The compleat history of the warrs of Flanders written in Italian by the learned and famous Cardinall Bentivoglio ; Englished by the Right Honorable Henry, Earl of Monmouth ; the whole work illustrated with many figures of the chief personages mentioned in this history.

THE HISTORY OF THE WARS OF FLANDERS. Written by CARDINAL BENTIVOGLIO.

BOOK I.

The Contents.

An Introduction to the History. The scituation and Government of the Provinces of Flanders. The first occasions of the War described. In what condition Flan∣ders was, when the Catholick King, Philip the second, resolved to leave those Countrys, and to return for Spain. The general States, upon his departure, are assembled together at Gaunt. His Speech to the Dutchess of Parma, (whom he leaves Regent of those Provinces.) Concerning the manner of Governing them. He departs, and goes his journey by Sea. Divers difficulties which the Dutchess meets withall at the beginning of her Government, and especially in matters of Religion. The Nobility begin to stirr, and cannot tollerate the too great autho∣rity of Cardinal Granville; but chiefly the Prince of Orange, the Counts of E∣gamont and Horne. Their grievances or complaints, they write all three joyntly to the King, declaring openly against Granville, and desire that he may be removed from Flanders. The King will not give way thereunto. They are scandalized at the refusal, and together with the rest of the Nobles, are so much the more in∣cens'd against Granville, they come to open contempt of him. And finally, force the King to remove him from thence.

THe Provinces of Flanders in former ages, were divided one from another almost every one of them had its parti∣cular Prince; but rather Titular, then essential. After∣ward, at several times they by degrees joyned one with another. The male Line failed in many of them, and Women came to succeed; by whose Marriages the States in those Parts began chiefly to increase; and together with the strength of the States, the prerogative of Princes. By this means the house of Burgundy did at last unite those Provinces into one body, and govern'd them with such greatness. And afterwards the Houseof Austria came to possess and govern them in greater glo∣ry.

The first of this Family on whom the Inheritance fell, was Philip the first, Son and Successor to Mary, the last Princess, and Heir of the Burgundian bloud. From Philip who dyed in the flowre of his age came Charls, and from Charls, Philip the second. Charls possest Flanders in great quiet; but in the first year of Philips succession, those Provinces grew into such alteration, through divers home-bred, and foreign occasions, as the mischief creeping in from the very be∣ginning by degrees, now in one sort, now in another, it at last broke forth into open tumults; and from tumults into one of the longest, and most bitter Wars that hath at any time happened. The events of this war is that which I under∣take to describe; which doubtlesly are the greatest and most famous which can be expos'd to the Worlds Theatre. Forty years of continual troubles have past over since the first tumults, to the beginning of the Truce for twelve years. In which time, as also in the times following, wherein the Truce being ended, Arms were reassumed: he who shall consider the successes of this war, shall find so ma∣ny, and so illustrious Scenes of various accidents, as he shall be compell'd to confess, that never any afforded more copious matter of Humane Instructions; or that any war more memorable then this, was ever written of, either in Antient or Modern Histories. You shall see Countries of a small circuit, contesting with a mighty Monarchy; but you shall see them so favour'd by the Arms of Na∣ture, by the Sea, and Rivers, and by Forces from abroad with all possible assi∣stance, as it is not to be wondred if they have made so long opposition, and if they continue still to make it more vigorously then ever. You, in their unvan∣quish'd Rebellion, shall see the rage of Heresie against the Church, joyned to the like of Subjects against their Prince: And Flanders divided within her self, miserably to consume by wars, caused no less by Religion, then by State-Inte∣rest; and set on fire no less by internal, then by external Forces. You shall see bloudy battels, unheard of sieges, dreadfull sackings, firings, and ruins: Succes∣ses at Sea, which will not yield for cruelty, to those by Land; and wars carryed with no less Atrocety from the neighbouring Seas of Europe, into the most re∣moted Seas of the Indies. Business will sometimes appear amidst Arms: and amidst the raging noyse of war, the natural desire of peace. Yet ruine, death, and destruction, shall be seen to prevail on all sides. And it shall appear, that on the fatal fields of Flanders, as on the Lists of a publick Combat, almost all the Nations of Europe have strove, and as it were vied to vent forth their anger and malice, and with their sword in hand, to buckle themselves still more obstinately one against the other.

But before I enter upon my intended Narration of the mentioned Affairs, it will be requisite that I take their beginnings from a little further off; shewing first what the condition of the Provinces of Flanders was, and how the Neighboring Countreys were disposed, when the mentioned Commotions began; to the end that their more inward causes being known, the future successes may be the better understood. 'Tis then known to all men that the Provinces of Flanders past from the Line of Burgundy, into the house of Austria, in manner as hath been already said. The abovesaid Provinces are scituated upon the utmost confines of that Northern Continent of Europe, which neighbours most upon Germany and France. Some of them therefore go under the name of Galla Belgica; but all of them in common under the name of the Low-Countries of Germany; and more commonly by the name of Flanders. In time past, when they were all joyned together in one body, they made up the number of 17 Provinces, and were divi∣ded into the Dukedomes of Brabant, Limburg, Lucemburg, and Ghelderland: in∣to the Counties of Flanders, Artois, Holland, Hennault, Zealand, Namures and Zutfen: into the Marquesate of the Holy Empire; and into the Lordships of Friesland, Malines, Utricht, Overisell and Groninghen. To which Countries was added, (but not as of the same body) the City of Cambray, together with the Territory of Cambresis; and likewise the County of Burgundy, which is divided from all the rest by the Interposition of Lorain. These Provinces were very con∣formable one to another, in the institution of Laws and Government. The Ca∣tholick Religion flourisht equally in all of them, and the States representing each of them, were generally formed of three sorts of Persons: Ecclesiasticks, the

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Nobility, and the more common sort of people. The Ecclesiasticks were for the most part Monasticall Abbots, who lived in their Monasteries, which were 〈◊〉〈◊〉 seated in the Country. The Nobles, were of the best qualified families, who likewise resided commonly in the Country, in their Lordships and Castles: and the meaner sort of people were Tradesmen, and Artificers living in Cities; Civill and criminall causes were within the Cognisance of the Counsels of each Province, or of the Magistracy of every City; according to the quality of the affaire, and the Institutions of the Place: and Appeals were generally made to a supream Tribunall, which was placed in Malines, as the place most commodious for the whole Country. Three most remarkable Councels handled the affaires of Government at Court; The Councell of State, the privy Councell, and the Councell of the Exchequer, or Treasurie. The first was composed of some of the chiefest Lords of the Provinces, and of some Churchmen likewise and Gown∣men, and things of greatest consequence were therein treated of: in the second, which consisted wholly of Lawyers, such matters of Justice were resolved on, for which it was necessary to have recourse to the Supream Authority of the Prince. And in the third, the Prince his Patrimoniall revenues were managed, as also all contribution monies, according to the need of the Provinces, which past through the hands of two or three of better account, and of other inferior Of∣ficers: and sometimes the States Generall of the whole Country were assembled: but this was onely in the most weighty affairs; and wherein necessity more then good will brought the Prince to see his people united together in one body: lest they upon such occasions might be so bold as rather to impose laws then receive them. This was the former form of the Government of the Provinces of Flanders in Generall. The People there have alwayes injoyed many Prerogatives and priviledges in the form of their government: and therefore have yielded unto their Princes an obedience mixt with libertie. No place can more abound in all things requisit for humane life, then Flanders doth, set wine and some other things aside. The winters there are not too excessive cold, the colds being rather long, then sharp, and transgressing much more in moisture then in hard weather. The Coun∣try is full of navigable rivers; and which for the most part, by the flowing of the sea, bring the sea it self, and the commerce thereof very far into the continent: but it is no lesser full of great towns, Cities, and inhabitants, who for the most part are tall of stature, of a candid aspect, and almost of as candid nature, much given to Traffick and of a pleasant, and tractable nature, when they are not angred; but altogether as contumcious, implacable, and revengefull, when offended.

The possession of these parts, falling (as hath been said) upon Philip of Austria, he begot his eldest son Charles in Gaunt, which is the chiefest City of the peculiar Province of Flanders: who likewise inherited the Kingdom of Spaine; and not long after was made Emperour of Germany. This Charles be∣ing born in Flanders, past his first childhood there, and was afterwards oftner seen there, then in any other part of his so many Kingdoms and Provinces, in the so frequent voyages which he continually made for the administration of their severall governments: together with the inclination which nature had given him towards the Dutch by his being born and bred up amongst them, he alwayes shewed a particular affection to them, by making use of them in his weightiest, and most important affairs, Signeur De Ceures had the charge and government of him in very Ample manner in his youth; Cardinall Adrian, who was afterwards Pope Adrian the sixth, together with Ceures, govern'd Spain in his absence; Charles De Lanoia governed the Kingdom of Naples as also all the affairs of Italy, for a long time, with almost an absolute Authoritie. And in the wars of Germany, especially in those which burst forth often in his time towards the Frontiers of France. Of all other his Dominions, he made most use of the Flanders forces; upon all which occasions, the Flemish Nobility was alwayes greatly honoured, and favoured by him, and very great was the demonstration of love which he shewed towards those Countryes: the people whereof forgat not Charles his great affability to them in his tender years, and how graciously he alwayes heard and received them: and that of a Prince becomming a private man, he would oft times lay aside his publike Majestie, to make his particular affection

towards them appear the more; which caused them alwayes to shew all requisit obedience, and constant devotion toward him, unless it were in that little Commo∣tion in Gaunt, which was quieted as soon as begun. Flanders after this injoyed full and perfect felicity as long as he lived; for except it were in the Frontiers to∣ward France, which sometimes suffered by taking up of Arms, all the rest of the Provinces injoyed a flourishing Peace, and perpetuall tranquilitie, in such sort, as it cannot be exprest how much the inhabitants plenty, the frequencie of traffick, the beautie of Cities, and abundancy of all things requisit therein, were augmented. Particularly you would have thought that Europe had chosen Antwerp for the Universal staple town of her traffick; in so great numbers, and with such varieties of Merchandize, did all forrein Nations, even from the remotest regions flock thither: which was much occasioned through the moderate and wise government of two Princesses, whose names will for ever be celebrated in Flanders: which were; the Lady Margaret, Aunt to the Emperour, and her sister, the Lady Mary Queen of Hungary: the one or the other whereof governed all those Provinces almost all the while that the Emperour lay in the field. Charls (as hath been said) had no son but Philip, who was born and bred up in Spaine; and because his Father foresaw how much the keeping of Flanders well united to the rest of the Monarchie of Spaine did conduce to his sons greatness, he made Philip come thither when he was yet very young, that he might be sworn his successor, after his death by the Flemish, as he was: Philip staid not long in Flanders the first time: he returned thither a second time, when he was of more mature years, having been in England with his wife Queen Mary, and then he staid some years in Flanders, after that his Father the Emperour had resigned over unto him, all his Hereditary States and Dominions; till upon very urgent occasions it behoved him to return again to Spaine: whilst Philip aboad amongst the Flemings, they saw the difference of Natures, and inclinations between the Father, and the son; great was both their Pieties and Religion; great their Justice, and constancy of Minde. But Philip was as much given to Peace, as Charles was to War: the one was affable and gracious; the other extraordinarily grave, and composed: the latter acquainted with all languages, and accommodating himself to all Na∣tions; whereas the other as well in his language as in all things else, seemed as if he knew not how to adapt himself to any thing, but the Spanish Garbe. It was therefore generally conceived in Flanders, that Philip, by reason of his Nature and customes, would shew himself to be wholly a Spanyard, would retire into Spaine, and put the government of Flanders wholly into the hands of Spanyards, which opinion was confinrmed in them by the particular favour which he was al∣wayes seen to bear to Prince Ruygomes Di Silva, to the duke of Alva, and to the Conde De Feria; and that he communicated all his most weighty affairs, and even those which did more properly concern the interest of Flanders, with them, and with Monsieur De Granville, a Burgonian, Bishop of Arras. They threfore ap∣prehended an alteration in their government; and so much the rather for that they knew that Charles had towards his end, begun to be somewhat jealous of them, and Philip much more afterwards: one of the chief reasons whereof was the infection of Heresie which from the neighboring parts began to break forth in Flanders whilst Charles did yet live. The chief Heresies which then raigned in Germany, France, and England, all of them neighboring upon Flanders, were three. In Germany Lutherisme, in France Calvinisme, and in England a com∣pound of both these, together with a reservation of some outward shew of the Catholike Religion: nor was the number of Anabaptists few, which were mingled with the Lutherans in that part of Flanders which lies towards Germany. This so powerfull evill required no lesse powerfull remedies; and therefore Charles in his time had publish'd many severe edicts against the infected, which were afterwards confirmed by Philip: which had occasioned imprisonments, exiles, confiscation of goods, and even death it self to many of the inhabitants: and because a particuler office was erected to purge the Country of Heresie, which was in the hands of Church men, and which did much resemble the inquisition; the Flemish began even from the beginning to grumble at, and to shew open re∣pugnancy to such an office, to the which they gave hatefull names, fearing to finde

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the effects thereof daily more hatefull. Neither did the common people appre∣hend this more then did the great ones. Who seemed more moved thereat, for that either Authority which govern'd the Provinces was increased by protecting the Inhabitants. There were then, many in Flanders of much eminency for birth, valour and and adherency: especially two who did much exceed the rest: which were, William Prince of Orange, Lamoral Count Egmont. Orange was born an Heretick in Germany; and coming whilst yet a youth into Flanders to inherit large possessions, both by the Father and Mothers side, became a Catholick, and was always very much favoured by the Emperour. And Egmont being come wholly of Flemish parentage, had always enjoyed the prime places of Honour and esteem in Flanders, especially in Military affairs; great part of the victory which the King got at the memorable battel of St. Quintain was attributed to his valour; and to him alone that of Graveling, where he commanded the Kings Army.

These two personages, though of almost clean contrary genius and nature, were in equal authority and favour with the Flemish. Orange was more for Civil, then Military affairs; wary, wise, a great Master of speech, and no less good at Councel; in his fashion and behaviour popular; and of whom it was questionable whether his ability was greater in comprehending businesses, or his wariness in managing them. Rare qualities all of them when they are level'd at right ends; but do strangely degenerate when they are made use of (as they were afterwards by Orange) to ambitious and corrupt designes. Egmont on the contrary was more given to studie war then peace: of a free nature, can did in his thoughts and words; popular likewise, but rather amongst soldiers in the fields, then with the vulgar within walls: and in all things else. Much apter to win preferment a∣mongst Arms then at Court. The Government of the Provinces, and Military commands, were put into these two mens hands, and some others of the chiefest of the Country. And though till after the Kings departure thence, none of them had any ways opposed the aforesaid Edicts, yet it was well enough known, that many of them were not well pleased with them; and 'twas feared that those would make use thereof, who under palliated pretences, had a mind to disquiet the present Government, and introduce some novelties. Orange had till then gi∣ven greatest suspitions thereof; for whilst, he was in France with Henry the second for one of King Philips hostages, in performance of the peace which was conclud∣ed in Cambrey between those two Kings, the year 1559. he honesting the occasion thereby, slipt into Flanders, and revealed to his adherents a strong plot, which those two Kings had in secret, to exterp Heresie. And the Nobility of Flanders having spent very much in Charls his time, and many of the best of them being but in bad condition, therefore the King being to leave Flanders, they did in that behalf begin to murmure aloud, and very much to complain; as if by the Kings perpetual future absence, the Dutch were to be deprived of those advantages, which they had so largely enjoyed in the time of his Father the Emperour. Which might occasion fear that they would endeavour the preservation thereof by exciting of troubles, as having but little hopes to effect it by the way of peace. Nor were many of the Church-men much better satisfied then were the people, and the Nobility, by reason of the new erection of Bishopricks, which were in∣stituted in the chiefest Cities of the Country: which being at first procured by Charls, for the better Church-government in Flanders, and especially to bridle Heresie, were after compleated, and constantly continued by Philip. Upon the reason of these new erections, it was necessary to suppress many Abbies and Prio∣ries. And the Bishops being to enjoy the first place in Ecclestastical Orders, the Abbots held themselves thereby offended, who formerly made the greatest num∣ber of Ecclesiasticks, and held the chief place at publick meetings. To these several distastes in all the three Provincial Orders, another was added; with the introducing of forainers; as Germans, and Spaniards into the chief Forts, which were formerly Garison'd by people of their own Provinces: These, and many other passions, wherewith the minds of the Flemish were agitated, were not unknown to the neighbouring Princes, who watched all occasions which might cause commotions in Flanders, and were desirous to propagate them. And though

they were not all of a mind in point of Religion, and divers other things, yet they all joyned in one end, which was to see the greatness of the house of Austria somewhat lesned, and especially the King of Spains power. And none of them were well pleased to see the Provinces of Flanders joyned to his Crown: which by reason of their situation, circuit, and opulency, were of such consideration, as when they were only in the hands of the house of Burgundy, had oft-times redu∣ced France to great straits, and troubled England, and the near adjacent parts of Germany, more then once. In France, after the unfortunate mischance of Hen∣ry the second, who was wounded as he was running a Tilt, and died at the cele∣bration of his daughters marriage with the King of Spain, and his sisters with the Duke of Savoy; Francis the second succeeded in the Crown whilst he was yet a child. The Government of the Kingdom was therefore wholly in the hands of his mother Catherine of Medicis: but so distracted, and so full of factions, as it could not be in greater disorder, nor more confused. Heresie which was first in secret, and fraudulently crept into France, shew'd it self now bare-faced. And her Fautorers, hiding their own ambitious ends under the deceitfull visard of con∣science, proceeded from their first Court-contentions, to the taking up of arms, to the great detriment of the whole Kingdom. Those hereticks were called Hu∣gonots: (nor is it well known from whence that word proceeded) and Lodovick of Burbone, Prince of Conde, made himself the chief head thereof: he was brother to Anthony, King of Navar, first Prince of the bloud-royal; and his chief ra∣ther guider then follower, was Jasper di Coligni, Admiral of France, who proved afterwards the plague of that Kingdom; and at last his own ruine. But the chief heads who maintained the Catholick cause, were not less suspected, and especial∣ly those of the house of Guise; out of a received opinion, that under the speci∣ous zeal to religion, they hatched divers designes of bringing themselves to grea∣ter power. France, whilst thus afflicted within her self, could not contribute much to the afflictions of others. Yet it was evidently discerned, that what fo∣mentation from thence could be expected to the troubles of Flanders, would never be wanting, especially by the instigation of the Hugonots.

In England, the succession of that Kingdom, and of Ireland, was fallen to E∣lizabeth, daughter to Henry the eight; Queen Mary, who was wife to Philip King of Spain, dying without issue. Mary was not more resolute in restoring the Catho∣lick faith in England, then Elizabeth was in resuppressing it, incited thereunto by the example of her mother Anne of Bullen; and for fear lest by the Laws of the Church, her succession might prove illegitemate; from which fear she thought her self secure under the Dogmata of heresie. Elizabeth making Religion thus sub∣servient to State Interest, would have heresie to be received throughout all England and Ireland. And detesting the Pope, and King of Spain, by which two she might be the most indamaged, she likewise endeavoured to prejudice them as much as she could. She therefore persecuted the Church infinitely in Eng∣land, and was very intent upon all those sinister successes, which might befall the King of Spain, especially in Flanders, where his power was nearest unto her, and from whence she did most suspect it.

From those parts of Germany which lie nearest to Flanders, all those heretick Princes who were there Masters of any States or Dominions, shewed the same dis∣position against the Church and the King of Spain. But the most considerable amongst them, and of whom the greatest fear was had, for that he was more a∣midst the Austrian Forces of Germany and Flanders, was the Prince Elector Pa∣latine of Rhine. 'Twas therefore much to be feared that from these external parts, all the inward commotions of Flanders, were upon all occasions to be fo∣mented. This was the condition of Affairs, and the disposition of minds in Flanders, when the King was there, and upon his departure for Spain.

I will take my rise in the History which I undertake to write from hence; af∣ter having with as much brevity as I could, acquainted you with what hath alrea∣dy been said. The King was resolved to go for Spain; to the which he was mo∣ved not only out of his particular natural addiction to those Kingdoms, as out of mature wisdome and advised choice. He saw his vast Empire hardly well setled and consolidated, after the so many voyages and great pains of his Father; and

finding it composed of so many members, and so far divided one from another, he thought it expedient, that he should share out and disperce the vigor and spirit of government from out the principall part thereof, as doth the heart in humane bodies, and certainly Spain was to be reputed not onely the most important but the fittest place for this purpose; there wanted not moreover many other urgent necessities, which required the Kings presence, and particularly those which were occasioned partly by the danger of Heresie which was already begun there, and partly by jealousies of the Moors wherewith Spaine was greatly infected, and with whom it was greatly feared that upon any intestine commotion, the neigh∣bouring Moors of Africa would joyn themselves.

The chiefest business which before the Kings departure was taken into consul∣tation, was to whom he should leave the government of Flanders in his absence. Two Ladyes neerly allyde unto the King by blood were taken into consideration; the one was Christierna Dutches of Loraine; who was daughter to a sister of the Emperour Charls the fifth, and the other Margaret Dutches of Parma, naturall daughter to the same Emperour, great was the contestation, before it was re∣solved which of the two was to be preferred. Christierna was the elder: very well known in Flanders by reason of the neighbor-hood of Loraine: praised for her great wisdom, in having worthily discharged the Government of that State, remaining still a Widdow: and the afore mentioned Peace of Cambray, which by her means, (she being there present in person) was managed and concluded, had very much increased her reputation. By which successe, Flanders being freed from the molestation of Arms, she won more upon the affection of the Flemings, Orange was chiefly for her, out of the hopes he had of marrying one of her Daughters, and therefore labored her Election as much as he could; hoping also by that marriage that the government of Flanders might be more sway'd by him then by Christierna. But the Kings inclination bore him at last to like best of Margaret; as she who had been born and bred up in Flanders; and who having her Husbands Estates of Parma and Piacensa in midst the forces of the Duke∣dom of Millan in Italy, and resolving to send her onely son Alexander to the Court of Spain, promised a more absolute dependency upon the King: where on the contrary the house of Loraine, by reason of the condition of the Country, and more in respect of interest was inforced to depend almost wholly upon the Crown of France, besides the great desire which the Flemish themselves shewed to have Christierna for their Regent made the King & Spanish officers more averse there∣unto: with whom the Bishop of Arras joyned in opinion who was one of the most imployed Ministers of the Court. Out of these reasons they also hindred Orange his afore mentioned Marriage; it appearing to them that it was not good to con∣sent to such an Alliance, so neer to the King himself; and that it would make Orange yet greater in Flanders, by the neer leaning stock of Loraine, and would cause yet more ambitious desires in him, then those which had more then once been already discovered in him: when the King had chosen the Dutchesse of Parma to be Governess of Flanders, and caused her therefore to come from Italy, he thought it fitting before his departure to call a generall Assembly of all the Provinces, the which he held in Gaunt. Where the Deputies being as∣sembled together, the King spoke first severally with every of them apart, con∣cerning the affairs of chiefest importance; and at the first opening of the Assembly, he was present himself in person, together with the new Governess, where after a great silence, The Bishop of Arras began to speak by the Kings command to the Deputies; and inlarged himself into a long discourse, wherein he shewed the reasons which forced the King to go for Spaine, and afterwards apply'd himself to the particular affairs of Flanders. He said,

That his Father the Emperour had not for the space of many years seen Spaine, and that at last he went thither out of no other end but to lay his bones there: that the present King had also absented himself from thence for many years, not to abandon Flanders, which was then exposed to the greatest dangers of War, which was very hot between him and the King of France. That at last the peace of Cambray was insued; his Marriage with the Daughter of Henry the second, and all good intel∣ligence and concord between both the parties: that the affairs of Flanders being thus

setled, reason did require that he should now turn himself to the affairs of Spaine, to provide in those parts likewise for many things, which did necessarily require his pre∣sence: that the King hoped either to return quickly himself to Flanders, or else to send his son thither: that he did acknowledge those Provinces to be his principall Patrimony; and that from thence he had his rise to the succession of so many Kingdoms: and that therefore he would vie with his Father in his love to them, and endeavour to exceed him in his favouring of them: that certainly of all goods that could befall them, peace was to be preferred, which occasioned commerce; commerce traffick; and traffick the plenty which the people of Flanders did now injoy: that in peace likewise the Church did most flourish in her Ministery, and the Nobility injoy their greatest priviledges: that then this quiet was equally advantageous for all the three orders of the Country, and that the King was therein interested more then any others, by reason of the dangers whereinto the Princes Authority doth usually fall through the peoples turbulencies: that the King knew nothing could more crosse this his so wise and pious object, then Heresie: the monster of impiety and Sedition: and that when people did once arm themselves against their God, they did at the same time arm themselves against their Princes; of which the neighbouring Countries did afford too horrid and dreadfull examples: that therefore the King, as a Father no lesse then as a Prince, did exhort the Provinces to preserve the purity of the ancient Faith; to wit, that faith which their Forefathers had for so many Ages professed with such lively zeal, and caused to flourish with such constant Pietie. That therefore they should cause the Edicts to be observed, which were first published by his Father, and afterwards confirmed by him, in this point: that they should not suffer themselves to be abused by false words, taking licentiousness for liberty: that they should take ex∣ample from the evils of others not to fall into the like themselves: that they should give all due obedience and respect to their new Governess: and that they should assure themselves, that as the King went from them full of Gratitude for the good service which they had done him and his Father, so he would alwayes continue his Fathers and his wn affection towards those Provinces: to witness which he would presently cause all forrein Garrisons to be drawn from forth their fortresses, and take away all unusuall contributions from the Country.

These were the chief things which the Bishop of Arras uttered in the Kings name. The answer which the Provinces did at the present give was full of Humi∣lity and obsequiousness, and seemed to breath forth fidelity: but those States end∣ed afterward with very little of satisfaction to the King: For touching the things spoken of before, wherein the Country seemed to be distasted, he saw the ill disposed minds of the Provinces, in the faces of their Deputies, and might judge that affairs would not continue long in the condition he left them. The Fle∣mings were then chiefly vexed through fear of having the inquisition introduced amongst them; and there wanted not some who spoke their mindes therein pub∣likely in the States.

That Flanders was not accustomed to such Rigors: that it was terrified at the very name of the inquisition: which would be the cause of deserting traffick, and Merchandizing, throughout the whole Country. How much better would those evils be remedied by fairmeans, then by fire and sword? That every Humane body had its particular Habit: and so every Nation its proper and natural constitution of tem∣per. That what did become Spain and Italy, might not be fit for Flanders; nor for the other more Northern people of Europe. Who were more naturally inclined to liberty then those of the Southern parts.

By these and such like words wherewith they pierced the ears of the King, they would either have had him, have annul'd the published Edicts before his depar∣ture, or at least have moderated them. But he would never assent thereunto. But gave this remarkable answer to one of his Officers, who represented unto him the danger which he thereby might run into of losing either all, or many of those Provinces; and that therefore he might do better somewhat to connive, al∣ledging the neighbouring Countreyes for his example. That he would rather be without Kingdoms then injoy them with Heresie.

Moreover the King with no lesse maturity of judgement, then zeal of Religion, foresaw the pernitious consequences which might from thence arise in his other

Dominions; for such an example would have encouraged the rest to have made the like desires: and would be very dangerous to be admitted of; and no lesse dangerous to be refused. He therefore remained resolute to have the said Edicts put in execution; as also fully to establish the new Erection of Bishopricks. The King in the yeare 1555 had renewed the Edict which his Father the Emperour had made in the year 1550, wherein by Authority of the Apostolick See the form was ordained which the inquisitors were to observe in the expunging of Heresie. The substance whereof was; That they should proceed with all rigor in seeking out those who were infected with Heresie, and in punishing them according to the penalties appointed, the execution whereof was committed to the Magistrates of Cities, and to the Provincial Councels, with provision to be had that no par∣ticular Tribunals should be introduced for the inquisition as it was formed: and as for the new Erection of Bishopricks, it was carried as hath been said in the relation.

The King having ordered matters of Religion thus, declared that for all things else the former ancient Government should be continued: wherein next unto the Regent the Councel of State should have the first place; of which were many of the chief Lords of Flanders; and because it was impossible to con∣fide in them all, therefore the King gave private instructions, that the Regent in matters of greatest jealousies and weight, should abridge the number to a few, and intrust the chief managing thereof in the hands of the Bishop of Arras; whom to this purpose he left with her. Before the King went from Gaunt, he would make a new creation of Knights of the golden Fleece in the places of many that were dead. And amongst others, he honoured some Lords of that Country with that Order, whose Ancestors had formerly been thereof. Finally the King preparing for his journey, and being desirous first to give such instructions to the Dutchesse of Parma as were most convenient for the administration of Government; he took her one day aside, and as it is reported, said thus unto her.

I could not give you a greater testimony (my beloved Sister) of my confidence in you, then that which I have now deposited into your hands, in assigning over unto you the Government of these Provinces of Flanders. You see their situation; by how much they are the more remote from my other Kingdoms, so much the neerer are they to be endangered by the States which do inviron them. Tis true, France is now at peace with me, but 'tis not so within it self; being full of Factions, and in the hands of a childe, who instead of giving Lawes will be enforc'd to receive them; to boote, that the emulation which hath alwayes been, and ever will be between France and Spain is too much known. The Queen of England who Oppugnes the Religion which I defend, will alwayes be plotting to the prejudice of my forces, particularly those of Flanders; the same suspitions almost out of the same reasons, may be had of the Heretick Princes of the neighbouring parts of Germany. As also for the spite they bear to see the Empire continue so long in my blood. These neighbours will still be practising some innovations here. And the most dangerous business which can be appre∣hended from them, will be their infecting the People with Heresie, and the making the Nobility, upon such occasions, aspire to Novelties. They will then endeavour to incite the vulgar people to madness by the poison of false opinions, and to withdraw them by degrees from liberty to licenciousness; from licenci∣ousness to tumults; and from tumults to Rebellion. And without doubt the introducing of Heresie being permitted, these other evils will consequently fol∣low. True piety, and falie cannot cohabit together. And when people begin once to differ in their beliefe, the great ones break forth presently into Novelties, and by a thousand false pretentions turn Religion into Faction. Miserable effects are seen hereof in Germany, and no lesse miserable are already begun in France. Therefore to preserve Flanders from so dangerous evils, care must be had above all things to keep her free from Heresie, and that only the Catholike Religion be practised there; Which is the true and ancient Religion; and which alone is profest in my other Kingdoms: From hence doth my Family acknowledge her chiefest greatness; and by the means thereof, as Subjects are more united within

themselves in the worship of the Altars and Temples, so are they by her means also the closer tyed together in obedience to their Princes and Magistrates. So as I by defending and sustaining of her, am by her defended and sustained. And rendring hereby the greatest service that I can to God, I do consequently the grea∣test advantage I can to my Crown. I go from hence therefore resolved that the Edicts published against the Hereticks in these Provinces, be inviolably execu∣ted; wherein I shall desire you to use your greatest vigilancy, and to be sure that your sence be the same that mine is: which is not notwithstanding that a setled Inquisition be introduced here. I see the differences between these Pro∣vinces, and those which have received it. But on the other side, the greatest e∣vils require the strongest remedies. To boot that this doth not oppose the pri∣viledges of the Provinces, nor the form of that Government which I have pro∣mised and sworn unto: Nay to tollerate the introducing of heresie, would be the greatest violation thereof I could commit. Since hitherto it hath wholly been grounded upon the Catholick Religion; and all things would be distur∣bed, and quite overthrown, if I should give any allowance to the bringing in of heresie. When this danger shall be provided for, it will make the remedy the easier for the other which may arise from some peccant humour of ambition in some of the great ones. Ambition usually seeks out pretences, so as course must be taken that no such be found. Of all other pretensions, that of consci∣ence is the most specious; and they who plot most against the common good, seem by this way to be most zealous in procuring it. Let this so plausible occa∣sion be taken away, the other which may move the people to commotions will the more easily cease. You (my sister) very well know the humours of the peo∣ple of Flanders, and how they ought to be govern'd: They are born almost as much to liberty, as to subjection. He that commands must entreat; and oft-times must yield instead of obtaining. To such natures 'tis fit to adjust a proportionate Government. You must therefore use all possible diligence in maintaining the accustomed Priviledges and Immunities of the Country, and endeavour to satisfie the people in them, they being almost wholly constituted in their power. The common people live peaceably when at ease and quiet; and 'tis little to be feared, that the ambitious can either discompose them by hidden fraud, or grow more bold by open conspiracy to move them to commotion: and yet you must by all means endeavour to keep the Nobility devout to my ser∣vice by particularly giving them their due imployments, their due respects, and by assuring them that they shall always see my father supervive in me, in fa∣vouring and protecting them. Thus it may be hoped that affairs may here suc∣ceed happily, and that none of the great ones instead of expecting honours and favours from me, will provoke me to rigour and severity. But howsoever, it is in you that I place my chiefest hopes of being well served in these Countrys: n you who are so near unto me; and who in all respects, as well your own, as of the Family of Fernese, ought to assist to all my greatness, and esteem my for∣tune as yours: For what remains, if the present calamities of Europe shall prove such, as it shall be impossible for humane wisdom to preserve Flanders from sharing therein, we must leave the event to God. But I trust he will never abandon his Religion, which is mine, nor those interests which out of just ends, shall be alwayes by me constantly imbraced, and with equall constancy defended.

The Dutchess her Answer unto the King was,

That she received those his councels as so many oracles of piety and wisdom; and that she would imploy all her study in seeing them executed; and that for all things else his Majesty might be confident, that both her self, her husband, her son, and the whole family of the Ferneses, would always place all their fortune in absolute depen∣dency upon that of the Royal House of Spain

The King going afterwards from Gaunt to Flushing, which is the nearest haven of Zealand; he took ship, and made for Spain; where he prosperously arrived about the latter end of September, the year 1559. though he was not well land∣ded when a horrible tempest arose, which rent and sunk many of his ships, almost in his own sight. The King being gone, the Dutchess came to Brussels; and pre∣sently

[illustration]

applyd her self wholly to the affairs of Religion, to prevent the ensuing of such novelties, as by reason thereof was to be feared in Flanders. A business which was notwithstanding very difficult; for as nothing could more move the minds of men to novelties, then the introducing of heresie into the Country; so was there no more odious remedy to be found, then that of the Inquisition, in what manner soever it should be handled. The Dutchess began quickly to find divers difficulties, in those erections of Bishopricks which were not yet wholly established. The Abbots never gave over their former complaints; but endea∣vouring to add publick murmurings to their own particular grievances, they exa∣gerated,

That these Erections were made contrary to the priviledges of the Provinces, whose consents should have been given thereunto. That formerly the Abbots were chosen in the Country, who did above all things lay to heart the interests thereof: whereas henceforward Bishops will be chosen by the Pope, at the King of Spains nomination, and will have their chief dependency upon the Court of Rome, and that of Spain.

These reasons prevailed with some of the Provinces; and especially with Brabant, which is the chief for dignity, and hath most priviledges, in so much, as divers of her Deputies came to Brussels, desiring the Regent that she would consider better upon this business. They prest in particular that no new Bishoprick might be erected in Antwerp; which is a City united to Brabant, and which as it was feared, might by this occasion suffer much prejudice in the freedom of her Traffick. In this behalf the Re∣gent though that for the present, satisfaction might be given to that Province: in the rest she would have all things done as was decreed, not without the great indignation of many; who being either too much wedded to their own opinions, or too much inclin'd to novelty, called Bishops, Spanish Inquisitors, and much vilified the new erection of Bishopricks. The Regent treated but little of this af∣fair in the Counsel of State; for as a business already resolved on by the King, she rather thought to see it executed, then to hear new opinions concerning it. And if she did at any time treat thereof, it was with the Bishop of Arras, or some other confident, and not in full Counsel; as she did likewise in other mat∣ters of greatest jealousie. And this was in nature of a secret or Cabinet Coun∣sel; and so did the rest of the Counsellers term it with a great deal of bitterness, who were not admitted thereinto. Next to the Regent, the Bishop of Arras had the chief stroke in Government, as hath been said: and to him two of the gravest Counsellers of State did openly adhere; Vighlio, a Lawyer of great e∣steem, and President of the Privy Counsel; and Monsieur de Barlemonte, one of the chief of the Treasury; who being both of them absolutely resolv'd to follow the Kings sense, would acknowledg no other interpreter thereof then Granville, in whose brest they knew that the King had chiefly deposited them. Jealousies began therefore suddenly to arise amongst the Counsel, and from jealousies they soon past to factions, to the great prejudice of Government, and of the Kings af∣fairs. In the new erection of Bishopricks, the King had made Granville Arch∣bishop of Malines; as well that he might be heightned in preferment, as also that he might not be forced to absent himself from the Regent, whose residency was usually to be at Brussels, a Town within the Diocess of Malines. He like∣wise the next year 1560. did by the Kings favour obtain the dignity of Cardi∣nalship; so as with this his increase of honour, his Authority in the Government was much increased. Antonio Cardinal di Granvilla (for so he stiled himself) was son to Nicholas Perenot, a Burgundian, Lord of Granville, who had a long time, and with great credit, been Secretary to the Emperour Charls the fift; whom his son succeeded, as well in his Office, as in his fathers favour, being made Bishop of Arras. In this his fathers School, and among the Arcana of this Prince, Antonio had much better learnt the art of absolute, then of limited command. And pas∣sing from Charls his service to the like of Philip, in equal imployment and power; and being afterwards left in Flanders with the Dutchess of Parma, as Arbitrer and Moderator of her Government, he could hardly be brought to temper that Au∣thority which the Kings passionate affection gave him in Flanders in so high a de∣gree; but being haughty and cholerick by nature, and of a mind which tasted more of the Laick, then of the Ecclesiastick; he loved to boast how great his

power was with the King, rather then to keep it conceal'd. He loved in con∣testation and envy to be above all others, in rather an imperious then moderate manner: in all things else he was an able Minister of State without all question; through his knowledge of many tongues, and many sorts of learning, and by he experience of so many things, seen and managed by him, in the service of so memorable Princes. On the other side it was hard for the chief and prime Lords of Flanders to tollerate the Cardinals imperious power. Orange and Egmont were principally moved hereat, as also Count Horne, who was Admiral at sea•••••• a man of a fierce and rash nature: he enjoyed the place of Admiralty in Flanders; Orange the government of Holland, Zealand, and Utricht, together with that of Burgundy: and Egmont was Governor of the particular Province of Flanders, and of Artois. These were all three of the Councel of State; and being scan∣dalized to see the continuance of the Cabinet Councel, wherein many things of weighty consequences were resolved on without their acquaintance: they mur∣mured publickly against it in all places.

Was this the reward of their past services and merits? That the King, under the name of the Dutchess of Parma, should make their Country be governed, and domi∣neered over by the Cardinal Granville? that the King did only confide in him, and made him only acquainted with his true intentions. That they were allow'd votes in the Councel, and places in the Provinces, only as insignificant cyphers, that the weigh∣tiest affairs were treated of in secret, unknown to the Councel; and that such Laws were given to Flanders as best liked ā stranger, an imperious Burgundian; and one of so mean a beginning, as those of his Family would not disdain to serve them. That the Inquisition was chiefly the of spring of his advice: That he would thus bring in the Go∣vernment of Spain and Italy into Flanders, and rule over their consciences as well as their persons. That the estates, the honours, nay even the lives of the most innocent amongst them, was expos'd to the rigour of the Inquisition, upon any appearance, any report, how false, how slight soever it was. Let Spain and Italy groan under such a burthen; the one so infected with the Moors, and the other so often overrun by Barbarians. That Flanders enjoyed the purity of its antient bloud, and the modera∣tion of its peculiar Laws. That it had been Catholick thus long of its own will, and would of its own will be so still

Orange and the other two spread abroad these complaints, not only amongst the Nobility, but amongst the common people; and 'tis not to be believed what a commotion they begot: For nothing more plausible could be touched upon, then what had respect to the preservation of their publick priviledges, nor more odious then the Inquisition, by which they expected to be every day more and more prejudiced. They forbare not to shew their sences herein to the Regent her self; who set upon on the one side by the absolute decrees of Spain, and on the other by the apprehension of so bitter complaints, could do no otherwise but give good answers, and hopes of timely remedy. That which she was most trou∣bled at, was to hear that Orange in particular had propounded a Convocation of the States General, as the most efficatious remedy which could be apply'd to the evils in matter of Religion, which at that time threatned Flanders. He see∣med to propound this out of his zeal to the love of Religion, and of the King: saying, that thus, by the opinion of all the Provinces, the Inquisition might either be moderated, or wholly supprest, by the applying of some more moderate re∣medy in the lieu thereof, and which used with the satisfaction of the Country, might be altogether as efficatious.

This advice could not be well received from Orange, who was esteemed mighty ambitious, and very crafty. It was rather thought he endeavoured thus anteci∣pately to work upon the peoples inclination, to the end that he might afterwards rule this publick Assembly when it should be called, according to his own will, and his own ends. The Cardinal did not let slip these occasions to raise the grea∣ter jealousies in the King, of Orange and the rest, who seemed to contrary him, and detracted from his actions. He shew'd,

How much such a Convocation would redound to the Kings prejudice; and how that the meeting of this Assembly was to be shun'd at all times as much as might be: which coming the better to the knowledge of its power by its union,

endeavoured alwayes to lessen the Princes Authority and Prerogative, and to advance their own. But of how much greater danger would this be at such a conjuncture of time, wherein such a preparation of peccant humors were seen to be in all the degrees of the Country. So as it was to be held for certain that the Abbots would appear discontented; the meaner sort of Gentry would be wrought upon by the greater; and the common People, of themselves alwayes greedy of Noveltie, would much more willingly obey their Deputies, and the rest of esteem amongst them of their own degree, then the King, the Regent, or any other of the Kings Officers. That therefore the King was not by any means to admit of such an Assembly; but that it was better to temporize a while be∣tween rigor and mildness, till this inclination to Innovation should passe over; it being to be hoped for that Ornage and the rest would never endeavor it, when they should see no hopes of bringing it to passe.

The King would have been averse enough of himself from the calling together of the States General, for these very reasons which he himself very well knew: but the Letters which Granville writ to him to this purpose, and which were fully confirmed by the Regent, made him be much more so: insomuch as the King per∣sisting still more and more in the execution of the Edicts against the Hereticks, renued his orders therein often to the Regent; and by her the Commissions were reitterated in the Provinces: where the Magistrates meeting every day with greater difficulties in making them be executed, saw their Authority often times scorned and derided. Heresie had by this time got too deep rooting; and still cor∣rupting the peoples minds more and more by the alluring liberty of her Tenets, had begun to beget in them an open alienation from their due obedience to the Lawes and Magistrates: contrary to publike orders, papers were every day given abroad by the Hereticks, first in writing, and then in Print; first in matters one∣ly which concern'd conscience; and then in such things as might make the people the more fear to see the form of Government altered to their prejudice. On the part of France, these pernitious practises were managed in the Walloon Provinces; under which name are comprehended those Provinces of Flanders, which are situated towards France; and wherein there is great commerce of wine, and other Merchandize, with that Kingdom; and especially in the two Cities of Tourney, and Valenciennes. On the side of Germany, the Hereticks sought in like manner to infect Friesland, and all that neighbouring part of the low Coun∣tryes within land. But the infection was greater, which was brought both by Sea and Land, into Holland and Zealand by meanes of the commerce which the Cities in the Baltick Sea had in Amsterdam, and in Midleburg; both of them places of great Traffick; as also in many other towns of great Traffick both in Holland and Zealand. Great was the commerce of Traffickers likewise into both those Provinces from England. And Hereticall Ministers entring on all sides, under the profession of Merchants, they accompanied their seditious writings, with words of mouth yet more seditious; reproving the Flemish in particular of their too much remisness, and patience, in bearing the yoke, which as they said, was laid upon their consciences.

That Germany had thrown it off long ago, as they might see; even against the forces of Charls the fifth: that England had now happily done the like: and that the reformed Religion made daily great advancements in France: that they might then know their own power, and how to make use of it; that the Regent was a woman, wholly in their power: Granville a forreiner, and hated by the Country: that the King was far off, and but little hopes of his ever returning thither in person: and to what end did the disarmed Authority of the Princes serve, but to make them be the more scorned and lesse feared.

The Heretical Ministers, and other Sectaries fill'd the ears, and mindes of the Flemish in all parts with these conceits, which infused impiety and sedition. And in concourse of time it was discovered that Orange held intelligence particularly with the Admirall of France: which was contracted upon the occasion he had of entertaining himself in France with Henry the second, as one of the hostages of Philip the second, in performance of the Peace of Cambray, as hath been said: and time produced at last, that Orange took for his fourth and last wife a daugh∣ter

of the same Admirals (though the Admirall was then dead) as shall be said in its due place. This correspondency in endeavours between them was easily contracted by the similitude of their natures. For both of them were very Am∣bitious and Fraudulent: and did equally endeavour to advance their own private Fortunes by the publike ruine. In fine, in the opinion of all men the one was born to be the cause of France's misfortunes, the other of the calamities of Flan∣ders. And both of them by their Tragical ends, shewed what punishment is re∣served for those, who losing all respects either of Lawes or God, do erect their Altars here below to Ambition, and impiety; and to the Idols of other immode∣rate and blinde Humane passions. The Kingdom of France was at this time in∣volved in great troubles. Francis the second was dead: whom Charls the ninth, succeeded at the age of ten years. Catherine of Medicis, mother to them both, retained the chief place in Government in Charls his time as well as she had done in his Brothers, who not able to sustain it but by intreaty, or prayer, was forced to devide it sometimes with the Catholikes, sometime with the Hugonots. But still in danger of the Ambitious designes, which was discovered in both the parties. France was never agitated with greater Tempests then these. And the Hugonot faction prevailing then continually more in the Kingdom, 'tis no wonder if the Hereticks took the boldness to foment the evils from that part, which were a hatching in Flanders; expecting that by the conjuncture of times and actions, they might come from secret fomenting, to open conspiracy. A midst so many forreine Plots, and home difficulties, the Regent was every day more straitened in matter of Religion. On the one side Granville encouraged her to have the Edicts executed; one the others side, the Governours of the Provinces desired to be ex∣cused; shewing that the number of the Hereticks was already too great; and that in many places the Magistrates themselves were infected with Heresie. It was known notwithstanding that they did not what they might have done; were it ei∣ther that they desired some dishonour and shame might redound to Granville from such disorders, who had the chief stroke in Government; or that the King should be the more inforced to seek for remedy therein by their means. They con∣tinued their former complaints against Granville; and discovered an apparent hatred and scorn of him: as was particularly seen upon a certain occasion, which was thus. At a certain Feast there hapned to be, Count Egmont, the Marquess of Berghen, (who was likewise one of the chief Lords of the Country, and Governour of Henault) and Min Here Montigni, Brother to Count Horne, and divers other of their Friends: where a discourse hapned (were it casuall, or premeditated) upon the Liveries which the Pages and foot-men of the Lords and other chiefest of the Court wore: here one of them rising up, said, Why doe we not all make one and the same Livery, which by the similitude of our colours, may denote the conformity of our mindes? the proposition was instantly enter∣tained, and lots being drawn, who should chuse the Livery, it fell to Egmont; and he chose one with a certain Odde Coule, or Hood, which in Flanders are Buffonelike, and are wont to be put on the heads of Fools or Jesters. Many others of the Court presently took up this livery: and for divers dayes there was no other work done in Brussels. The Dutchesse was hereat offended; for none doubted but that this habit had relation to the Cardinals habit; and that this was done in derision of him. Besides, it might be feared, that this might be the be∣ginning of a league, and union within the Court, which might soon spread abroad throughout the whole Country to the great prejudice of the King. The Dutchess laid this particularly to Egmonts charge; who excused it, as a thing which had hapned casually, and without any intention of offending the Cardinal, and much lesse, of proving prejudicial to the Kings service. They then left off their Coule and took for their common impressa, a bundoll of Arrowes tide up together; which was an impressa often used in the Kings coyn. They would have it beleeved that this signified their joynt union in the Kings service; but it was generally thought, that this union had for its end, the defence of publike Pri∣viledges, and their conformable sense to conspire unanimously against Granville: nor was it long ere this conspiracie broke forth: for people growing still more haughty, not being able to discend to dissimulation, as neither was the Cardinal on

his behalf, nor yet to any sort of going lesse, especially when he saw himself so bitterly provoked; Orange, Egmont, and Horn, together with divers others, combined joyntly together against him; and these three in particular, resolved to write a letter to the King; which was to this purpose.

How great our devotions have alwayes been to your Majesties service in these parts, we beleeve may be sufficiently known, both by our so faithfull service to your Majestie, and by those favours which in leiu thereof you have upon all occasions so graciously confer'd upon each of us. The same zeal makes us now perhaps transgresse the rules of reverence, that we may not prove faulty in those of Loyalty. Your Majesty, at your departure left the Government of these Provinces in the Dutchess of Parma; so vertuous a Princess as she hath fully answered the applause of so worthy a choice. It was beleeved that the Bishop of Arras, now Cardinal, was left with her to Councell and advise her, and not to be Arbitrer in the Government: but he arrogating unto himself the absolute disposall of all things, and leaving nothing of Regent to the Dutchess but the bare name, disposes of these Provinces, as he would do of his own private house. He orders all things as he pleases; he handles and resolves the weightiest affairs without the knowledge of the Councell of State: and doth this so imperiously, and with such contempt of all the Nobility, as the manner is more odious then the thing it self. If the evils which insue from hence did terminate in our own private offences, we might at last resolve to bear with them; but experience doth shew daily more and more, that this maladie is already become Publike; and that not stopping in the Court, it passes, and breakes out into the Provinces, with great danger that the effects will still prove worse. As long as Cardinal Granville shall tarry in Flanders, so long will these inconviencies and disorders increase; and be∣cause they may perchance in time arrive at such a height, that it will be too late to remove him from hence; we therefore have thought it suited with the obligation which the Candor of our fidelitie, and the condition of our severall imployments imposeth upon us to acquaint your Maiesty with what hath been said, to the end that you may apply such remedy as is necessary: which certainly consists in taking the Cardinal from Flanders, as soon as may be. Those who are here of the best sort, and generally all the rest of the Provinces are of our opinion; in which let not the Cardinal boast him∣self that he desires the integrity of the Catholike Religion more then we; for we may rather justly glory, that had it not been for us the worship thereof would have been much more damnified, and diminished in them.

This was written in March 1563 those who writ it, knew very well, that the Cardinal did nothing but by express command from the King; and therefore to blame him, was thorough him to blame the King; the King forbore from an∣swering them some months; and at last, with such brevity and state as became a King, he answered thus.

I am glad that I can attribute all that which you all three have written touch∣ing Cardinal Granville, to the particular respect of my service. I commend your zeal, and am well pleased with your carriage. But on the other side, I do not use for any complaint made by others, to bereave any Officer of mine of his imployment, without hearing him speak for himself. Moreover, it is fitting in business of this nature, to come from generalities to particular offences; to the end that if the accused cannot justifie himself, his punishment may be the greater. But because these are things which peradventure may better be discust by word of mouth then by Letters, I think it best that some one of you to that purpose, come over to me in person; with assurance of being here by me, both willingly heard, and honourably received.

Orange and the rest were much confused at this Letter: they were not there∣withall satisfied; but being the more incensed, they writ again unto the King, a longer Letter, complaining that after so long a delay, the King seemed so much to slight their endeavours. They said in that Letter,

That they had not subscribed themselves in their former Letter, as the Cardinals accusers, but as his Majesties Councellers; and therefore bound to acquaint him with that which they conceiv'd made most for his service; that they did not desire the Cardi∣nal should be any wars damnified by their means; but did rather wish him all encrease of honour and employment, so as it were out of Flanders; that his being in Flanders

did too much harm, for the reasons they had formerly alleadged, which were so known, as they needed no further proof. For what remained, they did not put so great a va∣lue upon the Cardinal, as that any of them should come into Spain upon his score. And since the King did so little believe them, they desired he would be pleased that from hence-forward they might forbear coming to the Councel; where they could no longer either serve the King, or do themselves any honour.

This in short was the contents of the second Letter. To which the King after a while did also answer, to this effect.

That he would consider of what was best to be done concerning the Cardinals person; that in the mean time they should continue to do him that service which he expected at their hands, as well in the Councel, as in their other employ∣ments, for which they were to expect from him by way of recompence, all grate∣full acknowledgement.

