signifie this necessity; so as not long after the second ratification came from Spain, but it was so penned, as 'twas feared the United Provinces would raise new scruples in admit∣ting it; it contained the pretended declaration of liberty; and all the other clauses that were desired. But in the conclusion this was added by the King; that if the matters of Religion should not bee a∣greed upon as well as the other points, his ratification should signifie

nothing; and affairs should still continue in their former posture. It was also written in Spanish, subscribed as usually, I the King; and in all things else according to the former manner. Yet it was believed that these last rubs would easily be removed, by the example of the Kings having done the same in the two peaces which were lately concluded with the King of France, and King of England. The other difficulty touching the new added clause, was thought the greater. And that word Religion seemed to be immaturely put in; since it might raise jealousies in the United Provinces; as if it were already determined in Spain to make Propositions against the liberty of their Government, and against that Declaration which the King at the same time made in form aforesaid. The Commissary and Verreychin were sent both toge∣ther with this second ratification into Holland; who in the presenting thereof, made large professions to the States General again, of the great good inclinations of the King and Arch-Dukes towards the com∣mon good, and how desirous they were particularly of the low coun∣tries welfare.

The States took time to give their answer; and after much con∣sultation, their answer according to their wonted arrogance, was thus: That the Kings ratification was not answerable to the form which they desired; and that amongst other things the new added clause could not be allowed of: since the King knew very well, as did also the Arch Dukes, that the United Provinces were free Provinces, and would always be so, though no agreement were made. That not∣withstanding the States would acquaint every Province with the rati∣fication, and would within six weeks make their resolution known: But with this protestation, that they intended not that by vertue of such a ratification any thing should be propounded which might tend to the prejudice of the freedome of their Government, in case that the Treaty went on.

This answer being given, the Commissary and Verreychin return∣ed to Brussels. Whilst affairs were thus negotiated in Flanders, divers interests, passions and ends were upon this occasion discovered to bee not onely in the neighbouring Princes, but almost in all the Princes of Europe. In Germany, the Emperour Rodulphus the second, pretended that no Treaty of agreement could be made in Flanders without his participation and consent; taking for granted, that the low countries did depend upon the Empire; and therefore no separation could be made therein without his authority: Wherefore he had written some Letters to this purpose to the Catholick King, the Arch-Duke, and to the United Provinces.

The King and Arch-Duke answered him in general tearms; as did also the United Provinces; save onely that they added a long ju∣stification of their cause, and of their war against the Spaniard till the present. Neither was there any more news heard of the Emperor in the whole progresse of the Treaty. But Henry the fourth of France, was not so negligent in the consideration of these passages. Hee had sent Embassadors upon this occasion at the first in Holland; the truest and most intrinsecal end whereof was, that he might have a share in what was to be done, and specially to cause jealousie in the Spaniards, and by this means to induce them to make use of him, and to make him Arbitrator in the differences.

The King of France was then in his chiefest greatnesse and prospe∣rity: and enjoyed his kingdome in perfect peace and honour; after having arrived thereat through many difficulties, all which he had o∣vercome with incredible constancy and valour. He considered the Affairs in Flanders, after several manners; on one side he could have wished that the War might continue, and that thereby the affairs of Spain might still be impaired, even till at last they might lose whole Flanders. On the other side he saw himself well strucken in years; his children very young; and that in case he should fail, fresh troubles might in a short time arise in his kingdome, which might chiefly bee fomented by the Spanish Forces of Flanders; that the disorders of those Forces were not so many, but that if the War should continue, very necessity would force them to find out a remedy; nor the danger of their losses such as might not be evaded by the power of so great a Monarch; which made him desire to see Flanders without War, and and the Spaniards without Forces so neer at hand. Neither did hee like that the United Provinces who were already become so formida∣bly at Sea, might by their growing too great be as dreadful at Land. For the Hereticks of his kingdome could from no part else be better fomented to rebel. The King amidst these various considerations had his eye fixt upon these passages of Flanders, and because his autho∣rity was very great in the United Provinces, he believed they would never come to any accommodation with the Spaniards without his consent.