There past little less then a whole year in the intercourse of these Letters; but Orange, Egmont, and the rest, continuing still their boldness, and knowing that there was little good to be hoped for from Spain, touching Granvilles removal from Flanders, they resolved to put such scorn upon him, and so to despise him, as he himself should desire to be gone from thence. They treated little with him: they seldom appeared in Councel; they termed such as adhered therein to him, Cardinalists: in their meetings, at their feasts, and almost at all times and in all places, they mockt and laught at him: and there wanted not some of them who affirmed that the speediest way of ridding Flanders of him, was to rid him of his life. So as the Cardinal being reduced to those terms, as that he could not serve the King to any purpose in those parts, nor stay there with safety to his own life; he himself at last craved leave of the King to be gone. Who agitated awhile between the necessity of granting his request, and his own dignity in denying it, resolved at last to give way thereunto, since he could now put on no more vigo∣rous resolutions. But this injury remained notwithstanding, deeply imprinted in his mind: which he resented upon other occasions, as we shall hereafter see. The Cardinal Granville went then from Flanders in March 1564. and going first into Burgundy about his Domestical affairs, he was afterwards sent for by the King with much honour into Spain; and was there made one of the Councel of State, and employed in the most weighty affairs of that Crown. Many were of opinion that the Dutchess was not much troubled to see Granville gone; as one who was upheld by the King in too great Authority with her. Yet the truer opinion was, that she was very much grieved to be deprived of such a man, and one so well experienced in the affairs of Flanders. To boot that upon any sinister events, (whereof many, and of very great moment did ensue after his de∣parture) he might have justified her behaviour therein unto the King, and have easily freed her from those accusations, which were afterwards, often laid unto her charge in the Councel in Spain.

THE HISTORY OF THE WARS OF FLANDERS. Written by CARDINAL BENTIVOGLIO.

BOOK II.

The Contents.

The Nobility are glad at Granvilles departure. Factions in the Councel of State. The Regent makes the Councel of Trent be received; Orange opposeth it, and shews an unquiet disposition. Heresie begins to appear bare-faced in Flanders. The In∣quisition still more detested. Egmont goes into Spain. The King persists in his former resolutions. Egmont returns, and the Country is distasted. The Nobility do in particular conspire, and form an Instrument in writing, by the name of Com∣promise or Covenant. Some of the chiefest meet together at Breda, a Town belong∣ing to the Prince of Orange. The Dutchess grows very apprehensive of these pro∣ceedings. She understands that a great many of the Nobility meet together, to present her with a Petition; she endeavours, but in vain to hinder the delivery of it. Brederodes Oration to his other Companions. They present the Petition. They take upon them the name of Beggers. And why they do so. The Marquis of Berghen and Monsieur Montigni are sent into Spain; and are not admitted of by the King. The practise and profession of heresie is publickly introduced in Flanders. The Nobilities audaciousness in defending it. Their assembling to∣gether at Getrinberg. The Regent endeavours to satisfie them. And is at last inforced to take away all manner of Inquisition. The hereticks and unquiet people are hereby encouraged. From whence they come to open violencies against the Churches.

WHen Cardinal Granville was gone from Flanders, occasion of complaining did rather cease in Orange and the rest, then a will to complain. And therefore seeming very well satisfied with this the Kings resolution, they made pub∣lick demonstrations of joy in all places.

That now the Country was freed of him who sought to op∣press it; The Councel left in its former dignity; and the Regent her self in the reputation which was due to her in the Government: That Flanders had not a sorer enemy then the Cardinal; nor the Nobility a more malitious interpreter of their actions to the King. Let him in Gods name, carry that pride and arrogancy which he so much joy'd in, somewhere else; and

let him exalt himself, where either the obscurity of his birth was not known, or where the splendor of others was less esteemed of.

They accompanied the Cardinals deperture with these words, full of bitterness; not yet satisfied with the hatred, which whilst present, they had in so many sorts shewed towards him. On the other side they shewed all due observancy to the Regent; they never intermitted commg to Councel; neither did they let slip any other occasion by which they might reconcile her unto them, and make her their protect or unto the King. We told you before, that the President Vighlio, and Barlemont did side with the Cardinal in all things in Councel; he had made the King have a great good opinion of their fidelity and wisdom, as also the Coun∣cel of Spain; so as when the Cardinal was gone, 'twas soon seen that the Re∣gent confided more in these two in many resolutions, then in all the rest: and 'twas easily to be judged that she had Orders from the King so to do; and that though the Cardinal was gone, yet his Councels remained still in Flanders. Vighlio was an upright man, and no less pious in matters of Religion, then faithfull in what concern'd the King. And where it was needfull, he opposed the ambition and arrogancy of great ones, more then became his condition. Succeeding then in Granvilles sence, and encouraged thereunto by the esteem which was put up∣on his Councels in Spain, he forbore not to put the Regent in mind,

How little cause she had to confide in those great ones; who having no other end then to make themselves every day greater, could not receive any addition to their Authority, which tended not to the diminution of the Regal power. That their eyes were now upon France; and by the example of those Contrivers of Innovations, they would introduce the same troubles and Faction into Flan∣ders, that they might afterwards fall out within themselves, who should have the greatest share of their Country, when they had made a prey of her. Was there any doubt but that all those pretences were false which they had made use of to remove Granville from Flanders? How had he offended them? unless they would esteem themselves injured by the service which he had done the King, and which with such loyalty and constancie of mind he had alwayes endea∣voured to sustain, not regarding their complaint nor threats? That she would be soon enough aware of this: For one pretence failing, they would raise up others; and after having warred against the Kings Ministers of State, they would bare-faced make war against the King himself.

This speech of Vighlio's proved a prophesie; so fully was it confirmed by the event. Nor was it long ere (just as he had foretold) Orange and the rest took up new occasion of Com∣plaints, in a business which fell out in Religion; and 'twas this. The Coun∣cel of Trent was already published; and the controversies which arose between the Catholicks and Hereticks in matter of religion, were truly determined by that divine Oracle of the Church: neither had her sacred Decree brought forth less fruit, in the reformation of Ecclesiastical discipline. Of all the Princes of Chri∣stendom, the King of Spain had made it his particular care to see that Councel take good effect. He was alwayes fixed and unalterable, not to admit of any Religion in his Kingdoms and States but the Catholike profession: For his Ter∣ritories being so far divided one from another, he thought that they might be the easilier united in their obedience under him by the bond of an uniform zeal which might equally fasten them in their devotion to the Church. The Councel then being ended, the King was resolved for what concerned his Temporal authority, that the Decrees made thereby should be observed in all his Dominions; and therefore had given such orders as were needfull, to the Dutchess of Parma, to make them be received and observed in Flanders. She propounded this to the Councel of State; and there wanted not some who presently opposed the pro∣position. They said,

That the Conncel was in many things contrary to the priviledges of the Provinces; that the Ecclesiastical government would be too much advantaged thereby; that the strictness thereof did too much oppose the liberty of the Country; and 〈◊〉〈◊〉, that the Catholike Princes of Germany had refused to receive it, and that the same contra∣rieties appeared to be in France.

Orange in particular moved these oppositions: Though it was not true that any

evil could redound to the Country by the Councel, as experience did afterwards shew. But he did this, that he might not let slip any occasion in shewing himself zealous in whatsoever might appeare serviceable for the common good of the Flemish: To boot, that it was already begun to be feared that these might proceed from some corruption in him in point of religion. He had already two years ago married for his second wife, Anne, daughter to Maurice Elector of Saxony, a wo∣man who was an Heretick: whereat the King was displeased, neither was the Regent nor Cardinal Granville well pleased thereat. Bringing her afterwards to Brussels, he gave way that not only she, but many others under colour of belonging to her family, had the exercise of the Lutheran religion used amongst them: So as the ceremonies thereof were observed in his house; and his wife had with her some of her sisters of the same sect. Orange excused himself herein, by reason of the Li∣berty of Conscience which was enjoyed in Germany, and by his being obliged so to doe in his conditions of marriage. But whatsoever his opinion was then in point of Religion, it was thought that he had willingly allied himself to a Prince so considerable in Germany, to the end that he might get new adherences in those parts, and thereby advantage or aggrandise himself upon any occasion that might arise. He therefore under the abovesaid pretences did oppose the introducing of the Councel more then any other: And being egg'd on by Ambition, and by those ends which till then he had secretly hatched in his mind; not stopping at those difficulties which arose of Religion, he propounded many other things by way of Reformation of Government: under pretence of doing the King service, and of the good which would thereby redound unto the Country.

He proposed how that it would be much better, to have all things discust in the Councell of State, which were now severally agitated in the Cabinet Councell, and Councel of the Treasurie. He said that many times the results of one Councel did thwart those of another; and that by reason of the affairs being thus divided, they were usually spun out into much length, and great difficulties were occasioned. That the Councel of State being esteemed the chiefest, it was as the eye of the Prince, which watched over the common good of his people: that therefore the Government thereof should be answerable to its dignitie. That notwithstanding, not to ingrosse the whole body of business into the Counsel of State, a deputa∣tion might be made to some inferior officers who might discuss the more com∣mon affairs of the two other Councels; and that these of greatest importance being thus united, and choice being made of the ablest Councellors to manage them, the expedition would doubtlesly be much greater, and the profit much more.

But all the rest of the Councel did not agree in this; Egmont, though he was oft times drawn to be of Orange his opinion, through the advantage which the subtile craft of the one had over the others more open nature, seemed not to approve of these innovations touching the Councels; and in the business of the Councel of Trent, he said; that it was a business to be maturelty con∣sidered upon; to the end that the Kings orders therein might be effected, so as might give best satisfaction to the Provinces. But Veghlio was for the present put∣ting of the Councel in Execution. He said;

That the Church in all ages had endeavoured by the way of Councels to preserve the Purity of her decrees, and the order of her Discipline. And how salutiferous would such a remedy be in particular to those evils wherewith Flanders did at the present labour, and which did still threaten her more and more? that if the Councel could any wise prejudice the priviledges of the Provinces, some accomodation might be thought upon therein. For what remain'd, that the King ought to boast and glory himself that he had not either the same necessity or the same sence as other Princes had; and that his was so conformable to that of the Church, and grounded upon such rea∣sons which did so well unite Wisdom and Piety together. Neither did he lesse op∣pose Orange his proposition touching the reducing the three above said Councels into one. Shewing,

That, that would be, not to order, but to confound businesses; which be∣ing so many and of such weight and labor, might be sufficiently digested in each of them apart, that the introducing of those Councels did not then begin; but that the use of them was so Ancient, as shewed the good

use which was made of them, and that therefore they ought not by any means to be altered.

And afterward inciting the Regent in secret against Orange his Ambition; he shewed how dangerous such propositions were to the Kingly Authority, and that of her her self. For that the Councel of State would by this means not only be supe∣riour to her Regencie, but to the power of the very King. Barlemont agreed in opinion with the President Vighlto; and these two, together with some others which they had drawn over to side with them, were by Orange and the rest who had shewed themselves enemies to Granville, called by the name of Cardinalists. Complaining still that his sence remained in Flanders, though not his person: the complaints, and contrarieties of opinions in the Councel did therefore daily increase more and more; and from these disorders the like in the Provinces, where the Edicts met with such difficulties as some of the meaner sort of Hereticks had lately had the boldnes in Antwerp to hinder the publike execution of justice which was to have been done upon one of them by burning him in the place appointed thereunto. The like had not long before happened in Valenciennes, and the like was feared in Tourney: to this was added, that in these and others Cities the Here∣ticks were heard to sing their vulgar Psalms by night publikely in the streets. And did by day exercise their sects in more then one place; and did almost threaten that they would have the free use thereof by force, since they could not have it by Toleration. The Dutchess wavered between the inconveniencies and dangers which might insue as well by putting the Edicts rigorously into execution, as by giving any the least connivencie to the exercise of Heresie; she therefore thought good that Count Egmont should go to Spain, to inform the King fully by word of mouth, of all the occurrences of Flanders, and in particular of those which had respect to Religion: and to solicit such remedies as should be thought most fit. The Councel approved of his going, and because in the infor∣mations which were given unto the Count of those things which he was to say in Spain, Orange thought that the disorders which were already risen, and which yet were to be feared in matter of Heresie, were not represented in such manner as they ought to be: he spake, as much concern'd, or very feelingly therein; reflecting particularly upon Vighlio who was to draw up the instructions.

This (said he) is either to deceive our selves, or the King, in going about to les∣sen those evils, which are so much greater then the Relation which is now to be sent, makes them appear to be. Let the King know the bottom of our evils, to the end that he may the better know them, and know how the more easily to cure them. Let us not conceal how great the number of hereticks are here almost in all our Provinces; how little they do already value his Edicts: how small respect they bear to the Magi∣strates: and let it be concluded that Flanders is not capable of the Inquisition. And that to continue it, would be a greater evil then the mallady it self. I am (said he) a good Catholick, and a faithfull servant of the Kings; but the deplorable examples of Germany and France, do sufficiently prove, that conscience will be perswaded, not enforced; and that heresie ought not to be suddenly allay'd by violence, since it may sooner be quenched by fair means.

He put them in mind again of the difficulties of the Councel of Trent, and what he had propounded touching the reforming of the Councels; upon which things he did much expatiate himself with great fervency. But the Dutchess ta∣king Count Egmont aside, and giving him such instructions as she thought fittest; dispatched him away for Spain, loading him with all those hopes which might more encourage him to the journey, and wishing him for his own sake to carry the business so as might stand best with the Kings liking. The King was well pleased that Egmont should come to Spain, for he was thought to be of a good and easie nature, when left to himself; and therefore the King hoped to draw him the easilier over to his sense, by favours which he would conferr upon him. And that having won him, who was so much beloved in Flanders, the others would either forbear novelties, or being divided amongst themselves, they should not at least so easily put them in execution. Egmont began his journey in the beginning of the year 1565. and when he came to Madrid, he was honourably received by the King and the whole Court. But as for the business, he prevailed

no more then the former endeavours, and complaints about the Inquisition and Edicts against the hereticks had done. The King was firmly setled in his first re∣solution, of not giving any the least toleration at all therein: and he, as also the whole Councel of Spain, was as firmly perswaded, that the mischiefs of Flanders in matter of Religion, were chiefly occasioned by the weakness and connivency of those who were trusted with seeing the Edicts executed. The King was displea∣sed with the Proposition touching the alteration of the Councels; as arguments of ambitious and unquiet thoughts, which still appeared more in Orange: Nor would have any thing spoken thereof, nor listen to any opposition that was made to the Councel of Trent. He notwithstanding dispatcht Egmont away in a very benigne manner, and full of hopes that he himself would follow speedily after him, to Flanders in person, to see the better to the affairs of those Provinces. He did him many favours, and in particular presented him 50000 Dutch Guelders, and promised he would help to see his daughters (of which Egmont had good store) well married, and would take him, and all the interests of his Family, in∣to his particular protection. He therefore returned very well satisfied from the Court of Spain, magnifying the Kings goodness: his inclination to the Fle∣mish, the favours which he would in particular conferr upon the Nobility; and his firm resolution of coming quickly into Flanders. But Orange seeming little to believe what Egmont said, and not trusting to the hope which he so amplified, told him upon a time in the presence of many, by way of sharp derision,

That he little understood the Spaniards cunning: and that suffering himself to be deluded by his own privat advantages, he had not well minded the Countrys publick welfare, whilst he was in Spain.

At the same time that Egmont returned from Spain, Alexander Fernese, Prince of Parma, and son to the Regent, came likewise from thence to Flanders, by rea∣son of the marriage which was concluded between him and the Princess Mary, of the bloud Royal of Portugal. This Alexander is he who afterward go∣verned the Low-Countreys so gallantly for the space of 15 years, and who by his so many illustrious actions will enrich this our History, if God permit me life to finish it, and a sutable vigour to my pen. His marriage was to be celebrated in Flanders; and not long after Peter Ernestus, Count Mansfield, Governor of Lu∣cemberg, went by sea, together with his wife, and a noble and numerous atten∣dance, to conduct his Bride from those parts. And after a dangerous voyage, having at last brought her safely to Brussels, the marriage was there solemnized; to the which Octavius Fernese, Duke of Parma, came from Italy to honour his son, and see the Regent his wife. But to return to the affairs treated of by Eg∣mont in Spain. The Regent thought it fit, that he himself should make relation thereof in the Councel of State. The Councels opinion was, that a conference should be had in Brussels of some Bishops, some Divines, and some Lawyers, who might consider how the Kings Orders in the aforesaid matters of Religion, and wherein was so much difficulty, might best be effected. To this end the Regent sent for the Bishops of Arras, of Ipri, and Namures, who had intervened at the Councel of Trent: For Ravenstai••, and Jansene, two of the most esteemed Divines which were then in those parts; for two Presidents of the Provincial Councels of Flanders and Utricht, together with two Councellers, the one of Malines, the other of Brabant. The result of this conference was,

That all possible care should be taken to preserve the true Catholick Doctrine throughout the whole Country: That to this purpose Seminaries should be instituted in Cities, and Schools in other places: That it should be endeavoured to reduce all Ec∣clesiastical persons to convenient reformation. And lastly, it was judged, that touch∣ing the punishment of Hereticks, the necessity of the times were such, as for the pre∣sent, moderation was rather to be therein used then rigor since it was seen that the severity of punishment made them still more mad and pertenacious.

The Dutchess acquainted the King at large with all that was treated of in this Conference, by her Letters of July the same year 1565. to the which the King answered, by a new and express Declaration,

That he would not forgoe what he had already so maturely resolved on con∣cerning his Edicts, the Inquisition, the Councel of Trent, and other things

which concerned Religion. He seemed much incenst that dispute should be still had about such businesses: and complain'd that the disorder of the Heretick was occasioned and increased through the too great connivencie of his Officers: that if any of them were wanting either in courage, or in zeal, the Regent should change them and should consider that the dangers were not so great which might be feared from observing the Edicts, and from so moderate a use of the inquisiti∣on, but that those were much greater, which would insue by leaving Heresie, and the wilde boldness of her Sectaries, without such a curb. He concluded, that the Regent could do him no such acceptable service, as to endeavour by all possible means the maintaining of Flanders united in the Catholike Religion to his other Kingdoms: since by rendering this obedience to the Church, the obe∣dience which was due to his Crown was the better established; and that when these two obediences should be given, he would in all things else, not onely make Flanders enjoy her Priviledges, but confer greater immunities upon her.

These so strict commands being come to the Regent from Spain, she suddenly published a new Edict against the Hereticks in confirmarion of the former; she writ herein apart to the Councels, and Governours of the Provinces. And de∣puted certain persons in each of them, who were to give her an account every three moneths of the State of Religion, and particularly what observance was given to the Councel of Trent.

It was generally hoped for in Flanders, upon Egmonts going into Spain, that the King would have moderated the Edicts, and wholly have suppressed the in∣quisition. So as when the contrary appear'd, and that the rigor of the Edicts was rather augmented, & that the inquisition, so much abhor'd by them, was establisht, it cannot be said how much the People were hereat inraged: and what preparations were suddenly made for the ensuing troubles. The fear of the inquisition being by this new Edict every where diffused, and the terror thereof being by many artificiously encreased, some grew so bold as to give a beginning to a confederacy, whereby they straitly bound themselves to keep united together, and to oppose the inquisition as much as they might. Philip Marnissius, Lord of Saint Aldigonde, was reputed the Author hereof; who was a bold man, and who already began to think ill of the Catholike Religion, and was alwayes afterwards one of the most obstinate of the Heretick Faction. A particular writing was then drawn up in testimony of the aforesaid confederacy, and was suddenly subscribed by many. And in respect of the reciprocal promises therein contained, it was called a Com∣premise, or Covenant; the Tenor whereof was,

That the King being abused by some few under the pretence of Religion, who were more sway'd by Ambition, Avarice, and infidelity, then by honesty, Justice, or the love of their Country, would by all means establish the Spanish inquisition in Spain; the use whereof, and the calamities which would thereupon insue, were set down in the most fearfull terms that could be devised: 'twas added, that the care of remedying such evils belonged chiefly to the Nobilitie; and that the best remedy was, to joyn all in one sense, not to admit of the inquisition in any manner whatsoever: 'twas shew'd how that the same intention would be had throughout the whole Country, such a novelty being too pernitious to all men, and did too much repugne the publike Priviledges: and in fine, the confederates engaged themselves each to other by oath, never to seperate, or ever to admit of the use of the inquisition, under what soever name either of visitation, commission, or Edict. They cal'd God to be a witness of their good intentions, and invoked the Holy Ghost to bring their endeavours to a happy end. This is the Compremise, Arbitrement, or Covenant which is so much written of by all those who relate the affairs of Flanders. And this proved the first sparkle of that fire, which did afterwards involve, and doth to this day keep all the Pro∣vinces in so long, and so bitter a War. The above said writing was suddenly disperst abroad throughout the whole Country: for the first confederates di∣viding themselves into the chiefest Cities, and all possible diligence and cunning to make it be subscribed by as many as they could. They gave out, that all this was done by the Agreement of the persons of best quality in all the Provinces; and that Orange, Egmont, the Marquess of Berghen, and divers others of the prime nobilitie, were the Authors thereof, though they would not yet discover

themselves; to the end they might do it hereafter to better purpose. Thus Ca∣tholicks and Hereticks, the Nobles and Citizens, Merchants and Plebeians; and many others of all conditions and professions, strive who shall run fastest to sub∣scribe. The confederacy is praised, and received with great applause: In their cups, and at their meat, great is the ardor which is seen in every one to embrace it. Down goes the Inquisition; the mischief suddenly grows greater; the ve∣nome whereof doth not now creep in, but like a Torrent, overflowes and enlar∣geth it self every where. Of such force is inraged fear with mortals; and so much more doth apprehended evill sometimes prevail, then the evil would do were it effected. At the same time many seditious papers were scattered about in the Cities of greatest commerce, whereby the apprehension of the Inquisition was en∣deavoured to be augmented in the people. In particular it was given out, that Henry Duke of Brunswick, was shortly to come with some Alman Forces to assist the Inquisitors. That to this purpose requisite moneys were sent from Spain; that the King sent some Inquisitors of the very Spanish Nation; and that already one Alonzo del Canto was in Flanders to this purpose. The Dutchess of Pa ma was exceedingly troubled to see this: and the more she thought, the less she knew what to do: she saw how needfull rigor would be; but on the other side, she could not exercise it without Forces.

What good was there to be expected from new Order, or new Edicts, unless in were to make her authority the less esteemed, and the peoples boldness the greater in de∣spising her.

The Regent being thus perplext, and not knowing yet for certain whether the chiefest Lords had joyned in subscribing to this Compremise, or no; she was ad∣vertised that many of them were at the present with Orange in Breda, a Town of his, together with divers other personages of quality. The appearing occasion of their meeting was to visit the Count of Zwarsenburg, who had married a sister of the Prince of Orange, and who was then upon his departure for Germany. With Orange, was Count Lodovick (a brother of his) a man of a turbulent and fierce Nature. And the rest of that Assembly were the Counts of Horn, of Hostrat, and of Mega, together with some others of those Noblemen who had subscribed the compremise; and because Egmont and the Marquis of Berghen could not be then at Breda, they were invited together with all the above-named, the next day to supper in Hostrat, by the Count thereof. The aforesaid confederacy was much discust, first in Breda, and then in Hostrat.

At these meetings, Orange, after many complaints made against the Cardina∣lists, shewed how that it appertained to them, who were of the Councel of State, and of the Order of the Golden Fleece, to endeavour the remedy of those evils which so important a commotion did threaten the Country withall. He said that the number of the confederates was great in all parts; and especially those of the better sort: and he spake as if he approv'd of the confederacie, and as if he en∣deavoured to draw the rest of his Colleagues joyntly to embrace it. Lodovick, the Brother of Orange, agreed with him in all things; who was commonly thought to be an heretick, and was not displeased to be thought so; either for that he really was so, and valued not those punishments which he did not fear; or for that Orange himself, for some hidden ends of his own, was well enough content to see his brother in favour and Authority with the Hereticks. Egmont and Berghen, did not seem to adhere to Orange his sence and the Count of Me∣ga much less, who spake boldly against the rashness of the confederates: Horn and Hostrat, suspended their opinions, and thus the meetings ended, no particu∣lar resolution being taken. The Regent was soon acquainted with all these pro∣ceedings, by Egmont and Mega; who together with Barlemonte, and Vighlio, encouraged her, and advised her to raise some soldiers; to which, necessity seem∣ed likewise to perswade her, for that it was every day heard how the number of confederates did every where encrease, as also the suspition that they would at∣tempt some novelty: nor did they any longer delay it. When a great number of them were gathered together, they drew near to Brussels, and desired the Re∣gent that she would permit them to propound a business of importance unto her, and which, (as they said) concerned the Kings service, as well as their own good.

The Councel differed in their opinions, what they ought to advise the Regent to do in this point; the manner of the request being considered, some thought that it was absolutely to be rejected; others, that only two or three might be per∣mitted to present it; but that opinion which was judged most necessary, pleavailed at last, since without forces there was nothing else to be done: and it was, That all of them should be suffered to enter Brussels, which was coloured over by such of the Councel, as were not displeased at the action, by alleadging that it was not fitting to exasperate so many of the Nobility, by rejecting their Petition before it was heard: and that they came but to make supplication, the most desirable tribute of submission which Princes could receive from their people. Of all the confederates who had as yet subscribed, Henry of Brederode, Lord of Viana, a Town in Holland, in which Province he was highly esteemed for the nobility of his bloud, and for which he was likewise much respected throughout the whole Country, was acknowledged as the Head, or Chieftain: he was an heretick with∣out dissimulation, of a troublesome spirit, and more troublesome tongue, desirous of novelties, and the more incited thereunto at this time, by his being chosen to be the head of so many Nobles. He therefore came into Brussels, accompanied with a numerous multitude in the beginning of April 1566; and was soon fol∣lowed by Count Lodovick, brother to the Prince of Orange, who was likewise wel accompanied: as also by the Counts of Collemburg and Tresemberg. These four were then the chief men: their rendezvous at Brussels was in the Count Colemburgs house; and therefore that house was afterwards razed to the ground in Duke Alva's time, in memory of so execrable an excesse: their numbers are diversly spoken of. Some will have them to be 200, others 300, others 500. The Dutchess had this mean while endeavoured by many expedients, and did still endeavour to bring the confederates to some more wholesome Councels. They therefore fearing lest some of their associates might be thereby wrought upon, Brederode, desirous to appear in the first place, and to enjoy it rather by the bold∣ness of his advice, then by the prerogative of persons, spoke thus at one of their meetings.

We have already overcome the worst (generous Associats) in being met toge∣ther in so great a union from parts so far distant, and now in so great numbers here. The Regent cannot any ways deny our just desires. But say she should do so, and still persist in the rigor of the Edicts, and the bitterness of the In∣quisition, according to the Orders received from Spain; which of us is it that in such a case will not expose his estate, and life, to free himself, his wife, his chil∣dren, and his Countrey, from such sore yokes? Let us first consider the conditi∣on of our evils, and then we shall see the great justice of our desires. And to say truth, what more unhappy condition can be imagined, then to have so ma∣ny miserable creatures under pretence of Heresie, be continually hurried away into the Inquisition, and there either to die by torments, or be starved in pri∣sons; or being out of prison, to be deprived of their Countrey, and Estates, and oft-times of life it selfe, by the horrible punishment of Fire? What greater unhappiness can there be, then to see innocency it self so often suf∣fer shipwrack in that sea of Calumnies, for every Argument, for every accusa∣tion? Then to see secrecy banisht from out houses, friendship from out Ci∣ties, and to have all Human rights, and rights of Nature violated amongst such as are neerest ally'd in blood, and in belief? These are the Fruits, these the pub∣lick and privat advantages which the Inquisition brings with it: And yet we must esteem the present punishments but slight, and tolerable, in respect of those which threaten us in the future. Which of you is unacquainted with the coming of Don Alonzo del Canto, that new Spanish Inquisitor, into these parts? and who knows not what cruell and fearfull Orders he brings with him? New prisons are already begun to be built, new Irons to be made, and other new ingenious inventions of torments, by this Architects designing. Gastly looks, sad com∣plaints, and in fine, the height of calamity will reign in all places: And this sort of slavery will then appear to us the harder, by how much we have been accu∣stomed by the Laws of our former government, to the sweets of Liberty. Kings themselves (I know not whether you know so much or no) are liable to

the laws of the Inquisition & oft-times to the great scorn of their Scepters, they must undergo the severity of punishment & the superiority of Empire & cōmand: and what more unworthy case can be heard of then what befell our Emperour of ever happy memory? it affrights me to relate it. That vanquisher of Eu∣rope, that Monark of new worlds: and he who was more glorious in renouncing them, then in possessing them; He, even he was compeld by Orders from the Inquisitors, to do publick penance at his return to Spain, for having onely trea∣ted with the Lutheran Hereticks in the wars which he made in Germany. Now if the dangers of the Inquisition be so many, and if they be so hard to be evaded, by the very Spaniards, and Italians, who are by nature so wary and cautious, how shall we Flemings ever hope to escape the least part thereof? We, I say, whose hearts are with such candor seen in our words? who lead so free, and so conversable a life? and who hold it for a particular law of faithfull friendship, not to keep any thing concealed one from another, in our baals, feastings, cups, and invitations? shall it be imputed as a fault of misbeliefe, if some vain or idle word escape our mouths, amidst those our innocent delights? The Inqusition will quickly take from us these our contentments: we shall be turn'd Savages in our demeanours; and our Cities will at last be turned into Desarts, and our Pro∣vinces into solitary habitations: Commerce will be every where destroyed, which consists almost wholly in contracting with such foraigners as profess li∣berty of conscience, and who cannot tolerate so much as the very name of the Inquisition▪ Thus Flanders will in a short time fall into ruine and desolation: And thus our formerly so fortunate Provinces, will for the future be an example of infinite misery to all Europe: whereas formerly their felicity hath been en∣vied by all other Countries. By the condition of the evils which I have laid be∣fore you, the justice of the desires which we shall make to escape them, will con∣sequently and clearly appear. The King hath sworn to maintain our Countrey in her liberties: and what doth more destroy them then doth the Inquisition? The King himself hath for a long time been vers'd here in our customes: and what is more averse unto them then these his Edicts? The Spaniards will intro∣duce the government of Spain into Flanders; and what greater repugnancy can there be, then what is seen between their Laws and ours? between Subjection' which is there adored, and by all men here so much detested? Kings cannot ex∣tend their Laws beyond those of Nature; nay, they are as liable to her Laws, as are their subjects. Let Spain and Italy then retain and enjoy their Inquisition as they shall like best, which Flanders never received but by force, and from which force she is now resolved to free her self. But since 'tis understood that those a∣mongst our selves who partake of the Regents most secret resolutions, and which are now more Spanish then Flemish, endevour to divide us, who is he amongst us, that will be found faulty in his faith? Faulty in things so solemnly promis'd and sworn unto? And finally, faulty to himselfe, to his blood, to his honor, and to the so great danger of his Countrey? God forbid that any such thing should be dream'd of, much less seen. Let each of us consider the ancient glory of our Belgicks, and esteem it a good fortune to be able upon this occasion to imitate them. The worth of progenitors ought to passe together with their blood, into those that descend from them. And the later ought not onely to approve them∣selves heirs, but even competitors of the former in all glorious actions. I then (most noble companions) will with all humility lay before the Regent the bit∣terness of the evils which we undergo, and the necessity of our being relieved therein. But if all due respect, obsequy, and reason, shall prevail no more in these our present instances, then they have formerly done, what is to be done in such a case, but to have recourse to such remedies as desperation useth to suggest against violence. I shall for my part be as ready to hazard my life then, as I am willing now to use my tongue upō this present occasion. We shal find the greatest in the Councel wil agree with our sense, and we shall find their assent to what we shall say by their silence. And doubtlesly all the rest of the Countrey wil cheer∣fully take up such resolutions, as we shall do in such a case which cannot be more just, since they cannot be more necessary.

Thus did Brederode inflame himself and the rest against the inquisition. But it was not true (as hath been often said) that the King intended to introduce a

setled form of the use thereof in Flanders. Nor was it true that Alanson Del Canto, was come to Brussels for any thing concerning the inquisition: and what he affirmed touching the Emperour Charls the fifth, was a meer fable rashly invented and beleeved: who accompanying so many of his other excellent vertues with his innate piety, did never treat with the Hereticks in Germany, but when necessitated so to do, that he might rid them of their Frenzy, either by the usuall way of their Diets, or by force of Arms in Battel: and for what concerns the inquisition, though the Country were generally averse thereunto, yet there were many of try'd wisdom and zeal, who found in themselves & desired to inform others by the benefit which Spain and Italy had received thereby, how advantagious it would be to Flanders to have a moderate form thereof introduced in her Provinces. They said,

That some little seeming of severity being taken away from the inquisition, there were not in effect any Tribunals lesse severe then hers. Nor whereby more just and Candid wayes the preservation of the Honour and Purity of Faith was endeavoured. That the name and use thereof was to be esteemed most sacred. That if so many tem∣poral Lawes were made in favour of Princes, to keep humane Majesty unharmed; spirituall Lawes were much more to be approved of in favour of the Church; by pu∣nishing those who were guilty of high treason against the Majesty of God. That by defending this right which doth so straitly binde the faithfull to God, and to Religion; the other which was due from the people to Princes and their States, was the better su∣stained. That if Calumny were to give way to truth, as of right it should, it must neces∣sarily be confest that nothing maintained States in the sincerity of Faith more then the inquisition; where as when Heresie once enters, Factions suddenly arise; from Factions, civil Wars: and from civil Wars, Forrein ones inevitably. So as Princes together with their People were suddenly seen to fall into deplorable miseries and calamitie: what unhappy proof may Flanders fear herein through her own evils? and to how many fat all seenes may Germany and France serve for a Theatre by reason hereof? nor were the same revolutions and misfortunes lesse in other Countries, where Heresie hath been able to open the Schools of error, and display the Ensignes of Rebellion. That Spain and Italy this mean while did enjoy a perfect and happy peace; which was the supream good of mortals, and that which distinguisheth men from beasts, and Cities from wildernesses: nor was it to be doubted but that the one and the other of them did acknowledge so happy a condition much more from the Catholike unitie, and from the strong holds of the inquisition which defend that unitie, then from the immence wals of Mountains, and vast dieches of Seass, where with they are by nature invironed and united.

Thus spoke they in favour of the inquisition who knew more then did the nest; and endeavoured thus to make it be better thought of. The Regent had made use of the same reasons, to the same end, and at the same time, as she had often done formerly, to moderate the violence and the heat of the Nobles who were gathered together in Brussels: but their hearts were too much hardned, and their ears deaf, to admit of any reason in this affair. Brederodes discourse was received with a favourable Hum. And in signe that they would persist more then ever in the resolutions which they had taken, they all cry'd aloud. He is a Traytor that proves faultie; hereupon they were admitted to Audience before the Regent; who would have the Councel of State, and those Knighes of the golden Fleece who were then in Brussels, to be present. The consederates marcht two by two, from Colembergs house, as it were in Procession, to the Regents Palace; and the two last were Count Lodovick and Brederode. Brederode spoke in the name of them all; he first complained of the bad relations which he said were made of them to the King and the Regent: and then added; that the Publike necessity of the Coun∣try, and their own private urgencies, had inforced them to this kind of Action. He then presented a petition to the Regent in the name of them all; and desired it might be read. The contents were these.

That infinitly praise worthy was the zeal which first moved the Emperor, and then the King to provide for the dangers which might befall the Catholike Re∣ligion in Flanders. That time, which is an un orrupt Councellor, had made it clearly seen, that the remedies which were applied did agravate the evil; that the King continuing not withstanding in the same minde, and greater disorders daily accruing, The Nobility could no longer contain from representing the danger. That they were chiefly concern'd therein both by their prerogative of place,

and by their strict bond of Allegiance: but that their interest did likewise particularly oblige them thereunto: since the Nobles living for the most part in the Country, and enjoying there their Estates, they should be the first who should be sencible of the inconveniencies, and experience the injuries, when the alterations which were to be feared, should happen: that therefore it was ne∣cessary to take away the occasions, which would inevitable produce so bad ef∣fects. That the inquisition, and Edicts had put the whole Country into com∣motion, and in all places had turn'd patience into desperation. That therefore they did humbly beseech her Highness, that she would as soon as might be, advertise the King of the premises by expresse Messengers, and that in the mean time she would suspend the use of the former, and moderate the rigor of the others: that the necessity wherein Religion was concerned might better be seen into by the States General, and a remedy found out, by their uniform consent. That if in fine it should appear that these their humble and devout in∣treaties should no wayes avail, they cal'd God to witness, the King, her High∣ness self, and all the Gentlemen that were there present, that they had done what upon such an occasion belonged to good and faithfull subjects: and that the fault was not to be put upon their account, if peradventure any evil should ensue.

The Regents answer was,

That she would consider better upon what they had propounded.

And she afterwards answered them in writing thus,

That she would send some personages of purpose into Spain, according to their de∣sire. That States were grounded upon Laws: And that such Laws were most necessa∣ry as did most favour Religion. That notwithstanding, for their better satisfaction, proceedings should be had therein, with all possible moderation: That in the mean time, the Kings mind was to be known; to whom, as she would do them all the good offices she could, so she promised unto her self, that they would shun all manner of no∣velty in this behalf.

The Confederates would gladly have received a more direct answer to their re∣quest of having the Inquisition suspended, and the rigor of the Edicts moderated. And some there were who interpreted the words of the Regents answer to the worst sense. So as they seemed not only not to be satisfied therewith; but did in bitter terms complain thereof. They this mean while shewed their mad pranks in divers manners. One of which was, the aparelling of many of them in one and the same colour, near upon the russet, of an ordinary cheap stuff, and the shewing of themselves so together in company. Upon a certain occasion, the Regent her self saw them; and 'tis reported that Barlemont, who was then with her, should say unto her,

'Madam, what fear can you have of these Gueux'. (A French word, which in English signifies Vagrants, or Beggers.) There are some Writers who say that Barlemont gave them this name when they went to present their Petition to the Regent in way of procession; and that this being by them known, they took oc∣casion thereupon to aparel themselves, and to appear in manner aforesaid: and not contented with the bare colour and habit of beggers, they hung some upon their hats, some about their girdles certain vile and sordid implements, such as are used to be worn by beggers: they had nothing in their mouths but the word Gueux; they used it in all places, and upon all occasions, but especially in their cups, and in the freedom they take at meals. This fell out particularly one day when they a great many of them were at a solemn invitation, in Count Colembergs house: where beyond all other vanities, they strove who should most celebrate the name of Gueux, or beggers. The wine is ply'd, and great goblets goe round: the de∣fie encreases, and they lay hands on vessels of a very large sise: they break their order of sitting; one gets upon chairs, another upon tables, and their drink; the fury of drunkeness fits them with a thousand mad vagaries, they crie as every glass goes down, Long live the King Long live the Gueux. And the whole house rung of nothing but this. They had an oath amongst them likewise very suta∣ble to that place, and that action, in French dog-rime, to this purpose

By this bread, by this salt, and by this Budget, The Guex will from their Tenets nere budg yet.

nor yet contented herewithall, they wore almost all of them as they walked the streets of Brussels, a certain medal hanging at their girdle, wherein these words were written in French,

True to the King, even to the Budget.

Thus did they rejoyce, and as it were, triumph in this name of Guex; an unfor∣tunate name to Flanders, which from that time began to lose its quiet, and which hath since, so long, and by so many means beg'd it, and could never obtain it. The Petitioners desires to the Regent consisted chiefly in two things: the one, That some express personages might be sent into Spain to the purpose spoken of: The other, That in the mean while the Inquisition, and the rigor of the Edicts, might be forborn in Flanders. The Dutchess then designed to send the Marquis of Berghen, and the Lord Montigni, brother to Count Horn, to the Court of Spain: both which were propounded by the Petitioners. And for what con∣cernd the second point, she sent to the Governours of the Provinces, to cause a new form of Edict to be propounded in each Province, by which the Inquisition was somewhat moderated, but not suspended; and the like was done in the E∣dicts; seditious papers were this mean while dispersed about from divers parts, both within and without Flanders, by which the Petitioners were still more inci∣ted to persist in their demands. They were incouraged in these seditious papers, by the example of the liberty of the neighbouring Countries, and especially by that of upper Germany, with which 'twas affirmed, that divers of the lower Pro∣vinces were incorporated; and it was particularly suggested, that as the former did enjoy the confession of Ausperg, so ought Flanders without all question, to enjoy it. The fire was no longer in bursting out: Whilst the Edict of modera∣tion was proposed by the Regent througout the Provinces; whilst it was doubt∣full how they would interpret this, and much more how the King would be plea∣sed with it, some of the more turbulent spirits amongst the Petitioners, instigated by the sutler sort, gave out, that the Regent had granted all that was desired, and in confirmation thereof, a counterfeit writing was given about: This report ran presently over the whole Country like a Torrent, and did so provoke the common people, as that in divers places of the Provinces, the dores were thrown open to the heritick Preachers. They cunningly thought, that thus the King would be by necessity induced to grant all their demands. The first Sermons were made in the very Province of Flanders, and 'twas first begun to be done in some great Villages, for they feared, lest if they should do it in Cities, they might be hindred by the Magistrates. They forthwith did the like in other Villages in Brabant, near Antwerp, and suddenly the mallady encreased every where; so as it began to disperse it self through the greatest part of the Provinces.

In the Countrys of Lucemberg, Hennault, Artois, and Namures, no novelty at all was made. The Hereticks appeared more licentious about Torney, and Valentiennes, then in other parts. And those two Cities seemed most disposed to receive and favour them. Lutherans, Calvinists, and Anabaptists, began in troops to divulge their Herisie: each of them exalted their own sect: the common peo∣ple flockt unto, and applauded novelty. Not the most learned, but the most hair∣braind amongst them, took upon them to preach; and through the blind and most monstruous perswasion that every one was able to teach the word of God: the baser sort of women had the affrontedness to have their several meetings, if not at preachings, yet at conferences: they went armed where they preached, lest the Magistrates might hinder their meetings. And disobedience was already manifested almost every where: So as the Regent thought it not now fit to pro∣ceed in the intended Edict, touching the moderation of the others that were al∣ready gone out, and touching the Inquisition; but published another upon very severe penalties, against the Preachers, and against such as should follow them,

inhibiting all meetings which should be made to this purpose. The Regents or∣ders did as then some good, in containing the vulgar within Cities, in their duties; yet the same licentiousness continued in the Country Villages. The Regent com∣plained of the Governors of the Provinces; and they again of her, shewing that to side too much with the sense of Spain, she had suffered the Edicts, and Inquisition to be so far proceeded in.

Had not they foreseen the evil which was now burst forth? how oft had they men∣tioned the remedy? but that more belief was adhibited to Granville, and after him, to those who in his absence sustained his faction, and who being looked upon as the most faithfull, had proved most perfidious to the service of their King and Countrey.

Such contestations as these fell out often in the Councel of State, even in the presence of the Dutchess her self: where Orange, Egmont, & the other Lords who interven'd therein, would with much freedom upbraid Barlemont, Vighlio, and Assonville, who was one much imployed by the Regent, and went hand in hand with the other two, with the above said disorders. the Hereticks did not as yet preach publikely in Cities; and because this was feared dayly more and more, and especially in Antwerp, where the danger was thought to be the greatest, by reason of the frequency of people, and the liberty of Commerce which drew a great number of forreign Hereticks thither, the Regent therfore sent the Count of Mega thither to endeavour with the Magistrate that he would permit a garri∣son to be put in there. But it was impossible to effect it, it being alledged to the contrary that it was not expedient to mix souldiers with Merchants: this mean while the Marquiss of Berghen, and Monsieur De Montigni were arrived in Spain, and after having staid there a considerable while, could not get audience of the King. It was well known in the Court that they brought with them the sense of the Petitioners, and that they were rather sent by them, then dispacht away by the Regent. Yet thinking it was his best course to dissemble at the pre∣sent, he writ to the Governours of the Province.

Shewing how much he relied upon them, and exhorting them to provide by all possible means, remedies for the evils already begun. That his intention was to come himself in person into Flanders, and that Divers necessities of his other Kingdoms had made him de∣lay, but not change his former thought therein. That he would by his own pre∣presence, give full satisfaction to all the desires which were made unto him: that the tumults in the mean while might be appeased; and that particular care might be taken that no innovation might be made in matter of Religion.

The Regent writ likewise to the chiefest of the Petitioners, who were already gone from Brussels, complaining of too long delay in the demands which they had made. She gave a touch upon the suspition she had of their introducing an Heretical Army; and acquainted them with what she thought necessary for the remedying the Novelties which ensued. Yet they, nevertheless, little regarding the Regents endeavours, or little trusting what she said did not onely not satisfie her just desires, but with greater contumacy then before, resolved to assemble to∣gether again at Getrinberg, a town in the Bishoprick of Liege. To this end having had many preceding practices both by people and by letters in divers places; a great many of them met there in the moneth of August, where the most sediti∣ous were most listned unto. They appeared to be of divers opinions; some would have them to break forth into publick tumults, and get that by force, which they had not as yet got by intreaties. Others, that the States General should meet to∣gether of their own Authority, and that by that means the Edicts, and the Inqui∣sition might be thrown down. Others, that to the end they might lead on their designes the more advantagiously, they might first advise with their neighbours, & be assisted by them; yet some were more moderate in their opinions, who pro∣pounded that they should better consider ere they resolved on any thing; and that they should first see what effect the Marquis of Berghens and Montigni's jour∣ney to Spain would produce, and what the mean time the Regent would do in Flanders.

But the most seditious prevailing, it was resolved, that by all means, as well within Flanders, as elsewhere, that liberty which they pretended to in Religion;

might be endeavoured. The Dutchess was very much troubled at the news of this meeting at Getrinberg, and presently used all her industry to break it off. To this purpose she sent Orange, (some Writers say it was the Duke of Arescot) and Egmont to Duffle, a town in Brabant neer Antwerp, and not very far from Getrinberg, willing them by all possible means to appease the Confederates, and to assure them again, that they should receive full satisfaction both from her, and from the King.

The effect of this was, That they clean contrary, sent some of their Deputies thither: Orange and Egmont propounded divers things in satisfaction of the con∣federates; they said that the Dutchess would undoubtedly procure leave from the King for the convocating of the States General; that in the mean time all lenity should be observed in matter of Religion; and that the Dutchess would quite forget the former disorder which had insued thereupon: and they gave hopes likewise that a liberty of preaching might be allowed, provided it might not be with any armed concourse. In answer whereunto the Deputies used ra∣ther complaints then reasons; and it was clearly seen, that though they desired sa∣tisfaction, they would not accept of it: so as full of contumacy they returned to Getrinberg more resolute then ever to have liberty in matter of Religion, with∣out attending any answer from Spain, or relying any longer upon the sense of the Provinces. To which they were incited by those who gave out that nothing was to be expected from Spain but artificiall delayes, nor from the Regent, but ambi∣guous resolves: yet divers negotiations were kept on foot; and some mutuall ex∣pedients were endeavoured to be found out, by which the confederates should not be proceeded against for any novelties that had happened, and whereby they might receive some satisfaction touching the liberty of Preaching: and whereby the Regent on the other side might be sure that they should for the future desist from somenting the begun disorders. But in fine all proved but lost labour; the wound which was first exulcerated, threw forth immediatly great store of putri∣fied matter. From preaching, which the Hereticks at first introduced in the open Fields, they proceeded to use violence upon the Churches in the neighbou∣ring villages, breaking thereinto by force, spoyling their sacred utensils, and using all manner of greater impieties. This was first done in some parts of the province of Flanders, wherein Egmont the Governour thereof was; and where either his di∣ligence was not such as was requisite, or else the violences surpassed his authority. He excused himselfe in divers wayes, as did others in other parts where the like plague presently burst forth, which at last dilated it selfe into Cities, and of them, with a horrible scene of impietie and sacriledge, into Antwerp. Upon the holy day celebrated every year for the Assumption of the Virgin Mary, a solemn procession is used to be made in the City wherein a carved image with much devotion is born about: that procession proceeds from the Cathedral Church, and after a large perambulation returns thither again: the Hereticks were heard to belch forth that day much blasphemy against the image as it was carried about, and many injurious speeches against the Church men who were imployed in that procession; and 'twas feared that the rabble rout of the Hereticks would that day break forth into yet more greater madnesses; but through much diligence that was used they were kept from doing so at that time: on the twentieth day of the same moneth, set on by new furies of them∣selves, or instigated by others, they went to the Cathedral Church; one of the most famous structures, and most sumptuously adorn'd that is in all Europe; be∣ing got in, they shut all the doors; they then began wickedly to mock at the image, and at the like of many other Saints; which were there venerated; their meriment being at last turn'd into rage, and their insolencies into Frenzies, they flew upon all the images, and broke them all to pieces. Neither did they contain themselves here; but turning their fury principally against a Crucifix which was gallantly cut, and placed on high, they by the force of ropes, pul'd it to the ground, and in a most execrable manner tore it to pieces and trode upon it. At the same time they overthrew the Altars; dealt worse with the painted images, then with those that were carved, and did profane that so famous Church throughout, in a thousand other manners. Nothing more of villanie remaining

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to be committed there, they ran to do the like in the other Churches of that Citie. From Churches they fly to force Monasteries; and from Monasteries of men, run more greedily to those of women. The sacred virgins are sorely affrighted and run to their parents houses. The heretick rabble grow more perverse, and every where leave signes of avarice, impiety, and barbarism: At last, rather weary, then satisfied with so much wickedness, which endured from noon till the next night was almost over, they dispersed themselves here and there, and retur∣ned to their own houses.

The tumult was of great consideration in it self, but much more in the exam∣ple thereof: it was undertaken by a few, desired by many, and at last consented unto by all. The meaner sort of people in that City, which was then very numerous because the Trading of Europe was greater there then in any other place, were ge¦nerally infected with heresie. And the people of better quality, even those who were the most zealous Catholicks, did so abhor the Inquisition, and the rigor of the Edicts, and thought the effect thereof so pernitious to the liberty of Mer∣chandizing, as that they were not sorry to see the King necessitated to grant that, which could not till then be obtained, and wherein his consent was still despaired of: By the tumlut of Antwerp, as by displaid Ensignes, all the other chief Cities of almost all the other Provinces, were forthwith invited to do the like: only the Walloon Provinces, upon the Frontiers of France, kept free from these novel∣ties. The Dutchess perceiving so great and so universal a commotion, and suspe∣cting lest the Governours of the Provinces might seem to tollerate it, and in secret to authorize it, she began to fear she might not be safe in Brussels, where here∣sie had likewise got good footing. She enclined to leave that Town, and to go to Mons, the chief City in Hennault; but divers of the chief Lords that were about her, did joyntly oppose themselves thereunto, and in particular, Orange and Eg∣mont; they said that the troubles which were risen in other places would be ap∣peased, and they assured her there should no disorder happen in Brussels: which though her own presence alone was sufficient to prevent, yet if need should re∣quire, they would hazard their lives in hindring it. But the greatest considera∣tion herein was concerning themselves, since they should be too much blamed, if the Dutches, they being present, should retire, or rather run away in such a manner. How would this relish in Spain? how would the King be thereat scandalized? and how much should they suffer in their honours? for no justification would be able to free them from being thought to be the true Authors of such violences done by the common people.

The Regent therefore resolved to stay at Brussels; but for her greater safety, that Peter Ernestus, Count of Mansfield, should get together some soldiers, who might serve to remedy any tumult which might happen in the City, and her own person might be the more secure. It was debated in Councel how so many and so great disorders might be provided against. It was thought fit to treat again with the Petitioners, wherein were so many of the Nobility of the Country, to see whether any satisfaction might be given them, so as that their union might be broken, and so the people might want that fomentation, and the King the mean while might put on more vigorous resolutions, which the Regent might with more ease execute. To this purpose some of the Councel were deputed by her, and some others by the Petitioners; and after many contradictions, they pitched upon that which the necessity of the time, upon that occasion, did require. Thus by a new Edict, which seemed to be in answer to the Petition delivered, the prece∣ding April, the Regent declared,

That no use of the Inquisition should be had or made in Flanders, and that there should be no use thereof for the future: That the Edicts should be so moderated as should give full satisfaction to all the Provinces: That the confe∣derates should not be proceeded against for any of the late novelties: and that the liberty of Preaching should be permitted where it was already introduced; provided that no tumults were occasioned thereby, and that the Catholick wor∣ship should not be in any wise hindred.

Another Edict came forth presently after in the Kings express name, denouncing heavy punishments to all those who had committed so many and so horrible enor∣mitys

against the Churches and Monasteries. But by how much the Regent went e∣very day less in her authority, so much more did the audacity of the Confederates, and the rest who held Intelligence with them, increase. So as the hereticks not laying aside their former insolencies in Antwerp, did still insult in divers manners over the Catholicks. They by violence made their Churches be shut up: they stormed to see that they could not get any one of them for themselves to preach in; and not being able to do it elsewhere, they preached publickly in the Piaz∣zas of the new Town of Antwerp, the Lutherans in one place, in another the Calvinists: and the stinch of many other sectaries gave occasion of divers other sorts of meetings, both in privat and in publick. These sects did greatly differ one from another, but they joyned all in their rage against the Catholick religion. At last they prevailed so far, as it behoved to come to express capitulation with them: by vertue whereof they got so much liberty, as did amount almost to a full exercise of heresie: and at last they were permitted to build a particular Fa∣brick, which they called by the name of Temple, where their Ministers were heard to preach, and all other exercises of their sects were officiated. Assoon as this permission was obtained, men and women flock thither from all parts, Mer∣chants and Plebeians, Gentry and Citizens, to put their hands to the building of this Temple. The Prince of Orange, to boot with his being Governor of Hol∣land and Zealand, and of a part of Burgundy, was likewise Governor of Antwerp. In the tumult which had hapned in that City, he had endeavoured that it might appear he had used all dilligence to impede them, he himself came often thither in person: and when he could not be there himself, he sent the Count of Hostrat thither. 'Twas known that Orange his authority in that City was very great; so as few thought that he would make use thereof according as occasion did require: And when they saw Hostrat adhere unto him, they thought they were both of the same mind. Orange had likewise gone into Holland and Zealand, to appease the tumults which had ensued there in matter of Religion, presently after that of Antwerp: But his endeavours there availed but little likewise, by reason of the maligne constellation of times, or they were but little sincere, by his own, per∣adventure, more maligne contrariety. Great was the commotion which had ensued in Gaunt, the chief City of Flanders; where the hereticks had likewise insolently introduced the use of their heresie, as also in almost all the other con∣siderable places of that Province. Egmont, who was Governor thereof, had been there too in person; and because his presence had done but little good, he began to be suspected as well as Orange. Though it was considered by some, in their justification, that in the Province of Groninghen, where Count Aremberg was Governour, and in Ghelderland and Zutfen, which were Governed by the Count Mega, both of them being esteemed great Catholicks, and faithfull to the King. The like revolts were seen in matter of Religion, and like difficulties in re∣moving them: but howsoever, those two were chieflyest suspected; since they exceeding the rest so far in Authorities, 'twas thought that the tumults fomen∣ted by them, had made all the rest prove likewise remediless.

THE HISTORY OF THE WARS OF FLANDERS. Written by CARDINAL BENTIVOGLIO.

BOOK III.

The Contents.

The King is highly offended for the novelties happened in Flanders. A letter from Montigni to Count Horne; the Regent resolves to take up Arms. A meeting of Orange, Egmont, and others in Terramond; Valentiennes is befieged: is reduced. So is Antwerp. The Regent enters Antwerp well provided of Arms. A great disposition throughout the whole Low Countries to quiet. Consultations in Spain upon the affairs of Flanders; two opposite Orations made unto the King by the Duke of Feria, and the Duke of Alva, the King resolves at last to send an Army into Flanders. And gives the command thereof to the Duke of Alva: upon newes hereof, Orange retures into Germany. Alva enters the low Countries: he forth∣with imprisons Egmont and Horne. The Dutchesse of Parma departs for Italy. The Duke of Alva is Governour of the Low Countries.

THus went the Affairs in Flanders at this time: in the interim newes was brought to Spain, of the so many and so strange innovasions happened of late in those Provinces: nor can it be said how much the King and his Councel were troubled thereat. Wherfore the Marquess of Berghen, and the Lord Montigni could not be admitted to Audi∣ence before the King, & the King did not only seem not to approve of what had bin done in Flanders to the so great prejudice of the Catholike Religion, and his regal Autho∣rity, but he discovered a great indignation against the Flemish, and a firm in∣tention to chastise them and because such a designe required time, and time dis∣simulation; therefore the King yielding in this conjuncture to the force of neces∣sitie, writ unto the Regent, That she should endeavour by all means possible to compose the tumults the best she might, incouraging her notwithstanding to use force, when she should think it were a fitting time to do so. To this end some monies were sent from Spain, and thereupon it was taken into consideration that for the present some Alman and Walloone forces might be raised, till time should

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better advise what was to be resolved on, touching the sending of Spanish forces, and the like of other nations subject to the Crown of Spain, into Flanders: by reason then of these orders which were come in secret, and much more by reason of the manifest appearing necessity of providing by Arms against the tumults which had already happened, and to those of greater danger which might insue; the Regent resolved to raise a good number of souldiers, and to place them under such Commanders as she might confide in: the speediest and neerest Levies which could be made abroad, were the High Dutch, and in Flan∣ders the Walloones: The Regent had not as then any other souldiers then those who a little before she had assembled to secure Brussels from tumults, and for the more safety of her own person: which might be about 500 Walloone foot, and 100 Harquebusiers on horse back, under the Command of Ernestus Count Mansfeild. She did then without any delay give order for the raising of the aforesaid forces; to wit, the Lower Almans in two Regiments under the Counts of Aremberg, and of Mega; and two Regiments of the Upper Almans, under Count Erbestin, and Baron Shamburg. The Walloones were divided into three Regiments; one of which was given to Charls Count Mansfield, son to Ernestus; another to the Count De Reules: and the third to Monsieur De Hierghes, son to the Lord Barlemont: to boote with these foot, order was given for the raising of some horse. The opinions of those of the Councel of State touching the raising of Arms were different. Those of greatest Authority amongst them did not seem to incline thereunto: alledging that instead of taking away jealousies, which was of most importment, this would be the way to increase them. Others thought this remedy requisit, since faire means had hitherto prevail'd so little; but the Regent would adhere unto the latter opinion; and shewed how that it was the more necessary, for that it was known a little before, that the confederats had divers projects on foot to raise men also, and that to this effect divers correspon∣dencies had already been had between them and the neighbouring parts of Ger∣many, and France. This preparation for Arms did much trouble such, who thought they might be used against them. The Hereticks who had so many wayes offend∣ed, had reason to fear: and the better sort of the Petitioners, and the rest of their order, who had licentiously run upon so many novelties, had almost as much cause to fear: but Egmont, Orange, and Horne were in private no lesse troubled hereat; they being suspected to have continually fomented the disorders, more then the other Lords. Their names were publikely torn to pieces in Spain; and they were already called Traytors oftner then Subjects. This opinion which the King and the whole Court had of them all three, and in general of all the Flemish, had often been signified by letters written by the Marquess of Berghen, and the Lord Montigni: and one in particular was sent (as it was commonly reported) from Montigni to his brother Count Horne, the contents whereof were these.

How much our arrivall here is detested by every one, hath been often times signified by the Marquess of Berghen and by my self: but in this letter wherein I may be more free, because it will be convey'd with more secrefie, I will adde many things, which it was wisdom to conceal in the rest: In brief, our affairs cannot be worse received, nor worse relished then they are here. After so many moneths, we are still denyed Audi∣ence: we are permitted but little to Treat with the State Ministers; and their answers are every day more ambiguous, as much as to say, every day more visibly opposite to our negotiations. They terme our Covenant, conspiracie, our Petition, a plot; and our popular tumults, manifest insurrection: it is not then to be doubted but that they will shew their resentment by Arms: the Flemish themselves do now make preparations against Flanders. But the true designe is to make use of Foreiners, and especially of Spaniards. They are chiefly incenst against the greatest amongst us; beleeving that the mischief is in secret chiefly fomented by them. Granville rejoyceth at the commotions which have ensued; and boasts that if he had still continued in Flanders, these things had not happened: if his Councels were formerly Turbulent, he now sug∣gests them with much more violence: that the King either come himself in the head of an Army, or else send an army: that he quell the Flemish, and upon so fair an occasion violate their Priviledges: and that having bridled them by his Forces, he keep them still in the same posture: and these his proposals cannot be better received then they are.

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The haughtiness of that Nation is too well known. The Spaniards see how far they come short of the Flemish in their prerogatives. They envie our liberty, and would reduce it if they could, to their subjection: and because that cannot be done but by force, they will have recourse unto force. This is the cloud which now threatens our Provinces, and the tempest will break forth sooner perhaps then it is imagined. They who foresee it, give notice of it; and let them to whom notice is given, either undaun∣tedly encounter it, or warily shun it. As for us two who are here, may it please God, that as our coming hither was unluckie, our return may not prove more un∣fortunate.

This letter caused much fear; and the end thereof shewed (as shall be said in its proper place) that the two that writ it, foresaw the tragical success they should have in Spain. Orange had often intreated the Regent to give him leave to quit his imployments, and to retire; protesting that in times of such trouble it was impossible to satisfie his service to the King on the one part, and on the other, the Countreys necessity: But his true end herein was thought to be, his desire to forgoe Flanders with the Kings leave, to the end that he might not be held guilty of the plotted Machinations if he should leave it in a less becoming manner. The Regent would never be perswaded to move any such thing to the King; but on the contrary she exhorted Orange to embrace the Kings affairs so much the more, by how much the times did now require his service, which might be so advanta∣gious. And still by publick praise, or privat dissimulation, she made use of him in the most important affairs. He afterwards did by Letters make the same desires unto the King, but still received the like answer. He did not rely at all notwith∣standing upon any shew made by the Regent, nor upon any demonstrations that he received from Spain. He reflected upon what had been advertised by Berghen and Montigni; the which he likewise understood by other wayes. For it was said that the Admirall Colligny by reason of the correspondency which was between them, did advertise him from France of many particular important passages, to make him still the more jealous of what resolutions would be put on in Spain, up∣on the disorders which had happened in Flanders. Orange being thus at odds with himself, and set upon by various passions, he sometimes seemed to serve the King out of meer zeal: but most commonly notwithstanding he appeared inclined to second, as formerly, the unquiet humors. His brother Lodovick shewed himselfe more seditiously arrogant then any other. He had still the chiefest part in all the most turbulent actions; and because great confiding appeared to be between the two brothers, it was thought that Lodovick did but act Orange his true intentions. They held divers correspondencies in Germany, as well for that their family derived from thence, as out of the relation which Orange had to the Elector of Saxony, his Father-inlaw. Great was their adherence almost throughout all Flanders; but especially that which Orange had in Holland and Zealand. He was not therefore any ways pleased with the Regents resolution of levying men. Nothing was heard of any where, but that either the King would come himselfe in person into Flanders with a great Army, or that he would send an Army thither under some gallant Commander. It was known that good store of shipping was already building in the havens of Biscay, and that the rumor was, that the King would make use of them for such a voyage. And though for what concerned the Kings coming himself in person, the difficulties were so great, as they were almost insuperable; yet that a foraign Army should ap∣pear in Holland, could not but cause great fear in the Flemish, and chiefly in the greatest men amongst them. Orange his fear, and the like of the other abovesaid Lords, was much increased by the interception of a letter (though it was thought by many to be but an invention of Orange himselfe) which Francisco Alano, a Spanish Ambassador in the Court of France, writ to the Dutchess of Parma, it contained almost the same things w_ch were specified in Montigni's letter, touching what sense the Spaniards had of the tumults which had happened in Flanders. The Ambassador did therein exhort the Regent above all things to use dissimulation; and that in the mean time the King would prepare either to come himself in per∣son with a great Army, or else would send one. That in fine, he was fully resolved to hazard, if need should be, all his other Kingdoms, rather then not to punish

so many, and so inormous offences as were committed in Flanders against the ho∣nour of God, and of himself. This letter being seen, and the imminent danger being considered of the Forces which began already to move in Flanders, and of those which were shortly to be expected from Spain; Orange, together with his brother Lodov. ck, Egmont, Horn, and Hostrat resolved to meet together, and treat of the common interest. They therefore met at Terramonde, a town in Bra∣bant, not sarre from Antwerp; where they differ'd in opinion. Horn and Lodo∣vick were of one and the same mind out of the similitude of their fierce and rash natures. Both of them were of opinion, that even from that instant they should endeavour to incite the people to arms within Flanders, and to make foreigners advance; so as those forces raised by the Regent, might forthwith be withstood, and that they might prepare to do it much more against those which were to come from Spain. Orange was not for the taking up of arms presently, but ex∣horted that affairs might be put in order by way of anticipation.

That we should be the first who should begin the war (said he) is that which neither can, nor ought to be done. It cannot, for that we are not at this time sufficiently prepared of forces. It ought not, for that as yet we have not pre∣tences fair enough to do it. The Inquisition is already taken away; the Edicts are already almost abolished; and we enjoy such liberty of religion as may suf∣fice And for what concerns the Regents having raised some Soldiers, to say truth, the popular Tumults have either been too great, or too immature, which have forced her to such a resolution, and put us into a necessity of tollerating it; but this is a Militia consisting almost wholly of our own Country-men, and therefore not to be by us feared. We must then wait for more just occasions of taking up arms; and these in my opinion we shall unavoidably soon have. Can we ever believe that the Spaniards will use moderation? Their pride and Surquedry is not capable thereof: They will have an absolute Empire in Flan∣ders, as they have in Spain: Granville, the Duke of Alva, and almost all the rest of that Councel do continually infuse such sence as this into the Kings ears; so as we shall soon see foreign forces brought into these our Provinces: 'twill then be fitting time for us to move; then will our people at home, and foreigners from abroad, readily flock unto us. Let us then prepare for this resolution by all necessary endeavours against that time. Here, by shewing that the Spaniards design is, not only to set the Inquisition again on foot by the way of force, and the Edicts, but punctually to introduce the Government of Spain in Flanders and abroad, by making it known, that when they shall have enthraled our Provin∣ces, our neighbours may the more justly fear to be dealt withall accordingly. Let us the mean while be fure not to trust them; the malice of Princes is then chiefly preparing when they do most conceal it. And that they do now deeply dissemble with us in Spain, who can know it better then a native Spaniard, who is an Ambassador, and to whom the Kings most intimate thoughts touching Flanders are known? doth not his whole Letter denounce fire and sword against the Flemish? and chiefly us who are here, and enjoy the greatest Prerogatives? but let us primarily remember what hath been often formerly treated of by us, and which in this our present meeting is again in agitation. They would have all late actions to befelony, and to have had it but in thought, will suffice to make men guilty thereof.

Hostrat did adhere to Orange almost in all things; and it was certainly thought that Egmont would be of the same mind: but he, contrary to the expectation of all men, shewed how much better it would be to endeavour peace and quiet in the Countrey, and to abstain by all means from force.

What a folly would it be (said he) for us to move? where are our men? where is our money? where can we hope to have any? from the Nobility, who are already to∣tally exhausted? or from those meaner sort of people, who have so unworthily violated the Churches, and rob'd the Altars? These misdeeds must be attributed to the very scum of people; and not to the true popularity. The better sort of Citizens, and who fit most at ease, will not be induced to take up arms, but upon necessary occasions. Moreover, do not we know how great the inconstancie of the multitude is? the multi∣tude is apt on the sudden to waver between contrary passions, and is always advised

either by rashness, or abjection. And for what concerns our hopes in our neighbours, we must believe, that considering their own Interests more then ours, they will be apt rather to fear, then to provoke the enmity of Spain. How much better will it be then, for us to endeavour to allay the Kings anger, and cancelling all memory of late dis∣orders, do what in us lies, to bring him to his former inclination to these Provinces, and to our selves in particular? To say the truth, the King may with too much rea∣son esteem himself offended by these late novelties: For though the fault ought rather to be imputed to the times then to us; yet who can deny that the Nobility hath past by many actions of great licentiousness? And these last of the common people against the Churches, have been such, as 'tis no wonder if it be generally held in Spain, that a will hath rather been wanting in us the Governours of the Provinces, then a pow∣er to impede them. The King may be therefore thought to have just cause to resent them: But that he will do it by the means of foreign forces, and that he will by violence introduce the Spanish Government into Flanders, his own concernment, more then ours, makes me not believe it. Princes ought not to commit that to the uncertain suc∣cess of violence, the fruit whereof they may certainly enjoy by moderation. I know how I found the King minded towards the affairs of Flanders when I was in Spain: and I cannot perswade my self that he will be disswaded from thence by the particular passions of our enemies. Such a one I know Granville to be; the Duke of Alva is such a one: and it may be that Alva, as such a one, writes passionately from Paris. Neither do I much value Montigni's Letter: For in my opinion, it is grounded ra∣ther upon appearing, then upon real threats. My vote goes therefore, that we ought by all means possible, endeavour the Countries tranquility: That this doth not only befit the Kings service, but the like of the Country, and of our selves. And that if we do thus, he will neither send foreign forces hither, nor use any violence to our Go∣vernment. In fine, the Spaniards know where Flanders is: and those of the Councel who are even most hoodwink'd in their towards us, know, that in this form of Principality, prayers prevail, and that here we obey, because we will do so.

All the rest were much amazed, and troubled to hear Egmont speak thus. They had thought that he would have gone along with them in their designes; which were, to involve the Country continually in more evils, and to increase their own private fortunes by the publick ruines. But Egmont, were it either that he was won over by the Regents perswasions, or that he was thereunto moved out of his own natural goodness; or (which was of more force with him then all thing else) that he was the Father of a numerous family, and that he would not seek to advan∣tage himself by the downfall of others; was resolved to second the Kings sence, by executing the like of the Regents. To boot that weighing his services done to the King, together with his defaults, he could not think the latter such, as should make him lose the reward of the former. Orange and the rest did notwithstan∣ding endeavour to make him adhere to them in their resolutions, by many effica∣cious replyes; but all in vain: whereupon, much to their grief, and whereat Orange did not a little storm; the meeting at Terramond was dissolved. This division falling out between them, Egmont apply'd himself sincerely, and the o∣ther feignedly, to endeavour the peace of the Provinces, and to effect it where need should require, by the forces which the Regent had already gathered toge∣ther. That they might afterwards expect what time and chance might produce. The Regents resolution was, that the forces-should move thither first, where was greatest cause of punishment. They were therefore suddenly prepared to goe a∣gainst the Town of Valentiennes, the Inhabitants whereof were most infected with heresie, and occasioned most fear in the Dutchess; as well by reason of the apparent signes of disobedience which were already seen, as for their being openly fomented from without by the Hugonots of France. She therefore gave order to Monsieur Norchermes, who in the Marquis of Berghens absence, govern'd the Province of Hennault, that he should cause so many soldiers to be received into Valentiennes, as might serve to bridle the peoples boldness, and re-order the af∣fairs of that Town. Norchermes marched thitherward, and endeavoured to exe∣cute the Regents Orders; but because the Townsmen were equally doubtfull of being inforced to take in the Garison, and Norchermes, that he should not be able to constrain them so to do; therefore it was agreed before he approached the

Town, that no Garison should be put in thither, provided that no heretical ex∣ercise might be permitted there. The rabble rout now will, and anon will not; Norchermes coming near to the walls without any soldiers, to the end that he might be admitted to come in, and by his being there in person, see the agree∣ment better established, a handfull of base people were so bold as not only to shut the gates upon him, but to make him keep aloof by musquet shot. The Dutchess, much moved at this excess, commanded Norchermes howsoever, to bring the intended Garison into the Town. But the Townsmen increasing in their contumacy, refused to receive them; whereupon the Dutchess declared them presently rebels, and made all things be prepared to besiege the Town. Their confederate hereticks, both within and without Flanders, had presently notice of what past Some few Hugonots came immediately thither from the Frontiers of France; but from the neighbouring parts of Flanders, above 3000 foot, and some horse were forthwith gathered together, and some pieces of Artillery, and all these went to put in such numbers of men into Valentiennes, as might suffice to secure the Town in its present condition. These people were led on by John So∣reas, a man of base abstract, who had assembled them together between Lilla and Torney. Norchermes being hereof advertised, he suddenly drew up some Compa∣nies of foot, together with some horse, and with him, Rosseghen the Governour of Lilla did joyn: Then falling at unawares upon these suddenly assembled tag∣rags, rather then soldiers, they easily routed them, Soreas was wounded, and many others slain, though they had seated themselves strongly in a wood between ditch∣es and marish grounds, which made the getting thereinto very difficult. The Ar∣tillery was likewise taken; the rest of the rout sought to get into Torney; but Norchermes, and especially the Country people reduced them to such straits, as they could never make head again; and making use of this occasion, he went himself in person to Torney, entred by the Citadel, and reduced things to obedi∣ence there, where they were not much less likely to have been wavering then in Valentiennes; he punisht divers in that City, and put some heretick preachers to death, who had been the chief incitors of the people to this contumacy. And ma∣king amends by present rigour for past impunitie; he went from thence and turn'd to Valentiennes to lay formal siege unto it, and to reduce them by force, which he could not do by Treaty: yet before the siege was made, the Dutchess was content that Count Egmont and Duke Arescot should go to Valentiennes, to see whether by their Authority and Offices they could bring the people therein to their wits: But all was to no purpose, Norchermes delayed then no longer. Such preparations as were needfull being made, and particularly of great pieces of Artillery, he began the siege in the beginning of March, a great Battery was made ready, and yet they within seemed resolute to defend themselves, fed with several hopes of succour; but their rashness turn'd suddenly to weakness: being in an instant cast down, seeing no succour from without, and wanting wherewith∣all to defend themselves, they hardly expected the first battery; they yielded up∣on discretion to Norchermes. He entred the Town, and gave Laws thereunto, such as satisfied the Regent, as well in what concern'd religion, as their obedience to the King. He left a sufficient Garison there, and put the Government into the hands of a Catholick Magistrate; having first cleansed the Town of the most sediti∣ous hereticks, and of al their preachers. He, for the example of others, punisht some of the prime offenders with death, and particularly many of the French Hugonots, who bore arms against the King in that siege In the beginning of war, fame hath always a great share; and the bare reputation of one victory, suffices to the getting of many others. The news of Valentiennes was suddenly divulged abroad, and the Regents forces began to be dreaded every where.

Fresh Tumults about this time began to be made in divers places, and especially in the Castle of Cambresis upon the Frontiers of France; in Balduke, a chief Ci∣ty in Brabant; and in the Town of Mastrick, a place of important situation, having a stone-bridg over the Mause, which makes the passage surer and safer on that side which confines upon Germany. Such remedies as were requisite either by way of Treaty, or by force were apply'd in all these places, and in a few days they were reduced to quiet obedience. And as the Kings canse did improve, so did the

cause of religion by reason of this success of the Regents forces, the Nobles of the Confederacy began to stagger; the chief head whereof was Henry de Bre∣derode, as hath been said. Some grew cooler, others fell off, and many laid aside all unquiet thoughts; thus they endeavoured by several ways to be restored to the Regents favour: nor did she forbear to use the fittest means for this purpose. Yet Brederode growing every day more vain, and being drawn by the spirit of he∣resie to the like of rebellion, he used all means not only to re-unite the best sort of Petitioners, but also to excite new disorders in those of meaner condition. He gave out that nothing was performed which was promised in matter of religion; but that the liberty thereof was daily more and more lost, and they severely pu∣nished who would enjoy it. What was there then wanting but to see the Inquisi∣tion and the Edicts on foot again? and that they were shortly to see their necks not only under the yoke of the Flemish forces, but under the intollerable yoke of those which were preparing in Spain. He formed some new Petitions, full of such complaints as these, and made them be presented to the Dutchess. The first was presented in name of the People, with new pressures for liberty in matters be∣longing to religion: and to facilitate the work, they offered three millions of guilders: The Regent suddenly refused it, as altogether rash, vain, and disloy∣al; and 'twas known that this proceeded only from Brederode and some few of his followers. He made another be afterwards presented under the name of ma∣ny of the Nobility, and renewed the former desire, of being permitted to come to Brussels, and being heard by the Regent; but this second prevailed no more then did the first. Brederode, failing of all hopes this way, precipitated himself into a more rash councel, which was to try some novelty by force of arms. He went to Holland, and there endeavoured to incite the people to new tumults, e∣specially in Amsterdam, which next to Antwerp, was at that time the Town of greatest Traffick in all Flanders. The Dutchess doubted some sedition of concern∣ment; especially since it was generally known that Brederode seconded Orange in all things; and therefore though by his presence he caused some alteration there, yet the Dutchess took such good order, as that all disorders were there soon quieted. Brederode being rather driven then gon out of Amsterdam, he staid at Vianen, a little Town of his own not far from Amsterdam: he began to forti∣fie it, and to bring soldiers thither. The Counts of Aremberg, and of Mega went suddenly by order from the Regent towards that Town, who had the Govern∣ment of the Provinces neerest thereunto: Norchermes was also sent thither, so as they quickly drove Brederode from thence; who of a chief Commander being become a single man, and of a mutiner an exile, was forced to flie to the nearest parts of Germany; and tarrying at Embden, a Sea-Town, he not long after dyed there. The Regent encouraged by this good success, betook her self suddenly to re-order the affairs of Antwerp. To this purpose she shewed at one and the same time both lenity and force. Orange and Hostrat laboured to compose the affairs of that City the best they could though, to place a Garison there (which was the Regents chiefe drift) stood not with their particular Interests. Divers tumults had happened there since that first great one, wherein the hereticks had violated the Churches, trampled the sacred things, and insulted in all unworthy manner over the Catholicks. One sedition being allayd, another was presently ready to be set on foot, which made still more for the advantage of the hereticks. They grumbled that they had not so many Churches as they desired: There were almost as many sects as sectarists: with the Inhabitants, Foreigners did combine; and plots from abroad accompanied those within: They strove to provide them∣selves of arms, to better their cause thereby: One Tolose appeared more sediti∣ous then all the rest, a bold man, and of good retinue: This man betaking him∣self to raise men, had gathered a considerable number together, not above a league from Antwerp, in a certain Village called Ostervel, on the other side the Scheld. The Dutches had notice of this, and making those men be set upon on the sudden by a good many of hers, they were soon scattered: Tolose endeavored to save himself in a house, but was therein burat; the rest either fled or were slain, or drowned in the river. This success caused a great revolt in Antwerp, and they were ready to fall together by the ears in the City; the hereticks growing mad hereat on the

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one side, and the Catholicks taking advantage and courage on the other side. But Orange, Hostrat and others of Authority with the people, did so handle the busi∣ness, as the apparent danger was provided for by a new agreement which was there made in matter of Religion: This agreement had much reference to the others which had preceded; but in this, some things were added touching the Government of the City, the better to prevent future tumults: To which pur∣pose the City itself raised certain foot Companies, and armed some boats to guard the Scheld where it was most needfull; yet let them do what they could to keep peace in that City, none took effect, or at least they lasted not. In fine, where Religion is not united, there can be no union in obedience. This new a∣greement was soon observed to be kept as ill as were the former. The Regent, whose forces still increased, taking occasion from hence, resolved to put a good Garison into Antwerp; which she could not very well do before. All necessary preparations being had to this end, and the Catholick party in Antwerp being much advantaged, the Cities deliberations were sutable to her desires. She first sent for some to Brussels, who were chosen by the City to this purpose, and trea∣ted with them touching the form of re-ordering the Government, wherein the Catholick religion, and obedience to the King were above all things to be con∣sidered. The agreement being made, wherein she now no longer received, but gave conditions, the City seemed willing to execute them. All heretical ex∣ercises were thereby forbidden, and all new erection of Temples for sectarists: their preachers were driven out, and order taken for the repairing of the Chur∣ches by them violated. A Magistrate was chosen who was zealous for the af∣fairs of religion, and of the King. And the soldiers which the City had taken in∣to Garison, took an oath to be faithfull to the King, and to execute, if need should require, all things which were agreed upon. The Regent immediately sent Charls Count Mansfield into Antwerp with his Regiment of Walloons, to establish all things better by arms, and that it might be seen she would no longer use only intreaties. The Garison was received by the City, whereinto Mans∣field entred in good order, so as the hereticks could neither endeavour any no∣velty, nor the soldiers on the other side use any licentiousness. The Garison be∣ing placed in Antwerp, the Regent thought she her self might now safely and with honour go thither: so as leaving Brussels she went thither, waited on by ma∣ny of the Nobility and chief Lords. She entred as it were in triumph; so great a concourse of people met her, and with such acclamations was she received: though the heretick party forbore not to murmure, seeing themselves reduced to so mean terms. The Regent staid awhile in Antwerp, till she thought she had re∣duced the affairs of the Church and King into convenient order: she used seve∣rity, tempered with clemency. She returned from thence to Brussels. It cannot be said what good consequences this example of Antwerp wrought in amend∣ment of the preceding evils: The tottering condition of the Provinces was on a sudden reduced to tranquility almost in all parts; the Churches were repaired, Altars restored, Images worshiped, and wonted obedience given to Magistrates. The chief Lords strove who should be forwardest in their service to the Church, and to the King, in their obsequiousness to the Regent, and in waiting personal∣ly upon her: in so much as it was generally hoped that the peace of those Pro∣vinces should for ever be perpetuated; and that heresie being either totally ex∣tinguisht in them, or at least mightily quel'd, the antient worship of God, and their former devotion and loyalty to their Prince was to flourish again.

Whilst affairs went thus in Flanders, great consultations were had in Spain, to resolve how the disorders which had hapned in those Provinces might best be re∣medi'd. One of the chiefest debates was, whether the King should go thither himself in person or no, or whether he should send a Commander of known valour and authority. It was not doubted but that his going in person would be the most efficacious remedy which could be apply'd to the necessities of those Countries. Many examples were hereupon alleadged, to shew of what power the very pre∣sence of the Prince was with the people. And amongst the rest, that which the King might take from his Father the Emperour; who with the very sole majesty of his aspect, had assoon queld as seen those of Gaunt. The Dutchess urged this

as the only remedy; and shewed how that assoon as the King should be arrived, Flanders would suddenly be quieted; and that his presence would in all other respects be very acceptable to those people. The Marquis of Berghen and Mon∣tigni gave out the same opinions in Madrid; were it either that they did really desire the King should go into the Low-Countries, or that thinking it very hard to be effected, they believed it would be yet much more difficult to send a Com∣mander in chief thither with a foreign army. They said that the King would find greatest obedience; they sought to honest as much as they could the Covenant, and the Petition: and though they detested the popular insolencies against the Church, yet they would make it be believed, that it was done out of ignorance, or levity, but not out of infidelity: That therefore the King should come him∣self in person; and that imitating his father, and his fore-fathers in his benignity, he might expect answerable effects in their obsequiousness from the Flemish. The King himself had long nourisht this opinion of his going into Flanders, and such a speech was spread abroad in Spain; and such was the preparation of ships which were built in Biscay, to make that voyage, as it was given out, as all Europe did firmly believe it: and to say truth, the aforesaid reasons being well consider∣ed, it could not be judged but that the King had some such thought; but oft∣times those councels which are advisedly taken, are out of necessity past by. The consequences which made against it being therefore put into the contrary scale, it appear'd almost impossible for the King to resolve upon such an action And first to keep a long time aloof off from the heart of his Monarchy, bore with it those im∣portant considerations which were toucht upon in the beginning, when it was shewed for what reasons the King resolved to make his residency in Spain. And a double fear did still continue, as well of the Moors, who were spread thorough∣out all those Kingdoms, as also of some dangerous infectious heresie which might be brought amongst those people. But suppose the King had been free of those suspitions; how should he have gone into Flanders by sea or by land? with or without forces? by sea he must depend upon storms and wind, and upon the meer will of fortune, which useth to make her greatest sports of the most emi∣nent amongst mortals. And the King himself, not many years before, had expe∣rienced the danger of sea-voyages, in his return from Flanders: and had not his own example been sufficient, that of his Grandfather Philip was yet very fresh, who by the violence of the winds was thrown upon England, and detained by force many days in that Kingdom: Upon which occasion he notwithstanding re∣ceived all fair entertainment, and Courtly hospitality from Henry the seventh, which the King could not exspect from Queen Elizabeth, who did rather con∣spire with his enemies to his prejudice. On the other side, the journey by land seemed very difficult; for the King was of necessity to pass through the Coun∣tries of several Princes, and would depend with too much danger upon their wills. The King of France would peradventure consent that he should pass through his Kingdom, and would perhaps have received him with no less friend∣ly demonstrations then King Francis had done the Emperour Charls the fifth: but the hereticks wherewith all the parts of that Kingdom were then almost in∣fected would have opposed his journey, and would doubtlesly have made the e∣vent prove dangerous. It remained then that he must land in Italy, and after∣wards take his way either through Savoy, or by the Switzers, so to enter into the Country of Burgundy and Lorain, and from thence into Flanders. On both which parts he was likewise to pass through the Countries of strangers, and to coast so near upon France and Germany, as he must needs be subject to many sini∣ster accidents, which easily might have befaln him. These were the difficulties which were taken into consideration, if the King were to pass into Flanders either by sea or by land, with only his Court attendance: But how much greater were to be feared if he should pass with an Army? since carrying with him so great a ••ne as the occasion would doubtlesly require, all States would be jealous of so great Forces and peradventure would have raised Forces likewise, and instead of friends have become enemies; lest that which was termed a passage, might turn to an oppression.

Then the Councel of Spain not thinking it fit that the King should go himself

in person into Flanders for the aforesaid reasons, it remained to see whether it were better to send some warlick Commander thither with an Army; or laying aside all asperity, endeavour to compose the affairs by fair means. The King was much at variance within himself upon this point: He was naturally given to love quiet; he loved the Flemish, and would rather have been beloved then feared by them; knowing very well how much securer the Garison is which Princes have in their subjects hearts, then those of Citadels or Cities: moreover that he might be very uncertain of what the event of his forces would be, against a people by nature so fierce, so far remote from all the rest of his Dominions, and who were invironed on all sides by the Crown of Spains greatest enemies and enviers: But on the contrary he saw how little good fair means had done as yet, since the authors of the begun disorders had rather been incouraged thereunto then otherwise, by too much tolleration, and might likely, if unpunished, grow worse and worse. Nor were the Kings Councelless at a stand then the King. The Councel of Spain was then full of many eminent personages. Amongst the rest Ferdinand de Tol∣ledo, Duke of Alva, and Gomes de Figheroa Duke of Feria, were in great esteem both with the King and Councel. Feria chiefly for Civil affairs, and Alva for Military actions; who was so excellent therein, as the first place in the professi∣on of Militia, was unquestionably given to him by all Spain. These two were of differing opinions. Feria thought it better to reduce the Flemish to their du∣ties by fair means, and Alva by force. Upon a certain day then, when the King himself was in Councel to resolve what was to be done in this so important bu∣siness. The Duke of Feria spake thus.

The cure of an evil (most glorious Prince) lies chiefly without all question in knowing what it is. Cities and Monarchies are born and die, grow sick and are cured, as humane bodies are; so as if diligence be used in the private indispo∣sitions of one onely man, how much more necessary is it to be used in the pub∣lick maladies of whole Kingdoms? To provide then for the evils wherewith Flanders is afflicted, 'tis very necessary first to know their causes. And this without all doubt ought chiefly to be attributed to the terror which the Inqui∣sition and the Edicts have infused into that Country. The Flemish have appre∣hended, and do apprehend now more then ever to have their consciences vio∣lated by such ways, and to undergoe all other greater affliction and misery: and this it is which hath made them fall at last into so many and so hainous outra∣ges. That under which Flanders doth at the present labour, is (if I may so call it) a Frenzie of fear, which is fomented by such as are ambitious and turbulent, that they may have matter for innovations to their advantage. What reason is there then that more fuel should be added to the fire of those tumults, when they ought rather to be quenched and deaded? If the bare name of Inquisition (as it may be termed) not almost any ways put in use, or at least but as a sha∣dow, and which it was thought necessary wholly to suppress, hath put Flanders into such commotions; what will that Nation do when they shall see them∣selves threatned with the forces of a foreign Army? what fear, what horrour will they thereat conceive? the least they can apprehend, will doubtlesly be the Inquisition. They will believe that the Government of Spain will be by force brought into Flanders: that their Priviledges will be violated, their Instituti∣ons overthrown, their faults severely punished, their Liberties opprest by Gari∣sons; and finally be buried in Citadels. But suppose an Army be to be sent in∣to Flanders; who will secure their passage? who will secure their entrance? Peoples fear doth oft-times degenerate into desparation. So the Flemings growing desperate, and the Nobility cloaking themselves no longer under Cove∣nants and Petitions, nor the common people falling into slight tumults, but the whole Country going into a general rebellion, all may with one accord oppose our forces, and not suffer them to enter. And say the Flemish were not apt e∣nough of themselves to make this opposition, will they peradventure want nigh∣bours who will use all means to incite them thereunto? do not we know what apprehensions the being of the Spanish forces in Flanders will cause in Germany, in England, and in France? But let it be granted that they be suffered to enter, and that as then they cannot from thence receive any impediment for so doing:

are we any whit the more secure that the Country may not alter afterwards, and be troubled? Great punishments must certainly be undergone, and force must divers ways be secured by greater force. The people there will then begin to de∣spair more then ever: they will call punishment oppression, and severity tyran∣ny; Citadels yokes; and Garisons chains and fetters: and thus at last they will break out into rebellion and arms: thus will the war be kindled. Nor doe I know whether it will be afterwards as easily ended, as it would have been easie at first not to have begun it. Nature, by the strong situation of sea and rivers, will fight for them; they themselves will fight desperately, in defence (as they will say) of themselves, wives, children and liberty. The opulency of their own Country will furnish them with gallant forces, and much more the oportunity of their neighbours. On the contrary, how heavie a burthen of war will your Majesty be to sustain? Succours at so great a distance will prove very slow, and very costly both by sea and land. Passage must either be beg'd or bought: and we shall see our men fail before they come into Flanders. The event of war is always uncertain: And Fortune, which in other humane accidents is content with a part, will here have the whole Dominion. If the success prove favoura∣ble to your Majesty, the victory will be bought with bloud, and against the bloud of your subjects. But if the contrary should fall out (which God for∣bid) not only men, but States would be lost; nor they alone, but Religion: and so at last by too deplorable event we shall be taught, how much fair means would have been better then bitter proceedings, for the accommodation of the affairs of those Provinces. It is to those fair means that I exhort you, and that by all means you give over any thought of the other. Every Province, every Kingdom hath its particular nature, like unto humane bodies. And who knows this better then you, Sir? to whose Scepter worlds are born, and whose Mo∣narchie embraceth so much, as the circuit thereof is only to be measured by the Sun. One Government is proper for Spain, another for the Indies, another for your States in Italy; and so likewise others in Flanders, and in the rest of so many members, of which the bulk of your Empire is composed. Only the same religion ought to be in them all; but in this also the zeal ought to be well regulated, so as the too violent remedies which may be used to that purpose, do not produce division instead of unity; and that together with the loss of obe∣dience to the Church, that fail not likewise which is due by the people to their Prince. What did not Don Piedro di Tolledo Viceroy of Naples do? what did he not trie to bring the Inquisition into that Kingdom, in the Emperour your fathers time? Naples rose, and so would the whole Kingdom have done; so as it was necessary to remove the occasion of the tumults of that City. Let the Flemish then be permitted to enjoy the Government of Flanders: Free them from all suspition either of Inquisition, Foreign Forces, or any other more dreaded vio∣lence. Let one contrary cure another: So the peoples fear ceasing, the Coun∣trey commotions will cease. Nor is it to be doubted but that heresie is rather supprest by peace then by war. It is too well seen how much it hath increased heresie in Germany and in France: and since so many have done amiss in Flan∣ders, and that the faults ought not to be left altogether unpunisht, let the pu∣nishment of a few serve for the example of all; and let it be laid there where the Country may be least exasperated thereby. In fine, clemency becomes a Prince; other people are capable of other vertues.

But the Duke of Alva spake thus to the contrary.

To begin (most puisant Prince) where the Duke of Feria ended; I shall both true∣ly and freely deny, that it is now in your Majesties power to use clemency. Which virtue ill used, degenerates into abject servititie. And as in some cases it preserves Kingdoms, in other some it ruines them. How long will you indure to receive Laws in Flanders, instead of giving them? What remains now but that the Flemish who upon all occasions boast themselves to be as well free as subjects, having denyed all obe∣dience to the Church, may also altogether deny it to you? so as a second Switzer Commonwealth shall be seen to arise against you in Flanders, as the former did against the other Austrians in Germany; or rather instead of a popular tyranny, Orange and Egmont, and the other Authors of so many base novelties, oppressing the liberty of

those people, instead of defending it, shall boldly divide those Provinces amongst themselves. The affairs of Flanders do at the present lean this way; and shall we talk of pardon? and shall it be in your power to make the Church lose the Patri∣mony of so many of the faithfull, and your Crown the like of so many opulent Coun∣tries? Heresie triumphs there now with a thousand horrid impieties: and is not your Authority oppugned on all sides by Covenants, Petitions, and a thousand other perfideous practises? you have erred then sufficiently already, in using only fair means. And to say truth, to what end hath so long patience and dissimulation served? unless to make the disorders still the greater, and the Authors thereof more audacious. O that it were Gods will that you might go your self in person into Flanders! That would certainly be a prevalent remedy. We have the example thereof in your father against those of Gaunt: But that great Prince, born in Flanders, yea even in the City of Gaunt, and who punisht that City only, having all the rest of the Country in full obedience, would not go from thence till he had placed a strong and well Gari∣soned Castle in Gaunt,. They then likewise broke forth into complaints; they cal∣led upon their Priviledges as upon so many Tutelary Angels, and termed the Castle a chain and yoke. But all was in vain; they must at last submit their rehellious necks to so just force. If the Emperour thought that his sole presence was not suffici∣ent upon that occasion, how much less should you think yours should suffice? who in∣stead of one City, have the whole Country in rebellion; to boot with beresie, which infects it at home, and threatens it from all parts abroad. If then it stood with your Majesties conveniency to go now into the Low-Countries, you ought appear in a po∣sture to command, not to intreat: which is as much as to say, powerfully armed, that you might leave your Authority when you should depart, armed with Castles and Ga∣risons. So did the Emperour your Father; and so doubtlesly would you do. And how much more applyable is the cause whereof we now treat to this example of Gaunt then to that other of Naples? where the so many strong holds which are every where in that City, and throughout the whole Kingdom, and which are so well Garisoned, may suffice no less for the safety of Religion, then of your self. I wish (I say again) it were Gods pleasure that you your self in person might provide by such remedies as your great wisdom would apply, to remedy those disorders which now afflict Flanders But since for other more urgent occasions your Majesties presence cannot at this time be dispenst withall from out this Center of your Empire, my opinion is, That without more delay you send an Army into those Provinces, appointing such a Commander o∣ver it as you shall think fit. Which if it be resolved on; for what remains, either in its passage to Flanders, or its being admitted entrance when it shall be there, I do not at all scruple it. Who knows not how much you may rely upon the Duke of Savoy, so near allyd in bloud to your Crown, and more unto your Interest? your Army shall then at its going out of Italy, pass through Savoy as through your own Country. If it were better to march through Swisserland, the Catholick Cantons which are your Confederates will easily accommodate you: hence it enters into your Burgundy, and Lorain neither can nor will resist you. When the Army shall be come to the confines of Lucemberg, which is the Gate of Flanders towards Italy, on what side shall any one so much as dare to oppose the passage of your forces? will the Flemish peradventure do it? as if it were as easie to raise an Army, as to frame a Conspiracy; and that the rabble-rout will be as ready to fight against armed squadrons, as they have been to wage war so wickedly against the sacred Images and Altars. Will the Confining Princes perhaps deny their passage? France is wholly on fire with Civil War: A Woman sits at the Helm of Government in England; and what can be feared from Germany, divided amongst so many Princes, and so at variance with∣in themselves? moreover your case will be theirs. All Princes are equally concer∣ned in the peoples disobedience. The damage insues peradventure but to one at once; but the example reaches always to all. On the contrary; when was ever your Em∣pire in greater power and tranquility? your Empire, which imbraceth several worlds; and wherein God hath placed you, more for the amplifying of his glory, then of your own. Your forces will then without any manner of difficulty be received in Flanders: and the strife will be, who shall first give them entrance, and most fear them when they are entred. When they shall once be setled there, 'twill doubtlesly be consonant

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to reason that that be rendred to God which is his, and what is yours to you. Pu∣nishment must be inflicted in proportion to the faults demerit. And if that frenzy (as it is termed) of fear, but which is indeed of perfideousness, made the Flemish fall blindfold into open rebellion, why ought not your forces hope for all good success against them? Yours, which will be so just, and so potent, against theirs which are tu∣multuary, managed by adject men, rebels to God, and to their Prince. Nor if need should require, will yours want succour by the same ways, either of Savoy or of Swis∣serland; and succour may also easilier be conveyed by sea than by land. But there will be no occasion, in my judgement, that your forces should either move or be suc∣cour'd. We shall see the Rebellion supprest almost assoon as born by those which shall now enter Flanders. And what fairer occasion then this can you desire to bring an Army into Flanders, and make those Provinces the Piazza d'Armi of your Empire? to make by that situation, which may be said to be in the very bowels of Europe, the Churches Authority be so much the more reverenced, and your Name the more re∣spected. Doubtlesly there are variety of Governments; but there can be no variance in the bond of obedience which is due by the people unto their Prince. Subjects are born with this Law, and when they go about to break it, 'tis they that use violence, they receive it not. Just thus it falls out now in Flanders, where all Laws both hu∣mane and divine are traden under foot. Your Majesty shall not then use force, save on∣ly to suppress force; nor sharp remedies, till after having so long in vain used mo∣derate ones. The wound is degenerated into a Gangreen; it requires fire and sword.

By so many and so efficacious, reasons, on the one, and on the other side the King was rather confused then confirmed; Cardinal Granville adhered to the Duke of Alva; and though he appeared to be a bitter enemy to the Flemish; yet his long experience in the affairs of that Country, gave authority to his very passions. On the other side Prince Ruygomez who was greatly in the Kings fa∣vour, joyned with the Duke of Feria. And almost the whole Councel was di∣vided between these two opinions. The King did then again waver a little before he put on any resolution: But the news of the novelties in Flanders still increa∣sing, and particularly those of the violence used to the Churches, and of the ex∣cess of liberty which the hereticks took in all things else, the King thought it was now no longer an act of will, but of necessity to send an Army into the Low-Countries, and to use force against the Flemish. Princes usually when they can, commit the execution of affairs to those who have had the greatest share thereof in Councel. Therefore the King chose the Duke of Alva to go chief Comman∣der over his Forces which went for Flanders. To boot that if there should be a∣ny occasion to use them, none in Spain was thought to be more able (as hath been said) in that profession: A man rigid both in nature and aspect: haughty in peace, and much more haughty in war; long bred up in arms; and who thought it always advantagious for him and the King, to have them, and to make use of them. The delay was not long: requisite orders were suddenly given for the raising of good store of new soldiers in Spain; that they might be placed in the wonted Garisons in Italy, and that those who were ancient Companies might be sent into Flanders. The chief strength of foot were to be Spaniards; the horse were to be composed of Italians, Burgundians and High-Dutch: and some Regiments of foot were to come to Flanders from Germany, which by their vicinity might the speedilier be raised. Whilst these preparations were a making in Spain, Italy and other parts, the Regents affairs prospered in Flanders, as hath been said. Obedience was restored to the King, and the Church had almost wholly recovered hers; and the Country was on all sides reduced to quiet: so as it was expected that the King would change his mind, and that no Army should be sent into Flanders. But were it that he did think that the tumalts ri∣sen in those Provinces were rather husht then quite extinct; or that desires to e∣stablish his Authority the better there for ever after, he would not lose the pre∣sent occasion of doing it; or that he thought he could not without a great body of forces, perfectly enjoy the secure possession thereof, they being placed amidst neighbours, which made him daily more jealous of them; he continued his first resolution. The Duke of Alva being departed from Spain, and come by sea

to Genoa: he mustered the men spoken of before, in the State of Millan, which came to near 8000 Spanish foot, under four Camp-Masters. Allonso Ulloa commanded the Neapolitan Brigado; Guellielmo Romero that of Cicily; Sancio di Londonio that of Lombardy, and the Sardinian Brigado was commanded by Gonsalo di Bracamonte. All experienced soldiers, and under valliant Commanders. He gave the command of the horse which were raised in Italy, which might be a∣bout 1500. the greatest part whereof were Itallians, the rest Spaniards, to his natural son Fernando di Tolledo. 300 were afterwards added to these in Burgun∣dy; and of the Dutch there was but only one Regiment of 4000 foot raised at the present under Count Alberico di Lodrone. The Duke would have also di∣vers other Spaniards to be near him, who were fit for command; and amongst others, Sancio d'Avola who was Governor of the Castle of Pavia, and who by his valour came afterwards to the chief Commands in Flanders. Of the Italian Commanders, the chief were Marquis Chiapino Vitelli, and Gabrio Serbelloni, Prior of the Order of St. Johns of Jerusalem, in Hungary: Both of them long experienced in the wars of Italy, and who had therein won much renown. He made Vitelli Camp-Master-General, and gave the charge of the Artillery to Ser∣belloni. The Muster being made, and the Army marching in very good discipline, not meeting with any difficulty either from France or Germany, he led it finally into the Province of Lucemberg. He made some Brigades of foot advance from thence, and quartered them where he thought most convenient, the better to se∣cure his entry into the Country, and then he himself went to the Regent. The Flemish who were much astonisht to hear of these forces, were much more a∣stonisht when they saw them Many of them resolved to quit the Country be∣fore the Duke should bring them in: and the Prince of Orange had already led them an example. He being assertained of so great a preparation of forces, and that the Duke of Alva was Commander in chief, resolved to withdraw into Germany. He knew how suspected his actions were in Spain.

That the Duke of Alva formerly a rival, was now become a Superiour: and insteed of thundring out contrary opinions in the Councel at Madrid, he was to lead a powerfull Army into Flanders. That the sore orders were to be put into sorer execution; if Count Egmont and the rest would perish through con∣fiding, he would secure himself by doing the contrary; 'twas therefore no lon∣ger time to stand lingring; 'twas better to get into Germany, and to be a specta∣tor of the Tragedies in Flanders afar off. And how could he with honour be under the Duke of Alva, who was but a bare Grandee of Spain? whereas he himself enjoy'd the Prerogative of Free States, and many other greater in his Family in Germany. Let others endure to see the Provinces of Flanders, always accustomed to be governed by some of the bloud royal, or at least nearly allyd thereunto, fall with scorn into such hands.

Together with him went his brother Lodovick; and at the same time the Count of Hostrat went from Flanders, Before Orange departed, he oft-times incited Count Egmont to do the like; and not able to prevail with him, he told him, You will repent, but too late. And in other speeches did prognosticate unto him those misfortunes whereinto afterwards he fell.

The Duke taking a house in Brussels, not with the Regent, but in a house near the Palace-Royal; the first thing he did, was to make the Counts of Egmont and Horn prisoners, which he did thus: They were both of them of the Coun∣cel of State, and therefore the Duke seeming as if he would know their opinions touching some intended Citadels, and especially concerning one which he meant to erect presently in Antwerp, he made them come to his lodgings, with divers o∣thers of the Councel. Some discourse being here had upon the business, the Coun∣cel being ended, as they past through divers lodgings, they were by feigned pre∣tences parted one from another, and after made prisoners. At the same time, but not in Brussels, was Antonio Strales taken, who had been oft-times Burgamaster of Antwerp, a man of great imployment in that City, and esteemed one of the chiefest Authors of the Tumults which had happened there; and John Casembrot Lord of Bacharsel, who was Egmonts Secretary, and who managed all his af∣fairs. By means of these two, more then by any others, the Duke hoped to come

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by the knowledg of many inportant businesses, not only touching the persona∣ges of Egmont and Horn, but concerning the passages and events of all the late revolts. Upon the news hereof in Spain, Montigni was likewise suddenly impri∣soned, the Marquiss of Berghen being dead some months before in Spain, not without suspition of being poysoned as the Flemish did believe. The Regent knew nothing of what had befaln Egmont and Horn, till it was done. From the Kings first sending of the Duke of Alva with an Army into Flanders, he had declared that the Duke should have the sole Government of the Militia, and that for all things else the Regent should continue in her former administration. The Duke at his first arrival had shewed his Commission to be such; but the Regent had already discerned, that he had private Orders for further Authority then he would as yet make known. Yet she did not think the Duke would have proceeded so far as he had done in the Imprisonment of Egmont and Horn, without making her first acquainted with his resolution therein; so as she esteemed this either a diffidence, or an undervaluation of her by the King; and almost an approbati∣on of those accusations which were laid to her charge in Spain: as if she had used too much tolleration in the disorders which had happened, and had rather occasioned then supprest the novelties. Judging then that she could not with her honour continue longer in such a form of Government, and desirous also to be rid of it, as one who had always been contrary to the Duke of Alva's sence touching the affairs of those Countries; she intreated the King that he would suffer her to return to Italy: and after some reiterated requests therein, she at last got leave so to do. The King notwithstanding seemed very well satisfied with her Government, and gave large demonstrations thereof. He honoured her se∣veral ways, and in particular testimony of his gratitude, he gave her a good in∣crease of revenue for her and her heirs; to boot with that which formerly she en∣joyed as her Dowry, in the Kingdom of Naples. She went from Brussels about the beginning of the year 1568. nor can it be said how much love she left behind her amongst the Flemish. She was born amongst them, and her demeanors were conformable to her birth. She was gracious, affable and moderate: but there∣withall a Princess of a manly spirit, and constancy; since involved so long in so many storms and tempests wherewith her Government was a gitated, she knew how to come out of them with so much honour, and at last, did turn the tempests into a calm.