At the first he seemed to be averse to the affairs in hand; though to say truth, he did not well know what he had best to doe: but hee did this of purpose to enforce the Spaniards to put the Negotiations into his hands. Great dexterity and cunning was requisite to the lea∣ding on of these designs. He therefore chose for this so important affair the President Iannine; a man of great experience and abilities; and one who was then chieflyest employed by him in State affairs. He sent Monsieur de Rosse along with Iannine (who was sen•• extraordinary Embassador into Flanders) to continue afterwards his ordinary Em∣bassador in the United Provinces. Having both of them exercised their Offices in the entrance into the affairs spoken of, they staid in Holland; Iannine did diligently observe the whole carriages, and wrought himself every day more and more into the affairs, which still encreased the jealousie of the King of Spain and the ArchDukes; who then began to see clearly, that it behoved them to have recourse to the King of France his mediation; who already had complained to the Commissary Generall in his return to Flanders, that the King of Spain, and the Arch-Dukes had proceeded so far without his know∣ledge in the aforesaid businesse. Almost the like passions and artifices appeared in Iames the first, King of England, who was newly come to that Crown. The same reasons appeared in him for desiring the continuance of the war in Flanders, as did in the King of France: for the King of England being strong at sea, and confiding in the strength of all his Kingdoms scituation, as also in the conformity of his ends with those of the United Provinces in favouring heresie, he could not much fear their Forces; though they should grow greater. He was the more secure likewise by having Flushing and the Ramechins in Zealand, and the Brill in Holland, sea Towns of great Importance

in his hands; as pawned for monies lent by Queen Elizabeth to the United Provinces; and for that their chiefest strength consisted in English and Scottish soldiers, who were in their Army. He foresaw he should have greater cause to be jealous of the Spaniards, if being free from the war of Flanders, they might endeavor to molest him in any part of his Dominions: especially in Ireland, an Island which is almost wholly Catholick, well-affected to them, and much dis-affected to England.

Out of these reasons it was believed, that the King of England de∣sired the War in Flanders might continue. But being a great lover of Quiet, and much given to Hunting, and to his Book, and wholly fix•• in warring by writings with the Church, it was therefore judged hee would not at last, shew himself totally averse to see the affairs of Flanders in some sort pacified. To boot that not being able for scarci∣ty of Monies to give any considerable succor to the United Provinces, his power would be but small in perswading or counselling the conti∣nuance of war, since he could not much assist it by his Forces. Yet it very much Imported those Provinces to preserve his friendship, were it onely that they might raise soldiers out of his Kingdome. Wherefore they entertained his Embassadors which were sent into Hol∣land at the beginning of this Negotiation with very much respect, and trea••••d with them with all confidency.

The King of Englands end in sending of them was almost the same as was that of the King of France: To wit, that he likewise would have a share in the businesse which was in hand, and to enforce the Spa∣niards to make use of him likewise therein. The King of Denmark sent likewise Embassadors to Holland; as also the Prince Elector Pala∣tin, the Elector of Brandenburgh, the Lantgrave of Hesse, and other German Heretick Princes; who all of them seemed to shew their good affections towards the United Provinces in so important an oc∣casion. These businesses which were thus begun grew very hot in Holland: every thing was in motion, and great was the expectation what the United Provinces would resolve, as well touching the se∣cond ratification come from Spain, as also whether they would conti∣nue or break the Treaty. But of all others Count Mourice of Nassaws thoughts were most busied at this time. His Father the Prince of O∣range being dead, he being yet but a youth of sixteen years of age, had got into all his Fathers Military and Civil employments, with the great good will and approbation of the United Provinces. And encrea∣sing no lesse in valour, then in years, after so many enterprises and pro∣sperous successes, his authority grew daily greater amongst them. He had won it by Arms, and he thought hee could best preserve it by Arms. And by means of the publick trouble of war, he hoped some favourable conjuncture might the easilier be opened unto him, of ma∣king himself one day Prince of those Provinces.