THE HISTORY OF THE WARS OF FLANDERS Written by CARDINAL BENTIVOGLIO.

BOOK IV.

The Contents.

Divers of the Duke of Alva's cruel proceedings. A great many of the Flemish fly to the neighbouring parts. The disposition of the confining Princes to foment the revolts of the Low-Countries. Orange his particular indeavours in Germany to this purpose. He cals a Diet of some Princes, and Hans Towns. His Speech to the Diet. The Germans resolve to assist the Flemish. Their first motion, and their defeat. Lodovick brother to Orange, enters Friesland with an Army. Count Aremberg is sent against him by the Duke of Alva. They fight: Arem∣berg is routed and slain. The Duke resolves to go himself in person against Lodo∣vick. To this purpose he gives order for the increasing of his Army. Before his departure he causeth Egmont and Horn to be beheaded in Brussels. Other severi∣ties of his. He comes to the Army in Friesland; makes an Oration to the soldi∣ers. Lodovick retreats; but the Duke overtakes him, fights him, and utterly de∣seats him.

THe Reyns of Government being wholly left in the Duke of Alva's hand, he apply'd himself with all attention to execute his begun rigour upon the Flemish. Soon after that Egmont and Horn were made prisoners in Brussels, he sent them both well guarded to the Castle at Gaunt; and put in an High-Dutch Garison into it, instead of the Flemish Garison which was there before. He formed a new Tribunal of Justice by the name of a Councel to sit upon Tumults, for the better cognisance of businesses of that weight, and all others of that nature, and composed it of such as he thought he might most confide in: Amongst other he placed a Spanish Lawyer in it, and a Burgundian of the same profession; and he himself would be the President thereof. Then publishing his Authority in Print to make it the more formidable by being divulged: and proclaimed all those to be guilty of High-Treason, both against God and the King, who had had any thing to do in the late actions of the

Covenant, Petition, and of the violences used against the Churches, and the Ca∣tholick religion. He forthwith accompanied the terror of his Threats with the severity of Punishment. He caused the Prince of Orange, his brother Lodovick, Count Hostrate, Brederode and Colemburgh, and the rest of the prime men who were gone out of Flanders, to be publikely cited to appear before him within a certain prefixt time, upon pain of rebellion, and the loss of their goods in case they did not appear. He caused a great many others of all sorts to be imprisoned in sundry parts of the Provinces, who were fallen into the aforesaid faults and they were in so great numbers, that all the prisons throughout the whole Country were on a sudden full of them. To imprisonment he added Death, and made the market∣places the places of execution, to the end that the publikeness thereof might in∣fuse the greater terror. At the same time he designed divers Citadels and began to lay their foundations where he thought either the situation of the Towns, or the condition of the Inhabitants did most require it. The first was placed in Ant∣werp, with five royal Bulwarks upon the Scheld, upon which River the City is seated; to hasten the which he went in person to Antwerp, and made the City contribute towards the expence thereof, giving them assured hopes that as soon as the Citadel should be put into a posture of defence, Lodroneas Regiment of High-Dutch which were there in garrison should be removed. He began to build a Fort in Flushing, the chief Haven of Zealand, and which opens and shuts the en∣trance into the Scheld. He designed another in Groninghen, upon the confines of Germany; and another in Valentiennes, which lies towards France: But unless it were that of Antwerp, the rest were not built; for so many troubles arose from so many parts, as the Duke had not fitting opportunity to doe it. He notwith∣standing secured the Frontiers on all sides by good garrisons, against all innovati∣ons which might be endeavoured from abroad; and within, he disarmed many of the most suspected Cities, and distributed forces in divers parts, where he thought it most needfull to curb the Flemish more straightly.

This so rigorous a beginning of Government put the Country every where into such fear, as it was on a sudden abandoned by a great number of people of all sorts; they were reported to be above thirty thousand. Those who were no wayes concerned, were affrighted to see the faults of others so severely punished; and they groaned to see that Flanders, which was wont to enjoy one of the ea∣liest governments of all Europe, should now have no other object to behold but the Terror of Arms, Flight, Exiles, Imprisonments, blood, death, and confiscati∣ons. The people fled to the neighbouring parts of Germany, to France, and Eng∣land: But those of best quality retired to Germany, drawn thither by Orange, who encouraged them more then all the rest to follow his example, and run his for∣tune. And who from thence did answer the Dukes citation in writing, refusing to submit himself to his Tribunal, as to that of a Judge too much suspected, and of too inferior a condition to take cognisance of such a cause; saying that he was a free Prince of Germany, and therefore in the first place a Subject to the Emperour; and that being a Knight of the Golden Fleece, he was only to be judged by the King himself, who was the supreme Head of that Order. Hostrat answered al∣most in the same sort, save only that he left out the reason of being Feudatory to the Emperour, for he had no estate in Germany. Horn had some estate of that nature; and therefore his Mother, when he was imprisoned, had suddenly recourse to Caesars Authority, and had from thence procured favourable offices in her sons behalf to the King and Duke of Alva. The like is done by divers Princes of Ger∣many in Orange his behalf, and those that were joyned with him in the same cause; for indeed the Catholike Princes were no less displeased then were the Hereticks of those parts with the Dukes severity; and that such an alteration should be made in the Government of Flanders, with which Country they had such con∣formity both in language, customs, and laws. The King promised all fair in∣treatment, so as the Citation might be obeyed. But none of those that were cited daring to trust, and the time of citation being already elapsed, the Duke proceeded to punishment; and amongst other things, he made Colemburghs house in Brussels be pull'd down to the ground, in memory of the detestation of the seditious practises which were there chiefly woven and concluded. Orange

was Master of divers fair Towns in sundry Provinces of Flanders, (The Princi∣pality of Orange is in France, though not subject to that Crown) and of a great many likewise in the County of Burgundy; in Brabant amongst others he had Breda, a noble p••ace, having a stately Castle in it, and of such consequence as the Duke of Alva would suddenly secure himself the better thereof by putting a gar∣rison into it. To the confiscation of his goods, the Duke added the retension of the Count di Buren, a Youth of twelve years of age, who was the Prince of Orange his eldest son, and who was then at the University of Lovain following his studies; and under pretence that the King would have him follow the same studies and exercises in the University of Alcala d'Enares, he sent him well guarded into Spain. Orange and his companions together with other Nobles who were fled from Flanders, exasperated at these proceedings, did what they could to shew their re∣sentment. Their chief end was to raise Forces, and lead them into Flanders; hoping assuredly that when any Forces should appear from without, they that were within the Country would suddenly rise. This was therefore hotly endea∣voured, and it was managed by their Adherents in almost all the Provinces of Flanders. The Duke of Alva's government infused horror into them, and by all dreadful exagerations they endeavoured to make the people abhor it. From with∣out they themselves endeavoured by all possible means to draw other Princes to favour their cause. From England, 'twas known the Queen had a great inclina∣tion to foment whatsoever novelties which might happen in the Low-Countries. She considered, that if the King of Spain should possess them peacefully, his Forces would be too formidable both by sea and land throughout all Europe: That she in particular was greatly to apprehend his Forces by Sea, since England and Ireland would be as it were invironed by the Fleets which might be maintain∣ed on the one side in Spain, and on the other in Flanders: That the King would not be backward in molesting her, having opportunity to doe it; as he who knew she sought to indamage him as much as she might, as he had already had several experiences. These outward dangers appeared unto the Queen to be the greater, when she considered also those within. She saw the Heretick government which she had introduced within her Kingdom began to totter; that a great many Ca∣tholicks were still in England, that Ireland was almost wholly Catholick; and that to cause innovations in those parts, particularly in matters of Religion, no Prince would be more forward therein then the King of Spain: She therefore desired to see her neighbour Countries involved in Heresie, hoping that people withdraw∣ing themselves from the obedience of the Church, would the easelier be perswaded to doe the like from that of their Prince; and that one rebellion added to another, affairs should be so imbroiled in those parts, as there should be no design of trou∣bling her. To this purpose the Hugonot Faction in France was at first favoured by her, and now more then ever; who joyed to see the progress thereof so great in that Kingdom. But her design in this point, was chiefly upon Flanders; for from thence, by reason of the vicinity of those Countries unto hers, both before, and much more after the Duke of Alva was entred there with his Forces, grew the greatest suspitions which she had of the King of Spains power. Wherefore she graciously received all those who fled from Flanders to England, and nourisht the complaints which they made against the Spaniard, and much more the hatred and ill will which they bore them. Nor content to favour them in her own Domini∣ons, she did the like with the Hereticks of France and Germany, with whom she held continual correspondencie, and bore great sway. But though these offices did help, yet were they more then needed either for the one or the other faction. That of the Hugonots was already so increased in France, as they designed to ground a popular Commonwealth upon the ruines of the Monarchy. The go∣vernment in Religion which they had imbraced was of this form: And desirous that their Politick interests should be guided by the like, they pretended that the King should permit them to meet in the general, and in the particular Assemblies, and to treat of what concerned their body apart, which was to make a total sepa∣ration from the State, within the State. King Charles was then got out of his minority, and shewed himself to be both generously and piously given: But by reason of his youth, the government was still managed by the Queen his mother;

who set upon by the ambition of the Hereticks, and almost no less by the like of the Catholicks, did temporise amongst so many and so fierce storms, and sought to shun danger, since she knew not how to oppose it. Arms had already been seve∣ral times both taken up, and laid down; and the King had endeavoured to allay the fire of Civil wars by divers Edicts of Pacification, (as they termed them) since the times would not suffer him totally to extinguish it. But the Edicts served but to little purpose to restore quiet to that Kingdom, since the factions were more inflamed then ever: Nor were Arms laid down, but that they might be taken up again with more advantage. To this end the Hugonots held close intelligence with the Queen of England, and with the Hereticks of Germany. And because the King of Spain assisted King Charles, and did integrally favour the Catholick cause, and especially by the Flanders Forces, therefore did not the Hugonots omit to foment the Flemish in their bad inclinations. Secret intelligence had ever past (as we have already said) between the Prince of Orange and Coligni the Ad∣miral of France: But after Orange his retreat to Germany, their practises grew hotter: The one of them plotted the ruine of France, which was already begun; the other the ruine of Flanders, which was shortly to begin. Nor is it to be said how much the Hugonots desired to see the like troubles ensue in Flanders, as France did already suffer under, that they might have companions abroad, and to make but one cause of two, to the end that it might be so much the better de∣fended by common forces, and honested by reciprocal examples. So that Coligni, and the other Chieftains of the Heretick faction used all possible diligence to make the Flemish who were fled into France, suddenly endeavour the like no∣velty, which they greatly desired to raise up of themselves in their Country. From Germany likewise, the Heretick Princes, and the Hans-Towns of the same Faction, seemed for the same reasons to have the same ends in the affairs of Flan∣ders. Yea before the rise of Luthers Heresie, all the Princes and the Hans-Towns of Germany, which together with the Emperor their head doe compose the body of the Empire, were not well pleased to see that the House of Austria, first by the addition of Flanders, and then by that of Spain, should be so much exalted. Till then they had looked upon the fortune of that House with an envious eye. When Charles the Fifth was come to the Imperial Crown, they turned their envy into open fear, lest from being Head of the German government he might become absolute Prince of that Empire. They saw that how great soever his design might be, his Forces were equivalent in greatness thereunto. And their fear in this point was rather increased then diminished by the entry of Heresie into Germany: For they apprehended, lest under the colour of reordering the affairs concerning Re∣ligion, he might intend to advantage his own Authority the more easily in those which regarded the State. Hence in a great part were occasioned the troubles of those Countries; hence their so many Dyets, and particularly the Accords which insued in point of Religion. And though when Charles dyed, the House of Au∣stria was divided, and that the greatest power thereof remained in that Branch which was transplanted into Spain; and that on the other side the Hereticks had great Forces in Germany, yet feared they much the neighbourhood of Flanders: They suspected that the Forces of that House might upon all occasions be on that side united against them; to boot that by the opportunity of that situation they saw too great advantages arose to the Austrians in Germany to continue the en∣joyment of the Empire; and that in stead of being elective, it might become he∣reditary in that Family; and that the possession might remain in the Catholick part, with the exclusion of the Heretical. They therefore fauthor'd by all the means they might, the Novelties which had insued in Flanders in the Govern∣ment of the Dutchess of Parma: They favoured Heresie, fomented Sedition, counsell'd their chief Leaders, and endeavoured by all other means to cause such Troubles in those Provinces, as that the King of Spain might either wholly lose them, or not quietly enjoy them. They termed Flanders the Lower-Germany, and reputed it as joyned to the body of their own Upper-Germany, by reason of the connexion of Countries, the conformity of speech and manner of living, and by the community of Traffick and Rivers; of which 'tis arguable whether the Rhine be more commodious to higher Germany by the longer course thereof,

or to the lower by her breadth. In these respects their friendships, adherents, and allyances were very great in those parts. Moreover divers of the best Fami∣lies of Flanders derived from Germany; and amongst others, that of the Prince of Orange, who afterwards married with the house of Saxony, as hath been said. The heretick Princes held therefore their streightest corespondencies with him, and to him did discover their most intimate sence of the affairs of Flanders, because it was most conformable with his own. Orange, being afterwards gon to them by reason of the Duke of Alva's being come into Flanders, he still indeavoured to increase in them a resolution, not to tollerate that oppression which he in the most horrid manner he could invent, affirmed to be already introduced by the Spani∣ards amongst the Flemish. Affirming that this cause was common to both the Germanies; he mingled the Interest of Religion together with that of State; and by the strength and vivacity of wit, made dangers a far off seem very near at hand He chiefly propounded a meeting between those Princes who were most to dread the Spanish forces in Flanders; the Queen of England assisted him here∣in by her authority, and the Hugonots of France by their practices. So as the resolution was soon put on; and divers Hans Towns joyned therein likewise, by sending their Deputies thither; particularly those which are situated upon the Rhine, in which by reason of their neighbourhood with Flanders, the aforesaid power of the Spanish forces was most dreaded: Of the Princes, the Count Pa∣latine of Rhine was most remarkable, his State lay nearest to Flanders; he had the best forces: and being past on from Luthers heresie to that of Calvin, he held greater corespondency with the hereticks of France, and with the Queen of Eng∣land. The rest were the Duke of Wittenberg, the Landgrave of Hesse, the Mar∣quis of Bada, the Marquis of Durlack, and some neighbouring Counts, besides those of Nassaw. The King of Denmark, and the house of Saxony sent likewise their particular Deputies to the Diet. Business doth still proceed slowly, which is to be agitated by many: either they differ in their ends, or agree not in the means, or for the most part are lost through confusion. But their progress is more slow then ordinarily in Germany, where negotiations are not had without much prolixity, more by writing then by word of mouth, and where more time is spent in banqueting then in business. The Diet proceeded on then but slowly, and by reason of the variety of opinions, many difficulties were met with in the things proposed. Whereupon the Prince of Orange, being all on fire himself, and that he might set others on fire likewise, spake one day thus,

It is not assuredly any waies to be doubted (most Noble Princes and worthy Deputies) but that we now treat upon a common cause. The one and the other Germany are sufficiently united in situation, tongue, name, traffick, life, and in all things else. And who knows not that in former times they both made but one body? their people do chiefly affect liberty. And though in Flanders the Prince be heriditory, whereas in Germany he is elective, yet almost the same pre∣eminence is due by them to their States as is here attributed to your Dyets. But how oft, and with how much labour and danger hath it behoved the one and the other Nation, to oppose themselves to the avaritiousness of their Prin∣ces? I will leave the pursuit of ancient affairs, that I may come to the more mo∣dern; and those of Germany, that I may descend to the present affairs of Flan∣ders. When the Emperour Charls the fifth was dead, every one knows the King his son's chiefest desire was, to leave those parts, and settle himself in Spain. Being there wholly transformed into the sence and Customs of that people, he grew desirous to govern Flanders after the same manner and Empire as Spain was governed. And what more imperious Minister of State could he leave be∣hind him with the Dutchess of Parma, then the Cardinal Granville? Did I say Minister of State? nay rather supream Governor; since whilst he was there the Dutchess bore only the name of Regent: the whole power lay in him, base Burgundian! The first Author of Flanders's mischiefs; and who deserves chiefly to be punished, since the fault was chiefly his. The Government of the Ecclesiastical and Temporal affairs was suddenly altered in divers sorts by abso∣lute Authority; but chiefly by new Edicts, still more grievous to the conscience, and by introducing the Inquisition. The secretest Oracles are come from the

Councel of Spain, and are executed by secret consultations in Flanders. If the Nobility have complained, their complaints have proved vain; to Petition is counted treachery: to seem troubled, rebellion; and the casual headdy giddi∣ness of the common people, a premeditated insurrection of the whole Country In fine, nothing but to have a pretence to use force against Flanders, was expe∣cted in Spain. And what more light pretence could be taken, then to go about to suppress those tumults, which were seen to cease almost assoon as begun? When so suddenly hereupon the Flemish are insolently declared in Spain to be rebels to God, and to the King: and a foreign Army marches to cause Flanders to be treated hereafter, not as a successive Nation, but as a Conquered Countrey. And who could be better chosen to execute such violences then the Duke of Alva? the most haughty minded man of all Spain; Flanders greatest enemy: and who knows better then any other how to extinguish all remainders of re∣ligion, and in lieu thereof to use all sorts of Tyranny. And just so it fell out. He hath begun to raise Citadels in the chiefest Cities: he hath placed Garisons every where; the places of execution run down with bloud in all Towns no more home-Laws are heard of, but forein ones. The Country is almost unpeo∣pled by exilement, imprisonment and running away. And nothing but gastly looks, complaints, misery, desparation, and calamity is seen every where. In this deplorable estate is Flanders at the present. How much more happie then is Germany, which enjoys her former libertie, and which abhorring all forein force, knows no other Empire then her own? I partake of this felicity, for from hence I derive my bloud, and my first stem remains still here. Nay I am more hated in Spain then any other of the Flemish, by reason of my German spirit. I am held to be the contriver of Conspiracies, the head of sedition, the pesti∣lence of those Countries. Their greatest anger thunders against me, and the severest punishments are already fallen upon me. Thus they seek to turn my glory to infamy: And what greater glory can there be, then to maintain the liberty of a mans Country, and to die rather then be inslaved? I then (most high Princes and Noble Deputies) who am both a German and a Fleming, after having laid before you the miseries of the Lower Germany, whose tears and sup∣plications I bring hither with me, do in her name implore the help and protecti∣on of the Upper Germany. But such recourse for refuge will not avail, unless you your selves repute the cause which is now in hand, to be common as well to Germany as to Flanders, as I at first took for granted. And who can doubt it? who is not aware of the Spaniards vast designes? doubtlesly a desire of Domi∣nation doth naturally reigne in all men. One will draws on another; nor doth what is possest give satisfaction. But how immence, how immoderate doth this thirst appear particularly in the Spaniards? they think not their unknown worlds sufficient to quench it; and will therefore extend their Empire still fur∣ther in those which are known. They fix their eyes, and their machinations much more, upon Europe in particular. When they shall have opprest Flanders, and have gotten so opportune a seat for their Arms, what Province will they next fall upon? that certainly which they shall have most reason to fear. He who will lay the foundations of servitude well, first seeks to beat down the Bulwarks of Liberty. Wherefore knowing that they shall be most withstood by the pow∣er and undaunted spirits of this Nation, which in all things is so united to Flan∣ders, they will forthwith bend all their forces hitherward. It may then be con∣cluded, that the Spanish forces being in Flanders, will be always ready to enter Germany: and then what will your miseries be? when their Colonies shall likewise be seen here; new faces, new Customs, severe Laws, more severely ex∣ecuted heavy yoaks upon mens persons and more heavy upon their consciences? This point being then granted, that the danger will be common amongst us, the other will be clear, that the cause should likewise be reputed common: the rest follows on in consequence: One neighbour runs to quench the fire that is kindled in another neighbours house. When a river threatens to break in, who runs not from all sides to mend the banks? the same course ought now to be held all you must haste to help the Flemish; since you are the first that are like∣ly to seel the flames of their fire, and they who shall first partake of the inun∣dation

of so many miseries which they suffer. But do not believe that they will linger in expectation of your aids. They will move assoon as they shall see you move: and their worth and vertue, which by so unexpected and cruel a violence, is rather stupified then opprest, will return with greater vigour then before, What cannot armed desparation do? what dares it not? the entrance will be always easie from these parts into Friesland, and into the Provinces of Flanders which are on this side the Rhine, that river will with like easiness be at all times past over: all the chief Cities will throw open their gates. The Nobility, and all the whole Country will joyn in the same opinion. But I came short when I said that only Germany and Flanders would joyn in this cause: France and England, and the other Northern Countries, will undoubt∣edly joyn with us, since they stand in like fear of the Spanish forces. He that commits violence doth not always boast thereof. And how oft do we see op∣pression prove the ruine of the oppressor? It may so fall out, as whilst the Spaniards do so greedily gape after other mens states, they may chance to lose their own. The Flemish expect only your assistance, to escape so hard a sla∣very. And I in their names do once again earnestly implore it. The cause can∣not be more just, nor more easily helped: and it is yours no less then ours. All neighbours will take it for their own concernment; and the whole North will favour it. But as the defence will in the first place fall to your share, so the first place of victory will be given to your forces. And so by the title of our being oppressed, you shall for ever be accounted our deliverers.

The Crown of Spain never had, nor never shall have a fiercer enemy then the Prince of Orange. To this his discourse made in publick, he added many others in privat. He exagerated all the evils which are wont to be said in detestation of great Empires and their Governors; and sought by all means possible to imprint those passions in the minds of others, which burnt so fiercely in his own. He pre|'vailed so far with the Diet, as even the backwardest amongst them, wisht they had helped the Flemish. Whereupon it was concluded that such men as were ne∣cessary for that purpose should speedily be raised. This resolution was suddenly communicated by Orange to his confederates of Flanders, and to those also with whom he held intelligence in France and in England. They designed to enter Flanders at one and the same time in divers parts. The easiest way seemed to be by Friesland, as being the most open Country, and the most commodious to re∣ceive German aids. The other side whereon they would endeavour to get en∣trance was Brabant and Ghelderland, confining upon the States of Cleves and Ju∣liers, and Liege. On the behalf of France, the Hugonor intimated hopes that they would cause some novelties in the Walloon Frontiers; and the like was pro∣mised from England, in Holland and Zealand by sea. They made no delay: much soldiery did just then return to Germany, which John Casimere, one of the Count Palatines of Rhine, had not long before led into France in favour of the Hugo∣nots. Arms were for that time laid down in that Kingdom by some agreement between the parties interessed; and therefore the aforesaid Germans returning to their own homes, Orange and the rest of his adherents, thought it very opor∣tune upon this occasion to make use of them for the accomplishment of their designes. Such as were needfull being then tane into pay by the Princes, and Ci∣ties that did intervene in the Diet, as many of them as were requisit, to boot with the men which they raised in their own Countries, began to march under Count Lodovick brother to the Prince of Orange, with intention to enter the Low-Countries on the side of Friesland: but before he began to move, another was heard of towards Ghelderland. Lumay and Villiers, were two of those Nobles who had shared most in the Covenant Petitions and revolts which had happened in the Dutchess of Parma's time, they feared to be punished by the Duke of Alva, proportionably to their demerits Havingtherefore through this appre∣hension quitted their Countrie, they would now return again with forces. They resolved to put it to a tryal, by indeavouring to surprise some important place in Ghelderland. They thought Ruremond a fitting place, a City standing on the Mause, and which might serve them for a passage into Brabant. Orange insti∣gated them hereunto; for he designed to enter with very powerfull forces on

that side, and then to settle in the midst of the Countrie. Having gathered tu∣multuously together about 2000 fot, and some few horse, a rabble of people, all of them almost of the neighbouring Countries, they moved to execute the aid designe: and they hoped for better success, for that they had some intelligence in the City. This was soon foreseen, and speedily prevented by the Duke of Alva. He dispacht away the Camp-Master Londonio forthwith thitherward with some Spanish, some German, and some Walloon Colours, and sent Sancio d'Avila likewise thither with 30 horse; and in the first place secured Mastrick, that being the chief pass towards Germany. That City is cut through, not in the midst, but on one side by the Mause, the lesser part thereof makes as it were an angle, which is called by the name of Vich. This part belongs to the Principali∣ty of Liege; but the chief body of the Town is under the Low-Countries. The City is united by a stone-bridg: and the Ligeois contented with the Civil Go∣vernment of what belongs to them, leave both the lesser and greater division un∣der the Military custody of the King of Spain. The revolters drew near Rure∣mond, and endeavoured to possess themselves of one gate; but they failed in their designe: for they reaped no good by the Intelligence they had within; but found things in a better posture of defence then they expected. They therefore presently withdrew into the State of Liege, fearing to have the Spaniards on their back, if they should tarry in the Kings Territories. This mean while Londonio and Avila were on their march; and understanding that they were retreated, Londonio was not minded to pursue them into Liege, saying,

Will not this be to offend and irritate our neighbours? our own Countrie is too full of jealousie. Let us make a bridg to them that fly; to see the enemy run away, is to have sufficiently overcome.

But Avila was for pursuing them: replying,

Our neighbours will be so far from being hereat offended, as they ought rather to thank us for it. Do not we know that these wicked ones have entred the Country of Liege by force? the Ligeois will then repute our forces for their own, and must con∣fess that we have done this to free them, not to invade their Countrie.

This opinion prevailed; and the Spaniards advancing, heard that Lumay and Villiers were retired with their men towards Dalem, a little Town, bordering up∣on the Country of Liege, environed with a wall and a ditch, but otherwise not strong. They did not think that the Spaniard would have touched upon that State: but when they knew they marched towards them, they got underneath the walls of Dalem, and assisted by a ravelin on one side, and by the carriage carts on the other, they prepared to defend themselves. When the Spaniards were come up they sent some of their men forthwith to the other side of the Town, and with the rest gave so strong an assault to the enemy on the front, as they wholly routed them. They slew many of them, took many of them, and amongst the rest, Villiers was taken prisoner. So the designe of the Flemish who had quit their Countrie, proved vain on that side. Not long after they indeavoured to possess themselves of the Town of Graves, which was first possest by the Prince of O∣range; and which being seated upon the Mause, on the utmost confines of Bra∣bant, would have been very fit for their purpose. But they were not well got in, by means of some intelligence which they had, when they resolved to be gon a∣gain, hearing that the Dukes men marched towards them. Nor had they better success in a conspiracy of theirs, which (as was commonly divulged was not long before discovered against the Dukes person. He oft-times used to pass by the Forrest Soigny; near Brussels, upon occasion of frequenting a Monastery which was thereabouts, called Groendal. Some of the Nobility had resolved to set upon him with some men in that wood and to kill him, and so suddenly to run to Brussels, and to raise the people there But were it either that the report was false, (for the conspiracy was not much believed) or that the designe could not be executed, the business soon vanisht, no certainty of it being ever known. Count Lodovick was this mean while fallen into Friesland with an intire Army, consisting as 'twas said, of 10000 foot, and 3000 horse; and Orange did pre∣pare at the same time to pass into the Low Countries on another side with a much greater strength. Lodovick being entred Friesland, he began to fortifie the

Town of Delfeziel, situated towards the mouth of the river Embs. This river divides East-Friesland, which belongs to the Upper-Germany, from West-Fries∣land, which appertains to the Lower. As it grows nearer the sea, it so inlargeth it self, as by the mouth thereof it makes a gulf. Here is the City of Embden seated, one of the most considerable Towns of all the Maretine part, by reason of the frequency of people, and oportunity of Commerce, which is much helped by the Haven thereof, being held one of the most commodious of all the North. The Flemish Friesland (if I may so call it) makes two Provinces; that which joyns upon Germany is called Groninghen, from the City of the same name: a City very well populated, and suspitiously seated, being the chiefest Key of those Con∣fines. 'Tis seated very low, as is its sister Province, which retains the name of Friesland. In Winter the fields stand full of water; and there is no coming to their habitations but upon the banks: in Summer the land lies dry, and yields great store of pasturage You would say that in those parts the sea is interchangably turned into land, and the land to sea. By reason of the low situation, and great humidity, there is no Woods in the Country, nor almost any sort of Trees which may serve for firing. But where nature is therein wanting, the Inhabi∣tants make it good by their industry; they make use of Turfs cut out of the Earth, and dryed in the Sun, in stead of Wood. These are the Woods of Fries∣land, and the Inhabitants usual fire. In divers other parts of Flanders they suffer likewise the same wants, and with the same industry provide against it. Lodovick intended to make himself Master of the City of Groninghen, and there were some within the Town who fed him with hopes of so doing. He therefore encamped thereabouts, and fortified himself where he thought best; especially where he might receive new supplies from Germany. But the Duke of Alva had not been wanting this mean while in taking such order as was needfull to withstand this Army. Count Aremberg was Governour of that Friesland which belong'd to the King of Spain; he was one of the chiefest Lords of Flanders; of great e∣steem in the Militia: and who a little before was sent by the Duke into France with a good strength of horse to the aid of King Charls against the here∣ticks of that Kingdom. The affairs of France being afterwards setled, and A∣remberg being returned to Flandets, the Duke sent him suddenly into Friesland. He had under him a Regiment of High-Dutch: and Count Mega, Governour of the Provinces of Ghelderland and Zutfen, had another. The Duke then or∣dered, that as many of the High-Dutch as could be had, should fall down into those parts. He dispatched away thither also the Camp-Master Bracamonte, with almost his whole Spanish Brigado, and some horse, and six Field-Pieces. Lodo∣vick had begun to fortifie the Town of Dam, from whence there runs a Channel to Delfeziel; but hindred by the coming of the Spaniards, he resolved to quit those Quarters, and to go to a certain Priory not far from thence, which was more commodious and safe: the ground was higher here then in other parts, and there were some trees which served for the use of the Priory. Here the Count took up his Quarters, not knowing whether the Spaniards would assault him or indeavour by reducing him to straits, to make him return to Germany. If they should assault him, it would make for his advantage, by reason of his situa∣tion, and because the Spaniards were of necessity to pass through the hollow pla∣ces where they had cut out Turfs, which stood ful of water and mire, as did likewise all the fields thereabouts. He feared rather to be straitned in victuals, and conse∣quently inforced to retreat: but he was not left long in this doubt. The Spa∣niards assoon as they descri'd the enemy, began to murmure for that Aremberg would not suffer them to fall on and assault them; which he was against, consi∣dering wisely that Mega was not yet come, and that he expected some further re∣inforcement of horse and foot, his present forces being fewer in number then were the enemy. But his councel was but little listned unto, nor his Authority re∣spected. For the Spaniards, impatient of all delay, despising his Command, would forbear no longer. Nay some of them using injurious and offensive words towards him, tearmed him a coward for matter of War, and disloyal in the Cause of the Church and King. Whence much incenst, he said,

Let us then goe, not to overcome, but to be overcome; and not by the Arms of our Enemies, but those which Nature adoperates for them. Shall not we be buried in wa∣ter, dirt, and ditches, before we can come to assault them? How strong in all other respects is their situation? and how much greater are their numbers then ours? I notwithstanding will be one of the first that will fight, and dye: Thus will I shew whether I degenerate from my blood or no whether I be a Coward, and whether I be faulty in my loyalty to my Religion and to my King.

This being said, he with the rest felt headlong into the battel. The Spaniards were on the front, the High-Dutch followed; and the Horse were placed more where the quality of the ground would permit them to be, then in any good order; the Artillery guarded one flank of the Enemy, where they lay most open. Lodovick on the contrary, seeing himself at such advantage, full of joy, put his Army in order, and encouraged them thus unto the battel.

What Victory (my fellow souldiers) was ever more certain, then that which we shall this day win upon the Spaniards? Doe you see how rashly, and with how much arrogancie they come to assault us? as if this Quarter of so valiant Souldiers were the proud Alva's Palace, and that they were by their base treacheries to imprison here some other Egmont and Horn; to make them afterwards laughing-stocks, and to destroy them in their new Forts, wherewith they have inthralled Flanders every where. But this day undoubtedly will make them repent their so many tyrannical proceedings: and make the Country conceive a certain hope, that all bondage being shaken off, it shall soon recover its former liberty. If we consider Forces, ours are twice as many as theirs: If the Cause, Violence displayes the Colours on their side and Justice on ours: If the condition of Souldiers, many of theirs are to be accounted ours; and how can their Germans differ in opinion from you? But say they were all Spaniards, that they were more in number then we, and that they had the better cause; were not our so many other advantages sufficient to win us the victory? The water, dirt, and holes will rob us of the honour of overcoming them. This will not be like the encounter at Dalem, where those few of our men thinking to be safe in the Country of Liege, were set on at unawares, and routed without almost any fighting. Deceits will not avail here: We will here soon repay our selves for that loss, with good use to boot. In wars, the beginning useth to presage the end: And therefore we by this present Victory, will ascertain the future. But lo•• the Enemy already comes on; receive him couragi∣ously: For as Justice leads them on to punishment, so doth it you to prey, revenge, and glory.

He had ordered his men thus: The Horse on the right wing, under his brother Adolphus who had the command of them, on which side the ground was more tractable; the Foot on the left, where they were sheltred by a little hill, whereon he placed some Files of Musquetiers; he left the ground on which were trees on his back, and on his front that which was most myery. At the first the Spanish Artillery did somewhat prejudice his men; and some of them did so couragiously charge Lodovicks Musquetiers who were placed to defend the little hill, as they hoped to win it: whereupon the Spaniards gave on upon the Enemy with more obstinate resolution then before. But they soon were aware of their errors: For bemyred in the water and mud, the more they endeavoured to get out the faster they stuck; and the rest who came to help them, had need of help themselves. They were then wounded and slain by the Enemies Foot, who ran no danger thereby: And Lodovick making his Horse wheel about, invironed Arembergs men, and without any trouble routed and defeated them. In the Battel about 600 Spaniards were slain, and almost none of the Germans; for they suddenly yielded upon discretion to the Enemy, who easily gave them their lives, upon ob∣ligation that they should never bear arms more for the Spaniard. Aremberg, playing the part rather of a common Souldier then of a Commander, whilst he fought couragiously was slain at the first encounter. There were but few lost on Lodovicks side: their greatest loss was in his brother Adolphus; Some will have it that he was slain by Arembergs own hand and that Adolphus slew Aremberg. The Spaniards lost their Artlllery and their Baggage, and some monies which was brought to their Camp to pay the Souldiers. The Battel was not well ended, when a Troop of horse appeared, led on by Count Curtio Martinengo, and by

Andrea Salatsar, which Count Mega had sent before to reinforce the Horse of the Kings army. Their arrival helped at least to hinder the Enemy from slaughter∣ing any more of the disbanded men, who ran away from the Spanish Camp. Nor was Mega himself long after in coming up; who considering the danger of Gro∣ninghen, entred thereinto suddenly, and did there assemble all the men he could get together, lest they might fall into Lodovicks hands.

The success of this Battel was sundry times related to me in the time of my be∣ing Nuntio in the Low-Countries, by Count Aremberg, son to him that was slain: who was Knight of the Golden Fleece; a Gentleman of very much merit like∣wise, and no whit inferior to his Father in the managing as well of Military as Civil affairs in Flanders.

Upon the news of this Rout, the Duke of Alva was much troubled: He saw how that Lodovick, when he was hardly entred Friesland, had won so important a victory; that Orange prepared likewise to enter the Country with very potent Forces; and that now the Neighbours would be much encouraged to assist them, and the Flemish ready to receive them. Moved by these considerations, he would have gone himself in person presently into Friesland, the better to secure that Frontier, to drive Lodovick from thence, and to hinder Orange from entring into Flanders by any other part. But he considered on the contrary, that he had not at that present men enough to confront the Enemy, and to secure the Country. But he chiefly questioned whether he were to go so far or no from the imprisoned Egmont and Horn, since a slight guard would not be sufficient to keep them, and his Army would be too much lessened by leaving a great garrison. Amidst these difficulties, he judged it was not fit to afford the Enemy time: whereupon he resolved to hasten as fast as might be divers Levies, which he forth∣with gave order for, of German, Burgonian, and Walloon foot and horse, and to go with all speed to drive Lodovick out of Friesland. This resolution being put on, he determined to have the cause of the aforesaid Counts, and of other Prisoners of quality speedily heard and determined; touching which he had re∣ceived divers express Commissions from Spain: The Kings Councel thinking it fit that the hainousness of so many faults committed by such Chieftains against the Church and King should be severely punished. The two Counts being forth∣with brought with a good guard from Gaunt to Brussels, after seven moneths imprisonment, they received their sentence, whereby they were adjudged to be publikely beheaded, and their goods confiscated as guilty of the aforesaid faults against divine and humane Majesty. Before they came to their execution, eighteen of a meaner condition were publikely put to death in the same City, for being Rebels. Soon after, for the same faults, Monsieur de Villiers and Monsieur de Duy had their heads cut off in fight of all the people. And lastly, two dayes after the sentence was executed upon Egmont and Horn; the place of execution being first well guarded by a great many Spaniards, to hinder any tumult which might arise amongst the people by seeing two Personages of such condition led to death, one of them being especially so generally beloved by the Flemish. The sorrow which they shewed for his death, was answerable to the love they bore Egmont. He was bewailed by all; many vowed his revenge; and they were not a few who gathered up the blood which ran from his body. So great was the sense which was then had of his suffering, and so fatal accidents did afterwards insue, as if the neck of whole Flanders had depended upon his. Egmont dyed with demonstra∣tion of great piety and courage. Horn did likewise undauntedly wait the blow; and being to lose his life, he stood not much upon his conscience. Strales for∣merly Burgamaster of Antwerp, who had so much fomented the seditions of that City, as hath been said in its proper place, was executed in Viluorde, within two leagues of Brussels, where he was imprisoned. And Cassenbrot, formerly Secretary to Egmont, was whilst alive torn to peeces by four horses in Brussels. Other four obstinate hereticks, who had had the greatest hand in the violation & depredation of the Churches, were publikely burnt; and divers others were at the same time executed in several places, to the so great fear and horror of the people, as nothing was any where seen or heard but sighs, groans, and lamentations. To all this was added a horrible Proclamation against all those that were fled, who were sum∣moned

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to return upon pain of losing their goods, if they did not, and a strict search was ordered to find out all their wealth. At the same time Montigni, bro∣ther to Count Horn, was put to death in Spain; the Marquis of Berghen being dead there likewise some moneths before, as hath been said. The Duke being thus free from the fear of his Prisoners he gave himself wholly to the thought of Arms. He diipatcht away the Marquis Chiapino Vitelli immediately with many men, to secure Groninghen: And this mean while 1500 German Horse were raised by Henry, one of the Dukes of Brunswick; 400 German Dragoons by Hans Ber∣nia, and 1000 in Burgundy by Signior Norchernes; and the German Regiments which were under Mega, Ladrone, and Schamburg were recruited. To these Foot were added three new Walloon Brigades under the command of Count de Rules, of Egidius Barlemonte Lord of Hierges, and Gaspero de Robles Lord of Bigly; and all these people were ordered to meet at Deventer, a City standing upon the River Isel in the Province of Overisel, joyning upon Friesland; in which City the Duke was to be with all the Spanish Brigades, except it were some few Com∣panies which were left in the most important Garrisons. These expeditions being made, Vitelly soon arrived at Groninghen; and there were with him Brunswicks Horse, Mega's Foot, and part of Shamburg's Foot. Lodovick durst not all this time lay a formal siege to Groninghen, partly because he had not men enough for that purpose, partly because he hoped to be brought in by Intelligence, and finally because he would not ingage himself in a business, of which he could not disingage himself but either by danger or dishonour. Vitelli being afterwards come to Groninghen, Lodovick staid still neer thereabouts in a place strengthened by a River on one side, and by the buildings of a Priory called Salveret on the other, where he had fortified himself very well. Vitelli, to encourage his men, and to try the Enemies valour, made many skirmishes, and resolved at last to possess him∣self of a place somewhat higher neer to Lodovicks quarters, and where the Enemy had fortified themselves: The place was somewhat disputed, but at last he won it with the slaughter of about an hundred of their men. This mean while the Duke himself was on his march; and having thrown Bridges over the Mause, Rhine, and Isel, and readily past over all those Rivers, he about the midst of July arrived at Deventer: Then raising his whole Camp from thence, he in three dayes march came to Rolde, a large Village neerest to Groninghen, and not far distant from the Enemy. He was not well got thither, when a great Alarm was given, occasioned by a speech that the Enemy did assault that place which Vitelli had taken from them. The Duke went himself in person to see what was doing, and he found the rumour false: whereupon, calling to mind the bad success of Friesland occa∣sioned through the self-default of the Kings souldiers, and incensed at this new in∣convenience which had hapned in his own sight at Rolde; as soon as he was re∣turn'd unto the Camp, he call'd his Souldiers unto him, and spake thus:

What my Military Government hath been in the so many occasion; wherein I have had the honour to command the Spanish Forces, may be sufficiently known to all men. And what old Souldier is there in this Army, especially of my Nation, who either hath not fought under the same Ensigns with me, or hath not been disciplined under me? The form of my Command being not then unknown to you, nor your wonted obedience unknown to me, I may justly wonder to see your actions so altered, as it may almost be questioned whether you be the accustomed Souldiers, or whether you think me your accustomed Commander? I am now again strangely moved in thinking upon the disorders lately happened in Friesland: One or two dayes patience might have made the Victory assuredly ours: Count Mega was already on his march with great Forces: the Flemish Rebels were but few in number; Lodovick their Commander had neither meat nor money to maintain the Germans; his people were for the most part tumultuary and full of confusion within themselves. In this case what was to be done, but to have fought the Enemy by discommodiating them, and thus to have de∣feated them? That was my opinion then, and so was Count Aremberg ordered by me to doe. And notwithstanding, not his command, but mine being contemned; and not courage, but rashness being used, that Victory was brought home, as it may be said to the Enemies doors, which they could not otherwise ever have hoped for. Who could have expected such errors as these? especially from Spaniards, who are wont to be a

president of discipline and obedience; and who knew better then all others when to fight, and when not to fight. The injurie was done to me in particular, which was of∣fered by some of them to that so worthy Commander: as if I had been indiscreet in making choice of him upon so great an occurrencie; and yet it was my opinion, that I could not oppose any one more faithfull to the Church and King and more valiant in arms, then was Count Aremberg, against so perfidious and rebellious a Leader as is Lodovick, From which success, what advantage have the rebels made unto them∣selves, who are now entred Friesland? How much are others thereby incouraged who prepare likewise to enter these Provinces by other parts? What doth not the Prince of Orange do? what doth he not now endeavour amongst the hereticks of Germany af∣ter so joyfull news? Orange I say! the plotter of all the past revolts; the occasio∣ner of all these present troubles? We are here then to drive Lodovick out of Fries∣land, and to hinder Orange from entring into these Provinces by any other way. Now whilst I expect that those errors be amended under my command, which were com∣mitted under Arembergs, what disorders, what new tumults do both my ears and eyes meet withall? What doth this Alarm, and this running to take up arms with∣out any occasion, mean? Doth not this Army believe that they have the Duke of Alva still for their Commander? or doth it no longer fear the severity of his orders, and the rigour of his discipline? Peradventure you will say the fault lies in the new men, perhaps so, but their Governours are not new men. And therefore as a great part of the fault hath been theirs, theirs should likewise be a great part of the punish∣ment. But let indulgency at this time prevail over rigour; and let it never be said that my men were punished before the enemies were so. But if I shall be hereafter provo∣ked to resentment, I do from this time declare it shall be such, as every one shall at last know how inseparable an union there is between my Command and Discipline, and between Discipline and my Command. Rashness is alwaies blind, and almost alwaies unfortunate in all humane actions; but how much more in Military, then in Civil Government? For in these, time is allowed to amend evil councels by good ones; whereas in the other, at the very instant that the error is committed, the loss is irre∣mediably received. And this may suffice to have been said for what is past, together with caution for what is to come. For what remains, I am resolved now to use these very means to break and defeat Lodovick, which Aremberg ought to have observed by my Command. I hope to see him soon return to Germany with shame and scorn enough, only by the advantages of Incamping, and by the sole force of sufferings, or else to drive him out by lively force Buckle your selves my soldiers then to this busi∣ness either I shall have forgot the mysterie of War, or I will make good my words.

That age had not a more compleat Commander then was the Duke of Alva; nor who did less hazard the event of Arms to the uncertainty of Fortune. To encamp always with great advantage; to keep his men in great discipline; to weary the enemy, to reduce him into straits, to overcome oftest without fight∣ing; or to fight with little loss of his own mens bloud and great effusion of the enemies: these were the arts he used in his Military Government. It would be truely said, that he was the Spanish Fabius of his time: so did he imitate him in his form of waging War. The Duke parted from Rolde, and marched in very good order, lest Lodovick might meet with him between Rolde and Groninghen, and force him to fight before those of the City could joyn with him. But Lodo∣vick forbare so doing, fearing likewise lest if he should assault the Spanish Camp, he might at the same time be taken in the midst between the Dukes men and those of the City. He therefore kept in his former quarters, and had sortified himself very well there: he had the River, which winding about, fenced him almost on two sides, the rest was strengthened by good Trenches, and by the seat of the a∣foresaid Priory, a great Trench was likewise thrust out on this side the River, which lay upon the front of the Spanish Camp; and which Lodovick had made the better to defend two wooden bridges which lay over the same River. He thought to keep himself still in so commodious a quarter, intending to keep the Kings Army imployed in Friesland, and the mean while afford the Prince his bro∣ther the better commodity to enter into those Provinces also; or that if the Duke should turn upon Orange, Groninghen and all that Frontier might remain in the former danger. But these designes which Lodovick propounded unto himself,

were very well foreseen by the Duke, who was therefore resolved not to suffer him to tarry long in Friesland.

When he had certain information that the enemy did not stir, he entred into Groninghen, and having refresht his men, he led them out of the City, and drew near the enemies Camp. The Duke gessed just as it fell out. To wit, that Lodo∣vick when he should be faced with ••o powerfull an Army, when he should see himself in danger to want victuals, and that he should not be able to retreat when he would, better weighing his designes, he would prevent these difficulties, and without more adoe resolve upon retreat. Lodovick at last resolved to do so: and that he might do it without loss of men or reputation: he effected it thus, that very day towards the evening he sent away his baggage before, after it his foot and left the horse for the last: having taken order for breaking down the bridges which were over the river, to the end that the Spaniards might not follow him. The Duke had foreseen this; and to be the more sure, he gave order that Robles the camp-master, with 400 Walloons, should possess himself of a certain house conve∣niently seated to discover the enemies goings the retreat was then apparently seen: the Duke made no delay: he forthwith sent forth 400 Spaniards of the Neopolitan Brigado to assault the great trench which was formerly spoken of; which was so wel perform'd, as they drove away those that defended it, who suddenly firing the bridges, repast over the river. The night now drew on, and the enemy was already so far advanced, and in so good order, as the Dukes men could do them no great harm. Yet some Spaniards and Walloons waded over the river where it was shallowest; but they met with such hindrances by the squadrons of the enemies horse, and by the narrowness and badness of the ways, as they could make no further progress. But few of the enemies were slain in this action; yet were they much discouraged and confused therwith, seeing themselvs so boldly set upon. After this rather flight then retreat, Lodovick continued his march backward towards East-Friesland: in∣tending for as much as was conceiv'd, to stay notwithstanding on this side the ri∣ver of Embs, in some good situation, and as near Embden as possibly he could, that by the nearness of the river and the City, he might come the better by victuals, and come what would come, secure his last retreat. By which means he stil thought he might compass his intention, either of keeping the Duke of Alva busied, or to keep with his former hopes in Friesland, if the Duke should in some other parts oppose his brother. He thought he might likewise believe that the Duke would not touch upon Germany, nor hazard the want of victuals, or suffering of other incommodi∣ties in a Countrey which appeared openly averse unto him. And howsoever, he thought he should be able so wel to fortifie himself, as the Duke should not so ea∣sily dislodg him the second time, as he had done the first. To boot with the river which fenced him on the one side, the Country was almost altogether impassable, since it hardly allowed conveniency to be marcht upon, and that upon the banks, and muchless to fight. And moreover the river swelling much more then ordina∣rily at a high tide, the Country might easily be overflown by means of certain sluces, which cutting the banks of the same river in divers places, are usually open∣ed or shut by the Inhabitants, according as the sea swels or lessens. This was Lodo∣vicks designe. So he pursued to march after his first retreat and did advance so far that very night, and some days after, as at last he quarter'd in a great village on this side the Embs, call'd Geminghen. He might first have staid in another call'd Rheeden, and have had the passage over the Embs, more cōmodiously there also, by reason of a bridg which was nigh at hand: but it was known that he would stay on this side the river, and yet as near as he could to the City of Embden, for the reasons which have been already spoken of.

On the other side the Duke continued his purposes, which were to follow Lo∣dovick to the Embs, and to endeavour by all means possible to send him back routed and defeated into Germany, that so he might be the freer afterwards to turn back upon Orange. He therefore made his Army march, leaving almost all the new raised horse in Groninghen, because they could not be serviceable in those parts. He lodged the first night in a Village called Sclotenem: and not hearing any news of the enemy, nor of good conveniency for victuals for all that Coun∣try was against him) he was inforced to stay two days in that place. He doubt∣ed

that Lodovick might be tarryed in Rheeden, that he might enjoy the oportu∣nity of that near bridg which secured unto the passage over the River. Knowing afterwards that he was past further on, the Duke liked the business much better, and staid his Camp in Rheeden, securing that pass for himself. Here he at last had certain advertisement, that the Enemy were lodged in Geminghen. From Rheeden to Geminghen at some 8 miles distance, there runs a continued bank which serves as a curb to the River, whereby the better to tame the swelling thereof occasioned by the sea. The Duke was to make his men march upon this Bank, if he would defeat the Enemy. Divers Channels ran into the River, which had houses and bridges upon them for the use and service of the Country people, who in the sum∣mer time (which now it was) had some abidings not so low, nor not so muddy as in the Country. Lodovicks Quarters were thus fortified: He had the Town of Geminghen upon his back, on his left side the River, and on his right the open fields fortified with Trenches where the situation would allow it: On the Front, the Bank it self, somewhat distant from the River, gave the entrance, which with∣out was cut in two by two Ravelins, and better guarded within by two peeces of Artillery. In this so strong place, he either did not expect, or did not fear the Duke: Who desirous to try all wayes to fight, and defeat him, resolved to goe to him. He sent some Horse before under his natural son Fernando, who had the charge of the Horse, and made the houses and bridges still as he marched be taken, to secure his retreat upon all occasions. From hence he advanced Sancio d' Avila with 50 Horse and 500 Harquebusiers, all of them Spaniards; and sent the two Camp-masters Romero and Londonio after him, with each of them 600 Spanish Foot, part Harquebusiers, part Musquetiers, and with two Companies of Lances, commanded by Cesar d' Avalos, and Curtio Martinengo. The rest of the Army marcht in this order: The Spaniards were the Van; the High-Dutch followed next; and the Walloons brought up the Reer, inclosed by some Troops of Horse: the Files were very strait, for they could not march well but upon the bank. At Avala his first advancement, he found some of the Enemy, who had opened the Sluces to overflow the Country, and saw that the water entred already in abun∣dance: But putting them to flight suddenly, he made the Sluces be shut, and kept as they ought to be. The Duke himself advanced this mean while, together with Vitelli, Norchernes, and some few others, who came in fight of the Enemies quar∣ters. He understood by the Spies that they were in some disorder, as well for that they saw his Army so neer, as that Lodovicks men were almost all of them tumul∣tuous, and so ill paid, as some uprore was already feared in the Camp. The first Spaniards had this mean while drawn the Enemy forth to skirmish; who not thinking that the body of the Army was so neer, thought they might easily break the forerunners. There was no long delay made: Two great Squadrons of Foot for as much as the narrowness of the place could permit) vigorously assaulted the Spaniards, by whom they were no less vigorously withstood. The Dukes Van this mean while advanced: and look how much courage this added to the Catholicks, so much did it lessen in the Hereticks. They then would have re∣treated; but being hotly pursued by the Spaniards, they began basely to run a∣way; and the Spaniards followed them so close at the heels, as they fell in with them at the same instant into their quarters: where the Dukes men shewed no less valour, nor the Enemy any more resistance; who being still more imbased, and thinking only how to save themselves, fell every where into disorder and confusion. The rest was not to be termed fighting, but execution: The Spani∣ards, more greedy of blood then booty, by reason of the slaughter which the others had committed the preceding battel, put as many of the Enemy as they could unto the sword; but there were almost as many drowned as slain: for seeing they could not escape the fury of the sword, they blindly threw them∣selves into the River, which was very large and deep in that place. It was said that Lodovick swom it over with much adoe, and that 7000 of his men perisht; the rest ran away some here, some there, in so great terror, as there hardly was left any remainder of that Army. Few of the Dukes men were flam: And the Battel was such, as certainly few will be the like, wherein the vanquished were more indamaged, and the vanquishers less.

THE HISTORY OF THE WARS OF FLANDERS. Written by CARDINAL BENTIVOGLIO.

BOOK V.

The Contents.

Orange enters Flanders with great Forces raised in Germany. The Duke of Alva goes to meet him. They lie many dayes in the face of one another. Orange at last gives way, and must quit the Country. The Duke returns triumphant to Brussels. His necessity in matter of monies, occasioned by a great reprisal made thereof in England. He therefore resolves to impose unusual grievances. Commotions which insue thereupon. A general Pardon proclaimed by him. The Arch-Dutchess Anne of Austria passeth through Flanders, to marry with the Catholique King. The Flemish are scandalized at a Statue of the Dukes which was set up in the Citadel at Antwerp. The Castle of Lovestein is surprised by Orange his follow∣ers, but is suddenly recovered by the Spaniard. Lumay more luckily takes the Bril. A particular Description of Holland and Zealand. The troubles of Zealand. Sancio d'Avila goes to the succour of Middleburgh. Valentiennes fals into the Hugonots hands, who not long after are made to quit it. By their assistance Lo∣dovick steals into the City of Mons, and prepares to maintain the siege.

THe Duke of Alva, after having obtained so notable a victory, return'd to Groninghen, and staid there some dayes, the better to secure it from any new danger. He therefore munited it according as was requisite: And because he feared danger more from within, then from without, he left a Citadel begun to be built there, accord∣ing as he intended at first, the better to bridle the Inhabi∣tants. From thence he past to Utrecht, whose Province is as it were incorporated in Holland. He thought to have stayed there some time, the better to secure the affairs of Holland: But the news which he heard from divers parts of Orange his approach, or preparation so to do, made him go from thence much sooner then he had intended. From thence he went to Balduke, giving at the same time such order as was requisite for the ga∣thering together of the Army, and the reinforcing it with Foot and Horse. To this end he fill'd up the German and Walloon Regiments, and added another Regi∣ment

of Walloons under Christophero Mandragone, a Spaniard; and commanded that the Train-Bands of Flanders, which came to about 2000 Horse, should be in a readiness. This sort of Militia, distinguished into Companies of Curasiers and Harquebusiers, under the chief Lords of the Country, was of great 〈◊〉〈◊〉 in time past; but afterward it lessened much in reputation. When there is need to make use thereof, the charge is given apart to some one chief Lord of the Country, who knows no other Superior then the Generalissimo of the Army. Whilst the Duke was preparing in this manner, the Prince of Orange used no less diligence in gathering together great Forces to enter Flanders with them, where it might be more for his advantage. He had received very considerable helps, but more in men then mony, from the aforesaid Princes and Free-Towns of Germany: To boot with the German souldiers, he and his adherents had assembled together a good number of those Flemish and Walloons who had left the Country, and some French. He was upon the banks of the Rhine with all these people, part whereof were taken into pay, and part were a taking in, intending to pass the River and then to thrust into Ghelderland or Brabant, as it hath been said, and fix himself in the best parts of the Country. He was not to expect any obstacle in his passing over the Rhine, not wanting means to doe so in many of his friends territories in Germany. His greatest difficulty lay in passing over the Mause, which did wholly appertain unto the King of Spain; except the State of Liege, which was also wholly a Catholick Country, and almost incorporated into the Kings Dominions. But he hoped to possess himself of some important place upon that shore, which might secure his passage, both for his entrance, if he should ad∣vance, and for a safe retreat, if he were necessitated to turn back. Orange having thus mustered his whole Army together, he past freely over the Rhine above Colen about the end of August; and then over the Mosel at Trovers: And winding to the right hand, he advanced towards the Country of Juliers confining upon the Kings Provinces of Ghelderland and Limburg, and upon the State of Liege. The common report was, that his Camp consisted of 20000 Foot and 9000 Horse, all of them Germans, except the aforesaid Flemish, Walloons, and French. With Orange was his Brother Lodovick, Count Hostrat, and Monsieur de Lumay; and some other Flemish of good quality, together with many German Commanders of great consideration. The Army was well enough furnisht with Artillery and ammunition for war, but had not so much mony nor victuals as was needfull. This being understood, the Duke of Alva resolved to make his Ren∣dezvous at Mastrick, the most commodious place upon the Mause, that he might oppose Orange where it should be most convenient. There were come unto the Duke from Spain at this time 400000 Crowns, and 2000 Spanish Foot, which (being all of them new Souldiers) he placed in the Garrisons, and drew out from thence the old ones. His eldest son Frederick came likewise then to Flanders, to whom he gave the command of all the Foot. The Rendezvous being appointed, the Kings Army was found to consist of 16000 choise Foot, to wit, 6000 Spani∣ards, the rest all Germans and Walloons; and of 6000 Horse, some whereof were Spanish, some Italian, some Germans, some Burgonians, and some Walloons, and those Train-Bands of Flanders, which were commanded by Carlo Philippo¦de Croy Marquis of Haure. The Duke removed the Camp afterwards from Ma∣strick to Haren, a great Village not far from thence, and seated likewise upon the Mause. And here he made a Bridg of Boats that he might have free passage overfit at all hours, and receive victuals the better from all those parts. This place was almost in the midst between Liege and Ruremonde, upon which two Cities Orange his designe was likeliest to be. Ruremonde is in Ghelderland, as hath been said: It stands upon a little River called Ruer, just where it fals into the Mause. 'Tis rather a place of great circuit, then much people; but the situation thereof is of importance, by reason of both those Rivers. Liege lies upon the same River a little higher. The Mause hath not a City upon it of larger circuit, nor better peopled: 'Tis divided by the River, but joyned together again by di∣vers Bridges. The Bishop governs the Inhabitants there as well in temporal as in spiritual affairs, being also Prince thereof; though the City enjoy such ample priviledges, as the form of Government therein partakes more of a Common∣wealth,

then of a Principality. 'Tis one of the most Catholick Cities of all the North, fullest of Ecclesiastical goods; and most devoted to the Apostolical See. Orange desired to try Liege first: he wrote to the Magistracy, omitting to write to Gerardo Grosbech, who was then Bishop of the City, and a personage of great worth; thinking that he adhered too much to the Kings and the Catholick cause. But the same mind and zeal appeared to be in the Magistracy: for they determi∣nately answered, That the City would not receive in any foreign soldiers, and that they had men enough of their own to defend themselves against any violence that should be offered them.

This practising of Orange with the Ligeois, and his marching with his Army towards that City, made the Duke resolve likewise to draw near it with his. But Orange his designe upon Liege proving vain, he without trying Ruremond, turned suddenly elsewhere, with intention to pass the Mause where he might best foard over it. The river happened to be very low that year, for the climat of Flanders, which even in Summer is very rainy and moyst, was of some late months more drie then usual. Having found the most commodious foard, and making use of the night season, Orange in great silence past his Army over the river, just against Stocchem, in the State of Liege. Which when the Duke heard, he forthwith went thither also, and drew near Orange with his Army. Their designes were not∣withstanding very different. Orange would have fought at the very first; for finding himself much streigthned in mony and victuals, and with men who he was rather to obey then command, he thought he could not long maintain his Army. And nothing being done as yet in Flanders in favour to him, he knew that if he should not have some favourable success by way of battel, the Coun∣trie would hardly rise, having so powerfull an Army as was that of the Duke of Alva's within its bowels. The Duke out of the very same reasons shun'd giving or battel. He saw that Orange in losing a battel, could lose nothing but his Ar∣my; whereas he together with the loss of his Army, should hazard the loss of all Flanders. Resolving therefore rather to coast along by his enemy then to fight him, and to vex him so with sufferings, as at last he should disband of himself, he only kept near him.

And because it was already evidently seen that Orange his intention was to en∣ter into Brabant, the Duke provided the places of greatest danger with all things needfull; which were Tilemon, Lovayne, and Brussels; and had an eye also to all other parts where there was any cause of suspition. The two Camps being thus quartered, Orange moved towards Tongueren, a great Town in the State of Liege, intending to possess himself of it, and there to get victuals for his men. But the Duke did so secure it, as Orange durst never assault it. Getringberg, a ve∣ry good Town in the same Countrie, was more easily perswaded to let him have victuals, and to receive his soldiers into the Town. Which it soon repented, by reason of the insolencies which they committed, particularly against the Church∣es and sacred things. Departing suddenly from thence, for that it was not tena∣ble. He quartered upon the confines of Brabant: hoping that when his Colours should be seen so nigh at hand, the malecontents within the Countrie would likewise display theirs. But the Duke flanking still upon him, and streightning him now on one side, now on another, did not afford him one minutes rest. Chia∣pino Vitelli had the particular care of the quarters; which he was very diligent in taking and muniting. To which purpose he had a great many pyoneers in the Army, and upon occasion he would make the very soldiers work within the Tren∣ches. In these the Camps approachings one unto the other in their quartering and disquartering, and particularly upon occasion of forrage, there happened almost continually some skirmishes between the soldiers of the two Armies. Nor was there any considerable advantage got on either side for many days. But at last one action proved very bloudie. Brabant is watered by many small rivolets which fall almost all of them into the Demer, which inlarged by their accessions, doth at last disgorge it self into the Scheld: Amongst other, the Geet runs into it. Orange being advanced into Brabant, he could not pass this river so speedily and with such caution, before that a good part of his Reer ere it could re-joyn with the rest was in danger to be assailed upon great advantage by the Dukes soldiers,

who did not lose that oportunity: The Camp-Masters, Romero, Bracamonte and Bigli advancing with their Spaniards and Walloons, gave violently upon the e∣nemy who seeing the danger, had tumultuously fortified themselves in a Village upon the river side) and without much gainsaying, quickly put them to the rout. Many of them were drowned in the river, many slain, and many taken prisoners: Amongst others Hostrat was wounded, and soon after died of his wounds. This action put a period to all Orange his hopes of seeing the Countrie rise, and to the like of the Flemish malecontents of ever exciting any. He was the more troubled at this success, because his hopes were much increased at this time by advertise∣ments that he had received of great succours sent from the French Hugonots, which were at hand. They were led on by Monsieur Genlis, and sent by the Prince of Conde, out of the abovesaid ends which the Hugonots had to foment the neighbourghring revolutions of Flanders, that they might the better establish their own in France Orange thinking now on nothing else but how to put him∣self into some safe condition, left Brabant, and went into the Contiguous Pro∣vinces of Namures and Hennault to meet the French succour (which he did) and so make his retreat the surer. Genlis had about some 4000 foot with him, and 1500 horse. Orange was somewhat inheartned by the coming of these men, for many of his own men were missing, and many ran away every day: and the rest being ill disciplined, and worse paid, and threatning continually to mutiny, he thought to return back the same way to Germany: But finding the Mause at that time very high, and greater opposition then before in the Legeiois, he turned again into the Province of Hennault. From thence he continued his retreat to∣wards France; and having in vain tryed the Castle of Cambray before he quitted Flanders, being still close pursued by the Duke of Alva, he at last went out of Flanders, and staid near St. Quintains, at the entrance into Picardy. Here, ac∣cording to the diversity of designes, he divided his men, and those of France into several parts. The High-Dutch, quite spent by hunger and hardships, returned to Germany. Orange staid a while in France, to renew the former practises with the chief Hugonots; and his brother Lodovick tarryed there afterwards for the same end, till their second coming from Germany and France against the Duke of Alva: as shall be said in its due place.

The Duke having gotten so important a Victury without the loss of almost any one of his Army, or rising of any place: he distributed his soldiers into their several quarters, and about the end of the year returned as in triumph into Brussels. And for that it appeared he had merited no less for his service done to Religion then to the King, Pope Pius Quintus sent him soon after the Helmet and Trunchion which are presented only to great Princes, and particularly to such who by some famous action have deserved well of the Church. This mean while these prosperous proceedings of the Spanish forces in Flanders, were looked up∣on with a clean contrary eye by the Queen of England. She had hitherto assi∣sted the troubles in those parts rather in secret then barefaced; but when she saw that those of Nassaw were driven out, and that the King of Spains forces were now more potent there then ever, she returning to her former fear of having them so near at hand, resolved to let slip no occasion whereby she might more o∣penly prejudice the Kings affairs in those parts. There were two of her privy Councel who then bore great sway with her. The one was Robert Dudly Earl of Lester, a Gentleman of Noble descent and great imployment. And the other, William Cecil her Secretary of State, who being but of mean bloud, though of great wisdom, passing through divers Court-Offices, to the managing of State-affairs, had drawn almost the whole Government of the Kingdom upon him. Both these had chiefly perswaded the Queen still to establish the heresie of England, and consequently to indamage the Catholick Church, and the King of Spain as much as she could, for those respects which have been formerly spoken or. She persecuted the Church cruelly in her Kingdom. And watching for an opportunity whereby she might still more incommodate the Kings affairs in Flan∣ders, it was not longere she met with one of very great consequence: which was this, The King by means of means of Givers Genua. Merchants had raised a great sum of money for the affairs of Flanders; whereof 400 thousand crowns were sent by

sea to Antwerp; the ships which brought this money met with some Pyrats: so as to save themselves they were forced to fall in upon England. The Spanish Am∣bassador who was then with the Queen, hearing of this, apply'd himself present∣ly to the Queen, that the money might be freely carried to Antwerp; and re∣ceived answer from her sutable to his desire. But she being resolved within her self, and councelled thereunto by Lester and Cecil, to detain the money, so as at one and the same time she might accommodate her self, and disaccommodate the King of Spain, let the Ambassador know, that being informed that those monies were not really the King of Spains, but that they belonged to some Italian Mer∣chants, she had resolved to make use thereof her self, allowing them just con∣sideration. The Ambassador laboured to make it appear that the money belong∣ed unto the King, and sent by his direction to Flanders: and to strengthen this the more, he made the Duke of Alva write to her about it. But she feigning one difficulty after another, gave such delatory answers, as it was plainly seen she had no mind the money should goe into Flanders. The Duke stormed mightily hereat, and presently dispatched away Assonville to London about it, who with much earnestness renewed what the Ambassador had formerly prest for. But look how much the Duke made his need of the monies appear the greater by his so earnest desiring them, so much the more did the Queen by the interposal of new and subtill Impediments on her behalf, deny them.

He being thus deluded in his Negotiation, and being by nature inclined rather to overcome then to sweeten difficulties, resolved at last to see if he could bring the English over to his will, or no, by reprisals. He therefore first made the goods and the persons of such Merchants of that Nation be detained, who did in great numbers traffick in the Low-Countries; and made it be known unto the Queen, that the like should be done in all the King of Spain's other Dominions, unless the monies of Spain were set at liberty which were so unjustly detained in England. The Queen was not inwardly displeased hereat: but growing the bolder by such a pretence to make good the mony-business, she began to pretend satisfaction, in stead of giving it; and complained bitterly of the Duke of Alva to the King himself. To her complaints she added resentment on her behalf; she commanded that the same reprisals should be made in England against the King of Spains subjects: And appearing much incenst against the Duke of Alva's person, she publikely threatned to indammage him as much as she could in his affairs of Flanders. Both sides being thus incensed, divers means of mitigation were used. But this made nothing at all for the Duke of Alva's present necessity: who finding himself much in arrears to the Army, and at great charges with the Citadels which he had begun to build, particularly with that of Antwerp, which he would suddenly see finished; could not bear with the malitious delayes made by the English. Moved therefore by so urgent necessity, and considering what new troubles might befall him by Orange his plots and machinations which he was framing both within Flanders and without it, he resolved to have recourse for aid to the Flemish themselves by laying new Impositions upon the Country: his design was to raise so much mony as might suffice for the present necessity, and to establish a setled Treasury for the future, so as the grievances should not be every day to be renewed, and therewithall the danger of incensing the Provin∣ces with odious demands, as doubtlesly those would be which should be made in so abhorr'd a business. The Duke thought therefore to lay on so great impositions at once, as might suffice to carry through his whole business. And the way was this: That a true value being made of all moveable and immoveable goods, for once only but one of a hundred should be paid; but that upon every contract, the twentieth part of the immoveables should be paid and the tenth of the moveables; and that these two last payments should last as long as the pub∣like necessities should require This being resolved upon, the Duke call'd together the States General of all the Provinces to meet at Brussels, to acquaint them with the Kings mind in this business, and to get their consent. He first represented unto the Deputies what great necessity the King had of monies at that time. He said,

That to boot with the great expences of the Armies late march, the Queen of

Engiand out of malicious pretences, and which argued more malicious machinations in her, had detained 40••000 Crowns which were sent from Spain to Flanders. That howsoever, the Souldier must be satisfied, which had long wanted their due pay. That from the vigilancy of the Kings enemies, in procuring by all means how to beat down his authority, and to raise tumults amongst his people, the necessity of those re∣medies might appear, which were to be opposed to so many perverse intelligences and conspiracies. That without doubt the best lay in building of Citadels, and in main∣taining of Garrisons in fitting places, upon which the peace and safety of the Country did depend; and that all whatsoever monies ought to be held well laid out to that purpose. He wisht them to remember what the obligation of every good Subject was towards their Prince, how great the Kings affection was towards those Provinces; and how behovefull it was, that in such and so urgent need, the Kings desires should be by them willingly received, and readily executed.

He afterwards propounded the demand in manner abovesaid. It would be hard to say how much troubled, and how full of confusion the Deputies of the Pro∣vinces were at the hearing of it: Flanders had never formerly been wont to suffer the grievances of taxes and impositions, as is used in Spain, Italy, and other places. The antient custom was, for the Prince to desire such assistance from the people in his necessities as was thought needfull; and the often denying thereof shewed that the granting it lay in the people•• free will: When they were resolved to grant any, every Province imposed upon it self such a proportion as was fit for that pur∣pose: These contributions were demanded by the Prince, and granted by the people, but for a certain prefixt time and as oft as the one was necessitated to make new desires, as oft was the other to renew again their consents. So as this unaccustomed fashion propounded by the Duke, of taxing the Country so inte∣grally, for an unlimited time, and in a manner not prescribed by the Provinces, but by himself, did strangely move mans minds; especially at this time, when humours were stirred every where. The Deputies took time to give their answer, and in the mean while acquainted their several Provinees with the whole affair. Who when they heard thereof, the people strove who should most storm: Nothing but complaints, lamenting, and execrations were heard against those who had counselled it, and against the Governour who had made it.

That the misories of Flanders did infinitely increase. Was it not sufficient to introduce forein Armies by violence; to violate her liberties by Garisons, and strong Holds; and to unpeople Cities by banishments, imprisonment and death; but that the people whose contributions were formerly voluntary and moderate, must now be com∣pel'd to submit themselves to immense and everlasting tributes? That the Flemish did not only not desire, but did wholly detest the bringing in of these forces, and these unaccustomed yokes. And yet how faithfull had the Countrie apreared when the House of Nassaw was in arms? and how ready was it by its ownproper forces to streng then the Kings Army? That the enemies forces being driven out, the Kings were now be∣come the greater enemies. And as if the war had been begun by the Flemish, 'tis they that must now bear the burthen thereof. That Flanders was astonished at the very name of Tribute. How much more would she be so to feel the effects thereof? Hence it was that the concourse of foreiners grew less, and therewithall the Traffick of the Provinces. That Merchandizing ceasing, by which the people did chiefly sustain themselves, what was to be expected but to see them fall into the greatest misery and calamity that might be? Where was the former moderate Government of their pre∣ceding rather Fathers then Princes? where the Emperours rescent goodness? that in lieu thereof, the King deriving his bloud from Spain, and his opinions yet more, and imitating the Spaniards yet more particularly in his afflicting Flanders, seemed as if his only end were to take from her all shews of Liberty, and reduce her to the misera∣blest condition of slavery. That to this purpose he had made choice of the most Impe∣rious and cruel Duke Alva, for his Agent: who was come to ruine, not to govern the Low-Countries. But the Flemish had already tollerated too much: 'twas now time to turn their patience into generosity; and retaining as well the worth of the antient Bel∣giques, as their descent from them, they ought for the future to be as forward in withstanding vyolence, as they had been formerly in tolerating it.

The Dukes ears were fill'd with these complaints from all parts, much agitated

therefore between his desire of promoting what he had propounded, and the dif∣ficulties he found of so doing, he treated very fervently thereof with the Coun∣cel of State, to find out some means whereby he might overcome the difficulties which therein were met withall. The Councel differed likewise in their opinions: there were not wanting some who incouraged the Duke to proceed, and who fed him with hopes of good success. They proposed to begin with that which was likelyest to succeed, to wit, with that of the hundreth penny. That this more easie entrance being made, the Provinces would be the easilyer induced afterwards to give way to the harder Impositions of the tenth and twentieth penny. That some of the Provinces should be first dealt withall herein, as were thought were most inclinable to the Proposition. That the example of one, would conduce much to the rest. And where example would not serve, let Authority at last sup∣ply the place. But the greater part of the Councel were of a contrary opinion; and the President Vighlio appeared more openly against it then al the rest: a State Mini∣nister who was esteemed of incorrupted Loyalty to the King and of experienced wisdom in the affairs of Flanders. He shewed how that too great difficulties would be met with even in the exaction of the hundreth penny, alleadging the example of what had insued some years before upon the desire of the like subsi∣die. He shewed how much the times were since then impaired: how averse the Countrie did now appear to ordinary Contributions: and how the minds of all men were agitated for what had happened. That howsoever he did not think this kind of Imposition altogether infeisable, since it would not be very grievous, and but for once. But as for the other upon goods moveable and unmoveable, he thought that Imposition altogether uneffectable; those oppositions not being to be overcome which would assuredly be made by whole Flanders; as well for being grievances never before experienced, and laid on for an unlimited time, as that also without all peradventure, the overthrow of all Traffick and Commerce would thereupon insue.

For, (said he) will not all the concourse of foreign Merchants cease, when they see they cannot freely buy and sell Merchandise according as they had wont? What is it that doth not often turn from one to another species, when it hath left its former homely and simple nature? who will not abhor so oft a repeated grievance? the price of other Merchandise increasing, the like will certainly in∣sue in what concerns victuals. How will the poorer sort of people be there∣withall grieved? and how much will the very ablest be displeased? there will be no remedy found for so great an evill, but for no foreigners to Traffick in these Provinces, and immediately to take away those of our own, who are of the same profession. Thus the Countrie will be impoverisht both in men and mo∣nies. By which, how much will the King himself suffer? so as instead of recei∣ving unwonted Impositions, such as are usual will peradventure not be had here∣after. Nor can it be doubted but that the contradictory example which will be seen in almost all the whole Countrie, will be of greater prevalence then the ascent, and that uncertain, which may perchance be found in some one Province. Our neighbour-Nations will likewise much complain of this noveltie, with which ours hath express Covenants of free Trade. But the mischief will at last fall wholly upon us; and in the first place upon the King. For in fine, Princes are rich according as their Subjects are so. And look what of commodity is got from them in time of peace, much more is reaped in time of war. In my opini∣on, then that advantage ought to be past by, which brings with it a greater evil. And all means ought rather to be indeavoured, whereby to appease mens minds, then to afford them new occasions of exasperation. Otherwise I foresee (and I wish I may prove a false Prophet) that the losses which we shall receive at home, will prove much greater then the victories which we have lately obtained a∣broad advantagious.

These reasons alleadged by Vighlio, were undoubtedly of great wheight. But they did not though divert the Duke of Alva from his indeavours: who be∣ing accustomed to overcome Military difficulties, thought he might much more easily do the like in Civil affairs. So as continuing in his former fervency, he cea∣sed not to interpose sometimes prayers, sometime power, and very oft threats to

arrive at the end which he had proposed unto himself. He particularly indeavou∣red to compass those means in every Province, which might the easilyer dispose them to allow of the aforesaid Impositions. The Walloon Provinces were the most Catholick, and of least Traffick. It was so handled, as these assented pre∣sently to the hundred penny; and by their example, though not without much difficulty, the rest were induced to do the like. The Duke, to make himself ap∣pear the more gracious at the same time to the people, caused severe justice to be executed upon one John Speell, a Fleming who had had a great share in all the most odious criminal affairs. This man was therefore very much abhor'd by all the Country, not only for what he had done, but for the manner of doing it, with all sort of cruelty and corruption. When he was condemned to die, the Duke would have him hung up in the publick market-place at Brussels. And two others whom he had used most in his negotiations were banished. To this Actof Justice, the Duke added a much greater of Clemency. He had lying by him a ge∣neral pardon from the Pope, and another from the King which bore with them abolition for the misdeeds committed in Flanders against the Ecclesiastical and Regal Authority; of both which he had liberty to make use accordingly as he (being upon the place) should think fit. The Popes dispensation was to this pur∣pose obtained in Spain, and the King had likewise sent his: but in each of them such high defaults were excepted, wherein Divine and Humane Majesty were most offended: and the King reserved unto himself the free power to make good or abrogate those priviledges which had served for a pretence to the late risings. The Duke going to Antwerp, which by reason of Traffick was a City then very much frequented by forreigners, he made a stately Throne be erected in the chief Piazza, upon the top of which was placed a Chair of State, whereon he him∣self being sate, and invironed round about with great pomp, he made both these pardons be proclaimed. All the people ran to hear this, and the news thereof was suddenly divulged throughout all the Provinces. And the Duke at the same time indeavoured to reconcile himself unto them, by reducing the soldiers to a lesser number, by ordering their quarters better, and by putting divers things in better order, for the better satisfaction of the people: But in fine, it proved too true, that let a man do well or ill, all actions are abhor'd which proceed from a hatefull Government. And just so it fell out then: The Flemish seemed little satisfied with all that the Duke had done; nay many of them gave a sinister in∣terpretation to both the Indulgencies: as if there were too much scope left by the so many exceptions, both to punish past faults, and cause new ones to be com∣mitted. And that clause did in particular displease very much, wherein the Kings intention of assuming unto himself a power of anulling all priviledges for the late risings was so clearly seen. There wanted not those in Flanders, and elsewhere who fomented these evil suggestions. And because the gathering of the hundreth penny was already begun, and that great difficulties were met withall therein, many of the ill-affected Flemish, and Kings back-friends in the neighbouring parts, indeavoured still to alienate the people more and more. This alienation, by reason of the abovesaid grievance, appeared particularly in Holland and Zea∣land to be greatest, as also in all that Maritine Coast. And as for the other of the tenth and twentieth penny, 'twas plainly seen that none of the other Provin∣ces would ever be brought unto it: But because Traffick was much greatest in the Maritine parts by reason of the commodity of Navigation, which made them be more frequented by forreiners, and chiefly by English Merchants, and by those of the neighbouring Hans-Towns, Cities of Germany, all of them infected with heresie: Therefore a greater backwardness was seen for the present in the afore∣said Provinces, and a greater preparation for the like in the future. This mean while the Dukes necessity of monies increased. Much pay was due to the soldi∣er. The new Citadels proved to be a very great expence; and nothing near so much mony could be come by from Spain as was requisite. Lodrone's Regiment of High-Dutch did just at this time mutiny for want of pay. And though the ring-leaders of the mutiny were severely punished, and that the contagion brake no farther forth in the Army, yet the danger was great, as was also the Dukes fear. Whilst things past thus in Flanders, the Archdutchess Anne, daughter to

the Emperour Maximilian, was gone from Germany towards Spain to marry with the Catholick King. She came by Flanders, that so she might imbarque in Zea∣land, and goe the sooner to Spain. The Duke of Alva went therefore to receive her upon the confines, and waited upon her till he saw her under fail: who soon after arrived happily in Spain. With her were the two Archdukes her brothers, Albertus, and Vincelaus. The latter whereof dyed afterwards in Spain, and the other tarried long there. This is that Albertus who devoting himself first to Ecclesiastical life, was made Cardinal, and was afterwards sent to govern the Kingdom of Portugal; and lastly the Low-Countries: wherein returning to a se∣cular profession, and having married the Infanta Isabella, eldest daughter to the King, and had those Countries in portion with her; of Governour, became af∣terwards Prince of them, and joyntly with his wife governed them many years. Princes both of them, of such religion and piety, and indow'd with all other such eminent virtues, as this our History will have fil'd room enough to illustrate it self in their times, if it shall please God that it shall arive thereat, and that their memory may thereby be rendred as famous to posterity, as the knowledg of them hath been in this our age.

The Duke of Alva made use of the new Brides going into Spain, to obtain leave of the King that he might quit the Government of Flanders. To the which the King giving way, the Duke of Medina-Celi, was destin'd to succeed him, who at that time was Viceroy of Cicily. But whatever the occasion was, it was not for the present so done; the King thought, it may be, that the danger of new troubles in Flanders was not so far ceased, as that it was fit to remove the Duke of Alva from thence: who peradventure foreseeing them, desired that the tem∣pest might fall upon a new successor. Being then returned to Brussels, after he had attended the new Queen to the sea-side, he betook himself wholly to the bu∣siness of the new Impositions And because greater difficulties and obstacles were every day found in that of the tenth and twentieth penny, he indeavoured that in lieu thereof the Provinces should pay at one intire payment, 6 million of Crowns, which he afterwards reduced to four. But this appearing still to be too excessive a sum, no favourable resolution could be had therein. The Provinces were rather inclined to build the intended Citadels at their own cost▪ and this was propounded; but the Duke would in no ways listen thereunto; holding that it neither stood with dignity nor safety, to suffer that the Flemish in so im∣portant a business should chuse rather then obey. 'Twas said, that to sweeten the Duke, both in his intercessions to the King, and in his own rigour towards the Countrie, the Provinces offered to give him a donative of a hundred thou∣sand crowns in Gold: and that he with no less wisdom then generosity, refused it: as well not to render his Authority undervalued in Flanders, as not to afford colour for such calumnies, as his enemies might plot against him in Spain. He at this time did one thing which did exceedingly exasperate the Flemish, and increa∣sed their batred more against him. The Citadel of Antwerp was already made defensable, and the Duke caused all possible haste that could be, made to per∣fect it. He gloried to leave such a memory of him behind him in the Low-Coun∣tries; thinking that by such a curb he had mainly secured their obedience to the King. But desirous that together with this image of his mind, another of his bo¦dy might likewise remain there, he made his Effigies be set up in the Citadel in a Statue of Brass. The Statue was all in Armour, save the head, and 'twas made by Jongeling, a German one of the famousest workmen that was then in all Europe. At the feet thereof was a monstrous Figure of brass also, which had two heads, and six arms, and other misterious signes in other parts which did clearly denote the past successes of the Covenant, Petitions and Revolts. This great piece of workmanship was sustained by a great Pillar of Marble with four faces. In that which looked towards the City, were ingraven some single Letters with a full point to each of them, without any other expression of words therein contain∣ed: but the sence thereof, as it was commonly interpreted, was in praise of the Duke of Alva, for having preserved obedience to the Church and King in the Low-Countries, and restored Justice and quiet unto the Provinces. In the two side faces, some misterious significations were exprest in Sculpture, in praise lik∣wise

of his Government: and in that behind was the Sculptures name. The Fle∣mish seemed deeply concern'd in this action: and great complaints were made thereof every where, as if the Duke would be publickly seen in this his Statue, up∣on their necks; and as if not content to have reduced them already to this slave∣ry, he would boast of his Trophies, in this to them so ignominious a fashion. In∣novations were not long in insuing. In the late indeavours which those of Nas∣saw had made to enter with their forces into Flanders, they had experienced how hard a matter it was to get any footing there, having no place upon the Con∣fines which would receive them, and more particularly upon the River, and be∣cause the greatest hopes of new commotions lay yet in Germany, therefore Orange his adherents, spying out the conjuncture of time, resolved to indeavour the ta∣king of some opportune place upon the Mause on that side. In this river, after it hath changed its name to Wahell, in one of its branches is contained the Island of Bomele, of large circuit. The situation of this Island could not be of more im∣portance, in respect also of its nearness to the Rhine. And not far from thence was Balduke, upon the utmost confines of Brabant, which is one of the most po∣pulous Cities of that Province, and one the best fortified both by Nature and Art, of all Flanders. One Captain Hermanno Reiter was a native of this City, who depended upon the Prince of Orange, and desired to signalize himself by do∣ing him some service. Upon the lower point of the abovesaid Island stands a little Castle called Lovesteyn, more considerable for its situation then strength. Reiter with some of his companions got in hither by fraud, and brought in some fifty with him. Roderigo de Tolledo lay in Balduke with some Spanish Companies; who by reason of his being so near, was advertised hereof. He therefore present∣ly dispatcht away 200 foot, under Captain Lorenso Perea, of the same Nation, that he might indeavour by all means to recover the Castle. The Invaders did not think to be so soon set upon: so as not being able to defend themselves by their own forces, nor having time to expect any from elsewhere, they presently surrendred it to Perea, not without some little dispute, wherein Reiter was slain. Thus was Lovesteyn recovered almost before it was lost. But the Duke was not∣withstanding much moved hereat, weighing more the occasion, then the effect of such a designe: for he might fear that other more dangerous and more conside∣rable designes were hatching, as the event soon after shewed He being still more necessitated in expences, and in monies to defray them; and much incenst to see how hardly the hundreth penny was payed, and more particularly upon the Ma∣ritine coast, where no exaction thereof could ever be made; and being yet more angred at the attempt of Lovesteyn: he resolved by all means to recover not only the hundreth penny, but the tenth and twentieth too, he made the Kings mind in that affair be publisht, having notwithstanding moderated the Imposition so, as those of the Country were taxed less, and foreigners more, and thus he would have it executed. But the people were no less resolved to the contrary, notwith∣standing any moderation which was added. And this repugnancy grew so great, as in some places no more meat was brought to the Markets, nor did the Mer∣chants expose to sale their wonted Merchandise.

Thus did affairs stand in the end of the year 1570. The other of 71 follows; which will bring with it deplorable memorials for ever to Flanders. For then the war broke forth almost every where in her; and so great a fire was afterwards kindled, as could never be extinguisht, but by the truce of twelve years, where with it was not quencht, but smothered up, Arms being suddenly afterwards re∣assumed, and the War continued with more obstinacy on both sides.

We told you before how the Prince of Orange and his brother Lodovick were got into Picardy in France, after the Duke of Alva had driven them out of Flanders; and that Orange retiring from thence into Germany, had left his bro∣ther in France. Their Forces were almost quite disbanded, for they wanted ne∣cessarie conveniences to maintain them. But the whole strength which Genlis brought with him in assistance of those of Nassaw, as hath been said, was still intire: Nor were the chief of the Hugonots in France wanting, in nourishing in themselvs, and in reviving in the Flemish runagates, hopes of new revolutions which were to arise in those Provinces: The Hugonots promised therefore all assistance

on their sides, and shewed how it would be easie to make themselves Masters of some good Town in the Walloon Provinces, which (as hath been said) lie nearest France. They therefore stood expecting all fit opportunities for this purpose. Orange used all the means he could with the Princes his friends, and other his ad∣herents in Germany, to prepare new Forces, and facilitate his designe of entring Flanders again on that side. He excused his first undertaking, and promised bet∣ter success in the next; representing how ill-affected the Flemish were to the Spa∣niards, and how much their hatred was increased by reason of the grievances which the Duke of Alva would lay upon the Countrie. Nor was his indea∣vours and those of his associates in France ere a whit less fervent with the Queen of England, so as by the opportunity of the Sea, and for other aforesaid conside∣rations, 'twas hoped that easier footing might be got in Holland and Zealand, and easilyer maintained. To this end, some of the fled-Flemish, the better to raise some insurrection, were got to sea in men of War: to which they were driven e∣ven by despair. For their goods being confiscated, and not knowing how to live but by rapine, they thought they might better do so by sea, then by land. The Lord Lumay, Count of Marcia, descended of Noble bloud, and who neither wanted courage in undertaking, nor industry in executing hard enterprises, was one of the best qualified amongst them. From this Maritine part, where the danger appeared to be greatest, the mischief first broke forth, which Lumay was in this manner the Author of. Having got together about 25 Vessels, some of them fled-Flemish, and some of them English Pyrates, and fomented in private by the Queen of England her self, he steered about the end of March, towards Holland; and unexpectedly, by underhand dealing, got into the Town of Brill. In the Western part of Holland there lies a little Island, made by the Mause, and by the Sea, on the utmost part whereof towards the sea, stands this Town; which by the commodiousness of its Haven, is held one of the chiefest Keys of those Maritine parts. Lumay had with him about a thousand souldiers, pickt up from several parts, which were all hereticks, of mean condition, most of them fugi∣tives, or such as were driven from Flanders, and such in fine, as desired to raise tumults there. Now because from this first commotion in Holland many others suddenly insued both in that Province and in Zealand, so as the war was more kindled there then in other places, and many of the most memorable accidents happened there: I think it fit, first to set down here briefly their situation, and nature, to the end that deliniating (as I may so say) the portraiture thereof, the Reader may have the events, as it were before his eyes.

Both these Provinces lie on the North and West side of Flanders. In Holland, the Rhine and the Mause, and in Zealand the Scheld, fall into the Sea, in so large Channels, as losing the condition of Rivers, they seem to carry new Seas into the Sea; on the contrary, the Ocean first washing the said two Provinces for a long trackt of ground, and turning then as it were from the sea into a River, penetrates into each of them by divers Channels, and hides it self there in sundry Gulfs. From hence joyning with the Rivers, and together with them, cutting Zealand thorough in many places, it makes many Islands thereof, and reduceth Holland into a Peninsula. To boot with these three forenamed Rivers, which are the chiefest of all Flanders, there are in Holland divers other lesser ones; and as if Art would contend with Nature; there are thereunto added an infinite number of Channels cut by hand, which are made for the more commodiousness of the Countrie. There are within it likewise a great number of Lakes and standing waters: so as the situation of both these Provinces being well considered, 'tis to be questioned whether the space of ground be greater which is won from the earth by water, or from water by the earth; nor is it less to be disputed whether their Country do more abound with, or be more failing in those Commodities which men enjoy in other parts. Through the condition of their situation they want both Corn, Wine, Oyle, Wool, Wood, Hemp, Flax, and almost all other Com¦modities and delights which are used in more temperate and drie Climates; and yet again there is no Country not only in that Northern nook, but not even in a∣ny part of Europe which abounds so much as Holland and Zealand doth in al∣most all the aforenamed things, and even of those which are less necessary for the

maintenance of humane life. So great is the advantage which these two Provin∣ces receive by the Sea and Rivers, whereby their Commerce with all other parts is so easie. Which since they have introduced and made so familiar in the Indies, it cannot be said how much both Merchandise and Merchants are increased in both of them. Hence it is that they abound so much in Inhabitants, and that their Cities, Towns and Villages are so well peopled. But the Sea likewise is as full of Ships and other bottoms; and all their watry places with other sorts of boats, which serve all for habitations, especially to Mariners and Fishers. Great is the number of people which apply themselves to these two vocations in Holland and in Zealand. They make houses of their ships, and of their houses schools: Here they are born, here they are bred up, and here they learn their profession. And the Mariners especially practising their Calling, in running so oft and so boldly from the one Pole to the other, and whethersoever the Sun communicates it self to mortals, they grow so expert therein, as though they may be equalled, yet can∣not they be out-done in this Seafering mysterie, by any whatsoever Nation. For what remains, these people are generally given to Traffick; and are extraordina∣ry industrious in Manual and Mechanical Arts. Their greatest delight lies in their feasts and at their meat: by which they temper the melancholy of their tedious Winters; which are rather long then sharp, the Country abounding much more in rain then in frost. They are generally well shaped in body: as can∣did in nature as in countenance: pleasant in their leasure times, but fierce in their revolts; and much better at fighting by sea then by land. They feed most upon fish and white-meats, wherein their Country doth infinitely abound They have alwaies been inclin'd to a Free Government; and have ever tenaciously held their antient Customes. And since Heresie began to creep in amongst them, tur∣ning their Liberty by degrees into licentiousness, it hath since been easier for the Authors of the late Novelties, to make them rise, and forgoe their former obe∣dience to the Church and King. Holland is full of great Cities, good Towns, and infinite in Villages: But by reason of the frequency of Foreigners, and multi∣tude of self-Inhabitants, Amsterdam hath always been the chief City of that Province. Even whilst Commerce flourisht in Antwerp, great was the concourse of Foreigners to Amsterdam; but Commerce failing in that City, by reason of the War, it is so mightily increased in this other, as Amsterdam is at this hour the place of greatest Merchandising, not only in Holland, but in all the North. In Zealand, Midleburg is the Town best peopled, and of greatest Traffick: That Province cannot notwithstanding come any thing near Holland, neither in cir∣cuit, people, nor plenty. 'Tis almost impossible to enter either of these Provinces by force: because not only the chief places but even the commonest Towns are Invironed either by the Sea, Rivers or Lakes, or by Earth, then which there can be none more low, nor more myery. So as it is no wonder if these People, being thus favoured by Nature, were both so fierce in taking up Arms at first, and have with like animosity maintained them ever since.

But to return to where I left: As soon as Lumay was received into the Brill, he presently began to fortifie himself; judging that without delay the Duke of Alva would send to drive him from thence. He openly profest Heresie, where∣with that Town was likewise much infected, so as great violence and impiety was at first committed against Church-men and sacred things. The news of this flew suddenly round about; and the Duke of Alva was soon advertised thereof by Maximilian, Count de Bossu, Governour of Holland. The Duke was mightily troubled hereat. He knew what practises there were in Germany, France and Eng∣land, to cause new troubles in Flanders; and that the nearest and greatest danger lay on the Maritine side of the Country: He therefore ordered Bossu, to draw out so many men out of the neighbouring Garisons with all possible speed, as would suffice not only to recover the Brill, but to drive Lumay out of that Island. To this purpose Fernando de Tolledo marched thitherward, with part of his men which lay nearest, and went to Roterdam, one of the greatest and most Merchan∣dizing Towns in all Holland: 'tis seated upon the Roter, a little River (from whence it takes its name) and almost where it falls into the Mause, which inlar∣geth itself there very much. The Kings Forces passing from thence, met with

Bossu in Waldargin, a Town situated likewise upon the same stream of the Mause, not far from the Bril; and hence they were conveyed in Barks into the Island. But Lumay, being first advertised of their advancing, Bossu met with such impedi∣ments in effecting this enterprise, as he was inforced, and that not without great difficulty, to turn back; and all those people were already manifestly inclined to rise, through an opinion which was every where received, and by the Hereticks cunningly spread abroad, that the Kings souldiers went to gather the imposed taxes by force. When the Spaniards were come out of the Bril Island, they return'd again to Roterdam, where they found difficulty in being received: But being got into the town, and greater mislikes arising amongst the Citizens, they came from words to blows; nor did the quarrel end, till the Town by military licentious∣ness was sackt. This success drew after it very bad consequences: For every Town in Holland seemed to share in this sacking of Roterdam; and the example shewn therein by one Town to another, extended it self suddenly from one Pro∣vince to another. The affairs were notwithstanding for that time appeased there by Count Bossu. Lumay growing bold by this prosperity, and growing stronger by new men who came in unto him, went to get further footing thereabouts, especi∣ally in some other place upon the Mause: But divers of the Kings souldiers be∣ing assembled together, hindred all his further attempts at that time. Orange prepared this mean while to march with his Forces from Germany. He was to this purpose in a Town of his called Dilimburgh, near the Rhine; and endeavoured again to make all that side of the Country joyn with him. And seeing that for∣tune began already to smile on him in Flanders by this success of the Bril, he thought it good to allure men yet more by writing. He and his brother Lodo∣vick did therefore publish a Manifesto, the tenor of which was to this purpose:

They shewed how much they were obliged by Nature and Honour not to suffer their Country to be opprest.. They said that the King, being abused, could not remedy those things which were concealed from him. They added to the past miseries, by great∣ly exagerating the present: calling the Duke of Alva's introduced grievances Ty∣rannies, and things till then unheard of in Flanders. They endeavoured by specious titles, even of doing service to the King, to make the Country incline to them, and particularly to secure the Catholicks in matter of Religion. And in fine they strove to be so zealous of the publike good, as others should not fear that any of their own private ambition were hidden underneath it.

The Duke of Alva seeing these beginnings, delayed not to take new men into pay: He gave order for the speedy raising of 6000 Walloon Foot under 3 Camp∣masters, to wit, the Messieurs of Capres, Bevoir, and Liques; and he gave out other Commissions to the same effect. He was chiefly jealous of Zealand, by rea∣son of the particular correspondencies which Orange held there, who was formerly Master of many places there, of importance. The Ilands of that Province are full of Havens, but Flushing is the chiefest. This Town stands further into the Sea then any other on that side which looks towards Spain, and commands the mouth of the Channel where it is seated. The Duke sought to secure himself of this Haven which opens and shuts the chief ingress into that Country, by a Citadel which he caused to be built there, but which was not yet made defensible. Neer Flushing stands the Ramechins, a little Castle, but well fortified. And more inward, Ramua, an open Town, but which hath one of the best Havens of all the North. Between Flushing and Ramua, a little within land, stands Middleburgh, the greatest and chiefest City for traffick in all Zealand, as hath been said; and which therefore makes its own Iland (called Walcheren) the noblest of all those Ilands. The City holds communication with the Sea by a large Channel cut out by hand, and re∣ceives all commodities from thence. The Duke of Alva having these jealousies of Zealand, he in the first place endeavoured to secure Flushing, and suddenly dispatched thitherward Captain Osorio d' Angulo with three companies of Spanish Foot. Nor did the Duke conceive amiss. The marching of these people being heard of at Flushing, the Townsmen resolved not to receive them into the Town; and boldly did as they resolved. The Souldiers being come neer the Town, the people within took up Arms, ran to the gates, and shut them up: Exclaiming

that they came to raise by force the new Impositions; and moreover, to sack Flushing, as they had done Rotterdam Nor were they content to keep out the Kings Souldiers but imprisoning Captain Pacieco a Spaniard, who had the care of ordering the new Citadel; and after having treated him abusively in divers sorts, they cut off his head, and hung it up for a publike spectacle in the market∣place. This opposition, accompanied with such sad circumstances, forced Osorio to quit the Island, and to retreat, as he did, to some place of safety, expecting new Orders from the Duke, who was extremely troubled at this success. But it cannot be said how glad Orange was of this, and how much his Fautors rejoyced every where. They all of them applied themselves with all diligence to send men into Flushing, and in a few dayes many High-Dutch and French came and were there received, and the Queen sent some Souldiers privatly thither from England. Jero∣lomo Lor•• of Seras, born at Breda, came thither afterwards, who was made Go∣vernour of the Town by Orange; and he gathering together 3000 Souldiers, did better establish the Insurrection of that Town. The Tumultuaries expecting from hence better progress, they without any gainsaying took Ramua, and Vere, a con∣siderable place not far from thence, and all other places of lesser importance. So as of the whole Iland of Walcherin, only Middleburg and the small Castle of Ra∣mechins, remained to the King. Wherefore the Tumultuaries, desiring to be ma∣sters of the whole Iland, and hoping to be so, they resolved to besiege Middle∣burgh, and sate down before it with those men which they had, whose numbers increased daily. The Duke hearing of this so great revolt, feared very much that Middleburgh would also be lost: He knew that there were but few of the Kings Souldiers within it, and that many of the Citizens were but ill enough inclin'd. Wherefore he suddenly sent the Signeur de Beavoir thither with 400 old Walloon Foot, for the new Souldiers of his Regiment were not as yet raised. Beavoir was received into the City: And because to boot with the small number of Souldiers, the City was but ill munited and victuall'd, the Duke gave order to send speedily a powerful succour thither; he commanded that many ships should be made rea∣dy in Antwerp, and that the greatest strength of Spaniards and Walloons that could be had should be mustered, and that the Rendezvous should be at Berghen ap Zoom. Berghen is but a few leagues distant from Antwerp; the River of Zoom runs by it, which not far off fals into the Scheld. So as it is a place of importance in it self, and was then the fittest from whence to send that succour. To encou∣rage the enterprise, the Duke sent his son Frederick to Berghen, and with him Signior Norchermes, and here all things were preparing which were needfull for the above-mentioned enterprise. But news coming every day of greater danger, if Middleburgh were not suddenly secured, therefore it was requisite to send away an indifferent aid, since there was not time allowed for a plenary succour. Sancio d' Avila was chosen by the Duke to conduct it, who was Governour of the Castle of Antwerp, and greatly esteemed of by him. The Tumultuaries hearing of these preparations, they likewise endeavoured by all the power they could to impede the effect thereof: They fortified those places where they thought the Spaniards were likeliest to land; and with all diligence increased their Forces at Sea, in∣tending to incounter and break the Fleet which was to bring the succour. Avila began to move about the end of April, and had with him 500 choise Spanish foot under the Captains Osorio d' Angulo, Gonsalvo d' Ovalla, Fernando d' Aguasco, Inico de Mediniglia, and Joavinni d' Avola. To these Spaniards were added as many Walloons, all of them also old Souldiers, under the Signiors de Liques and de Glimus, and Captain Torres. And to these were afterward added a good many of Reformado-Officers and other people of quality, especially of the Spanish Nation, who desired rather to serve as Voluntiers, then to take pay upon so hard service Avila went down the Scheld at a low ebb, that he might make use of the next flowing water, and drew his men towards the lower part of the channel which washes the Island of Walcherin. He would have landed his men there, because the fuccour would have been neerer from thence, Middleburgh lying on that side. But he found the Enemy so well fortified in that place, as he resolved to go to the opposite place which looks upon the sea: A plain situation, and of all others fur∣thest remote from the City, and where the Enemy by reason of these difficulties

did not expect that they should endeavour to land. In evils which may happen, nothing is worse then not to fear: Nothing is more usually seen in war, then the insuing of damage, where danger was least looked for. Avila being arrived on that shore, found no impediment in landing his men, save only that they must wade a little way through the water, before they could come to the land. Watch∣ing the Enemies proceedings from thence, he was informed that they were in no very good order, especially toward that place where he and his men had landed, as least apprehended. The Kings men were greatly hereby encouraged: And Avila, to make them be so the more, spake thus unto them.

My fellow-souldiers! The worst is over, now that we are landed and off the sea; where the Enemy might have beaten us by power, and also by fortune. On land, all the advantages will make for us. We shall not fight here one ship-board flying from an∣other; nor will the wind, be it propitious or contrary, have any share here: but the victory or loss will lie in our arms and military valour. Which of us can then doubt, but that at our first appearance the Enemies are likelier to betake themselves to their heels, then to put themselves in order? We are for certain fewer then they: but 'tis not only numbers that fight, nor are victories had by unexperienced men. And what more contemptible people can be found, then those whom we are now to assail? Mari∣ners, and fisher-men for the most part, who are not acquainted so much as with the name of Arms; who have tumultuously taken them up, and will in like manner lay them down. Perfidious to the King, and more to God: and who by very divine justice are now delivered up into our hands, to the end that without any delay they may receive punishment according to their demerit. They have with them some He∣retick foreign Souldiers, but almost all of them vagabonds, abject people, who in war look after nothing but pillage, and understand nothing but rapiue. On the contrary, who is he in this our so antient Militia, who hath not either seen or done some egregious action? which of us have not seen our late victories abroad against those very Chief∣tains who now foment these present rebellions here within us? Let us resolve then to overcome, before we fight: For I presage as much. The Rebels doe not look for us on this side, so as we shall be upon them at unawares. The besieged will at the same time sally out upon them: we shall fill their Camp with blood, slaughter, and runawayes: And so by succouring one onely City, we shall soon see the whole Iland set at liberty.