It is not to be doubted, but that his ambition carried him thus high; for his Father was very neer attaining thereunto; and his own deserts being added to his Fathers, his hopes ought rather to be augmented then diminished. To boot with the Supream Government of the Ar∣my, he had succeeded his Father in the Civil Administration of Hol∣land, Zealand, Utricht, and Overisel. His brother Count Henry, Ge∣neral of the Horse of the United Provincees, and the Counts William

and Earnestus, the one of them Governour of Friesland and Groninghe••, and the other Governour of Ghelderland, were all of them of his House, and depended on him almost in all things, so as the whole go∣vernment of the United Provinces, as well Military as Civil, may bee said to be in his hands: and his Domestick power was the greater by his great friendship and alliance with Forain Princes. The Negoti∣ation in hand made nothing at all for his present condition, nor for that which peradventure he had an intention to raise up unto himself. And say he had a minde to have hindred it at the beginning; what colour, or what pretence had he so to doe? Since the United Provinces in the Proposal made by the Arch-Dukes for a Treaty, had gotten all that they desired; when the first ratification which came therefore from Spain, proved vain, Mourice began to hope well in the breach of the begun Negotiation: and by occasion thereof augmen∣ted the common jealousies. He inlarged himself very much and with great fervency in calling to minde their late good successes; so many mischiefs, cruelties, and Horrible Inhumanities committed as he affirmed, by the Spaniards, together with many other things▪ to make all manner of Treaties with them suspicious, and to en∣crease the hatred which those of the United Provinces always bore to that Nation. And though the second ratification was come in very ample manner, yet did not he goe lesse in continuing to do the same, hoping to make this second appear likewise faulty in many things. The time drew neer of giving their resolution therein; concerning which they had had many meetings; at last, one day when the Coun∣cel of the States General was fuller then usual by reason of the impor∣tancy of the businesse, 'tis said Count Maurice spoke thus:

How much (most worthy Deputies) I have always desired the prosperity of our Republick, all my precedent actions which have made mee appear no lesse my Father competitor, then his sonne, in her service, may sufficiently manifest. I have not laboured lesse then did my Father, in always procuring the common good; and if hee lost his life in the publick cause; I have exposed my self to no lesse dangers in the defence thereof; and certainly it would have redounded much more to my honour and glory to have dyed a∣midst Arms, then it did to him to perish by the hand of that base and detestable Paracide, who so unworthily slew him. None ther∣fore should more rejoice then I, to hear our Provinces declared to bee free States, even by our enemies themselves, did I not think that all these proceedings were but couzenages, whereby more easily to draw our Liberties again into their Subjection. I apprehended this even from the beginning of these practises; so that, as I have hitherto ever aborred them, so do I now abhor them more then ever, and think it now more necessary then ever to break them wholly off, and to throw back this second ratification with the same resoluteness as we did the former. How many tricks, and how many cheats the Spaniards have always used in their like treaties; is too well known to us all. But what need we look after past-times? Hath not the like been seen, and is not seen in these present negotiations? The first rati∣fication came in general tearms, nor did it contain any thing of ratifi∣cation but the bare name. The second is come since, which is likewise so defective, as in my opinion it ought in no way to bee accepted. Doe you perceive how the King would have it sent in the Spanish