This speech being ended, Avila began to march: And advancing himself and Liques with some Spaniards and Walloons, the better to discern what the Enemy was doing, they found that there was no appearance of any opposition on that side. Then calling up the rest, they went resolutely to assault the Enemy. Nor did Avila's presage prove false: For they forsaking their Trenches, which were either ill made, or ill guarded on that side, thought rather how to ran away, then how to fight. At the same time the Kings souldiers sallied out of the City; so as the Enemy being inclosed on both sides, many of them were slain, and the rest in great confusion scattered here and there abroad. Thus was Middleburg freed, and Ramua was suddenly regained; and some of the Enemies ships were there taken, which Avila made use of the better to secure the Haven; and moreover he fortified the Town where it was most needfull. Whilst he was thus victorious he would have endeavoured the recovery of Flushing: But the Town being mu∣nited, and at all times succorable, and he having but a few men with him, he could not doe it. The Duke of Alva sent for him back, to know the better from him by word of mouth, what was best to be done to establish the affairs of Holland and Zealand, so as might make most for the Kings service. But he was no sooner come, then the Duke heard of another novelty of great consequence, which had hapned neer the Frontiers of France. Upon that Confine stands the Town of Valentiennes, which was the first Town that did rebell in the Dutchess of Parma's time, as was then shewn. It is one of the best peopled, and most Merchant-like Town of all those parts: and holds great correspondencie in traffick with the neighbouring Provinces of France. Notwithstanding the punishment which was inflicted upon the first Tumultuaries, there were yet many Hereticks in it, who still held continual practises with the French Hugonots. The Duke had already begun to build a Citadel in this Town, as hath been said, it being subject to suspi∣tion

both by its situation, and condition of Inhabitants: And the Citadel was by this time in a good forwardness, but it was not as yet made wholly tenable, nor yet provided of a sufficient Garrison. This conjuncture of time being by the Hugonots observed, Monsieur de Fama entred the Town on the 15. of May with 400 men: He presently ran to the Town-house; and possessing himself of the most commodious places to annoy the Citadel, he prepared with some Artillery, and some other provisions to besiege it. The Duke was beyond measure moved at this disorder; both in regard of it self, and for fear lest others the like, and peradventure greater might insue upon the same Frontier; where he greatly apprehended not only the open practises of the Hugonots, but even the secret ones which by order or connivance of the King of France the very Catholicks might nourish in those parts. He therefore with all speed sent such men as were needfull to chase the French forthwith from out that Town, and to prevent the danger of the coming in of others to assist the former. Alonzo de Lumbrales marched thitherward immediately with 150 Spanish horse, and was followed the next day by Garzia de Gualdes with above one hundred more of the same Nation. These Horse were brought without any difficulty into the Citadel and time was afforded this mean while for John de Mendosa General of the Light-horse, to come with both more Horse and Foot: he brought with him also some Companies of Walloons, taken newly into pay. So as being entred with all these men into the Citadel, and charging vigorously upon the French, who could not in so short a time be succoured from without, nor sufficiently fortified within, they were first soon disordered, and afterwards put to flight. Many of them were slain, and but few of them would have escaped, if the Kings men would in that heat have pursued them. But they were no less angry with the Townsmen, suspecting that they had favoured the French: So as leaving these, and falling on the others, they began to sack many houses, and shed much blood, not much distinguishing between such as were guilty, and such as were in no fault at all.

The Duke had not well recovered Valentiennes, when he heard that upon the same Frontier, by means of some other Hugonots, who had taken Lodovick of Nassaw for their Leader, Mons was lost. And the mischiefs were already grown so general on all sides in Flanders, as it was impossible to withstand their course any longer: just as the waters of an overswoln Torrent, bearing down first the lesser obstacles, and afterwards the greater, doe at last in sundry places overflow the neighbouring fields, and in sundry sorts make strange havock. The Walloon Provinces (as hath been often said) lie towards France: Henault is one of the chiefest of them, and Mons is the chiefest Town therein a noble City for situa∣tion, Inhabitants, and buildings. And because it stood not upon the very edge of the Confines, but lay somewhat more inward, therefore was it neither very well fortified, nor yet carefully guarded; though it were of it self strongly situated, and well provided with ditches, and strong antient walls. Lodovick drawing se∣cretly neer to that Frontier, with a few French Hugonots, he was let in on the 25. of May, and thus surprised the Town. Some other French were first entred Mons under pretence of merchandise, with certain Fats full of Arms; and had private in∣telligence with divers of the Townsmen. So as the agreement being had, they made themselves masters of one of the Gates; and killing him who kept the keyes of it, and driving away the rest of the Corps de Gard, they let in Lodovick, who to that end had marched hard all that night with an hundred Horse When he was entred the City, he began to run into every place, and endeavoured by seditious speeches to make the people adhere to him, hoping for more succour. But no French appearing from without, nor the Townsmen rising any way within, he forewent almost assoon the hopes of making himself master of the City, as he had assumed them, and resolved to quit it: Nay he began already to fear, lest the people, being almost all of them Catholicks, should rather turn against him, and either drive him out, or, to his greater danger, take him prisoner. But Fortune which had favoured him the first time, did so the second: He was not well gone out of the Town, when he met with 200 other French horse with foot en croupe, which came to succour him, being led on by Monsieur Genlis himself, who was the chiefest plotter of all the Hugonots upon that Frontier: So

as reassuming courage, and assuring himself that the gate by which he was new∣ly come out, was yet open, he again entred the City. And having in the first place possest himself of all the Market places, and chiefest streets, he summoned all the best of the Town into the Town-house, and endeavoured to justifie his action, honesting it with words full of zeal towards the Country, and of devo∣tion towards the King: but of detestation against the Dake of Alvas Govern∣ment, and the Spaniards actions. He afterwards gave all assurance that the City should receive no outrage, nor be in any sort damnified: and the better to secure himself and his men, he seised upon all the Arms, and Warlike Ammunition he could any where find. Then he began with all diligence to take order for such things as were requisit for the defence of the City, considering that the Duke of Alva would without any delay, bend all the Kings Forces against him. Genlis went himself in person to sollicite the Hugonots in France, and to be himself their Conductor. And Lodovick was not wanting in hastning his brother the Prince of Orange to come in unto his succour from the side of Germany, and by so great an acquisition, the better to confirm those hopes which he conceived they had reason to build upon of making yet greater in a short time.

THE HISTORY OF THE WARS OF FLANDERS. Written by CARDINAL BENTIVOGLIO.

BOOK VI.

The Contents.

The Duke of Alva was mightily incenst at the loss of Mons. Other Insurrections in Holland follow. Orange prepares to enter Flanders the second time. The Duke of Alva makes a great levy of men to hinder him. Consultations touching the marching of the Kings Forces. Resolution is taken to besiege Mons. Genlis, and other Hugonots of France, endeavour to bring in relief: They are met with by the Kings Forces, fought, and routed. Orange enters Flanders with a great Ar∣my by Ghelderland. He takes and sacks Ruremonde: He secures himself of Malines; and staies his Camp in the Province of Hennault. He is so opposed by the Duke of Alva as he cannot relieve Mons. He often endeavours therefore, but in vain, to draw the Duke to battel. Great confusion in the Prince of Orange his Army; whereupon the Duke takes occasion to make a Camisado by night, wherein he succeeds well, and makes great slaughter. Orange retreats and passeth into Holland Sundry troubles in that Province, and in the others beyond the Rhine The Duke of Alva enters Mons. The Town of Goes is besieged by the Tumultua∣ries, and with memorable courage succoured by the Kings men. The Catholick Army in Brabant. Sacks Malines. Recovers divers places in Ghelderland. Takes and sacks Zutfen; and doth almost wholly destroy Naerden.

THe Duke of Alva was the more troubled for the loss of Mons, in that he did no ways suspect the losing of it. He considered it was not only the prime City in all the Province of Hennault, but even one of the chiefest of all Flanders. That from that Line of the Confines which was towards France, it lay far enough inward in the Kings Territories, but yet not so far but that it might be easily succour'd from without: That it might easily be made very strong, being on one side in a very low and spongy situation, and well provided of Walls and Ditches on all other parts. That being near the very Province of Flanders, and that of Brabant, it might easily further the Tumults both in the one and the other of them, and consequently

make the fire more lasting, which was to be kindled in so many parts He there∣fore with much fervency apply'd himself to the sudden regaining of it; and ho∣ped well therein, by his having so easily recovered Valentiennes. He saw that Lo∣dovick of Nassaw might be succoured on two sides; to wit, by the way of Ger∣many, by the Forces which Orange prepared, and by the way of France by the Forces raised by the Hugonots; these were doubtlesly the nearest, and therefore likely to be the speediest. The Duke therefore resolved to make his quickest op∣position on this side of France, hoping that when he should have interrupted that succour, he might more easily impede the other: but such, and so grievous com∣motious happened suddenly in Holland, as they put upon him new, and greater necessities, and rendred him much perplext touching what he was to resolve up∣on. The Town of Eachusen had there led the way first to open disobedience; which Town lies very opportunely for situation, as lying upon the point of a great Gulf which the Sea makes in Holland, towards the North; and no less for the quality thereof, and number of shipping which are continually built there, and which makes it one of the best, and most esteemed Arsenals of all that Pro∣vince. Nor was it long ere other greater revolts followed: For Dort, Harlem, Leyden, Gouda, and almost all the other Cities and chief Towns did at once the like, except Amsterdam, which continued then, and long after in Allegiance to the King. Great raising of Arms was likewise heard of in Germany; and that Orange having past the Rhine, grew still stronger in men, intending to enter Flan∣ders again by the same way he did before. To obviate so many evils which threatned him in so many several parts, the Duke of Alva betook himself sud∣denly to raise great levies, both of horse and foot; and gave order for the taking of 5 or 6 thousand horse into pay in High-Germany, the chief care whereof was had by Henry Duke of Brunswick, formerly imployed by the King upon like oc∣casions; by Salentine, Count of Isemburg, Archbishop of Cullen, who shewed himself very faithfull to the Catholick Cause and the Crown of Spain; and by Peter Ernestus Count of Mansfield, who came originally from Germany, and who had yet many friends and kindred of great esteem there; he gave order for the raising of 18 thousand foot in six Regiments: to wit, 3000 in the Upper, and 3000 in the Lower Germany. The first were taken into pay by Ottone Count of Erbestein: by George Baron of Fronsberg, and by Nicholas Purvighliere, all of them natives of the same Country. And the latter by Giles Count of Barlemonte; by Maximilian Count of Bossu, and by Lancelot Count of Mega; all of them the Kings Vassals in the Provinces of Flanders. These levies required great store of money, whereof the Duke was very much exhausted. But he had represented unto the King the affairs of Flanders to be in so dangerous a condition, as he was in some sort presently furnisht therewithall for his necessities: and the King pro∣mised him to see him continually furnisht with what should be requisit for main∣taining the Churches Cause and his own (which was now become one and the same) in those Provinces. The new Insurrections which had happened in Hol∣land bore with them very bad consequences, to boot with the former in Zealand. And the Novelties which had succeeded, and which still grew greater in the Fron∣tiers towards Germany and France, required powerfull and speedy remedy. The Duke of Alva consulted therefore with the chief Commanders of the Army, to what part it was best to bend the Kings Forces; or if by dividing them, they might suffice for both occasions. 'Twas generally thought that there were not e∣nough to be divided. And as for the turning to the one or the other place, Mar∣shal Vitelli, Camp-Master-General, who was greatly esteemed in the Army, as well for the prerogative of his Place, as for his Valour, was of opinion that they were to bend all their Forces immediately towards Holland and Zealand. saying,

That by good reason of War, Forces were to be turned thither where their imploy∣ment was of greatest consequence. And how much did it most import first to secure the Maritine Country? That in those parts which lay more inward in the Country, the people were neither so infected with Heresie, nor so inclin'd to Rebellion. And though some loss might be suffered by the Forces from Germany and France, it was to be hoped that they might be easily regain'd. That the Hugonots Forces were of no

substance of themselves; nor was it to be thought that the King of France would favour them, if for what might concern the good of Spain, at least for what might respect the service of his own Kingdom, so grievously infested by them. That the he∣retick Forces of Germany which were to enter Flanders, were to be esteemed of the same nature: being tumultuously raised, ill provided of men, and worse of money; more ready to pillage then to fight; and that prey and pay failing, they would soon forgoe their obedience, and insteed of carrying their Colours against their enemies, they would turn them against their Commanders. That for these reasons it was to be believed, that the noise was greater then the blow would be from either of both those parts: and that those foreign Forces being soon scattered by the opposition made by the Kings Towns (which to that purpose were with all diligence suddenly to be munited) Mons would easily be recovered, as also whatsoever other damage might insue in any other part upon those Frontiers. But on the contrary, how firmly was heresie radi∣cated, both in Holland and Zealand? how much were the people alienated from their former devotion to the Church, and to the King? That by reason of the Sea and Ri∣vers, Merchandise did very much abound there; as also monies and victuals: and that every Town there was so strong by Nature, that allow but a little time to Indu∣stry, every Pass would require an Army to overcome it, and every Siege almost an Age to finish it. That by the opportunity of the Sea, new Forces might continual∣ly be sent unto the Rebels on those sides, from Germany and France, But especially from England. And they being Masters of the Maritine parts, what advanta∣ges might they by other designes work unto themselves in the more inward Countries? What difficulties would the succours then meet withall which should be sent by Sea from Spain to Flanders? Which succours were to be esteemed the speediest and most profitable; the others-which were to be expected by land being so far off, and so charge∣able to convoy, that Orange had long governd both those Provinces, having great store of wealth and adherents in them, that therefore it was to be believed, that out of so many considerations of his own advantage, he would indeavour to lay the chief seat of the Rebellion there. That therefore the Frontiers towards Germany and France being secured the best that might be, they were presently to turn with all their forces toward Holland and Zealand. That from thence the chiefest head of this new Hydra arose. And that it was not to be doubted, but that the hardest difficulty being once o∣vercome, the rest would afterwards prove much more easie.

This opinion of Vitelli was grounded upon very solid reasons. But amongst others, Norchermes was rather of a different then of a repugnant mind. He was held to be the ablest souldier of all those Provinces. He was Governor of Hen∣nault, and therefore adding his own privat ends to the publick considerations, he propounded the recovery of Mons in the first place. He said,

That that City might be recovered by a short siege, and also all the designes which Orange and the Hugonots could have upon those Frontiers of Germany and France be easily broken. That turning the Kings Forces suddenly from thence, upon Holland and Zealand, they might be there time enough to allay the Rebellion which was there begun. Nor was this resolution to be taken so much out of conveniency, as out of necessity. That the loss of Mons was of too great importance: That by the opportunity of its situation, the Enemy might make it very strong, and make it as it were a Piazzad Armi, from whence they might infest the whole Countrie of Walloon, and also the two neighbouring Provinces of Brabant and Flanders, which were the two largest, and most opulent Provinces of all the Low-Countries. And how could they be sure, but that so many Forces of the Enemy might make further progress in those Frontiers? That it was not possible to furnish all the Kings Towns in those parts with all things ne∣cessary. And though the chiefest should make resistance, doubtlesly the wea∣ker would not be able to do it; which notwithstanding being quickly fortified by the Enemy, would make way for their further entrance on other sides into the Kings Provinces. How much would they then molest the Countrie every where? and what other commodities would they there receive whereby to main∣tain themselves? the Towns would then be burnt on all sides, the fields fill'd with amazement, the Inhabitants with horror, and to boot with the prejudice the Kings affairs should suffer, how much should he thereby suffer in his ho∣nour?

In my opinion then, we must in the first place recover what is lost, and seek to prevent other greater losses, which our Enemies may occasion unto us in our Frontiers upon Germany and France. This being done, all the Kings For∣ces may the easilier march to the reducing of Holland and Zealand to their for∣mer obedience. One success will bring on another, and we ought to expect as good successe in the second, as we have reason to hope for in the first.

The Duke was of this opinion. He thought he should be able to settle the Kings affairs so soon in one place, as he might have time enough to secure them on the other. To the which he was the more incited out of a desire not to permit the French to nestle so much as any one minute in Flanders. And no less out of the bitter hatred which he and the Prince of Orange bore each to other, as well for privat as publick respects, as hath been said. He therefore desired to op∣pose him as soon as might be; and to drive him now again out of the Countrie more shamefully then he had done before. The business of Mons being then re∣solved on, he forthwith dispatcht away some Troops of horse thitherward, to hinder the coming of any others thither from France; and sent afterwards his son Frederick de Tolledo thither with 4000 foot, and 800 horse, accompanied by Vitelli and Norchermes. Towards the end of June these people appeared within sight of the City: and possessing themselves of the fittest places round about it, did as it were besiege it at a large distance. The City of Mons receives its name from its situation, which in that Language signifies a Mountain, or Hill; but the rise of the earth is there so gentle, as it cannot well be said to be mountainous. 'Tis a very Noble City, as well for the concourse of people, as for Commerce: it hath many good houses in it, and there sits the Kings Councel, which admini∣sters Justice to the Countrie; all which Prerogatives gives it the precedency over all other Towns of that Province. It commands large and spacious fields round about it, which may be questioned whether they abound more in Pasture or Til∣lage. Nor is the Territory thereof less rich in Woods; nor generally indeed all the rest of the Province. The City is stronger by natural situation, then by manual industry. It is cut thorough on the lower side by a little rivolet called Trulla, which as soon as it goes out of it, fals into another somewhat bigger, cal∣led Hayne; which crossing through the Province, before it be gotten quite out, fals likewise into the Scheld. The besieged this mean while sought only how to furnish themselves with victuals, which they were not well provided of. The Har∣vest was then ripe; wherefore they determined to make a stout sally, thereby to afford leasure for the cutting down of the nearest Corn, and for the bringing of it into the City. The Kings men were not backwards in opposing them, so as a very fierce skirmish insued. But fresh succours coming still into the latter, the defendants were forc'd at last to retreat, and Vitelli as he was pursuing them, was shot with a musquet in the leg. Genlis was not this mean while idle on the French behalf: he had with very great diligence gathered together a considerable strength of horse and foot, wherewith he marched speedily to relieve the besieged. The Province of Hennault, looks towards the South on Champania and Picardy in France, so as the speediest and easiest succour was hoped for from thence. Gen∣lis his designe was to draw so near Mons, as that he might put thereinto a good number of soldiers, and then to go himself with the rest of his Forces, and joyn with the Prince of Orange. The Admiral Coligni, who was the principal Archi∣tecture of all the plots hatched by the Hugonots as well within France, as out of it, had exhorted him, to goe immediately to find out Orange. Count Lodovick had signified the like unto him from Mons; both of them being of opinion that the body of the Army conducted by Orange being rendred so much the greater, that City might be the easilyer succoured. But Genlis persisting in his own opi∣nion, would needs pursue it; so took his way through Picardy to the Confines of Hennault. Frederick being advertised hereof, resolved by Vitelli's advice, to incounter him, and fight him before he should get into the Kings Countrie. When the Kings men were come to the River Heyne, and heard that the Enemy began to appear out of a Wood, near the Town Hoterage, they marched towards them, and by a skirmish kept them at first somewhat farther from the Wood, and from the Town. Here the skirmish was turn'd into parties, and the parties into a bat∣tel.

The French seeing the necessity of fighting, made two squadrons of their foot, and but one of their horse, placing them all according as best fitted the situ∣ation of the Wood and of field-room. The Kings foot were likewise divided into two bodies, which were seconded to the best advantage by the horse. Vitel∣li, who by reason of his wound, was brought into the field in a chair, not without great pain and danger, ordered the battel. Fulian Romero, a Spanish Camp-Ma∣ster, and one of known valour and experience, had the charge of the Van. Here they fell to it; but the fight continued not long; the circumstances whereof be∣ing well considered, it might rather be called an Incounter then a Battel. The French did not look to be so soon faced by the Kings men, and therefore came not so well prepared to fight as 'twas needfull they should have been, that they might have disputed the victory better then they did. Being vigorously set upon by the Kings men, they made at first some resistance: but their first force sud∣denly failing, they fell soon into disorder: and for the rest, 'twas nothing but slaughter and flight. They suffered more by the Country people afterwards, then they did at first by the souldiers. For many Country people of those fron∣tiers having followed the Spanish Camp, fell bitterly upon the French after their defeat, suffering few of them to escape, and fully revenging themselves for the losses their Country had suffered by this their march. The common opinion was that Genlis had with him about 7000 foot, and 1000 horse; whereof a third part together with the loss of almost all their Colours, were either slain or taken prisoners. Genlis himself was taken prisoner, and Monsieur de Genisack, who Commanded the horse, and another Chieftain of the Hugonots of good quality, called the Ringrave. The Baron of Ranti, and one Giumella, both of them foot Colonels, were slain in the battel. These were the chief of the Hugonots Camp: all the rest of their men, what by being slaughtered by the Country people, and what through terror of the discomfeiture, were reduced to so weak a remain∣der, as they could not be any more serviceable to the Hugonots neither within, nor without the Kingdom. Genlis was carried to the Castel of Antwerp, where he soon after fell sick and died. Very few were found missing of the Kings Camp, and of those, not any one of quality. Thus ended the succour brought by the French Hugonots: whose unfortunate success, was a presage of that no less un∣happy event which was soon after seen, both in the Army Commanded by Orange, and in the siege sustained by his brother. The fight was not many miles distant from the City: so as the Kings party returned suddenly to the siege. And Pu∣luighlier being come not long after unto the Army with 4000 foot, and some horse, Frederick incouraged by so great an addition of Forces, and by the coming like∣wise of Fronsbergs horse, and Bracamonts foot, began very hotly to begirt the be∣sieged. He took up his quarters particularly in the Village of Nimy, St. Sinforia∣no, Bertamonte, and Jumampel, which inviron Mons; and he indeavoured to se∣cure his quarters every where the best he could by the Rivers Heyne and Trulla. There was a Priory under the Walls of Mons, well furnisht with Edifices. And because the Kings men might be much prejudiced from thence, they within the Town had put a good Garison into it, and seemed as if they would strive to de∣fend it. At which Frederick being moved, he resolved howsoever to take it: but he failed in his first attempt, through the valiant resistance made by the de∣fendants, and by the help they received by the Cannon which were at that time drawn out of the City. But returning the second time with greater Forces, and playing upon the place with two pieces of Cannon, the Spaniards prepared for the assault, when the French knowing they could no longer hold it, forsook it, and withdrew themselvs within the Walls of the Town. The Priory being lost, the Town was more narrowly besieged. The Duke of Alva came at the same time to the Army, as well to encourage the enterprise by being present thereat himself, as to hasten whatsoever was needfull to oppose Orange his designe of re∣lieving Mons, and freeing his brother. With him came the Duke of Medina-Celi who was then come by sea to Flanders from Spain with fresh men; being sent by the King to succeed the Duke of Alva in that Government.

The Country had in these dayes contributed a great sum of money more then usual, so as the Army was much increased by their arrival, and by the new Levies

of Flanders, and much more by those that were raised in Germany; to boot that, set the chief Garrisons aside, all the old Souldiery were ordered to come to the Camp. The Duke therefore presently prepared divers Batteries and Trenches, where it was easiest to fall down into the Ditches; and the City-walls began al∣ready to be furiously plaid upon from sundry sides. The greatest part of the Canon were placed against the gate Bartimonte, and against a Ravelin which fenc'd it: the Battery was one day so fierce, as some of the Peeces broke, and the Ravelin was almost quite level'd. But the resistance and valour of those within was no less. Monsieur de la Nue was with Lodovick, a man of great valour, and the best esteemed of any that was then in France of the Hugonot Faction: the defence of Mons past chiefly through his hands, and by his directions and therefore the besieged failed not to do what in them lay for their best advantage. Fearing therefore to lose that place, they made a Work more inward, and placed two Culverins upon it; and prejudicing the Kings men greatly thereby, they forced them to proceed more cautiously in their assault which they design'd against that side. But though they were not wanting in defending themselves the best and most resolutely that they could, yet their chiefest hopes lay in their succor from Orange: who being already upon his march with a powerful Army raised almost wholly in Germany, was got into the Low-Countries by Ghelderland, and made towards Ruremond. He intended to use only fair means, and not force, to be ac∣commodated with victuals by that City, thinking he should not so easily win it; nor was he willing to waste his time and forces before it, to the prejudice of his chief design, which was to relieve Mons as soon as might be, and afterwards to make there a great Magazine of Arms. He therefore friendly intreated those Ci∣tizens to accommodate him with victuals and other things which his Army want∣ed. But they answering more boldly then they ought to have done, and not mea∣suring their Forces by their words, gave him a flat denial. He did not expect such an answer, so as he grew much incensed; and to his anger necessity was joyned, for his people suffered already in many things. There were not Hereticks want∣ing in the City, and they desired to see it in Orange his possession, who had for∣merly held some intelligence with them to that purpose. Practises being then renewed within, and the men prepared without, he made a fierce assault upon one of the Gates, which with equal valour was defended by those within: who shewed the like stoutness twice after, when Orange renewed twice his assaults. In the heat of this resistance which the Catholick defendants made, the He∣retick Townsmen making use of opportunity, possest themselves of another gate, and thereby let them in that were without. Orange either could not, or would not hinder the sacking of the City: withheld perhaps on one side, by judging it was not fit to use examples of cruelty, when the Flemish did most expect clemency; and inforst on the other side to provide for the necessities of his people, which since he was not able to satisfie with pay, he must supply the want thereof by plunder. But sacking was the least misery which Ruremond suffered: For the Hereticks with unheard of barbarism, mingling slaughter with pillage, grew cruel to all sexes and all ages, especially against Church-men and Church-adornments. By the taking of Ruremond, Orange got another City in those parts, which gave him a secure pass over the Mause. He turn'd from hence to Malines, which was already wrought to be at his devotion, by Monsieur de Dorp: so as he put a good Garrison thereinto of High-Dutch. In his march he likewise made him∣self master of many other places of lesser consideration: And being come to Lo∣vain, desired to be there received. But meeting with more stiffness in the Citizens then he expected, and fearing that he should lose too much time in staying to force it, he resolved to accept of a certain sum of money, which the City was contented to give him.

Thus leaving Brabant, he came in the beginning of September into Henault; and here he mustered his Army. His Forces consisted, as it was said, of 16000 Foot, and 9000 Horse; all of them Germans, except some French and Walloons. He was aided by the success of a business which had happened a little before in favour of his adherents in Zealand, to move sooner then he himself had thought. A great many Flemish ships were at this time returned from Lisbone richly laden;

and out of choice rather then necessity, they put in according to their custom at Flushing not knowing till then any thing of the new revolutions which had hap∣ned there. The Inhabitants of that Town being masters of so great a booty, made suddenly monies thereof, and sent the greatest part to the Prince of Orange, just when he stood in most need, to assemble his men together, and make them march. But the greater his Army was, the greater was his difficulty in maintaining them: For neither had he sufficient monies to that end, nor any authority grounded upon command, but only upon intreaties. He came with the like resolutions as before, to wit, to doe all he could to draw the Duke to battel; hoping at least thereby to find some means to succour Mons the more easily. On the other side, as the Dukes ends were clean otherwise, so did his resolutions appear to be. He as before, desired to beat Orange by the Arms of his own Necessity: so as de∣spairing of Battel, and no less of succour, and forced by disaccommodations and sufferings, he should at last confess himself overcome, by returning discomfited. The Duke doubted towards which part Orange would betake himself. The spee∣diest and shortest way was towards Nimi and St. Sinforiano. Between these two Villages stands a Wood; and therefore the Duke used all needful diligence to fortifie all those places, so to hinder his passage on that side. Which Orange hearing of, he changed his way, and turning Eastward, past by Perone a Village some two leagues distant from Mons; and fording without any difficulty over the Heyn and Trulla, he marched towards the other part of the City, drawing straight upon Jumampel. The ground was here a little more hilly then in other parts thereabouts, and was therefore thought less easie to fortifie; and therefore Orange judged he might soonest succour the besieged on that side. But as soon as the Duke had discovered this design, he turn'd most of his men suddenly thitherward, and resolved to raise a Fort there: which was done with all speed, and the Duke Medina celi took particular care of it. To boot with the Fort, which was provided of Artillery the better to entertain the Enemy on that side, the Duke surrounded his Camp on that side too with a Trench. Having thus secured himself, and having a watchfull eye over all things, he commanded upon severest punishment that no man should stir from the Squadrons without his order, nor should in any manner whatsoever offer to fight. Orange was this mean while drawn neer this place: And having sent his brother Henry a little before, who was a gallant Youth, with fifty Horse, to learn some news of the Spanish Camp, he met with almost as many which the Duke of Alva had sent out towards the Enemy to the same purpose. A bloody skirmish was had between these two Parties of Horse, wherein the Dukes men coming off with somewhat the worse, Orange came up soon after with his whole Army, and offered the Duke battel. But he, still more stedfast in his first resolution, kept all his men in great order within their Trenches, suffering only the Artillery to play upon the Enemy, who did the like upon the Spanish camp. Orange took up his Quarters afterwards at Querenon a Village not far from Jumampel, and endeavoured divers times to provoke the Duke to fight. To this end he greatly annoyed the Kings Camp with continual thunder of Cannon; he endeavoured to keep them from forrage or victuals, and sallied out in skirmishes as oft as he could, so to provoke them to battel the sooner; wherein, having much the greater number of Horse, he hoped to be Victor. There were some with the Duke, who advised to fight the Enemy, shewing how much his men did exceed the others in valour; saying,

That victories were not won by numbers, but by worth. How oft had their first Squadrons born it away? nay, how oft their first Files? What comparison was there to be made between new tumultuary base people, such as were the Enemy; and old Souldiers, so well disciplin'd, and so nobly born as were his? Let him then go out of the Trenches: and fighting in so just a cause, and with such valiant men, he might be sure to overcome. The Archbishop of Cullen was particularly of this opinion; who being of a warlike mind, was come in person into the Camp. But the Duke, still firm to his old Maxim, not to fight with Fortune, which in all humane af∣fairs is ever fickle, but especially in affairs of war and battel, answered in words befitting such a Commander:

That the end of those who govern an Army, was alwaies to overcome, but not alwaies to fight. And that he should have fought sufficiently, when he should have overcome.

Orange being thus deluded of all hopes of bringing it to a day of battel, ap∣ply I himself wholly to the relief; and the Duke wholly to keep him from it: and this was the chiefest indeavor of them both. Orange propounded unto himself the consequences of preserving such a place as Mons was: and the Duke the im∣portancy of re-possessing himself of it. Orange had assur'd his friends that he would succor and relieve it; and the other had signified no less assurance in Spain that he would hinder him from so doing. Each of them argue the future from the pre∣sent success. And warring one against the other, rather out of privat hatred, then the publick respect, each of them fervently desired to compass their ends with reputation and glory, the more to thwart the adversaries designe with loss and dishonour. Orange was much afflicted to find himself amidst the aforesaid necessities, which did foretoken that if he did not very speedily relieve Mons, his Army would immediately moulder away: he had no money to maintain it, nor was it any longer nourishable by rapine; and fearing every day lest the souldier might mutiny, he knew that in such a case his own forces would be more prejudi∣ciall to him then those of his enemies. And doubtlesly he ran hazard either of being brought into great agony by his own men, by actual imprisonment, or through greater perfidiousness and avarice, of being delivered up into the Duke of Alva's hands, which was the most hideous thing his thoughts could sug∣gest unto him. Without any further delay then, chusing out 2000 of his best horse and 1000 of his best foot, he sent them with great resolution towards that part where he thought they might easilyest enter Mons, on the side of Ju∣mampel. He divided the horse into two squadrons, and by them sheltered the foot, which he intended to put into the City; and disposed of all the rest of his Army so as might serve upon any occasion which fortune might present of battel. But the Kings men who had very well furnisht that pass before, and especially with some Spanish Colours under Sancio d' Avila, and Julian Romero, did so gal∣lantly oppose the Assailants, and were so advantagiously seconded by the Artil∣lery which from the Fort commanded the Champian, as Orange could in no ways compass his intent. The conflict was notwithstanding very fierce, and was ac∣companied by a double tempest of Canon-shot, wherewith the Kings men play∣ed continually upon the Enemy both within and without: they being no less playd upon by the others likewise, both from within and without: but few of the Spaniards were slain. Of the Enemy about 300. Orange despairing of bring∣ing in any relief on that side, removed his Camp that very night, and lodged in the Village Hermenes upon the bank of Trulla, not far from St Sinforiano. The Duke of Alva turned such forces likewise as were requisite on his side thither∣ward, to hinder the enemy from all relief on that side. Nor was it long ere he made them lose all hopes thereof. Orange his souldiers were quartered in great disorder, especially the Germans; all other things also in his Camp were in much confusion nor was it any wonder: For the souldiers being for the most part pickt up here and there, without pay, or the curb of discipline, they obeyed no longer then they listed. The Duke of Alva was very well informed of all these disor∣ders and wants amongst the enemy; which he suddenly made advantage of. Ha∣ving himself viewed the Germans nearest quarters he resolved to assault them that very night, hoping that fortune would befriend him in their change of quar∣ters. He gave the charge thereof to Norchermes, who was then very much im∣ployed by him in Vitelli's absence, he being gone out of the Camp to be cured of his wound. The business insued thus: A thousand Spanish foot were pickt out and the Camp-Master Romero was chosen to conduct them, who though he was very good at Councel, yet was much better at execution. To these thousand Spa∣niards as many Walloons were added, to secure the retreat where need should re∣quire. In the deepest silence of night the Kings men began to move: and that they might be known from the enemy in the dark, they went with snirts upper∣most. The Germans were then in a great deal of carelesness all of them fast a∣sleep, so as they were slain before they knew they were assaulted: they thought som

tumult had casually hapned amongst them; but being disdeceived by their wounds and bloud, and suddenly seised upon by confusion and fear they betook themselves rather to flight than to fight. The Kings men at the same time they assaulted the Germans, the more to increase their terror and loss, had fired their quarters: the fire burst forth on a sudden in sundry parts, and burnt many of the enemies. So as it was questionable whether more of them perisht by the Sword, Fire, or Water, whereinto many of them did blindly precipitate themselves. So to shun one death met with another: and the Kings men having continu'd slaughter a good while, they were forced at last to retreat, for the Enemies Camp was by this time in Arms. In this action about 500 Germans were lost; and some few of the Spaniards, who not observing well their orders, were either borne away with too much heat of fighting, or were not well acquainted with the places of retreat. But the Enemy was hereat so affrighted, as forgoing all obedience and discipline, and leaving behind them great part of their baggage, they of their own inclination betook themselves presently to be gone. They stormed against O∣range for having abused and betrayed them, and that instead of returning home loaded with spoyl and booty, they were now to carry away nothing but suffe∣rings and disaccommodations. Amidst these outcries which tasted more of threats then complaints; Orange, being strangely confused, and being reduced to a condition rather of obeying then commanding, raised his Camp and marched towards Malines. The Duke was councelled by divers not to let slip so fitting an occasion of falling on the enemy whilst they retreated in disorder. But he an∣swered with the vulgar Proverb;

Let us make a Bridg to them that fly.

and shew'd how that without doubt Orange would within a few days be forced to quit the Country. That it was sufficient for him that he had compast his end in the same manner as he desired. Orange left a strong Garison in Malines, inten∣ding to keep that City, which lying in the heart of Flanders, might serve him for many purposes. His Army afterwards wholly disbanding, and he luckely esca∣ping out of their hands, whom he now suspected more then the enemy, he at last by way of a fugitive, rather hiding himself then retiring, got to Delfe, a City in Holland, there to put on such new resolutions as time and necessity should admi∣nister. When Orange was gone from about Mons, the Duke of Alva began narrowlyer to begirt the besieged. He re-inforced the begun batteries, and used all other necessary diligence, to the end that being rid of this siege, he might the sooner also recover thole other places which Orange had made himself Master of. The besieged did notwithstanding valiantly and constantly defend themselves for some days; but at last all hopes of succour failing them, they resolved to yield, having received such honourable conditions as upon such occasions are usually ar∣ticled and agreed upon between the vanquishers and vanquished▪ Count Lodo∣vick went sick out of Mons; and passing into Holland to see his brother, he de∣parted suddenly for Germany, to move every stone there which might serve to di∣sturbe Flanders. Whilst affairs went thus about Mons, many important novel∣ties had happened in Holland, Zealand and in other places. Monsieur de Seras was Governor of Flushing, being sent thither, as hath been said, by the Prince of Orange: and many hereticks were come from the neighbouring Countries to joyn with him. He therefore borne away with greater designes, and desirous in particular to lend his helping hand to the besieged in Mons, by entring into Flan∣ders, and afterwards into Hennault, betook himself thereunto. He gathered to∣gether 3000 foot, and easily imbarked them in the maritine coasts of Flanders he had not notwithstanding sufficient Artillery to force any place; wherefore he pla∣ced his hopes more in the peoples rising, then in his own forces. But the Duke having used all needfull care to secure that Province, and Seras meeting with good resistance in all parts, he came from thence almost as soon as he was entred, and laid aside all thoughts of doing any good on that side. The chief end of the tumultuaries in Zealand, was to possess themselves of Midleburg. They thought that the Town of Targoes, placed on the Northern parts of one of those Islands,

called Southbeverlant, would be a hindrance herein unto them. This Town was guarded by some Spaniards, and Walloons: and Midleburg might better be relie∣ved by the Kings men from thence, then from any other part. Seras applying himself to get this place, brought a good number of men with him, and endea∣voured to enter it by force; but he found such opposition, as he soon forsook the enterprise. And being despised by his own men, for these two unfortunate successes, as also for some other things; those of Flushing would no more re∣ceive him, nor the rest any longer follow him; so as he was fain to forgoe the Province with as much shame as he was at first received thereinto with honour At the same time that Count Lodovick had possest himself of Mons, the above∣said insurrections had happened in Holland; and except it were Amsterdam, the whole Province was almost revolted. To the Brill, where Lumay had raised the first tumults of those parts, many heretick souldiers were come from the neigh∣bouring Countries, especially from England. People were likewise raised by the Rebels in other parts of the Province, who fortified divers other Passes which lay more inward in the Countrie, to the end that they might be Masters of the best Avenues on both sides. The Duke of Alva had taken with him, to the re∣lief of Mons, and to oppose Orange, almost all the whole Army, as hath been said, especially the Spaniards, in whom he did most confide. So as Holland being as it were abandoned to the will of the tumultuaries, it was no wonder, if having so large a field to break forth in into novelties, they were both so easily contrived by them, and so easily executed. Divers notable alterations to the Kings preju∣dice arose likewise in the contiguous Provinces of Utricht, Friesland, Overisel, Groninghen and Zutfen. At Orange his entrance into Flanders, many of the chief∣est places in each of them, followed him and his fortune, not meeting with al∣most any opposition by the Kings men. And the people baited by the spetious ti∣tles of common good, run almost from all places to assist his cause as if it had been their own. The Count de Berg, one of the chiefest Lords of all the Low-Countries, had married a sister of the Prince of Orange; who had great adhe∣rencies particularly in Friesland and the parts thereabouts. He was likewise ap∣parently inclin'd to favour heresie, and joyned with Orange no less in Councel then in Bloud. He therefore came into the aforesaid Province beyond the Rhine at the same time that Orange past from them to the other more inward Provinces, and made divers places of importance rise, and placed Garrisons in some of them which were most considerable either for their Situation or Inhabitants: amongst others the City of Zutfen was fallen into his hands, which gives the name to that Province. and which being seated on the River Isel, is held for one of the chief∣est of all those parts. He had taken and sackt the Town of Amersfort, upon the Frontiers of Holland; and indeavoured thus to draw the people by force, where they would not of themselves be wrought unto it, to joyn with him, O∣range, and the other Flemish exiles. It is not to be believed how ill they observed their promise which Orange in the aforementioned Manifesto made to the Catho∣licks in point of Religion: For the first thing the hereticks did when they were entred into any Town, was to violate this promise: nay growing more outragi∣ous then ordinarily against Ecclesiasticks, and especially against Votaries; not content to use scorn, they proceeded to rapine, to imprisonment, to torments, and with unheard of cruelties, even to death. The end, which to the praise of Mar∣tyrdom, some Franciscan Votaries made in the Towns of Alckmar and Gorcham, was very memorable. The affairs of the abovesaid Provinces were at this pass when Mons was delivered into the Duke of Alva's hands. A little before this siege was ended, the Tumultuaries in the heat of the advantages they had gotten, and whilst the Duke was busied about Mons with all the Kings forces, had re∣solved to attempt the taking of Tergoes in Zealand: They despaired of getting Middleburgh, if they had not Tergoes first. Putting therefore 8000 Foot to∣gether, many whereof were French, Germans, and English; and being provided of Artillery to batter, they shipt the one and the other at Flushing, with all other things necessary for the enterprise: and from thence went to the Island of Southbevolant, and incamped themselves underneath Tergoes. Isidore Pacceco commanded such of the Kings men as were there, consisting of little less then 400

Foot, part Spaniards, part Walloons. And because one of the gallantest resistance was there made that hath been seen in all this war, and the Town still preserv'd by one of the most memorable succours that ever was read of either in antient or modern History, methinks I may be permitted to be a little more diligent in the narration of the whole, then the brevity which we would willingly follow doth allow of.

Where the Scheld falls from the more inward parts of the Land, gliding for a good space along the Confines of Brabant and Flanders, it comes at once out of both those Provinces, and at the coming out divides it self into two large branches: The one bends towards the North, and retains the name of Scheld, the other turns towards the West, and is called Honte. Here both of them growing greater as they draw nearer the Ocean, before they fall thereinto, they joyn to∣gether in divers spacious Gulfs; amongst which the Islands of Zealand are rather buried then raised up, so low are they seated, and so oft doth the Sea do mischief there. This low situation is notwithstanding endeavoured to be remedied by the Inhabitants with exceeding high and firm banks. But this remedy doth not al∣ways avail: of which the Island of Zuitbevolant, which now we speak of, hath had sad experience it having in former times been one of the greatest and best popu∣lated of all the Zealands Islands. 'Tis said that in the year: 532 the Sea rose with one of the terriblest tempests that was ever seen in those parts; and that rending the banks asunder, and bearing down whatsoever withstood it, it overflowed from the one side to the other, and did actually drown a great part of the Island, to the utter and horrible destruction both of men and beasts, and a great num∣ber of intire Villages, which were miserably swallowed up by that deluge. This chance hapned on that side which lies neerest Brabant and Flanders; this being the first Island which the Scheld in forming its abovesaid branches, cuts off and divides from the Continent. Yet that Angle which lieth neerest the firm land, remained still unprejudiced, and is yet inhabited: So as by an easie passage which the Scheld gives there way unto, as many Souldiers as you please may be conveyed from each of the forenamed Provinces. On the West the Island looks towards Flanders, on the North towards Brabant and on this side stands Tergoes, and might therefore easiliest be relieved from thence. Tergoes is a small Town, better munited by nature then by art, being fenced on the one side by the Scheld, upon whose banks it is situated; it is invironed on another part with certain ma∣rish grounds; and the defendants had fortified it on the weakest side which lies towards the firm land. When the Enemies were incamped about it, they were very diligent in their strait besieging it. Nor did the Kings men forbear making divers sallies to hinder the out-works, so as at the first many were slain on both sides, wherein those within shewed notable valour and courage. But the Enemy advancing with Trenches and Batteries on divers sides, they began to annoy the besieged very much; and had already made so great a breach in one of the walls with their batteries, as they thought they might come to an assault. Wherefore selecting out their choise men, they set upon the Kings men: but they met with so stout resistance, as they were forced to retreat with the loss and wounding of many of them: amongst which more then one of their chiefest Captains. They afterwards made the like trial in another of their batteries, and had the same suc∣cess. In fine, those without could not labour more to offend, then those within did to defend. Behind one Work they raised another; they wrought both night and day; women ran to the Works as well as men: And although the Souldiers were but few in number to what was requisite, yet they supplied that want by their worth. Famine works oft-times more in Sieges then doth the Sword. The Enemy proceeding no longer by way of Assault, betook themselves to a more slow opposition, hoping to reduce the besieged to such a scarcity of victuals, as that they should be forced to yield the Town. This mean while the Duke of Alva having taken Mons, did not delay his resolution of succouring Tergoes: He considered the Souldiers worth, the honour of the enterprise, and the impor∣tancie of the place; since upon the loss or preservation thereof, the like of Mid∣dleburgh did consist. But it was chiefly weighed, that by keeping possession of both these places, the King should keep good footing still in Zealand, the chief

Maritine Port of all those Countries: to the full obtaining whereof, all courage and industry was to be imployed. He therefore charged Sancio d' Avila and Christopher Mandragone to endeavour the relief of the besieged with all speed. Avila was Governour of the Castle of Antwerp: and from that City, which lies upon the Scheld, and not far from the Island Zuitbevolant, necessary provisi∣ons for relief might be better had then from any other part. Berghen ap Zoom is yet neerer Tergoes; so as all things necessary for the business were appointed to be brought thither, as the place fittest to receive them from Antwerp. The reso∣lution was, to enter the North branch of the Scheld, which keeps the name there∣of, and upon which Tergoes stands, with armed Boats, and to endeavour to effect their enterprise by that way. Mandragone, though a Spaniard, was then the Wal∣loons Camp-master; but past afterwards to the like, and other greater imploy∣ments in his own Nation, with such praise for his valour, as he after became one of the chief Commanders thereof. A good number of men being then mustered to this end, part Spaniards, part Germans, part Walloons, they divers times endea∣voured at the flowing of the Sea to advance by the said branch of the River, and to convey in the relief: but they still found the passage so possest by the enemy, and with so much stronger forces by Sea then theirs, as they could not effect it. Avila resolved afterwards to bring some Peeces of Artillery to the banks of the Scheld, and to try whether he could thereby make the Enemy give way unto the passage, so as Mandragone might at the same time convey the succour into Goes by water. But this answered not their expectation: For the Artillery being al∣most sunk in the mire of those low places, they could not advance much; where∣fore Mandragone despaired likewise of doing any thing on his part. Thus did all hope of succour fail: When Captain Plumart, a Native of that Country, and very well practis'd therein, a man of courage, and who had served the King faithfully, presented himself before D' Avila and Mandragone, and spake thus:

Desperate advice is requisite in desperate enterprises. Yet I hope that which I shall now propound will prove rather so in shew then in substance. Why shall not we en∣deavour the relief, hazarding to wade through the drown'd part of the Island? A passage of terrible length doubtlesly; but yet it may be happily effected, if we observe well to endeavour it at the Seas lowest ebb. I who so boldly give the advice, doe with the like boldness offer to be my self the first that will execute it.

The quality of the man, who was held experienced, and known to be faithfull, added some force to his proposition, though both Avila and Mandragone thought it bore with it important difficulties. They knew already by experience, that the Country which was drowned, and through which they were to wade, was neer upon seven miles over; that the bottom of those drowned grounds was very muddy; that before the inundation happened, there were other running waters which past through the Country: That in propositions of this nature, the diffi∣culties proved alwayes greatest in the practise; and how troublesome would so long a passage be? what breast, or what breath would be able to go through with it? and how could the ebbing and the flowing of the Sea be so justly mea∣sured, as that the Souldiers might not run danger of being lost? Nor would their dangers have here an end: for if the Enemy should either know of, or but suspect such a design, they might assault the Kings Souldiers upon great advan∣tage as they should draw neer the dry land, and slaughtering them at their plea∣sure, hinder them from fixing their foot there: In which case what would it avail them to be well gotten out of the water, if they must at last be a prey unto the sword of the enemy? Plumart did not at all go less, for all these difficulties mentioned by d' Avila and Mandragone. But still making good his opinion, said, his minde gave him that the passage would be safe, and that he would be the first that would venture upon it. That the chiefest importance lay herein; and that the business was to be carryed on with all secresie, and done before it was known. A∣vila and Mandragone made then no longer delay. Plumart, together with two Spaniards and another Country fellow well verst in those parts, went and found the passage for their purpose. It was about the end of October, and the season was yet very fair, seeming as if it did also applaud the designe. The tryal pro∣ving

so well, they resolved forthwith to venture to succour the Town by that way To this purpose a great many sacks were prepared to carry match and powder, and bisket, and the souldiers were carryed into a Village called Aggier, in that Angle of the Island which lies nearest the firm land, most commodious for that passage. The people that were to make it were 3000 chosen out of the three a∣bovesaid Nations. Avila stayed in another neighbouring Village with Minhere Seroscherche, Governour of Berghen, and the care of the succour was left to Mandragone. They took their time to enter into the water at the first ebb; for the time of its being at the very lowest would not serve the turn. He commanded the sacks to be distributed according to the number of the souldiers, who were to carry them upon their backs, to the end that not being hurt by the water, the soul∣diers might at their coming out take some refreshment after their so grert labour, and use their musquets against the enemy in case they should meet with any un∣expected opposition. In War, nothing is more requisite then secrecy, as well to advantage the fight, as to overcome without fighting. The enterprise was there∣fore till then kept very secret, to the end that the enemy being taken at unawares, might not disturb it. The time determined being come, and Mandragone being now to make the business known, he by way of incouragment spake thus unto the soul∣diers: Fortune could not shew her self unto us (my fellow souldiers) with a more favou∣rable aspect, then when she seemed most to frown. You know we have oft-times in vain endeavoured to relieve Tergoes; and now when we were in despair of doing it, Fortune hath pointed out a way unto us how to do it: Do you see this spatio••s water Whereinto we are now to enter? This in former times was all drie land, which hath since been miserably drowned by the sea; yet ever since then the waters have been so shallow in some parts, as when the Sea ebs it may be waded thorough. And that there may be no doubt of this, the tryal hath been lately made. Which of you doth not know Captain Plumart, and his fidelity in the Kings service? which of you knows not that he is better practised in these parts, then in his own house? he, accompanied with some others, hath past forwards and backwards over these waters, through which we are to bring in the relief. He will be my guide, I will be the like to the first file, and so one to another till we shall all come upon drie land: which being done, the business is effected. The enemy will dream of nothing less then of being assulted by us on this side: so as astonished at our boldnesse, and overcome more by their own feare, then by our Forces, they will betake themselves rather to flie then to fight: and say they should fight, how can we doubt the victory? These are the same Rebels as at first: Rebels no less to God then to the King. And altogether as cowardly at their Arms, as perfidious in their Cause. These are the very same whom we but lately saw besiege Midleburg; and in despight of them we relieved the Town by unexpected ways; and they running away before we were well got up unto them, yielded us the victory without any gainsaying. Then 'tis only the water that we are now to fight with, and to overcome; and some of you peradventure will fear this more then you would do the enemy. So many miles of drown'd land, blind ways, through so blind an Element; and chiefly the terror which the Tide brings with it. These doubtless are all of them dreadfull objects, and I confess the enterprise is diffi∣cult; but glory is not won where there is no danger. Yet these are not such as may not assuredly be overcome. The Ford (as I told you) is already found: the tryal thereof hath already been faithfully made: and the ebb will allow us time enough for our march before the flood come. For what remains, our patience will be more re∣quisite then our courage: and yet our courage will herein so clearly appear, as such an action cannot be more apprehended by the enemy, nor more celebrated in the mouths of all others. We shall be famous throughout all the world, as contem∣ners of dangers; as vanquishers even of Natures self, and of her proudest Element. And what shall our deserts be hereby from God? what from the King? moreover we may hope for great booty from their precipitate running away, as assuredly the e∣nemy will do from the siege of Tergoes. But the work allows no longer time. I will be the first that shall enter the water: but every one afterwards undantedly follow me; and let each of us perform our parts so, as that by this glorious action the world may think me a gallant Commander, and you no less gallant Souldiers.

These words were followed with a great appiause, each Nation seeming ambi∣tious

of the enterprise: and Mandragone ordered his people thus: The Spani∣ards went first, the Germans next them, and the Walloons last; all in very close files, to the end that the soldiers might wade the better, and if need should be, be the readier to help one another. Nor was there any delay made. Mandragone stept first into the water bare footed and bare leg'd, taking Plumart for his guide. Then all the rest did the like in the abovesaid order, and thus they continued to march, one file still incouraging the other. And the voyage was so well fitted to the floud, as also their courage in enduring it, to the labour of doing it, as unless it were nine who perisht either through misfortune or weariness, all of them got safely to the banks of Yersichen, a Village on the contrary shore, after a long march by water. Yersichen is two leagues distant from Tergoes; when they were got thither, Mandragone gave notice thereof presently to Avila by fires: and resting himself and his souldiers that night, he resolved to proceed on to the suc∣cour the next morning. But it was not needfull to make use of their Arms; for when the enemy heard how that they had passed the water, and in what manner; they were so astonished, and so sorely frighted, as they immediately raised their Camp, and began to imbarque themselves. Mandragone being hereof advertised from Tergoes, and being desired to send some souldiers to the Town, to assault the other in their retreat, he forthwith sent them 400 Harquebusiers, who made such haste, as they met with those of the Town time enough to anoy the enemy on their reer, and slew many of them before they could imbarque themselves. Mandragone entred afterwards into Tergoes, and by mutual demonstration of mi∣litary joy, the soldiers received each other on both sides, contending whether the one had shewed more valour in maintaining the siege, or the others in raising it. When Mandragone had furnished the Town with things necessary, he returned to Avila, and both of them with their men went to the Army where the Duke of Alva was. Some of the antientest Spaniards who were in Flanders during my being Nuntio in those Provinces were present at this memorable action; and amongst others, John Rivas, who was come into those parts with the Duke of Alva; and who from a private souidier, was by his worth arrived by degrees to the highest places of Military profession. In my time he was Governour of the City and Citadel of Cambray, which is one of the chiefest charges which is given to those of his Nation. A man of a venerable aspect, and in whom it might be disputed, whether his wisdom in Civil, or in Military affairs was the more emi∣nent. He hath sundry times related this success to me, and I have in this place wil∣lingly commemorated so worthy and so grave an Author.