Tongue? a Tongue unknown to us, the true meaning and efficacy whereof we doe not understand? Doe you observe how he uses the same subscription as he useth to his Vassals? Not having changed a∣ny of the other things excepted against. And the addition of the last clause, doth it not evidently enough shew his pretensions that it shall wholly depend upon his will whether we shall be free or no? As if from the time that the Duke d'Alba, (that Fury and Fire∣brand of all the troubles of Flanders) and after him the other Gover∣nours had bereft their Countrie of its priviledges, brought forain co∣lonies thereinto, put the whole country of fire and sword, and given sentence themselves against our liberties, and we had not known how to defend it by our unconquered Forces? We then are free whether the King declare us to be so or no. And our pretence to this declara∣tion is, because it is due to us from all the world, and due to us by him absolutely, without any conditional limitation of insuing agreement as he pretends in the additional clause; so as it is now too well seen that the Spaniards treat with their wonted frauds; and that they would pretend they can never lose by any whatsoever accord that should in∣sue; the right which they presume to have over our Provinces; that they may afterwards expect new opportunies to oppresse them a∣gain; it may then be granted, that it is not any publick respect, but their own particular necessity which induceth them now to come to agreement with us. The necessity I say of their disorders, which doubtlesly are so many and so great, as we may expect their utter lo∣sing of Flanders. What darkness, what obscurity is it then that doth pos∣sess our senses? or what hoodwink and untimely wisdome is it which teacheth us to intermit and slacken the cours of our victories, whence they are nearest and most certain? their army is in very great confusi••on, without any discipline, without any obedience; corrupted by per∣petuall Mutenies: And if the war continue, we shall doubtlesly see the whole body of the Soldiery Muteny, and then their whole Coun∣try will rise. How great a part thereof does there already abound in our sense? We on the other side have a flourishing Army, well disciplin'd, well paid, and well provided of all things. We have the assistance of France, of England, and of the greatest part of Germany. We maintain a Cause, then which none can bee more just; nor can there be more constancy be desired in our Peoples wills to defend it: To these our advantages by Land, our other progresses at Sea doe fully correspond What greater blow could the Spaniards receive from us, then that which we have given them in the East-Indies? What wil the other prove which wee are preparing for them likewise in the West? To this end, to boot with the publick forces, particular Compa∣nies of the richest Merchants of all our Provinces are appointed: so as when we shal get footing there, to what straits and hazards shal we re∣duce the Spanish Fleet? On the contrary side, how much both publick and private advantages, how much honor and glory shall our Comon∣wealth receive thereby? Our having gon round the Sea where ever the Sun shines, with so many and so illustrious navigations, and having made our names so famous by so many and so glorious Victories, will be the most memorable things spoken of by our Posterity in after A∣ges. The fear of losing the Indies, is that which chiefly causes the Spa∣niards to com to some accommodation with us. Who will then per∣swade us to let slip these so propitious opportunities which now offer

themselves unto us, and see them turned peradventure hereafter to their advantage? True Victory lies in the making good use thereof. Which not being done, the too late remedy of repentance serves but in little stead. We ought by all means possible endeavor not to fall into such errors; and not suffer our selves to be deceived by the fals names of repose and peace, and other specious alluring pretences. These are the means wherewith those lull people asleep, whom they intend afterwards to oppresse. No Lethargy is more mortal then a Peace, which is to prove worse then war it self. Our people this mean while will grow unsinewed by idlenesse. We shall lose those friends which our wars have purchast to our cause. But the worst of all evils will lie in the secret venome of discord, which the enemy will in this interim endeavour to introduce amongst us; and this sort of Plague will be sooner radicated amongst us them driven out. Thus by means of rest more fatal farre then arms, our Common-wealth would fall into the greatest misfortunes, and the Spaniards by their machinations quietly enjoy what hitherto they have not been able to doe with their Armies in the Fields. But I never was an Orator; and as a Soldier me thinks I have spoken more then I need upon such an occasion. Nor can I deny but that my particular passions sway mee in what concerns the common good, which is now in hand; which may notwithstanding all of them be reduced to the implacable ha∣tred I bear those, who are our implacable enemies; and hope to make their power more formidable to others, by the ruine of our Republick.

The Authority of so great a man assisted by so many and so forci∣ble reasons, prevailed very much with the hearers. Iohn Barne∣velt, Advocate Generall of the Province of Holland, and one of her Deputies in this present Councell, was one of those who did most favour the things which were now in Treaty. His Authority was very great not onely in Holland, but even throughout the whole U∣nion; in the service whereof he had ever had the chiefest employ∣ments, and had therein continually faithfully discharged his trust. So as his credit was such at this time with the Union, and his estima∣tion so great, as he drew commonly most men to adhere to him in all his opinions. He desired to see Count Mawrice his power lessened, to the end that the common liberty might be the more secure both at home and abroad: though this his emulation cost him afterwards his life: For not many years after Mawrice his Faction prevailed so far, as for divers faults laid to his charge, (were they true or false) he was publickly beheaded in Holland. When Mawrice had ended his di∣scourse, Barnevelt, still resolved to defend the contrary opinion, spoke thus:

Of so many acts egregious (most worthy Deputies) w^ch the Prince of Orange, of ever happy memory, did, and which have been since continued by the Illustrious Count Mawrice, the worthy son of so gallant a Father, in service of our Commonwealth, this is one of the fruits we reap, that every one may freely speak his mind in this coun∣cel, for what concerns the common good; and if it were ever requisit so to doe, the nature of the businesse in hand doth now require it. He hath certainly shewed great gravity and wisdome in what he hath said: But since the more weighty the affairs are, so much more

necessary it is to have them maturely debated, I hope it will not be displeasing, if I alledge all those reasons to the contrary as may be considered in so important an affair. We shall differ in our opini∣ons, but not in our end; which is the like in us all, to endeavour all the advantage and stability which we can to this our Common∣wealth. The Illustrious Count did, if I be not deceived, urge two points chiefly. The one, that the Spaniards do not proceed with sincerity in these negotiations; and the other, that it is meer necessity which makes them now seek to come to some agreement with us, that they may hereafter finde some more favourable opor∣tunity to oppress us. As for the first, I hope that none will deny, but for what concerns the affairs now in hand, we have hitherto ob∣tained all that we have demanded of the Arch-Dukes. 'Tis true that afterward, the King of Spains first ratification was faulty, and as such a one, was justly by us refused: but to speak truely, I do not think this second such a one as ought to be rejected; the defects whereof being well considered, do more transgress against the circumstances, then the essence of the ratification which we demand. The essence lies in this; that the King should acknowledg our Provinces to be free, and that he should declare he hath no pre∣tence or claim thereunto; this, this second ratification doth fully contain, as doth also the first Declaration made by the Arch-Dukes. And in fine, it is the very same which we did desire, except it be in the diversity of Language, and in some other petty things of small importance, and in the last clause added by the King. Faults which in my opinion cannot be held any ways essential. First, how can it be doubted but that the true sense and meaning of the Spanish tongue must be understood by us? Here, where the frequent commerce of so many of our Cities with all the Principall Cities of Europe, makes all Languages common and known? To boot that the Arch-dukes Deputies affirm and give it under their hands that it is in the same Language, with the same Subscription, and alike in all other things to the ratifications of peace between the Crown of Spain, and those of France, and England. Ought we to pretend to more then what was then done to two so great Kings? The greater difficulty would lye in the additionall clause, if it were not evidently known that it were to be understood, though it were not exprest; since how can it be denyed, but that if no agreement should bee made both parties would continue in their former rights? To wit, the Spaniards in what is grounded upon violence; and wee in what is grounded upon so known Justice. But say the Spaniards after some agreement made, should pretend a Title of right over us, tell me I pray you, wherein could our affairs be therein prejudiced? Should they peradventure, be Judges in such a cause? In such a case re∣course must be had to the Tribunal of the whole world; and each party to the favour of their friends; or rather to the Tribunal of Arms, where Armies pronounce sentence, and for the most part the justice of the cause gives the victorie. It imports but little then whether their ends be sincere or fradulent in case of agreement: for then they cannot opporess us by their forces. We must above all things endeavour to secure our selves from this danger, which neces∣sarily consists in one of two remedies; either in continuing the w••••