But to return to what the Duke of Alva did after the recovery of Mons: when he had provided for the safety of that City, and the rest of that Frontier, he tur∣ned his Army into Brabant, and marched towards the City of Malines. He went thither intending to use more severity then clemency: He thought that the Malineses had favoured Orange upon too easie terms, both in receiving a Gari∣son from him, and in furnishing him with whatsoever he desired. He there∣fore made his son Frederick advance, to prepare all things requisite for storming the City. The rest of the Camp followed him, breathing forth threats and re∣venge. But not having received any pay for a long time, they were rather desi∣rous of booty then of bloud, and therefore inclin'd to allay their anger more by pillage then by slaughter. The Citizens were not ignorant of their danger so as after a short skirmish which happened between Orange his Germans, and the Kings men at their first arrival, they presently put that Garison out of the Town; and indeavoured by all means possible to appease the enemies anger. They used the greatest submission that might be to the Duke; and finally sent forth the Clergy in solemn procession, to induce them the more to clemency and commiseration. The Duke began to listen to conditions; when the Spaniards, laying aside all delay, forced the Walls, and being followed by the rest, they entred the City, and overrunning it on a sudden, put it wholly to the sack. Their fury ex∣tended to all sexes, and to all ages. The Churches did not escape their avarice nor did the Monasteries escape their Just. There was but little bloud shed; and the Duke not being much troubled to see the City punisht, as also being in great arrears unto the Army, he was contented rather to excuse the plunder, then to

resent it. When he had reordered his affairs, he went from Malines to Mastrick, and from thence to Niminghen the chiefest City in Ghelderland. Here he staid some dayes, thinking how he might recover the Towns of that Province which were lost. Ruremond fell without any difficulty into his hands, together with whatsoever Orange had possest himself of thereabouts. He then resolved to be∣girt Zutfen, where the Enemy had fortified themselves, and seemed as if they would make it good. To this end he sent his son Frederick thitherward with a good proportion of men, and Artillery.

Zutfen is fituated upon the River Isel, and on one side of the Town a lesser River called Berchel fals into the said Isel: The other situations without the Town are very low and myerie. Zutfen was at this time walled about after the ancient form, and was every where provided with good and deep ditches. But being many years after fallen into the absolute power of the Hereticks, they have made it one of the strongest places of all those Countries. Frederick pitched his Camp about it about the latter end of November, at which time the weather grew very sharp and cold; and there was great store of Ice, which as it made for the advantage of the Kings men, so did it to the contrary for the enemy, who had placed their chiefest hopes of defence in their low and watery places, where∣with the Town was environed on all sides. Frederick drew neer it without much difficulty; and having raised two Batteries where he thought it fittest in those low situations, he began by them to make great breaches. Signior Hierges, a vali∣ant Souldier, had the charge of the Artillery; and the Kings men were not like∣ly long to forbear the assault: when the Garrison which was within the Town growing apprehensive, resolved to steal privately away; wherefore the Towns∣mens fear growing greater, they fell presently to treat of agreement. But the Kings men, scorning all accord forced the walls: and being more greedy here likewise of booty then of blood, fell forthwith to plunder the Town in hostile manner, and treated it altogether as ill as they had formerly done Malines. By the terror of these two sackings, all those Cities and Towns on the other side of Rhein in the aforesaid Provinces of Groninghen, Overisel, Friesland and Utricht, which had cast off their obedience to the King, returned suddenly thereunto: And the Count de Berg, together with divers other personages of quality, with∣drew themselves presently into the neerest parts of Germany.

It was now the beginning of winter: Wherefore the Duke cashier'd all the Germans which he had lately raised, and which were much lessened in their num∣bers, and returned to his usual abode at Brussels. But his son Frederick, when he had secured the most important places beyond the Rhine, turn'd his Army forthwith into Holland. To boot with his former victories, he was encouraged by the season of the year; which being extaordinarily cold and icy, made him hope he might the more easily enter those low and watry situations. He marched thitherward with great Forces, particularly with the flower of the Spaniards. But before he could get thereinto, he must entertain himself some dayes before Naerden, a little Town neer the Sea. Naerden is seated very low, and hath many standing waters about it, occasioned by the River Wetcht, which running through the midst of the Town fals soon after into the Zuiderzee. Here had many Here∣ticks nestled themselves, by reason of the opportunity of the seat; and not only those of the Country, but also of the neighbouring parts And this was one of the most corrupted Sanctuaries which they had in all those parts. Frederick did not think they would make any resistance: yet because there were many French Hugonots there, and because they were encouraged by the other Rebels in Holland who had promised them aid, they would not return to the Kings obedience, as Frederick had fairly invited them to doe. Wherefore he was the more incensed. He made the Artillery advance: and adding threats to the terror of Arms, he betook himself to storm the Town. But those within, failing in their courage, condescended to a parley, and agreed to surrender the Town to Frederick: where∣with the Souldiers being displeased, they observed no Articles, but fell presently to fire the Town: Plunder was the least of their evils: All the French, and other Hereticks who were in the Town, were put to the sword: And to compleat their miseries, to Plunder and blood Fire was added; so as except it were one Church

and Monaster••, there was not any sign of a Town left. With these dreadfull president did Frederick enter Holland. But the event will shew, that though it be always g•• •••• to joyn hear to clemencie, it is always hurtful to couple it with desperation. When the Spanish forces were brought into that Province, the peo∣ple thereof grew into such horror of them, as despairing either to obtain forgive∣ness if they should demand it, or to have it made good unto them though they should have it promised, they resolved to maintain by all possible means their begun Revolt.

THE HISTORY OF THE WARS OF FLANDERS. Written by CARDINAL BENTIVOGLIO.

BOOK VII.

The Contents.

The Cities of Holland which are up in Arms, endeavour to get Amsterdam to joyn with them: which not being able to doe, they imploy force against it. Frederick of Toledo goes thither himself in person, and secures it from all danger. He seeks to be received into Harlem, and to put a garrison into it. Those of the Town seem at first to incline thereunto, and afterwards refuse to doe it. Frederick layes siege unto the City. The situation of Harlem. A Fort is planted by those of Harlem without the Town: 'tis taken by the Spaniards, who also cut off a succour. They assault the Town in an impetuous, but disorderly manner, and are repulsed with great loss. Fresh aid is brought into the City. Extraordinary Cold and Frost. The Hollanders extraordinary dexterousness and agility upon the Ice. Great suf∣ferings amongst the Kings men: They fear to be necessitated to retreat, but the Duke of Alva will not consent thereunto. The Besiegers make therefore the greater opposition, and the Besieged the greater resistance. Valiant actions both by sea and land by both parties. A Naval battel, wherein the Kings men have the better. A sore famine in Harlem. Succour sent by Orange, but routed by the Spaniards. The City is surrendred: Severe punishments inflicted. New things happen this mean while in Zealand. The Spaniards mutiny in Holland. Their unfortuate siege of Alkmar: And no less unfortunate success by Sea. The Duke of Alva and Duke Medina-Celi depart from Flanders. Rechesens the Com∣mendador General of Castile, is made Governour of Flanders.

IN the almost general Insurrection of Holland, it is not to be believed how constant the City of Amsterdam kept in their obedience to the Church, and King. And her con∣stancie is so much the more to be praised, for that all the rest of the Cities that were up in Arms endeavoured by all means possible to draw her over to side with them. They first used fair means; and then betook themselves to force. They infested her territories with armed men; and indammaging her more by sea then by land, they had burnt many of her ships in the Port, and did as it were besiege her with theirs on that side. Frederick

removed suddenly therefore from Nacrden to Amsterdam, and secured the City on the Land-side. He endeavoured to doe the like on that side which lay towards the Sea: he sent some men against the Enemies ships, hoping by means of the Ice to be able to assault them neer at hand, and to indammage them. But the Ene∣my breaking the Ice, and making as it were a Ditch about them for their defence, kept the Kings men aloof off, and preserved their ships free from any harm. So as Frederick highly commending those of Amsterdam for their loyalty, and satisfying the City by not putting any foreign Garrison into it, resolved to proceed in that Province as he had begun, by his Forces. He would notwithstanding first use fair means, accompanied with threats: And to this purpose perswaded the City of Amsterdam to mediate with the rest. The nearest and chiefest of them was Har∣lem: And so far did this City exceed all the other Cities of Holland in Prerogatives as in the new erection of Bishopricks the Episcopal See of that Province should have been placed there. Those of Harlem seemed to take in good part the Am¦sterdammist intercession; and sent some of their Inhabitants who were best af∣fected to the Church and to the King, to treat with Frederick in Amsterdam: And the Treaty was already believed to be as good as agreed on, wherein was contain∣ed, That they should receive a Spanish garrison. When the Harlem men suddenly changing their minds, would needs fall off and break the Treaty. The Sea is not so agitated with winds, as are the common people with passions: They are blind in their consultations, and more blind in their resolutions; and with incre∣dible fickleness, on a sudden turn their love into hatred, and their hatred into love.

We told you before, that the Prince of Orange was come to settle himself in Hollana, not only as in a Province whereof he had formerly been Governour, and wherein he was still acknowledged to be so, but as in the chief seat of his de∣signs: And therefore he ceased not by all possible art to foment the troubles which were already begun there. Under him, Captain Wibald Ripert was Governor of Harlem, born in Friesland; and who depended upon Orange more by the sub∣ordination of his sense, then of his office. This man assembling the multitúde to∣gether whilst they were hottest in concluding with the Spaniards, with a loud voice spake thus unto them.

Shall private Fraud be now thus falsly cloaked by publike Zeal? Shall the Ty∣ranny exercised by the Duke of Alva be thus adhered unto under pretence of Obedi∣ence due unto the King? And to shun the peril of a Siege, as is speciously pretended, shall we with greater danger receive Spaniards into this City? which if we doe, who shall secure us of their truth? or rather why should not we by their usual customes assure our selves of their persidiousness? The streets of Malines, Zutfen, and Naer∣den run yet with blood, their houses smoke yet with fire, and the groans occasioned by a thousand other hostile acts of theirs in those places, without regard either to arti∣cles agreed upon, or promises sworn unto, are yet every where heard? Why should not we of Harlem rather doe as they of Amsterdam have done? the Inhabitants whereof would not admit of a Spanish Garrison, but will maintain their Loyalty to the King by their own proper Militia. It is best for us to doe so likewise; and so thinks the Prince of Orange, who is Governour of this Province, and so well affected to this City. The Prince of Orange, who after having run such grievous dangers, and suffered so much hardness for the common service of his Country, is at last come to fix himself here amongst us, to make our cause more his then his own; and by which he desires the King may be obtyed rather then by any other; but by the mildness of our own Laws, and not by the violence of Strangers. For if then the Spaniards will try their power by a Siege and we shall endeavour to withstand them, and doe it more by the wals of our breasts then of our City, our cause will doubtlesly be so just as we shall not doubt of the success. But come what will come, how much better will it be to die once in defence of our Liberty, then a thousand times every day in undergoing the mi∣series of an intolerable slavery?

When Ripert had thus spoken, Lancelot Brederode stept forward, one of the most honorable men of the Province, and best esteemed of in that City; and se∣conded Ripert with equal efficacie. In kindling fedition, the forwardness of a few is sufficient against the lukewarmness of many: And thus it then fell out.

Some others who were openly of Orange his faction, followed these two Chief∣tains, and changing the resolution which was already almost agreed on, it was concluded that instead of a Spanish Garison, some Companies of a German Re∣giment, who by order from the Rebels in Holland were raised by Colonel Mul∣ler, should be received into the City. Hereticks were not wanting within the walls, who growing bold upon such an occasion, flew suddenly to some Churches, and turn'd them to their own use. Nor did the rage of the seditious stop here: They would have those to be imprisoned who were gone to treat with the Spani∣ards, and not long after they cruelly put them to death: whereat Orange was not displeased, for that the Harlemists being thereby the deeper dipt in Guilt, they de∣spair the more of pardon from the King. At the hearing of so unexpected an al∣teration, Frederick of Tolledo was highly incenst, and his father more highly, who had heard news thereof at Brussels. They made no long delay. Frederick moved at the same instant with the Kings Army towards Harlem, and with great resolution prepared to besiege it. Harlem lies in a large plain, devided every where into lovely medows; the ground in Holland being usually fitter for pasture then for seed. On the one side it hath a wood nigh at hand, which is but very little, and serves rather for pleasure then for firing. On another side the River Sparen runs within the Walls; which washing the walls on the outside with ano∣ther branch, that presently joyns with the former, makes that part of the City an Island. Towards the South, this River communicates with a great Lake cal∣led Harlem Meer, and towards the West with a large Gulf called Tie, which en∣tring into other greater Gulfs, fals not into, but is rather inclosed by the Ocean. The City is provided of a good Ditch, and good Walls, not flanked according to the modern fashion, but with great Towers after the antient wont. The circuit thereof is great; it is very well peopled: and to the number of the Inhabitants, as well in private as in publick, doth the condition of the Edifices answer. Near this City, almost at equal distance within half a days journey lie two of the chief∣est Towns of Holland, Amsterdam on the East, and on the South Leyden. The later conspired with the others in the insurrection; and Orange was himself then in it, to the end that he might be nearer to assist the Harlemists, both with advice and forces. Amsterdam on the contrary, was wholly, as hath been said, for the King; as was likewise the contiguous Province of Utricht: and from that side therefore was the Spanish Camp to be furnished with all things necessary for the siege. Frederick endeavoured therefore first to secure the Passes on that side. One of which was of greater importance then the rest, and lay nearer Harlem, between two little Villages, betwixt which runs the river Sparen, and which by rea∣son of the neighbourhood thereof, are called, the one Sparendam, the other Spa∣renwoude. In this place there was a Fort, built by the Rebels of Holland, which being lost, and again re-taken, was better munited by them then before. Frede∣rick purposed to possess himself of this Fort; but as much as he desired to gain it, as much did the Harlemists strive to keep it from being lost. It was now about the beginning of December; and the cold falling out more early, and more bitter that year then usually; the waters were in all parts very hard frozen. This made much for the Spaniards in assaulting the Fort; for the water in the ditch being frozen over, and the earth hardened by the cold, which before was soft and spon∣gy, they might therefore the easilyer draw near it. Frederick sought first not∣withstanding to inform himself better of the Forts condition, and of the ene∣mies intentions To this end he sent forth Roderigo Zappata with a party of Har∣quebusiers. Which when the Harlemists saw, they forth with sallied out couragi∣ously, and made the Spaniards retreat: and in this action Zappata lost an arm.

This did not flacken, but did more inflame the Spaniards. They therefore soon after assaulted the Forton two sides at once, and the Harlemists came forth the second time to defend it: But the number of the latter was neither equal to the others, nor yet their valour: so as they did rather yield then fight. And the Spaniards ceased not, till passing over the ditch upon the ice, and still pressing har∣der upon the Harlemists, they entred the Fort joyntly with them; where they slew many, and easily drove out the rest. The Spaniards incouraged hereby,

drew near the City, and begirt it on sundry parts▪ The Kings Army consisted not of above 12000 foot, but all of them choice souldiers, and mightily puft up by their so many prosperous successes. There were about 6000 Spaniards, 3500 Germans, and the rest Walloons. They brought but 400 horse to the siege, part Lances, part Dragoons, which were as many as they needed, respect being had to the Country, and to the season. As Frederick advanced, and as he divided his quarters, he understood that Lumay came from Leydens side to bring a good succour to the City. He brought with him the remainder of the German Regi∣ment which was raised by Muller, and some other Companies of French and English, which might make 3000 foot, with some pieces of Artillery, and some victuals. Frederick hearing this, hasted to meet the enemy: a thick cloud fa∣voured both the parties, each of them thinking the better to conceal themselves by the obscurity thereof; and to fall upon the contrary party at unawares: But the event proved better for the Kings men. The encounter was near the Town of Berchenrode, where the business lasted not long; for the Kings men were so much the better both in numbers, valour and diligence, as the enemy were quickly rou∣ted. Many of them were slain, and the rest disperst: they lost their Artillery, many Colours, all their Baggage, and all the provision which they brought. Frederick returning to order the siege, chose for his quarters a certain Hospital, with some few houses of a Burrough, which answered upon one of the Gates of the City called de la Croce, and kept with him all the Spaniards. On this side a great battery was soon prepared. But this situation which was the most commo∣dious for quarter, was not so for battery; for the Gate was fenced by a good Ravelin, and the Wall was there also more defensable. On the side opposite to them, which looked towards Leyden, the rest were quartered, with little or no commodity of covert. But the Wall being weaker on that side, and worse flankt, therefore the oppugning on that side might be the easier. This error was rather despised then not known. The Spaniards could not perswade themselves but that the Harlemists would throw open their Gates at the very first thunder of their Ca∣non, as they had done in other places which they had lately taken. And they were the more confirmed herein by their double good success of taking the Fort, and keeping back the relief. So as not observing the Military proceedings in sie∣ges, and too scornfully neglecting to make their Trenches, so to draw near by de∣grees (as is usual) under their Rampires; they resolved to fall immediately to the battery of the said gate de la Croce, and of its Ravelin. They placed sixteen piece of great Canon against that side, and on the 18 of December began a very fierce Battery. So great was the first days rain, as they of Harlem could hardly work upon the Ravelin and the Gate. But the night following they did so well provide for all things necessary, as they manfully made good the defence; to the great praise in particular of Captain Steinback, Mullers Lieutenant, who had the custody of the Ravelin. They continued therefore to play more fiercely with their Canon from without. Il Segnor della Cressoniera commanded the Artille∣ry, and Captain Bartolomy Campi, an Italian, was chief Ingenier of the Army; a man greatly esteemed in that profession. The souldiers seemed very desirous to proceed to the assault. They were eg'd on by anger, hatred, and desire of booty; but especially by finding so obstinate a resistance in the Harlemists. The Ingenier Campi made a portable bridg, and the ruines being still made greater by the Bat∣teries, the Tolledan not contented with the commodity which the ice afforded him commanded that the bridg should be thrown over the Ditch. Yet for the bet∣ter discovery, he made Captain Francisco Vargas advance with 150 Harquebusiers, all Spaniards. The rest of the foot staid not to expect orders, but ere it was time to fall on, they advanced. Three could hardly march abrest upon the bridg, yet the souldiers striving who should enter first thereupon, and eagerness prevailing more with them then discipline, they came in such disorder, as one hindred ano∣ther; and they could not advance, because the breach was not so great as that the bridg could reach unto it. This mean while a furious tempest of musquet∣shot, of fire, and of Canon powred down upon them from the City, they lying open with their squadrons upon the side of the ditch, and making themselves too near a mark for the wounds which they received. Yet were they so transported

with the fury of assaulting, as forgetting their obedience to their Commanders, they would not retreat. Insomuch as the Camp-master Romero, who was both greatly beloved and feared by them, was forc'd to go to them, and bitterly chiding them, to say,

What rashness, or rather what Frensie is it that causeth you doe thus? Are these errors learnt in the Duke of Alva's Military school? Doe men go to assaults by the air? Will you suffer your selves thus to be slain, when you are not able to fight? being made a But, or rather a laughing-stock to these Rebels, who secure within their Rampiers, mock you whilst they wound you? Shall you not have occasions enough to punish their perfidiousness? Lay aside now then that violence wherewith you are blinded. I, who have so often shar'd with you in victory, will at this time share wil∣lingly with you in loss.

Thus at last they retreated; but they left little less then 200 dead behind them, whereof one Captain and some Ensigns. The Spaniards by this success found their error of their opinion touching the taking of Harlem: So as finding it now to be as hard, as they thought it easie before, they resolved to forgo all manner of action, till they were largely provided of all things necessary to lead on the siege at leisure. To this end such orders as was requisite were given in the neighbouring Cities of Amsterdam and Utricht: But it was not so easie to bring provisions to the Camp, because the Rebel Hollanders infesting all the wayes, did all they could to hinder them. A moneths space past over therefore, before the Kings men did any thing of consideration concerning the siege. In which interim the Harlemites received a succour of 800 French and Walloon Foot, who had been at the de∣fence of Mons, led on by Signior di Serras, together with good store of ammu∣nition and victuals. The enemy grew so proud upon this success, as become∣ing rather insolent then audacious, they appeared openly upon the walls, jeering and scoffing at the Spaniards. And joyning impiety to their insolence, they caused themselves to be seen in usual places, as it were in Procession, with Priests and Friars habits upon them, with Mitres and other Church-accoutrments, contending who could best express their hatred to the Spanish Nation, or their derision to the Church and Catholick religion. And this their heretical frensie grew to that height, as exposing in that wicked Scene the sacred Images, and chiefly such as were most frequented in the Churches, they made them a mark to be shot at, and finally cut them all to peeces with their swords. This mean while the Kings men, when they had made necessary provisions, desirous to redeem the time they had lost, they betook themselves with all fervencie to the siege; intending notwithstanding to pursue it, not with immature assaults, but with well ordered patience. Whereupon opening their Trenches, they diligently pursued them: The Battery followed; which they made not in the former place, but placed it against the Curtain which ran between the Gate de la Croce, and that of Sil, which lay nearest the Camp on the right hand. They made a great breach therein; and yet those within did so well repair it, as they without thought it not yet fit to fall to an assault. And because the Curtain was too well fenced by the aforesaid Ra∣velin, therefore 'twas thought absolutely necessary to bereave the Defendants of so great an advantage. Leaving then the Battery for a while, they came in a short time to the entrance of the Ditch: here their whole endeavour was against the Ravelin: For going the longest way about, but yet the most secure, they would advance by degrees with the pick-axe, spade, and mines, and thus drive the enemy from thence. At last they made themselves masters of it, but with no less expence of blood then of time such valour did they within shew, and plaid so often their parts rather of Assaulters then Assaulted. The Harlemists lost not their courage, though they had lost their Ravelin: But their diligence increasing answerable to their danger, they ran suddenly from every place, women as well as men, to for∣tifie the gate de la Croce, which, the Ravelin being lost, lay altogether open. They did the like to the Curtain which was already battered, and which ran as hath been said toward the gate Sill. And fearing lest the Kings men should play like∣wise upon the other Curtain on the left hand, which joyned with the next gate called S. Johns gate, they fell industrionsly to repair that side also; not omitting any labour either in making of Ditches, Traverses, Countermines, and other In∣ventions,

which are usually found out by the most industrious Defendant, against the most cunning Opposers. But they without lay at too much disadvantage in comparison of those that were within. The Kings men, by reason of the Ene∣mies continual excursions, came hardly by their victuals: Great store of men were required to conduct them; the remainder were not able to maintain the siege well: And together with other hardships, being mightily tormented by the cold, their numbers lessened every day, by sickness, death, and running away. The Harlemists, on the contrary, did abound in warlike men; they were easily succoured with men and victuals; their houses saved them from the injuries of the weather; and the ice was not of greater use to the Kings Camp for ordering the Country, then it was to them by affording them means to bring all necessaries into the City. It is not to be said how dexterous the Hollanders are upon the ice. Their Country (as we have often said) is full of standing waters; which are usu∣ally frozen over every year, though they be not so excessive there as in other less humid and watry Countries. The waters doe therefore then loss their nature; and the use of Boats being changed into the like of Chariots, those Fields of ice, as if they were so much firm land, are travel'd on by men and horses. Their Cha∣riots are usually little, and drawn but by one horse; they are not born upon wheels, but upon little joysts or rafters, according to those sledges which are used in Lombardy. Their men are likewise very ingenious in going a great pace, and yet very safe upon the ice: They harness the whole length of their feet with sleek and narrow irons, bowing a little outward in the part before; they govern them∣selves upon these, and upon these wings (if I may so call them) they rather flie then walk, their course being then so fast as it can hardly be followed by the eye. Nor is the use hereof less practised by women then by men; nay, in contentions which have somtimes hapned herein between both sexes, the women have often had the better: The women there find no trouble at all in running upon the ice; but at the same time when they go fastest, do some one or other of their womanly works. By means then of these Chariots or Sledges, the Harlemists received whatsoever they needed: they came in troops upon that great neighbouring Lake call'd Harlem-meer. All that side is call'd by that name, which looks most upon the City, whereinto the River Sparen enters on that side. And because the same Lake comes almost as neer Leyden on another part, it is there called Leyden-meer. This communication between Leyden and Harlem by means of this Lake, furnish∣ed the besieged with all things necessary; who with frequent excursions received in their succours, and oft times made the Kings men repent the going about to hinder them Nor did Orange forbear to bring in such aids into the City as he could by the usual land-way. But to secure the succours the better from those parts, he made a Fort be erected almost half way between Leyden and Harlem, whither bringing the provisions, he conveyed them the easilier from thence to the besieged. But the Kings men, though upon such disadvantagious terms, ceased not to pursue what they had begun: They pursued to batter the broken walls and to endeavour the undermining them; hoping thereby to make the breach more commodious, and consequently the assault more easie. On the contrary the Defendants were not less vigilant in using all possible means to obviate all the Enemies endeavours, and make them invalid. To Mines without they opposed Mines within, meeting thus with them, spoiling them and springing them: They repaired the walls where they were amiss. So as they no wayes feared the threats of being assaulted from without.

This mean while December ended, and the new year of 1573. began, which was remarkable in Flanders particularly for this Siege which we now describe. It lasted above seven moneths; the accidents were as various, as the time was long; and they doubted oft-times most of the victory, who at last got it. We notwith∣standing will only set down the chief accidents which hapned there; the dignity of the story it self so requiring it, and the worthiness of future things calling us with too much reason from observing every smaller accident. But to return to the Siege. As vigilant as the Kings men were in providing that victuals might be safely brought to the Camp, the Enemy were altogether as industrious in en∣deavouring to hinder them. To this purpose they sent a good number of souldiers

to possess themselves of one of the most important Passes towards Naerden and Amsterdam. And they were led on by one Antonio Pittore, who had the chief hand in the surprisal of Mons, when Count Lodovick of Nassaw entred it, as we then observed. But notice hereof being brought to Amsterdam, the Towns∣men sent forth souldiers enough to hinder the success, who meeting with the ene∣my, routed them and slew many of them, in particular Antonio Pittore was there slain; and the Spaniards in scorn of his misdeed, threw his head into the City, together with the head of another who was called the King, and who was much esteemed of by the Harlemists. Who incenst by this action, were not long in re∣senting it. They chose out twelve of those prisoners which they had of the Kings Army, and cutting off their heads, they put them into a barrel, and rouling it down the walls, made it fall into the Spaniards Trenches, with this Inscription upon it.

This Tribute of the tenth penny is sent by the Harlemists to the Duke of Alva; and foruse-mony, they have sent the twelfth.

This cruel act was answered by another no less cruel from without; for some of their men were in their sight hung up by the head and the heels, and they soon after served some of the Kings men with the same sauce. So much doth the fury of war inrage mens minds, especially of such war, where rebellion is punished on one side, and maintained on the other. This mean while the number of souldi∣ers within the City was mightily increased. Besides the Townsmen, there were there 4000 foot, many of which were Germans, French and English. And O∣range ceased not to labour hard in all the neighbouring Countries, the raising of so potent a succour as by open force might make the Spaniards raise their siege. The besieged growing therefore daily more jolly, made frequent excursions: and made one so fierce against the German quarter of the Kings Camp, as they drove them from one house, wounded and slew many of them, and put all the rest into great confusion. They sallied forth yet more furiously a few days after against the Spanish quarters, and indeavoured mainly to recover the Ravelin which they had lost; and so far forward did their courage carry them, as they had almost nailed up the Canons mouths as they stood upon the battery. But being vali∣antly withstood, they re-entred the City without reaping any advantage. The action was notwithstanding very gallant, and cost much bloud on both sides. Frederick on the contrary still incouraging his men the more, resolved to raise the Ravelin which they had taken, so high as it might command, and hinder the Works within: and having caused much earth to be brought to that purpose, he planted two pieces of Artillery upon it. but the good did not answer expectati∣on, so well did the besieged behave themselves on that behalf. The Kings men grew this mean while every day fewer by reason of their sufferings. Signor della (ressoniera, who had the charge of the Artillery was dead of sickness. Signor Norchermes being wounded, could not have such diligence used in his cure as was requisite, many other Spanish Officers of quality were found missing, as also many of other Nations. And in fine, the affairs of the Army were reduced to such terms, as the success of the business began greatly to be feared. Yet the Duke of Alva's instructions to his son were still more peremptory: Though in case the siege should draw out in length, he had written effectually to Spain to have two old Brigades of that Nation sent him, who were then in Italy; and raised new men in the neighbouring County of Burgundy. Frederick delayed not then to make one tryal more before his men were consumed. Resolving therefore to give a fierce assault in divers places at once, against that side which ran from St Johns gate to that of la Croce, and to the other of Sill, on which side, as we have already said, the Kings men had opened their Trenches made Batte∣ries, and wrought in the Ditches, the determination was thus put in execution. The three Spanish Camp-Masters, Roderigo de Tolledo, Julian Romero, and Con∣salvo de Bracamonte took upon them to assault with the souldiers of their Bri∣gades, one of them the gate de la Croce, and the other two the two next sides on the right hand, and on the left. Signor de Bigli with some Walloons of his Re∣giment, was appointed against a Work which fenced St Johns gate, and such or∣ders were given as were requisite so to annoy those within at once, both from

the Ravelin, and the fittest places of the Ditch, as they should not be able to hin∣der those without, who were to get upon the Breach. All these directions were valiantly performed by the Kings men; but the besieged shewed no less valour on their side, running with vigilancy and courage whether soever danger called them. So as it behoved the Kings men at last to fall off, with a considerable loss, for above 300 of them were slain, and in particular many of Bigli's men, who met with the geatest difficulties, and most resistance. In this assault Roderigo de Tolledo was sorely wounded, and Captain Lorenso Perea was slain, with some o∣ther inferiour Officers. It cannot be said how afflicted the Kings Camp was at this unfortunate success. And the affair growing every day more doubtfull, Fre∣derick thought good to hear the opinion of the chief Commanders herein. Ma¦ny of them shewed very little hopes of any good success.

That the difficulties of the siege were now greater without then within. That the cold was very extream; and the season a greater enemy then the enemie's self. That they suffered all other greater straits in their lodgings and in their victuals: That their men were but few, being more consumed by sufferings then by action. That on the contrary, there was great plenty of all things in the City; that they were every day strengthened with new aids, and appeared still more obstinate in their defence; whence it was to be concluded, that either the siege was never to have an end, or if it were to have any, the conqueror would at last be greater losers then the conquered. That it was then better to withdraw the Army as soon as they could, and wisely to prevent greater necessities, lest they might unfortunately be prevented to their shame.

But it was again alleadged on the contrary. That upon the success of this siege, the consequences of future sieges did depend. That it was not to be believed that the obstinacy of the Rebels in Holland was to be allay'd by this a∣lone. How much would other Cities be encouraged, if they should see the siege base∣ly raised from before this? That the injuries of the season were not eternal: that the worst weather was succeeded by better. And that from the natural humidity of that Climat, it might be hoped that some one night the ice would be quite dispersed. That new men would quickly come from Spain, and new Levies might be sooner made in Flanders: That then the siege might be laid closer, and care to be had for the advance∣ment of provisions for the Camp. That succours being cut off, the town would soon fall into their hands; neither could the Kings losses be so great upon this occasion, but that they might be largely recompenced in future atchievements.

Frederick represented these different opinions to the Duke his father, desirous to know his opinion, which he would fully observe. The Duke quickly answered in terms which might make it doubtfull whether his paternal, or Military Autho∣rity swa••'d him most.

That he should be sure to pursue and finish the siege, unless he would shew himself unworthy of Spanish bloud, unworthy of his bloud; and of having the Command of these Forces which when they should have reduced Holland, would without any diffi∣culty do the like to all the rest of Flanders. That the hardest enterprises were always the most glorious. And that in great sieges the number of days was not to be consider∣ed, but the advantagious consequences. That he should now endeavour that by Fa∣mine, which hitherto he could not effect by the sword: and to this end he should use all diligence to keep the town from being relieved from any part. That this might be done by new men who should be suddenly sent him. That all places must yield at last, if not succoured; and that in such a case the most obstinate defendants become usually the most abject. That the event of this siege would serve for an example to all the rest of Holland. And that finally he should set before him a victory, wherein it would be questionable, whether he ••ould have done more service to God and to his King, or won more glory to himself and to his Family.

Frederick finding himself as well shent, as admonished by his Father, grew more hot then ever in the enterprise: And when the Dukes answer was made known to the Army, it cannot be said how all their minds were inlivened. Fre∣derick, together with all the other Commanders, resolved with redoubled dili∣gence chiefly to study how to keep victuals from the City. And in the interim Bernardino di Mendosa was dispatched away into Spain, to procure Orders from

the King to the Governour of Milan, to the end that the two old before menti∣oned Spanish Brigadoes which were in that State should be sent from thence, to∣gether with some Number of Horse into Flanders, as soon as possibly might be This is that Mendosa who did so nobly write the War of the Low-Countries in his own language, during all the time that he staid there; and who passing from the managing of Arms to the like of Civil affairs, was imployed by the King in Ambassies to England and France. The affairs of the Siege went on thus; when on a sudden about the midst of February the season grew more temperate, and the cold turning into moisture, the waters returned to their former being: and with the change of the weather, the whole order of the war began to change. At first the ice would not suffer the water to be distinguisht from the dry land; and therefore it might be said that all that was done then, was done by land: But the ice being thaw'd, the chiefest future actions were to be done by water; by reason of the commodiousness which the Enemy would receive of being relieved by the means of that great Lake before spoken of, and of the necessity the Kings men would be put to of hindring them by the same way. It was not long ere the events were seen on both sides. Hardly was the ice gone, when many Vessels might be seen to appear upon the Leyden meer which fell into the Harlem meer; and entring from thence into the river of Sparen, brought good relief to the City. The River where it fals into the Lake, forms a little Island, wherein the Harlemists had wise∣ly built a Fort, which was called the Fort of Fico; foreseeing how much it would avail them to be masters of that place. Here then as in a safe Haven they received those succours which came usually from Leyden, and from another Town not far from thence called Sassene. But the Kings men did not defer opposing them. Count Bossu prepared suddenly many Boats in Amsteraans, and quickly entred the Lake also with a good Naval strength. His ships, as likewise those of the Enemy were not very deep in the bottom, by reason the Lake was shallow: Each of them had likewise built some in the form of Gallies, which being the easelier guided by Oars, were more serviceable to the rest which used only sails. Thus the whole balk of the Siege was brought to conflicts by water, and to endeavour that way interchangeably to bringin, or to keep out succour. At first they were but Parties; but at last when the Vessels on both sides were increased, they turn'd to Battels: fortune and valour making the successes alternate; sometimes the one side, sometimes the other getting the better. The Kings party did notwithstand∣ing prevail for the most part; which being furnisht from Amsterdam with what∣soever Bossu could desire, and he performing his part gallantly, the Harlemists began to be in scarcity of victuals Bossu had placed some Forts on the East side of the Lake, under the shelter whereof his ships might lie; they were not far from the little Island where the aforesaid Fort of Fico stood. Here did the skir∣mishes oftnest happen. But the Kings men could not so much binder the Ene∣my, but that some of their ships stealing from the conflicts might get in safety under that Fort, and from thence might fall into the River, and come afterwards very safely to the City; to which purpose the Harlemists had fortified that side of the River which was nearest the Town, with other Works. The Kings men made then no longer delay; they likewise raised some works on the contrary side, the better to disturb the passage of the Enemies.

Soon after a new Battel fell out upon the Lake; and it was the last, and greater then any other that had preceded. The Harlemists Fleet consisted of 150 Sail; the Kings were not ful out one hundred. but the quality of these out-did the others quantity The conflict was bloody, and the victory for a while doubtfull; which at last lean'd towards the Catholicks, to the great praise of Bossu in particular. The Rebels Naval forces were hereby so much weakned, as the Kings men met not afterwards with any resistance in the Lake. The Fort de Fico fell presently after∣wards into the Spaniards hands; and thus the City was streightly besieged. But this mean while the other military actions by land ceased not. The Harlemists abounded in Souldiers, as hath been said: And therefore often annoying the Kings Camp with bold Sallies, they fiercely assaulted now one, now another Quarter; and made one so furious assault upon the German quarter, as entring by violence into their Fortifications, they flew many, and wounded more; and

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bearing away with them some Colours, and some Peeces of Artillery, they re∣turned in triumph to the City. Nor shewed they less valour in resisting the Spa∣niards on the other side; who continued their former labour with secure slow∣ness, lest they might fall again into fruitless impetuosity. They endeavoured to annoy them within, and to hinder the Works which the Harlemists continually there made, from the Platform which (as hath been said they had made upon the Ravelin. But on the contrary, the Harlemists having planted some of their Ar∣tillery against the Platform, they much indammaged it and slew the Enginier Campi, which was a very considerable loss to the Kings Army. In fine it appear'd that the Spaniards had but small hopes to doe any good by oppugning, though Frederick ordered all things as if he meant to end the Siege by a general assault. His principal care therefore was, to keep out all relief; in which he was still more encouraged. He had already received a good recruit of men; for the Baron of Cleveraw had brought 1000 Foot unto the Camp, who were raised in Burgony; and some other Walloons were come thither out of Bigly's and Mandragoues Regiments, and the two Spanish Brigadoes which were sent for from Italy were already on their march for Flanders But if the Kings men made more use of Famine then of the sword to overcome, the Haerlemists fought no less to famish them, and to overcome them with their own weapons. To this end they often tryed by reiterated endeavours to possess themselves of one of the chief Passes by which victuals were brought to the Catholick Camp from Utricht; and one of their endeavours was likely to have succeeded, had not John Baptista de Tassis made manly resistance; who being casually in Utricht, came forth against the Enemy, and forc'd them to retire. So as the Passes to the Catholick Camp conti∣nuing free as formerly, the Famine grew still greater amongst the Harlemists: who when they had well weighed their necessity, began to seek for remedy by desperate resolutions. They resolved to cut the bank of the River which was to∣wards the City in divers parts, and overflow all the ground even to the Lake, so as some relief of victuals might be brought into the Town, at least by little Boats; and particularly some Gun-powder, which they very much wanted. At the first they received some aid by that way; but they were soon cut off from that. After∣wards they made two Camisado's in the stillest hours of the night towards the Germans quarters, such countersigns being past as was requisite between them and those who were to conduct the victuals without. The bickerings were bloody, and the Germans recovered in these the honour which they had lost in the former; for they behaved themselves so valiantly to disturb the succour, fighting at once with the enemies without who came to introduce it, and with those within who were come to receive it, as the enemy could get no good by these trials. The Harie∣mists being thus surrounded with unsupportable necessities on all sides, their only hope lay in a succour which the Prince of Orange was preparing to send with a great strength of men. But they met herein with greater difficulties then the Rebels in Holland did imagine: For the Queen of England not willing to declare her self an open Enemy to the King of Spain, did not what she might have done in their behalf; and the Hereticks of Germany and of France finding themselves busied about their domestick necessities, they could not assist the troubles in Flanders as need required. This mean while the Famine was grown so great in Harlem, as they could brook no longer delay of remedy: Wanting all other sort of nourishment, the Townsmen were reduced to feed on the basest and un∣cleannest sort of Animals, and at last upon Grass, Leather, and on whatsoever despair in such like cases useth to suggest unto humane necessity. Orange was in∣form'd of this from the City; and the Town being now so straightly besieged, as no advertisement could be given by the ministry of man, they used the way of Pidgeons. Orange made no delay. He had with him 2000 foreign Foot, consisting of French, Dutch, Walloons and English, and 3000 Hollanders, Zealanders and Flemings, and little less then 300 Horse, mixt of all these several Nations. The Baron of Battenburgh marcht away with these men, who carried along with them great store of Carts loaded with victuals; and the resolution was, that as these should appear without, those within should move at the same time, and so by a double fierce assault they should either free the City from the Siege, or furnish it

aboundantly with all things requisite to maintain it. But this last endeavour pro∣ved as unfortunate as the former: for those within, and those without, not ha∣ving well adjusted their time of giving assault; and the Kings men-having notice that the succour drew near, they fought them, and first routing their horse, which marched most of them in the front, and afterwards with the same force scattering the foot, they wholly discomfeited the enemy. The Spaniards who were alrea∣dy come from Italy, and were got but a little before to the siege, behaved them∣selves gallantly in this action: wherein 'twas said that about 2000 of the enemy were slain; amongst which Batteburg who commanded them, and divers other personages of quality. The Kings men got moreover many Colours, some Artil∣lery, and almost all their victuals. This success put a period to the pride of the Harlemists; in so much as they sent to Frederick to treat of surrendring the Town upon Articles: But Frederick declared that he would not receive them but upon mercy. When this answer was brought back, the City were strangely astonished. Men, women, and children, ran up and down every where, with tears and outcries, deploring their miserable condition; whereupon Captain Ry∣part, who foresaw himself lost in the common ruine, taking a fit occasion spoke thus unto the multitude.

With how much cruelty of mind (most worthy Citizens) the Spaniards have begun, continued, and now ended this siege, their actions. Have too clearly demonstrated in their undertaking it, they made use of false pretences, desiring only that obedience from us to the King, which was grounded upon the arbitrary will of their own Forces. In the continuace thereof, you all know what their losses have been, what their sufferings, and how oft they have been at the point of being rather besieged then besieging: to such great straits have they been brought, by snow, frost, rain, want of victuals, want of men, and chiefly by our so many and so valiant excurtions, wherewith we have somtime more indamaged them in their quarters, then they us within our walls. But at last their rage hath prevailed more over us in overcoming all difficulties so to finish their siege, then the rage of earth and heaven (as it may be said) hath prevailed over them. Behold them therefore thirsting after our bloud, and already panting at our gates, and ready to enter our City thirsting after our goods. And shall we expect any mercy at their hands? any favourable dealing? from them I say, whose rape (as it is every day seen) is not to be satisfied by women, their firings by houses, their plunder by goods, nor their bloud-thirstiness by all the people: We must then believe, that as soon as they shall be entred they will put us all to the sword, or to some more ignominious death, without respect of age, sex, or condition. The welfare of the miserable consist in the despairing of welfare. Why shall not we therefore endeavour (placing the weakest sex and weakest age amidst us) to make our way through our enemies with our swords in our hands? whether we yield, or whether we be overcome we must die. But if we must perish (as there is little hopes of doing otherwise) death will come the more welcome, when sought by our selves with undauntless valour, then when with scorn and disdain received from the pride our enemies of.

These words were of such force, and found their minds so ready to entertain any whatsoever desperate resolution, as they already spake of following Ripar∣do's councel, which came to Fredericks car. Who better considering the danger, what despair might make so many valiant men do, and that by overcoming them, he should find the whole City consumed, he forthwith sent a Trumpet to the Town, to let the Harlemists know, that they might hope for better then they de∣served. In particular, he promised to secure them from Plunder, and from all o∣ther licentious Military violence. That there were so many amongst them who knew there was no saveguard for them, as between their despair, and the others hope, it was often doubted whether the more fiercer or more mild resolution should prevail amongst them: at last the last prevailed; and thus the City a∣bout the beginning of July was surrendred to the mercy of the enemy A Brigade of the Spanish foot forthwith entred the Town, and unarmed every one therein. They then fell to inflicting punishment. Captain Rypart, as chief head of the sedition, had his head immediately struck off; and Lancelot Brederode not long after received the like punishment. All the rest of the Harlemists who were thought most guilty either of Heresie or Rebellion, ended their lives either by

the rope or sword. And the like was without remission done to all those foreign souldiers who had been in Mons, or in any other place which the Spaniards had taken, and who had promised never to bear arms any more against the Kings par∣ty. Above 2000 were put to death; and the very executioners were either so weary, or so glutted, or so affrighted with the work, as for speedier dispatch, they drowned a great many of them in the River which ran through the City. The Inhabitants freed themselves from plunder by the payment of 24000 pound sterling, the Kings men raging and storming to see their hopes so far deluded. This was the end of the siege of Harlem; Noble, for being so valiantly and so long both sustained and prosecuted: Remarkable, for the variety of successes both by land and sea: but at last so horrid by the severe punishments inflicted by the vanquishers upon the vanquished, as it was doubted, whether the faults com∣mitted by the one, or the punishments inflicted by the other, were the greater.

Whilst affairs went thus in Holland, they were not quiet in Zealand; the chief Island whereof (as hath oft. been said) is Walcherin, wherein stands Midleburg, a little within land. This Town which is the chief not only of that Island, but of the whole Province, was the Kings, together with the little Castle of Rami∣chins, and the Town of Ramua, both of them situated on the sea-side. Ramichins was of great concernment for the keeping of Midleburg. The rebels seeing the Kings forces so imployed about the taking of Harlem, did not let the occasion slip, but applyed themselves apace to the making themselves Masters of the whole Island of Walcherin. It made much for the succouring of those places that Ter∣goes was in the Kings hands, and chiefly for the gaining the speedier passage in that branch which the River Scheld thrusts forth there. But howsoever, it was re∣quisite to have maritine forces to overcome the enemy, who freely sailing over all those Gulfs were much to their advantage, Masters of them. Thus they kept Midleburg besieged at a distance, though they did not seem to besiege it. But little victuals were brought to the City, and it was known that if care were not had in that point speedily, the City would soon fall into the rebels hands. Seigneur de Beavoir, a man who had witnessed his valour and loyalty in the Kings service, was Governour of the Province, and Colonel of a Regiment of Walloons. He acqnainted the Duke of Alva with the danger that these three places were in, and especially Midleburg. Whereupon the Duke resolved to relieve it. He gave the care hereof to Sancio d' Avila, Governour of Antwerp Castle; who having made ready some shipping, betook himself to the business. But he was not well advanced when he returned back, hearing for certain that the enemy were so strong, as he should have run manifest danger of being lost. Having then with very great diligence made better provision then before, he went again to attempt the succour. The enemy, who did no ways fear him, expected him with much resolution. So they came to a sea-fight in the Channel of Flushing which was rather sharp then long. For many ships fighting at once, the battel was for one hours space very fierce on both sides. But Avila's ships being more rent, and his people ill treated, he was forced at last to yield the Victory to the enemy, not without great loss both of souldiers and ships. He notwithstanding landed, and brought some small store of victuals into Midleburgh, made it safer then it was before, and so returned to Antwerp. With him Beavoir came along, who was sent for by the Duke of Alva, meaning to make use of his service, in providing a great Fleet for those parts, whereof he made him Commander, and to that pur∣pose, made him Admiral of Zealand. But the rebels this mean while, incoura∣ged by one success to undertake another, betook themselves to the taking of Tolen, a Town between the confines of Brabant and Zealand, intending if they should succeed therein, to fall upon Berghen ap Zoom. These two places lie not far from one another, but Berghen is a Town of great concernment out of those reasons that have formerly been spoken of. All the Country thereabouts lies very low, and is made habitable only by the banks; one of which of greater moment then the rest, runs between the two abovesaid Towns. The enemies came presently upon this bank, led on by Colonel Rollet, Governour of Canfer, and endeavoured to make themselves Masters of it, to keep succour from being sent from Berghen

to Tolen. Christopher Mandragone was in these parts, being detained there by the Duke together with Sancio Avila, out of the need the Kings affairs in those parts had of them. Mandragone made no delay, but ran presently with suceh of the Kings men as were in the neighbouring Garisons, to disturb their designe. And after divers skirmishes, in one of which he was wounded, he drove the ene∣my from the bank; overthrew a Fort which they had begun to build there; and secured both the aforesaid Towns. But the enemy was not discouraged for all this, nor did they cool in their undertakings. But using stratagems where they could not use force, they soon after perfected a practise of great importance. As the Mosel approaches near the Ocean, she enlargeth her Chanel, and extends it in∣to several large branches. Upon the left side of the first, lies the Town of St Ge∣tringburg, belonging unto Holland; but so close upon the Confines of Brabant, as it may be questioned whether her situation makes her more commodins for expeditions by land, or for such as may be designed from thence by water. The rebels held hidden correspondency either with the hereticks, or with the Male∣contents every where, and chiefly in these parts. The designe being then secret∣ly laid; they were received into St Getringburg by way of Scalado in the secret hours of night. The chief Author of this Plot, and of the putting it in executi∣on was Captain Poyeto, a man of good esteem amongst them. Neither did the mischief on the Kings behalf cease here. This loss was soon followed by another very great likewise, and not without suspition of fraud; which was that of the Ramechins, by the obtaining whereof the rebels placed all their confidence of ma∣king themselves shortly Masters of Midleburg. Bevoir notwithstanding being better provided of Naval Forces, try'd to bring succour into the City, and with him was Mandragone. But the enemies Fleet lying at watch in all the chief A∣venues, the Kings men could not come where to relieve the City, and that but in a very small measure neither, unless it were by great circumferences, and ways far about. Bevoir returned to Antwerp, and Mandragone staid to guard Midleburg. This was the condition of the affairs in Zealand and the adjacent parts when Harlem was taken. The siege whereof was not well at an end, when one of the greatest evils happened which could befall the Catholick Camp. The Spanish souldiers of the old Brigades were much in arrears for pay; who storming eve∣ry day more and more to see themselves deprived of the sacking of Harlem, and that they had so bad reward for so long labour, more transported with self-Inte∣rest, then withheld by obedience, they resolved to mutiny. Frederick, and the rest of the Commanders endeavoured to appease them in some sort, so as they might not lose the opportunity of the season, which was then very fair, to make further proceeding in Holland. But the greater the Kings need appeared to be, the more did the Spaniards contumacy increase. They threatned that they would have their whole pay: and quartering themselves in Harlem, as it were by force, they began to draw Contributions from the City, and under the fair pretence of need and assistance, to use many of the most hatefull actions which plunder and sacking are wont to produce. So as after the preceding miseries, the City became more deplorable by this new affliction. The Duke of Alva was hereat mightily displeased; for he saw on one side the fruits of the Victory so basely abused; and on the other side, the strength of Discipline to be weakened in the Army by this example. But not being able to constrain these by greater forces, nor make such use of sharp means, but that they might at last prove prejudicial, he resolved to remedy this disorder as soon as he might by fair means. The Marquis of Vitelli's love in the Army was equal with his Authority, particularly amongst the Spani∣ards. So as by his means being somewhat appeased, the mutinyers were conten∣ted to receive a donative of four payes, and some moneys in part of their arrears; that cruel rigour being laid aside which was always used in all the other insuing mutinies, which would never be ended before the mutinyers received their full pay. But howsoever, what through the difficulties the Duke found in raising of moneys, and in those Vitelli met withall in bringing his endeavours to an end, the whole summer was almost spent; and the best season to work in low and wa∣try Countries was lost: so as Holland was incumbered on all sides. Nor did the Rebels let slip this so favourable conjuncture. In the most Northern part of the

Province of Waterlant, there are many good Towns, of which Alkmar is one of the chiefest. Here a Treaty which the hereticks within the Town held first se∣cretly, and afterwards more manifestly, with the rebels who were without, the effect at last insued. The one of them at unawares possest themselves of one of the Gates, and the others sent men presently to make themselves Masters of the whole Town. On the other side, the Catholicks, taking up arms, saised likewise on another gate, which lay the fittest for the receiving of succour, and dispatcht away messengers to the Kings Camp with their earnest desires: but this availed but a little: For whilst they were consulting whilst things were defer'd, and that intreaties were rather to be used then commands with the yet obedient souldiers, who were notwithstanding ill paid, the rebels sent presently to aid their confede∣rates, and made themselves Masters of the Town. Alkmar being lost, the Spani∣ards had not any thing at all in Waterlant, for all the rest of the Towns there joyned in rebellion with the rest of the Province. Which made them resolve to endeavour the regaining of it by all possible means. Alkmar is not strong, save only by situation; lying, as do all other Towns in that Country, drowned a∣midst water and mud. It is within five hours journey of Harlem. It may be said to be the gate whereby to enter by land into Waterlant: For that side of the Province being shut up on one part by the Sea, on another by the Gulf of Zuder∣see, and almost all the rest by other waters and channels, and making the shape of a Peninsula, it leaves but a very narrow space for entrance by land, and there a little within, stands Alkmar. That therefore they might be sure to enter in that part, and because without the possession of that Town, they could not hope to get the rest on that coast, the Spaniards resolved, without more delay to besiege it. Of the rest, Enchusen and Horn are the best, which are both of them seated upon the Sea. The first upon the very mouth of the Gulf of Zudersee, and the second within the Gulf, not far from the other, and upon the same side: both of them very famous for building of ships, and versed in affairs of Merchandise. Necessary provisions to maintain the siege were forthwith sent to Alkmar from these two Towns, and from all the others of Waterlant. As soon as the Kings Army was encamped about it, their first action was to take a little Fort from the enemy which they had built upon a Channel, which not far from the Town en∣ters into one of those neighbouring Pools, and whereby succour might easilyest be brought from without. The defendants made some resistance at first: but upon second assaults, they were driven from the Fort by the Spaniards. Here Frederick ordered batteries on two sides, both which were effected with furious storms of shot: and a no less furious assault was prepared from both those sides. The designe was to fall on, on both sides at once, to the end that the Enemy being doubly assailed, might neither have courage nor force to sustain it. But they met with many difficulties in the execution thereof: for the Town being invironed by a large and deep ditch, it was requisite to have bridges in both parts to pass it over, and when they should have passed it, the enemy was well provided of in∣works to hold the assaylants play. When they came to the assault, the event pro∣ved very unfortunate: They were to have a signe by fire, to adjust their mo∣tion at one and the same time; which was not accordingly executed. They had made two bridges to pass over the ditch, and to mount the breach, and these like∣wise had various defects: so as the one of them moved some hours before the other, whereby the enemy might the more easily resist them both. And the Kings men found afterwards such difficulties in the bridges, and in the breach, as be∣coming for a good while a mark for their enemies to shoot at, they were forced at last to retreat, many of them being wounded, and leaving full out 150 of their men dead behind them. 'Twas said in the Army that the two Camp-masters, Ju∣llan Romero, and Francisco Valdes, who were to lead on the rest to the assault, on the two appointed sides, having some private grudge between themselves, to the publick prejudice of that action, did not correspond in the execution according as it was agreed on between them. This so sinister success took from them all hopes of having any better in that enterprise. And the rain and usual moisture of the climat began to fall in great aboundance earlyer then they had wont to do: so as the Army began to suffer very much in that low situation, and were likely to

suffer every day more, if they should not suddenly rise from thence. They there∣fore resolved to give over the siege for that time; and to see whether the frost would invite them to return upon better terms. But another expedition by sea, at the same time, had no less unhappy event. Count Bossu could not make use of those Naval Forces, which in the siege of Harlem had served the Kings party up∣on that Lake, whereof we then spoke, in the other waters, which by reason of their depth required much greater Vessels. And therefore the enemy having gotten a great Fleet of ships upon the Gulf of Zudersee, they fell from thence into the Channel of Amsterdam, and did in a sort besiege it. The City was much prejudiced hereby, and consequently the Kings party. Wherefore the Duke of Alva going thither in person, made divers ships be put in order, much greater then usual, and paticularly one which was called the Admiral, and was of an ex¦cessive greatness. But the time being short, and the expence very great, only twelve of them could be finishied With this Fleet, (the quantity whereof was thought sufficient to supply the want in numbers) Bossu came out of Amsterdam, and with him were some foot-companies imbarked, which were taken out of his own German Regiment, five other of the Spanish Companies, and one of the Walloons. This Fleet being come forth, the enemy left the Channel of Amster∣dam free; and retreated towards their nearest Havens of Enchusen and Horn; and hastened likewise greater provision of ships on their side, hoping to get the upper-hand by their superiority in numbers. Those of Enchusen exceeded all the rest of the Inhabitants in those parts, not only in numbers of ships, but in Maritine skill; and therefore the enemies Fleet was soon increased by them, in so¦much as their number did very far exceed the number of the Spanish ships. Bos∣su being this mean while entred with his into the Gulf of Zudersee, he hovered thereupon, being much in doubt whether he should provoke or shun the combate. His Orders from the Duke were to fight as soon as might be; for it greatly im∣ported the King that the enemies Forces by sea should be abated, his affairs in Flanders suffering most thereby. And the securing of so gallant an Arsenal as was Amsterdam. did too much import his service. On the contrary, Bossu consi∣dered the small number of his vessels; what preparation the enemy had made; and that inforced fights are seldom fortunate. He therefore kept in the deepest part of the Gulf, where his ships by reason of their greatness had the advantage over the enemy, and hoped to find it so in their fight. Some skirmishes had al∣ready been had between the two Fleets, and so there did dayly: but the adver∣saries ships were afraid to come to any greater ingagement in that place. The Duke the meane while prest the combate very much; wherefore Bossu delayed no longer: but falling down nearer land where the Gulf was more shallow, he with much esolution set upon the enemy, who kept there safe together, as in the best place for them. They did not refuse the combate, but gladsomely accepted of it, and fell to work with the Kings ships. Bossu did manfully incourage his, and so did all the Captains of the other ships: in so much as the battel was at the first very bloudy on both sides. But ere long the day began to lean towards the ene∣my. The bickering was not between ship and ship, or between souldier and soul∣dier, upon equal terms, so as it was not valour which was to give the victory. The enemies ships did too far exceed the Kings in number, who could not, as did the others, supply one ship when it was battered, with another, nor the wounded with fresh men; so as in a short space every one of the Kings ships were inviron∣ed by the enemy and the conflict lasted not long. Except it were the Admiral, with which the Vice-Admiral kept always company, all the rest of the Kings ships gave over fighting, and betook themselves to sundry parts, one of them be∣ing sunk, and the rest sorely shattered. The Admiral stood like a stately Castle in the sea; of such a vastness was her body, having so many fails, so many mar∣riners, and such a number of souldiers and guns. Bossu could not indure to see himself thus lost. He had with him, besides his own Germans, a hundred choice Spaniards, together with their Captain Corvera. They were all of the same mind, and had already turned valour into despair: so as the battel growing more blou∣dy then ever, the success hung long in doubt; till such time as Fortune favouring the enemy likewise, and causing the wind to cease, the Spanish ships ran on

[illustration]

ground 〈…〉〈…〉 Alva retired to Brussels, whether his son Frederick came soon after to find him out; having first distributed his men into those parts of Holland which remained yet unto the the King and which, except Harlem, were almost all of them open places. All such places about Leyden as were though fittest to besiege it, were till then possess by the Spaniard for the Duke was resolved to do his utmost to take that Town. But the siege thereof, which was afterwards likewise very me∣morable, was reserved for his successour. For the Duke was not well gotten to Brussels, when Letters came from Spain with leave for him to quit the Govern∣ment of Flanders. He had often earnestly desired it, as had the Duke of Medi∣na-Celi done also, to the end that he might not be burthened with that Govern∣ment. The King having granted both their requests chose Lodovico di Rechesens, the Commendador, di 〈◊〉〈◊〉, who was one of the chief Lords of Spain, and who was then Governor of Milan, to be Governour of the Low-Countries. The King among all his other Subjects of Spain, pitcht upon him, for that seeing how the Flemish did abhor the Duke of Alva's severity, he would have him suc∣ceeded by one more mildly given, who in his Authority might, as much as might be, decline severity. Such a one he took Rechesens to be, and such were the di∣rections which the King sent him from Spain. He departed from Milan about the end of October 1573. and went through Savoy, Burgundy and Lorain, taking no other Militia with him save only two Companies of horse, one of them launces, other Harquebusiers. Being come to Brussels, the Duke of Alva soon delivered up the Government unto him and together with his son Frederick, took the same way by land, because he would return by Italy, and go by sea from Genua to Spain. The Duke of Medina-Celi took shipping upon the coast of Flanders, and went back the same way as he came, by sea.