out of hope that their necessity will daily grow greater; or else in ending it by some accommodation, after which our affairs might be better secured. And from hence I come to the second point. I deny not but that their present disorders and necessities are great; but I cannot think them past remedy so far, but that if the war in∣dure the Spaniards may finde sufficient forces to do it. I for my part finde the Monarchy of Spain to be the same thing that it hath always been, during the whole course of this war; nay rather increa∣sed in this interim by the addition of the Kingdom of Portugall, and of the East-Indies, which depend thereupon. I finde it to be very strong both at land and sea: Where hath the formidableness of their forces been better seen then here in Flanders? What other power hath at any time maintained so long, so far distant, so hard and so expencive a war? And shall we believe that the Spaniards cannot still maintain it? and that they are not likey to finde a reme∣dy for their disorders in these parts; and for any hazard they may run in the East-Indies? the very necessity of making war, will doubt∣lesly furnish them with means enough to continue it. So then we are again ingaged in war; in a new and more obstinate war then the former: and what security can we have that fortune will always fa∣vour us? we have likewise our necessities; and if they be at pre∣sent great amongst the Spaniards, remember I pray you that they have been greater amongst us: and that all humane things being subject to alteration, and the events of war usually very uncertain; the times may prove propitious again to them, and averse to us. Do not we know how much our war depends upon the aids from France and England? May not the King of France die? Is he not already very old? may not the Kingdom afterwards alter? and shall not we then be deprived of all succour from thence? Do not we likewise know upon what fickle terms the affairs of England stand? The King being a Scotch man, a stranger in that Kingdom, and therie being many other occasions which may cause some fear of alterat••∣on on his side? how much would the affairs of Spain be bettered by any of these accedents? how much worse would ours be? We ought then to be taught by all reason, and by all the rules of good Government, not to let slip this happy conjuncture of comming to some good agreement with the Spaniards. Fortune is flitting, incon∣stant, disdainfull, and exceeding apt to be provoked: 'Tis now the time to know how to lay hold of her: So as my opinion is, that by all means we ought to accept of this ratification come from Spain, and proceed on to some Treaty of agreement: I confess it is not always in the power of man to enjoy the happiness of peace; but I verily believe it is now in our power to shun the dangers of war; which in my opinion ought by all means to be indeavoured: and certainly we may hope for great advantages from the Spaniards by this accommodation which they do so much desire to make with these our Provinces in this their present necessity: As all Pylots prefix the haven for their end, all travelers their Countrey, and all motion rest; so all war hath peace for its end, wherein consists mans chiefest happiness; and shall the war of Flanders be the only thing which shall never have an end? and shall all our most advan∣tagious successes, depend always upon the so uncertain events of

war? We shall be free from these uncertainties, and from so many dangers which troubles bring with them, by reducing our selves at last to a quiet condition: we shall then much better re-order the Government of every of our particular Provinces, and of the intire body of the Union, when we shall be in a quiet condition: This our Commonwealth will then break forth from out the duskishness and horror of Arms: which how wonderfull a fight will it be, and what unacustomed praises will it produce in the Theatre of the Uni∣verse? when it shall be seen how our Provinces do unite themselvs in one body; with what sort of Laws and Magistracy they conspire together; how unwounded the Liberties of each of them remain, and how uninjur'd it passeth through every one of them, as through so many veins to the entire body of their general Union. We shall have Ambassadors sent to congratulate with us from all parts; who will return rather envying then rejoycing at this our so great felici∣ty. We shal pay the debts we have contracted abroad: we shal ease our selves of those we have here amongst our selves; and we shall in, rich our treasury, by taking off so many and so grievous expences: Our people shall then know that they are truely free, when they shall enjoy Liberty without any contestation: and being once got into such a condition, what need we fear to be at any time reduced under the yoak of that proud, cruel, and Tyrannicall Spanish Go∣vernment.

Barnevels was list'ned unto with much attention: and the reasons alledged by him, appeared to be so weighty and wisely grounded, as after some other consultations, it was at last resolved on by the States General, that they would accept of the ratification: yet there was much adoe before Zealand could be brought to joyn in this Vote, so abso∣lute Authority had Count Maurice in that Province; whereof he was not only Governor, but had a great estate there, and enjoy'd such prerogatives, as he appear'd rather to be Prince then Governor of that Countrey. The Arch-Dukes were then acquainted with this the States Generals resolution, and 'twas almost in the same words which were us'd in the answer which was first given to the Commissary and Verreychin when they brought the ratification into Holland. And be∣caus the term for suspension of arms was already expir'd, it was by both sides prorogued, and continu'd to be so from time to time in new terms, till the end of the Treaty, which was after concluded. I thought good to incert this in this place, to shun the tedious repetition of the same things sundry times. Now all the eyes of Flanders were fixt upon what Deputies the Arch-Dukes would chuse to send, according to the first agreement, into Holland. The greatest weight of the Spa∣nish affairs which were agitated in Flanders lay upon the Marquiss Spinola, Camp-master-general of the Army, and upon Manchichidor the Spanish Secretary of War; and as for the Arch-Dukes business, Iohn Richardotto, President of the Privie Councell, and Verreychin so oft na∣med before, were chiefly trusted therewith. These four were cho∣sen for Deputies, and Father N••yen was added for a fift, as one who had hitherto had a great hand in the business. Marquiss Spinola was ••lready got into great Authority by reason of his so many Imploy∣ments and Trusts. He was Camp-master-general and Governor of the Army; Administrator, or Pay-master General of the Kings mo∣neys:

of the Councell of State in Spain; and through his hands all the Kings affairs in Flanders, as hath been said, did chiefly pass: and the Arch-Duke likewise seemed to put much confidence in him. Indeed a States man of singular judgment and valour, of incredible vigilancie and industry in the managing of whatsoever business either Military or Civil; and indowed with so many other gallant parts, as he had reason to be esteemed one of the greatest Statesmen that the Crown of Spain hath had these many years. The Secretary Mancicidor was likewise highly esteemed of, for his long experience in the affairs of Flanders: for he had been Secretary of war, even from the time that the Arch-Duke whilst he was yet Cardinall, was come to the Government of those Provinces. In the affairs which belonged properly to the Arch-Dukes: The President Richardetto was no less esteemed of; he had for a long time been the man chiefly employ'd in affairs of greates im∣portance by the Duke of Parma, and other Governors: and the Arch-Duke, being made Prince of the Lowcountreys, chose him particular∣ly to employ in making the last peace with France, and the like with the King of England; so as almost all the important business of the Countrey passed through his hands. Verreychin was likewise present at the making of the two abovenamed Peaces, and had long before exercised the place of first Secretary of State, and was always held a man of great wisdom and integrity. Enough hath already been said of the Commissary General and of his indowments. But when the Spaniards who were in Flanders, understood who the Deputies were, and that they were to go to the enemies own homes to treat of agree∣ment with them, it is not to be believed how much they storm'd, and how much they complain'd of the Arch-Dukes in particular.

Are the affairs of Spain (said they) come to so low an ebb, that our King must abase himself thus? hath so much time, blood and trea∣sure been spent against the traiterous rebels to bring things to this end? That the affairs of Spain were now in as glorious a condition as ever, but that there wanted fitting instruments in Flanders to ma••nage them: That tthe Arch-Duke had always shewed himself to be better at peace then at war, and that now that he saw himself not likely to have any children, his only desire was to spend the remain∣der of his days in peace and quietness: that it was impossible so great a Monarchy should be without a war; nay it was to be desired that it should always have an Army in the fields for its service. And what other more fitting Theatre could there be found for the seat of its Arms then Flanders? a place so Opulent and so much extent? and placed in the midst of Spains chiefest enemies and maligners? that if the war could not be always to plentifully maintained, their forces might be lesened, and conssequently their expences: that thus the vigour of so great a Monarchy might be preserved even to eternity.

The Spaniards broke forth into these complaints, and sent them from Flanders into Spain; but to no purpose: for it was then seen, as also during the whole Treaty, that the King and the Arch-Duke did always jump in their opinions: And as for the Deputies going into Holland; without all doubt it might seeme in all appearance no ways to agree with the Kings, and Arch-Dukes dignity: but the form of the Government of the United Provinces considered, no other manner of negotiation could well be had; for their Deputies were

so many, that Commissions of bounded, and so many sendings to and fro, as they were inforced to make orders: to receive new orders, and new Consents from every Province, which if it had been to be done out of their own Countrey, the Treaty would never have had an end: and though afterwards, as you shall hear, it was concluded in Antwerp; 'twas because all things were already disgested, so as they went thither as it may be said, to a business already concluded. The Deputies departed about the end of January 1608; and being come into the U∣nited Provinces, they were received by the Governors of their Fron∣tier Towns with all honour, and bravely lodged in all places. They came to the Hague the first of February; and were met half a league without the Town by Count Maurice of Nassaw accompanied by the other Counts of his House, and all the chief men of those parts.