THE HISTORY OF THE WARS OF FLANDERS. Written by CARDINAL BENTIVOGLIO.

BOOK VIII.

The Contents.

The Commendador-Major resolves to succour Midleburg, to this purpose he disposes of two Fleets in several parts: but had ill success therein; the one being routed by the enemy whilst he himself looked on, and the others indeavours proving vain. Midleburg is therefore surrendred. Count Lodovick in Germany moves to enter with an Army again into Flanders. Orange makes great preparations, and con∣spires with him to that purpose. Incitements used by him to this end. The Com∣mendadors perplexities and dangers. Lodovick comes into Flanders. Draws near Mastrick, and hopes to win it: but the Royalists secure the Town. Their forces oppose the enemy; various successes and incounters between the two Armies. A battel insues. The Royalists get the victory. The Spaniards presently mutiny. Things best worth knowledg in matter of mutinies. The mutiners go to Antwerp. The City is in great dread of them. They are at last pacified, and joyn with the rest of the Camp-Royal. A great loss of many of the Kings ships. Orange his proceedings: against whom Vitelli is sent by the Commendador. A new general pardon publisht in Antwerp in the Kings name. An indeavour of accommodati∣on with the Rebels; but in vain. The siege and description of Leyden. Divers difficulties in the prosecution, and in the maintaining thereof. Actions which suc∣ceed thereupon. Those of Leyden are in a desperate condition. More desperate resolutions taken by the Rebels to relieve the Town. Which is at last succoured, with great slaughter and prejudice of the Spaniards.

WHen the Government was in the Commendador, he ap∣plyed himself with all his might to relieve Midleburg. Mandragone was (as hath been said) at the defence of that City, and had continually prest very much for spee∣dy succour: and turning his desires into protestations, he declared that unless he were reliev'd within very few days, he should be constrained to put the City into the Rebels hands. He wanted all sort of victuals, not only of the better sort, but even of the most vile. The Commendador gave order then, that two Fleets should with all diligence be prepared, the easilyer to relieve the Town

by two wayes upon the Scheld. The one Fleet were of lesser Barks, to be sent by that narrower and lower branch, which parts not far from Berghen ap Zome, and which (as we have said) retains the name of the River: The other consisted of greater Vessels, which were to pass through the Honte, the Scheld being so called in her other larger and deeper branch.

The Commendador added his own diligence to that of others. Going there∣fore himself in person to Antwerp, he did so hasten the preparation of both the Fleets, as about the end of January both of them put to Sea, to effect the intended succour. Bevoir, the Admiral of Zealand, was then fallen sick, who was to have had the chief charge thereof: So as Signior de Glimes was appointed to be his Vice-admiral. Sancio d'Avila commanded the greater ships, and Glimes the lesser with whom the Camp-master Romero went, as chief Commander of all the Soul∣diers that were aboard; who in both the Fleets were either Spaniards or Wal∣loons, but the greatest part were Spaniards. Avila put from Antwerp, and sail'd before upon the Honte. The other Fleet put from Berghen ap Zome, in sight of the Commendador himself, who followed it upon the Schelds bank, till he came to a Village called Schacherlo, which is over against Romerswal, a Town feated on the other side. Here Glimes and Romero staid, expecting a more favourable Tide, that they might the easelyer free themselves, and get rid of those Sands which occasion many Shelfs in that branch. The Enemies were very well acquainted with the design, preparations, and proceedings of the Royalists, by reason of the intelligence held between the Flemish, and especially in that maritine part, where the people did exceedingly favour Orange. Nay, it was held for certain, that many of the chief Pylots who served the Spaniards, were wrought upon by him; and that this Fleet of the lesser ships was unluckily lost (as we shall relate) rather by fraud then fortune. A much greater provision of shipping being made by the con∣trary part. the Enemies Fleet which was commanded by Lewis de Boisot Admiral of Holland, made straight towards Romarswal to hinder the Kings ships from go∣ing any further. The Vice-admiral would not have fought, knowing the great disadvantage which was on his side: The enemies ships were much bigger built, and very much more in number. But Romero, were it either that his courage did transport him, or for his want of skill in maritime affairs, or rather that he was ne∣cessitated to adventure, because succour could suffer no longer delay, and that this Fleet carried much the greatest part of the victuals, was of a contrary opinion, and would by all means fight. Hereupon the Vice-admiral together with all the rest made towards the Enemy: but whether it were chance, or fraud (as it was doubted) the Vice-admiral ran on ground, as did likewise some other ships which were nearest her. The Enemies were not slack in setting upon them on all sides: A showre of Musket-shot poured down upon them from their taller ships, and the great Guns thundred apace. But a tempest of artificial fires proved most pre∣judicial, which the Enemies ships hurl'd into those of the Kings: the Viceadmiral suffered most of all hereby; for the fire bursting forth in her in sundry places, and continuing pertinaciously to do so, she sunk at last; it being questionable whether the fire or water wrought most in swallowing her up. Romero made speedily to∣wards them with his Admiral, and some other ships; but his courage was greater then the help he gave; for he partook so deeply of the others danger, as he threw himself into the water, and so saved himself by swimming. Divers others of the Kings ships ran the same fortune of being either consumed by fire, or sunk in the river; and all the rest fell into the enemies hands, who triumphed very much in the victory. And that their joy might be the greater, the Commendador himself was upon the above said bank of Shacherlo, and saw with his own eyes this so un∣happy misfortune: which made him foresee others of no less consequence, which were of necessity to be shortly expected. Glimes was slain, together with many Spanish and Walloon Officers, and about 800 common souldiers. This defeat being given, Avila thought only how to retreat, and save his ships: but being pursued by those which the Enemy had severed from the others, which Boisot commanded, he had much adoe to get into Tergoes, and at last brought his Fleet safe to Antwerp. This was the end of the relief. So as Mandragone having nei∣ther time to expect succour, nor hope to get any; and having first made good

Conditions to march himself with all his men safe and freely out of Middleburgh, he presently surrendred the Town to the Enemy. Ramua fell likewise into their hands, which till then had kept its obedience to the King. And thus they were possest of the whole intire Island of Walcherin, which they had so much desired; and were puft up with hopes, that they should shortly be masters of the whole Province.

The new year of 1574. was now begun: when the Commendador had not well received this blow by Sea, but that other novelties were heard of, and of greater danger to the Kings affairs, more within land. We told you before how that Count Lodovick, brother to the Prince of Orange, after the loss of Mons, leaving his brother in Holland, was gone to Germany: where he was not idle; but being eg'd on by his own courage, and more by that of the Prince his brother, he had there occasioned divers practises, that he might again enter Flanders with the Forces of that Nation. The unhappy success of the two Brothers taking up Arms against the Duke of Alva, had made them be rather commiserated then scorned by the Germans. And the Spanish Forces in Flanders being by such success be∣come more formidable to all their neighbours, the suspition thereof grew daily every where greater. Orange in all those parts made alternate use of the instiga∣tions of Fear and Hope: representing sometimes what danger Holland & Zealand were in; sometimes what advantages he had there, and the hopes of their daily increase, not only in those two Provinces, but in all the rest, if some Foreign aid might be added to the Domestick forces of the Country. The Spaniards mutiny falling out afterwards; and the Kings expeditions by land at Alckmar, and by Sea under Bossu, proving so very bad; and finally the Duke of Alva being gone from Flanders, he had so much the more set on fire the minds of his partakers both within and without Flanders, to favour the new preparation which his bro∣ther was contriving.

That at last the Duke of Alva was gone: but that Rechesens was chosen by the King in his place, Medina-Celi having refused to accept it. That the one and the other of them were Spaniards; and that both of them, as likewise the Duke of Alva, were reduced to such a condition of fortune, as the Flemish had reason to be scan∣dalized at such a choice. That the Kings neglect of the affairs of Flanders did clear∣ly appear, and that he did intend to introduce by violence the Government of Spain into those Provinces. That then the person rather then the intention was chang'd in the new Governour. That this man had a more pleasing aspect and more benigne ap∣pearance; but in his soul the like pride, and the same resolutions in his thoughts. That the allurement of words were to be esteemed treacherous, while the force of Arms continued: Nor could the Flemish ever confide, till they saw their Country free of Foreigners, their Cities free of Citadels, their goods of paying Tributes, their Con∣sciences of oppression, and the Laws of their Country free from that violation which had been occasioned in them by Forein Laws. That to compass so just an end, Holland and Zealand had at last taken up Arms: That their success had been alternately va∣rious; but that yet the greatest part of both these Provinces were in the hands of their own inhabitants. That the new Governour was not acquainted with his Souldiers, nor his Souldiers with him: That his experience in war was not great: That he found the Spaniards in mutiny, the others but ill satisfied, and that monies were very scarce to give them satisfaction. That the Empire of Spain, by reason of the too great division and largeness of its bulk, was so incumbred within it self, as it could not furnish Flanders with sufficient Forces to maintain war long. Then let the Flemish once resolve to joyn in one, and those their neighbours with them, who were most inter∣essed in their cause. That thus the Country would be soon restor'd to her antient form of Government, and her present miseries be turn'd into her formerly enjoy'd Felicity. Otherwise, how could it be hoped for, but that the Flemish divided at home within themselves, and forsaken by their friends abroad, were shortly to receive all hardest and proudest Laws from the Spaniards

Orange gave abroad these conceits, as well to incense the Flemish still more a∣gainst the Government of Spain, as also to make the neighbours the more ready to joyn with his brother in his aforesaid endeavours. But these practises were chiefly had in Germany, and were, as usually, fomented by the Heretick party of

England and France. The design of the Nassaw Brethren was, That Lodovick should enter Flanders from the side of Germany with all the Forces he could as∣semble together; and that Orange at the same time coming out of Holland should endeavour to joyn those which he had mustered in the Country, with the Forein∣ers. To this end very close intelligence was held by both of them in sundry parts of Flanders, and by Lodovick particularly in some Cities which were most com∣modious for him for his passage over the Rivers: but of all others he coveted to be master of Mastrick, a very fitting place towards the Frontiers of Germany, there being a bridge there over the Mause, as hath been formerly shewn. When Lodovick had got all things necessary for the body of an Army, he marched from those parts about the beginning of February, not valuing the threats of the season, that so he might not lose the opportunity of the Crisis. He knew in what straits the new Governour was, by reason of the difficulties which were raised against him by Orange and his partakers. Having therefore past the Rhine and Mosel, he drew near Ghelderland; intending, as might be conjectured, to pass over the Maus, and get into Brabant, where his brother was to joyn with him. 'Twas said that he had in his Army 7000 Foot & 3000 Horse, gathered out of the neighbouring Nations; and that his greatest strength lay, as it had done formerly, in German Souldiers. These, and all the rest came with great opinion of good success, which would prove so advantagious to them, as might make abundant satisfaction, yea with use, for their last unfortunate losses. Lodovick had with all industry strove to nurse them up in this belief shewing all which made for his advantage and his Brothers in the affairs of Flanders, which might most confirm hope in them both of making large Conquests, and of getting the Victory with ease. This expedition of Lodovicks was so speedy, as the Commendador heard of the effects thereof, before he heard of the preparation. So as very much troubled at the news, and meeting with difficulties on all sides, he knew not what resolution to take. He saw the Kings men were mightily decreased in their numbers; that to muster them together, and march towards Lodovick to defend the Land frontiers, was to leave all the Sea-side in prey to Orange; that to divide his Forces, were not to have sufficient to break their designs as it behoved on both sides; that to draw them out of the garrisons was not without danger, because peradventure they would not be drawn out without receiving their pay, at least in some proportion; that howsoever it was requisite to make other great Levies shortly, which would cost great sums of money: that the provisions from Spain were not sufficient to furnish requisite monies for so many affairs, and that Flanders was every day more backward then other in contributing thereunto. When Rhechesens had ad∣vised upon all these difficulties, with all the chief of the Army, the resolution which was taken, was, That he and the Marquis Vitelli should not go far from Antwerp, where Orange's secret practises did threaten most: That leaving a suffici∣ent number of Souldiers in Holland to keep what they had gotten, they should only stand upon their defence on that Frontier; and that all the rest of the Army being assembled together, Sancio d' Avila should lead them towards the Mause to secure the Kings Towns thereabouts, and to hinder Lodovick from passing over that River. This being resolved upon, it was suddenly put in execution: Necessary orders were speedily given forth for the making of great Levies of new men in the neighbouring Catholick parts of Germany, Burgony, and the Walloon Provinces of Flanders. But because they were straitned in time, they betook them∣selves to draw the old Souldiers out of the garrisons, using all the means they could to satisfie them with hopes, since they could not doe in effect. This mean¦while Lodovick still advanced; and halting with his Camp near Mastrick, he staid expecting whether he might, according to his hopes, steal into the City by way of Intelligencer. The Commendador fearing this, dispatcht away Bernar∣dino di Mendoza suddenly thither with some Troops of horse, to which he after∣wards added some Foot-companies. And the Royalists flocking thither from all parts to make it their rendezvous, Sancio d'Avila came thither likewise about the beginning of March, who was to be the chief Commander there. Thus that City was secured in its obedience to the King; and Lodovick was likewise kept from passing over the River on that part. He took up his quarters near the Castle

of Walchemburg, little more then two leagues from Mastrick, in divers Villages thereabouts. Avila had likewise disposed of the Kings men, towards that side, accordingly as they came to the rendezvous. And in the interim, the more to encourage his men, and to discover the Enemies courage the better, he sent forth Skirmishes almost every day; in one of which, which proved more bloody then the rest, Francisco de Medina who was Commissary-General of the Kings horse, was slain, the remainder of the loss being equal on both sides. But Avila, taking his advantage another time, took a number of selected Spaniards and Walloons, and set upon the village of Bemelen, wherein divers Companies of the Enemies German Foot lay, and slew above 400 of them; the rest sorely confused flying for safety into their neighbours quarters. Lodovick being out of all hope of get∣ting into Mastrick by fraud, or of being able to pass the Mosel there, he resolved to follow the course of the river, and to go towards Ruremond; hoping likewise to get into that City by the way of Treaty: wherein if he should fail, his deter∣mination was to continue his march still on, and between the Mause and Vahal to joyn with Orange, who to that purpose was to march that wayes and joyn with him. When he was come near Ruremond, he lost all hopes of being received in there by way of underhand dealing; either for that the Kings men had discover∣ed his plot, or for that his partakers had not courage enough to perform cove∣nants. He therefore marched suddenly from thence; and keeping along the River side, he marched towards Niminghen, the chief City of all Ghelderland, situated upon the Vahalle: where he and Orange had many adherents, who gave them hopes of making them be received in by surprise: which would have been much for their advantage, as well by reason of the wealth of the Town, as by its situ∣ation. But Avila, who had already either suspected or discovered these designs, followed him apace on this side the River, to keep him from passing over, and from joyning with his brother. The Kings Army was this mean while more recruited both with Horse & Foot: the Campmaster Bracamont was in particular come from Holland with 2000 old Spanish Foot; and almost all the other Spanish Camp. masters, and those of other Nations were with Avila: the Army till then not being above 4000 Foot and 800 Horse. Avila being ascertained of Lodovicks last intent, after his vain attempt upon Ruremond, which was, not to pass over on this side, but to joyn with Orange on the other side; he likewise increased his di∣ligence and made his men mend their march. And all the Towns upon the Mause which were convenient for passage being in the Kings hands, Avila sent therefore such Scouts forth as were requisite, to scour the contrary shore, and to learn con∣tinual news of the Enemy, that he might the better know how to govern his af∣fairs on this side. It appeared at last, that the greatest advantage lay in making haste, and in the preventing of one another: So as the Kings men passing the Mause, might hinder the Enemies Camp from advancing further; or the other hastning his march, might prevent the passing over of the Kings men, and so joyn as he intended with Orange. But the difference was too great between the Soul∣diers of the two Armies: The Kings men being trained up under accomplisht Commanders, might be said to know their orders before they received them; and obedience being as readily given as was Command, all things were quickly under∣stood, and readily executed: whereas on the contrary, the Enemies Souldiers being tumultuously gathered together, all of them almost new men, divers Prin∣ces subjects, and who were not incited either by punishment or by reward in the service of their own Prince, they had no other sense of military affairs save only Prey and Plunder; and what by difficulty of victuals, and incumbrance of bag∣gage depending oftentimes more upon necessity then choice, they could not ad∣vance so fast as occasion required; and some disorders were already grown a∣mongst them. Therefore those hopes failing which Lodovick had very confidently built upon; and finding the Towns upon that Frontier ready to keep him out, which he thought would have willingly received him; and the scarcity of victuals and difficulty of lodging being hereunto added: Out of these reasons a great ma∣ny of the Enemies Horse were already disbanded, and their Foot lessened every day; and the Captains authority availed very little, the Souldiers not caring much to obey them to whom they had no natural obligation. The Kings Army

advancing then with speedy march, it came to Graves, before Lodovick could get over against it with his men. The Town of Graves is seated upon the Mause on the left side; and Avila having given formerly order for the throwing a bridge of Boats over it, his Army without loss of time past over to the other side and quartered there. Monsieur de Hierges came soon thither from Niminghen, having first made that Town sure for the King, and brought with him 300 Spa∣niards: And soon after came two other Spanish Companies, and one of Burgo∣nians, which were a good recruit for the Army. The Enemy marched likewise a great pace; when being come to the village of Mouch, they understood by their Scouts that the Kings men were on that side the River, and not above a league off. Hereupon they must either retreat, or fight. To retreat, was dangerous: For to boot that retreating bears always fears with it, the enemy had neither provision of victuals, nor any place of safety to stay in on that side: And to hazard a battel against old Souldiers, though fewer in number, appear'd to be too doubtful a bu∣siness. But at last they must go on, though they cut the way through with their swords. Wherefore staying in Mouch, they presently raised a Trench on the side where they feared most to be set upon by the Kings men, the better to fence their Foot: Their greatest hopes lay in their Horse, though they were not above 2000 in number, yet were they more then the Kings Horse; who were notwithstanding more favour'd by the situation, which was somwhat narrow, by reason of certain hils which stood not far from the river, and allowed but a small space for the Horse to exercise in. The Kings men having the Enemy on the Front, prepared with much resolution for combat. And because either the preservation or the loss of the Low-Countries in the Kings behalf lay almost wholly on the success of this Battel, it is not to believ'd how the Royalists encouraged each other: And Avila, before he gave out his orders, did rather by reason, then by words, in a mi∣litary manner exhort them thus to fight. Our reward is to be measured by the service which we shal this day do our King: who doubts but that if we overcome, these countries will by our swords be preserved unto his crown? He hath not many other forces in these parts then what are now with us; then consequently the merit of so important an action will be wholly ours: And as the King is to acknowledge it from us alone, so is it not to be doubted but that he will royally reward it. And what greater security can we have of obtaining the victory now, then the so many which we have already won. This very Lodovick had not the better before in Friesland: 'twas we who through too much eager∣ness of fighting did force him to overcom. How soon were we afterwards quit with him at Gimingen? where that river saved him peradventure that he might perish the more unworthily upon this: all the ingagements in fine, which either he or his brother through their perfidiousness have undertaken against these countries, have always had the same end; they have not so soon been entred, but they have been beaten out, to their slaughter and shame, and to our everlasting glory and honour. And upon all these occasions expe∣rience hath sufficiently shewn how much valour exceeds numbers, order before confusi∣on; and what advantage th y have who fight out of the zeal of honour, over those who bear arms only for rapines sake. The same will certainly be seen in this present conflict, since our conditions, and the conditions of our enemies are not the same: Ours, by being bred so many years in the wars, and the knowledg how to defend a good cause, being added to the favour of the cause which we defend; and that of the Enemy, in bringing new men to all military actions, and in basely maintaining wicked causes under rebellious Captains. The narrownes of the place makes much for our advantage, which will not suffer their Horse which are more then ours, to have too much the better of us; and yet ours shalbe so well fenced by Foot, as that advantage shall supply the other default. And that weak Trench which the Enemy have raised for defence of their Foot, what doth it argue but an abjest fear in them, & an evident desire rather of flight then of fight? We on the contrary shall assault them with our wonted resolution and undauntedness; & shall assuredly have the like success as formerly in overcoming, and they in runing away.

This Speech of Avila's was received with great acclamations by the souldiers, Whereupon he with the other field-Officers disposed their orders thus: For the more safety-sake he placed the foot towards the River, on the right hand, and di∣vided them into proportionable squadrons, lining the Pikes with shot where it was most convenient. He divided the horse likewise on the left side into divers squadrons, and munited them toward the field-side, with a good wing of Spanish and Walloon musketiers, the better to break the enemies greatest force, which was to be expected on that part. The Camp-masters, Consalvo di Bracamonte,

Fernando di Tolledo, and Christopher Mandragone, who had brought with him his Walloon Regiment, which did remarkable service that day, had the chief command of the foot. And the chief places in the Cavalry were supplyed by Bernardino di Mendoza, and John Baptista de Marchesi del Monte, with whom were other Captains of try'd valour. The German Harquebusiers under Schinck, were placed in the front, together with those of other Nations: and after them the Lanciers, which made up the greatest body of the horse, and this was so exe∣cuted as if the enemies Rutters should charge upon the Harquebusiers, the Lan∣ciers might charge them. To boot that the wing of Musketiers which flankt the Kings horse on the outside, might be of great use to break their first violence, as hath been said. The enemy this mean while had not omitted any thing which might make for their advantage in the battel. Lodovick had his brother Henry with him, who had likewise a warlike spirit. But Christopher, one of the sons of the Prince Elector Palatine, was of great preeminence in their Army. He com∣manded all the horse, and the whole Government of the Camp was almost e∣qually had between him and Lodovick. They left some foot-companies to defend the Trench which hath been spoken of, and which lay nearer the river on the left hand. On the right hand they composed a great squadron of the other foot in good order, and extended their horse towards the hill, as far as the narrowness of the place would permit them; and made thereof one choice squadron apart, wherein were the two Generals, and Count Henry. Which made it be doubted whether they did this, to be in that part of the battel where victory was most to be hoped for; or in case they should be worsted, so to make their way sooner through the enemy, and joyn with Orange, who was already come with great for∣ces to Niminghen. The two Generals, as they ordered their squadrons, were not wanting in encouraging their souldiers.

They affirmed that this was the day which must free the Flemish from slavery, the Germans from jealousies, and which would throw a thousand rewards upon them the souldiers for obtaining the victory, of which no doubt was to be made. That the new Spanish Governour trusting little in himself, and peradventure less in his men would not be in person where the greatest danger was. That he was constrained to draw his people out of their Garisons almost by force: who howsoever came rather with a mind to mutiny then to fight;; and were so lessened in their numbers, as they were able to make but a very weak body of an Army. How much did they exceed the enemy, espe∣cially in horse? And how great would their storm be? That when the victory should be got on this side, it would the more safely be had on the other side: where the foot would notwithstanding so signalize themselves, as they needed no other to assist them in overcoming. That the enemy being routed, and made to fly, Flanders was to be wholly at their disposal: And what Laws would not she be ready to receive having the Prince of Orange with his forces on one side, theirs on the other; or when they should be all joyned together? Holland and Zealand, invincible Provinces in the defence of their Country, would certainly share in the fruits of so happy a success; as also every other Province which would cordially joyn with them in the same Cause. That in such Provinces as would prove refractory, the sword should do, what fair means could not effect: and as they should be joyfully received by those, so should they find rich pillage in these. That every souldier should therefore enter the combate with firm resolution of being victorious. And that adding one incitement to another, e∣very one of them should think they were looked upon by the eyes of both the Germa∣nies; which expected by means of their valour that day, the one to recover what she had lost; the other to keep what she had feared to lose.

When both Armies were ordered in manner aforesaid, they began to skitmish. Avila advanced 300 foot, part Spaniards, part Walloons, against those who guar∣ded the Trenches on the other side: who coming forth with a proportionable number, received the Kings men with much stoutness but these, as being more experienced, began to get advantage over the others, driving them back into their Trenches, and endeavouring to fall in with them. Here the fray grew hotter; and each side received new courage accordingly as they received new succours. But the Kings men still prevailing they at last got upon the Trenches, and of them Cap∣tain Diego di Montesdock was one of the first that was slain. Then the chief

squadron of the enemies foot began to move. Whereupon the others making a stand, who before began to give back, they fell all again a fighting, and for a while did manfully withstand the Kings men; whose squadrons being likewise come up, had brought the whole burthen of the war on that part hither; but the hereticks still giving ground, they at last began to run. The business was better disputed between the horse of both sides, the Kings horse Harquebusiers were so furiously assaulted by Lodovicks Rutters, and especially the Germans led on by Schinck who stood forwardest, as being first broken, and then totally disordered, they did not only forsake the place, but running away to the next neighbouring Towns, they gave out every where that the enemy had won the day. The Rutters having discharged their first Volly of shot, wheeled about to charge again, and make a second more furious assault; but the Kings Lanciers afforded them not time, who fell on with such violence, and did so vigorously charge them on di∣vers sides, as breaking their orders, they forced them back, and opened them. In this the foot-wing played their part miraculously; by whom the Rutters, being gauled on their flank, were put yet into greater disorder. Lodovick and the Pala∣tine couragiously endcavoured to re-order them, and incouraged them by their own examples acting the parts rather of common souldiers then of Commanders in chief. But the Kings horse still more inheartned, both by the apparent victory of the foot, and by the advantage which they themselves continually got; did so closely pursue the Rutters, as not being able longer to be withheld, and fear get∣ting the upper hand of shame, they turned their backs, and at last ran directly a∣way. Fortune would likewise have her share in this battel, as usually she hath in all. For just as the Rutters began to give back, three Company of Lanciers came up to the Catholicks, led on by Nicholas Basti, by George Macuca, and by Pe∣ter Tassis, all of them Captains, and this new inforcement finisht the business, so as instead of fighting they fell to execution. The Kings men being masters of the field, slaughtered the enemy horribly in all places; and it was commonly be∣lieved that above 4000 of them perisht. About 200 of the Kings men were mis∣sing. This success was particularly innobled by the death of the two brothers of Nassaw, and of the Palatine, which being all of them joyntly resolved either to make their way by their swords, or by indeavouring to do so, to lose their lives, were slain fighting valiantly. The Kings forces got great advantage and reputa∣tion by this victory. For though the battel was not between numerous Armies, yet the chief consequences of Flanders lay at stake on both sides. And those which concerned the King being particularly considered, 'tis no doubt but if the enemy had got the better of the day, their Forces being joyned with those of the Prince of Orange, would have overrun the Country every where, and would have made the Stanshest raise new rebellions.

But this so important victory was not well gotten, when they who had been the chief Authors of it, spoyled the effect thereof. Instead of expecting their re∣ward from the King the Spaniards to the great disservice of his Majesty, would be their own pay-masters. The very night after the day of battel and upon the very place where the battel was fought, they resolved to mutiny. And the effect thereof was seen, before the thing it self could be imagined. It began at first to be whispered by a few, afterwards it was put in practise by many, and at last it was fully consented unto by all. They complained, and seemed much incensed to see their labours so ill rewarded.

'Twas their hands and their bodies by which Towns were taken, Battels won, and all other actions of greatest danger done. The honour and advantage redounded to the Commanders; their reward was only wounds and poverty. That their bare pay was given them rather as a reward, then as of due. Which yet being so far in arrear, they could not fully receive. How could so miserable a condition be longer tollerated? that it was in their own power to satisfie themselves for the monies which were every day promised them, and never paid. And that therefore they were now rather to have it at their command, then to wait for it any longer, and that perhaps in vain.

They made no long delay; they in a great hurly-burly flew to their arms; and violently laying aside their former Officers, they chose new ones. This being done, they went immediately from Mouch, and marched towards Antwerp, in∣tending

to enter the City, and there with all safety and commodiousness to cause their whole pay to be given them. Sancio d'Avila, and all the Camp-masters used all possible diligence to remedy so great and so unexpected a disorder: but they could do nothing that would prevail. And because after this mutiny, so many o∣thers of the like nature insued in the progress of this war, whereby the Kings af∣fairs in Flanders were more prejudiced by the arms of his own souldiers, then by those of his enemies. It will not be amiss to relate here anticipately, with as much brevity as may be, what is best worthy knowledge in a business which we shall so often have occasion to treat of. An Army in the field is a great moveable City, governed by Military Laws, within walls of Iron: this City is distinguish∣ed into personages of divers qualities. The chiefest place is possest by the Cap∣tain-General, who hath supream Authority in the Government thereof. The other chiefest Commanders follow after him, and after them the lesser. And in the last place remains the inferior order of common Souldiers, who having no share in Command, are only to obey. In this popular order of the Army (if I may term it so) do mutinies fall out: the usual cause whereof is the want of pay. In the meaner sort of souldiers, Interest prevails more then Honour; wherefore being unpayed, first they complain, then they grow angry, and at last mutiny. In long Wars this is oftner seen, by reason of the excessive expences which they occasion. This length of time makes souldiers mary, whereby they have children: and in that respect grow still more necessitous: and this necessity at last turning into corruption, they mutiny many times rather because they will do so, then that they have any just occasion to do it. The Laws of obedience being then broken, this popular order riseth up against their Superiors, and out of their body, do tumultuarily chuse new Officers. This happens usually when the Armys are in the field, because it would be almost impossible to compass it with security in Garisons. In the change of Government, 'tis commonly seen that we degenerate from the better to the worse. And thus it happens upon this occasion. The su∣preme Command of one only, passeth then into the whole multitude, which be∣ing composed of horse and foot, makes a body of each of them, which they call the Squadron of the incensed, so to shun the always ignominious title of muti∣ners. The Authority consists then in the Squadron, and all the command in the united body thereof. This tumultuous Commonwealth will notwithstanding have a head, who is called the Elect. Next him it will also have some others of greater imployment, and these they call Councellors. The foot and horse are likewise distributed under two chiefer Heads. They call the head of the horse Governour, and him of the foot Sergeant Major. The Captains and usual Of∣ficers follow in either sort of these men; and divers other places are distributed according to occasion. The Offices are distributed by votes allowed; and in the like sort all other resolutions are taken. The Squadrons first intention is to pos∣sess itself of some good Town or City; and here to fortifie it self so as it cannot be forced. From thence it takes in all the Country thereabouts; which to shun greater damage, is brought to pay equal Contributions. The Office of the E∣lect is barely to propound what upon all occasions is to be resolved on, the busi∣nesses being first well weighed in the Councel. He therefore dwels in the best Piazza, or Market-place of the Town possest; and out of a window makes his Propositions to the squadron which meets there to that purpose. The multitude grumble often at those which they like not; and being born away by rage, in∣stead of shewing their negative by the usual way of votes, they many time wit∣ness their gainsaying by a peal of musker-shot. They are hereunto chiefly indu∣ced through the jealousies which reigne amongst them. One souldier fears to be betrayed by another; and they easily grow to distrust their heads wherein they did at first impose their chiefest trust. The Elect is therefore never left without one particular sentinel; he can neither receive nor write any Letters without the knowledge of the squadron: and thus in all things else, his voice is as well bound up as his hands, unless the impediment be first taken away by the squadron. The Ministry of his Councellors is bounded in like manner. Amongst the other soul∣diers all separate commerce is absolutely forbidden; it being their pleasure that by irretractable rigour as the squadron makes but one body, so it have but one will.

Their discipline in all other things is very severe: so as it may be doubted whether it were introduced with straiter laws, or executed with more severe: And no fault in point of execution is pardoned. Never did disobedience beget better obedience. The Squadron in withdrawing it self from the command of its first Commanders, doth with so much rigor bereave it self of all liberty in submitting to second heads; though (as hath been said) it keeps the supreme authority in it self, and will ever and anon make it appear by horrid examples. It therefore often punisheth great faults with its own hands; making those who according to their laws have de∣served it, sometimes pass the pikes, and sometimes be shot to death. Their laws offend for the most part on the more severe side; but many of them are so well regulated, as better cannot be desired in whatsoever compleat Commonwealth. Theft, play, blaspheming, drunkenness, dishonest women, all brawls, running in debt further then men are able to pay, and many other such like excesses are for∣bidden upon heavy penalties; which in the form of all good Governments are born withall, since they can never be fully irradicated. In this their chief respect is, to avoid all occasion of contention or discord, which may disunite the Squa∣dron. Of so much greater force with men is service done to themselves, then when to others. And so much prevails the uniform consent of many, though of differ∣ing births, customs, and language. For, in the war of Flanaers divers Nations have been seen to mutiny together, and all of them to make but one body, and lead to one end, as if they were but one onely people. Generals and other War∣riors have sometimes endeavoured to break and punish Mutinies; but they have seldom hit in their designs: For the better sort are oft-times won over to side with the worst, and the remedy is turn'd into a greater malady. It is therefore best to agree the divided Souldiery; which is done by delivering up some princi∣pal Personage into their hands for a Pledge, till full satisfaction be given: And we in our time have seen the Duke of Ossuna, a Grandee of Spain, given up for an Hostage. This in brief is the form of Government observed by Mutiniers. When they have received their Pay, they soon return to their former obedience, and there is no sign left of any such pestilence: For so may all Mutinies which happen in Armies be called, since so great a part of their body is infected thereby the union thereof is broken, the government disturbed; their forces then rendred weakest, when they should be strongest; and those advantages are either lost, or those evils caused by their own Forces, which the Enemy could never have effected.

Now to reassume the thread of our discourse. The Spaniards when they had formed this Mutinie, took their way suddenly towards Antwerp, passing over the Mause at Grave. Sancio d'Avila gave speedy advertisement of this to the Com∣mendador: who forthwith went himself in person to that City, to keep the Mu∣tiniers from entring thereinto; which if he could not doe, then at least to keep them from sacking it. Of one side of the City the wall met not by a good space with the Ditch of the Citadel, and that open place was only shut up with certain Palisadoes. Towards this part did the Mutiniers march in such diligence, and pre∣sented themselves before it with such resolution, as neither the Inhabitants of the Town, nor yet the Garrison, which were some German Companies, durst with∣stand them. They might have been best resisted by the Spanish Garrison which was in the Citadel: but these, not being very well pleased neither, did rather incline to joyn with them; nor had the Governour thereof Sancio d'Avila little to doe in keeping them from so doing. At their entrance into the Piazza, the Mutiniers put themselves in order, and made the Citizens sorely afraid that they would have plundred the City. Here the Commendador came before them on horse-back, and with fair words endeavoured to reduce them to their obedience, assuring them that they should very shortly receive full satisfaction with advan∣tage. But neither were his intreaties of validity, nor did his Authority prevail: yet they assured him, that set their present maintenance aside, the City should not suffer any prejudice, provided always that they did receive speedy satisfaction. They then took up their quarters in houses in the Town, having first made the German garrison which was in Antwerp, under Frederick Perenotto Lord of Champigni, and brother to Cardinal Cranville, withdraw out of the City. But

were it either for some particular distaste which they had taken against him, or that they could not well moderate their own heat, they could not forbear plun∣dring his house, together with some other houses, where either their jollity or hatred did most transport them. After this, all possible diligence was taken to give them satisfaction: Neither did they let slip any occasion of hastening the effects thereof by way of terror, and especially of Plunder. So as threatening it every day, and the Antwerpians every day fearing it, they were so much affected therewithall, as they were resolved to contribute whatsoever monies were requisite to free themselves as soon as might be from so dreadful a danger. The Mutiniers were notwithstanding contented to receive six payes in Cloth and other Draperies which the City furnisht them withall; they were paid the rest in mony. And having obtained a large Pardon from the Commendador in the Kings name, upon solemn oath in the greatest Church, they at last went out of Antwerp, and return'd to joyn with the rest of the Army, which had already re-entred Holland, and had begun to besiege Leyden. Amongst other prejudices which the Kings affairs re∣ceived by this mutiny, one of the greatest was, the loss of many ships which the Commendador had prepared upon the shore of Antwerp, for new designs upon Zealand. In Glimes his place, who was slain in the former related Sea-fight, was Adolphus Hansteede put: Who fearing lest the Mutiniers might fall upon the Navy which he had the charge of, and would have it in their power, for their bet∣ter security of getting their pretended satisfaction; resolved to launch forth with it into the deepest part of the Scheld, and there secure himself from that fear. But by shunning this danger, he ran into a greater. The Zealanders had quickly notice hereof, and would not lose the opportunity. They came unexpectedly with many armed Vessels, and without much adoe took most of the Kings ships, which what great, what little, were about forty, and almost all of them well provided of Artillery and all Naval preparations; and the rest they either burnt, or sunk, or shatter'd them so, as they were for no more service. The design was to assault Zealand with this the Kings Fleet, by the Rivers and Gulfs which inviron it with∣in, and which cannot receive great Vessels; and at the same time to doe the same with another Fleet of greater ships on the outside, which ships were with all speed preparing in Spain: intending chiefly to possess themselves of some good Haven, and stil to streighten that maritine Tract the more, and to endeavour by all means possible to possess themselves of that Province, without which the King could never hope to keep Flanders firm in his obedience. And although the same design was continued in Spain, after the unfortunate success of the Navy in Flanders; yet so many difficulties arose on all sides, as it was impossible afterwards to ef∣fect it.

The Prince of Orange was this mean with many Forces about Niminghen, whither he was come to joyn with his brother Lodovick, as we have said: whose defeat, and death ensuing, and instantly thereupon the Spaniards Mutiny, he staid still in those parts; and failed not to make his advantage of the disorders hapned in the Kings Camp. But seeing the Enemies forces hindred by the said mutiny within themselves, he made many incursions into those parts, hoping to make some considerable progress. He was possest of the Town of Bomel, a strong place, and which gives the name to a large Island, made by the Mause and Wahale. Here Orange staid, as in a place naturally very advantagious; and annoy'd the neigh∣bouring parts which were still in obedience to the King. And because Balduke, which is one of the chiefest Cities of all Brabant, was in greatest danger, the Commendador sent men suddenly to secure it, and fortified the chiefest Passes thereabouts. The Mutiny being afterwards accommodated, he dispatched away the Marquis Vitelli with a good strength, to disturb Orange in all his designs. With him went John Baptista, and Camillo, brothers to the Marquis del Monte, and Vitelli his Nephews by the sisters side: Each of them commanded a Com∣pany of Lances, but came to much greater preferment afterwards in the continu∣ation of the war, and won therein a great esteem of valour. The greatest weight of the military affairs in Flanders lay then upon Vitelli; as well in regard of his place of Campmaster-General, which was the chiefest charge in the whole Army next to the supreme command of Governour; as for his long experience in war,

which appeared yet more after the Duke of Alva's departure, so cry'd up a Commander, and of so great reputation: of the Italian Nobility which were then in the Army of Flanders, Rafell Barberino was in great esteem, and was much imployed in many weighty actions. He was very well skill'd in particular in matter of Fortification; and therefore his advice was asked, and his opinion followed upon all occasions of that nature. He was as well esteemed in treating of businesses as in Military imployments, and therefore having been formerly sent into England by the Duke of Alva, the Commendador continued to make good use of him in divers negotiations which were then in hand, to breed, if it were possible a better intelligence and correspondency between that Queen and the King of Spain in the occurrences of Flanders. This Rafell was Uncle by the Fathers side to Maffeo Barberino, which our age hath seen pass through all the chiefest degrees of Prelatship with much applause in the Apostolick See, and who by his worth becoming afterward Cardinal, and lastly Pope, precedes now in the universal Government of Christs flock, by the name of Urban the eight: A Prince, who amidst his so many sublime vertues, leaves it in doubt which of them merits more praise; and in whom it is no less questionable which of his Principalities becomes him best, or that which the Church gives him over men, or that which he by his learning hath acquired over knowledge.

Vitelli being then gone towards the Island of Bomell, he reduced many Towns thereabouts to the Kings devotion, and built two Forts there the better to curb the enemies in those parts. The chief Towns which he took were, Leerdam, Aspe∣ren, and Huechelen, all of them seated upon the River Linga, which runs through Holland. He hoped likewise to surprise the Town of Bomell: but were it that his practises were discovered, or not well managed, he could not effect his hopes. From hence Vitelli returned to Antwerp, and of the people which he had with him, a Regiment of Swissers were dismist, which the Commendador had lately raised, and the rest marched more inwards into Holland, to joyn with those of the Kings men who were in that Province. A new general pardon was at this time publisht by the Commendador-general in the Kings name, like that which was formerly in the Duke of Alva's time came forth with such solemnity. And be∣cause the other had begot more fear then trust, by reason of the so many excep∣tive clauses which were in it; therefore in this the King inlarged his clemency goodnesse and to all such as would enjoy the fruit thereof, except such as were guilty of the most heynous offences; and he thereunto added also the Ecclesiastical Authority touching such faults as were committed in matter of Religion. But neither did the one or the other Indulgence avail any thing; nay this latter met with less of faith in the Flemish then the former had done; by how much they were more alienated from the Church and King, since the coming forth of the former. The Commendador had at this time some little hopes of reducing the Rebels to some pacification. Philip Marnice, Lord of Aldegonda was made the Instrument herein: who in some Military action had formerly been taken and was then prisoner in Utricht. This was one of Orange his chief Councellors, a man of great courage and abilities in whatsoever imployment. And to him were attributed chiefly many of those actions which had occasioned the first tumults in Flanders, particularly the drawing up of that Covenant of which we have formerly spoken. He gave some hopes, that he would bring Orange to such conditions as the King should be satisfied withall. Whereupon by the Com∣mendadors order, il Signior de Champigni, who was Governor of Antwerp and Gunio di Jongen, entred into Treaty with him for certain days; but it quickly ap¦peared that the Treaty was commenc'd either out of fraud or vain glory. For the proposals on Marnice's behalf, bore conditions which were impossible to effect. He first proposed, That all foreigners should be made to quit the Country, in∣deavouring by sundry wayes to honest the motion. And for what concerned Re∣ligion, he represented what had so often been proposed by Orange: to wit, That the States General might be called, and that they should maturely consider, what means were best to be used as a remedy therein: so this Treaty of agreement was quickly broken off, for the Commendador would not have it to continue any longer: judging that Religion and the King should suffer too much prejudice by only listening to such Propositions.

Now follows the siege of Leyden, which was particularly memorable, for the condition of the succour, which so altered the order of affairs, as the besiegers became besieged; and look what unhappy success the assailed expected, the Assai∣lant made trial of the very same. Leyden is one of the chief Towns of Holland; it is seated low, amongst, as may be said, a labyrinth of channels, part of which are running, part standing waters, and which cut through the Territories there∣of on al sides. The Rhine runs through it with one of its branches, which now is the weakest, but hath formerly been the most frequented; though this retain its antient name, whereas the rest, as they draw near the sea, change it into that of other Rivers. So many other channels are derived from this branch within the Town it¦self in several parts, as the space which is there broken off by the Islands, is in a sort larger then what is united to the Continent. But if it be divided by so many channels, it is re-joyned by many more bridges. Of which there are about 150. where they may serve either for use or ornament; and the most of them are of stone. The Town is well peopled, her streets are large, buildings well polished; it is well flankt round about; her ditch is every where deep; and in fine, she is in all circumstances of such condition, as the Kings men had good reason to use all endeavour to gain her, as also the Rebels to keep possession of her. The Towns of Delf, Roterdam and Gouda, are much about half a days journey distant from Leyden, the Noblest and best peopled Towns in all Holland. The Hague is like∣wise within two leagues of it, an open Village; but which for beautious situation, for number of Inhabitants, and gallant buildings, may compare with many of the best walled Towns of that Province. Yet is not this Village watred, or cut through by any river. The Town of Delf lies upon a river which joynes up∣on the Mause; Roterdam upon the Roter, from whence it hath its name: and Gouda upon the Gowe, from whence it hath also its nomination, where it joynes with the Isell, and together therewith falls afterwards into the Mause. To these rivers many other channels cut by hand, are annext; so as there is no Village thereabouts near which there is not either running or standing waters in divers places. The Holland Rebels knew long before, that the Spaniards intended to besiege Leyden: and that the Duke of Alva after the taking of Harlem, had de∣clared his intention therein, by possessing himself of al those places aloof off, which in the winter season were most opportune to effect it. The Duke being gone Re∣chesens had continued the same resolution. Wherefore the Rebels to prevent the danger, intended to fortifie those Passes which were of greatest importance, ei∣ther to impede the Rebels, or to bring succour to the Town. Two Villages a∣mongst the rest, were most considerable for this purpose; the one toward Gouda, called Alfen, which is seated upon a channel over which there is a bridge, which according to the Custom of that Country, opens and shuts in the passage of the water with sluces, or floudgates. The other towards Delf, which is called Ma∣sen-sluce, and which commands one of the chiefest passes upon the way to Leyden. In these two places the enemies had fortified themselves, and especially in that of Alfen, in respect of the bridg which they guarded by a particular Fort. When then the Kings side had resolved to besiege Leyden, it was thought necessary be∣fore all other things to possess themselves of both these passes. The Commenda∣dor had given the chief care of the siege to the Camp-master Valdes; who to this purpose having assembled together a good many Spaniards, and joyned some Germans and Walloons with them, was gone towards Leyden. His first designe in approaching it, was to assault the Village of Alfen, and to bereave the enemy of the abovesaid bridg. Wherefore picking out some of the stoutest souldiers, they assaulted the enemy so furiously, as after a bloudy fight they won the fort which was built to defend the bridg. And following those with the same violence who retreated, they entred together with them into their fortifications, where∣with the Town was munited, and slew many of them rather in their flight, then in their making resistance; so made themselves Masters of that place, and quar∣tered there. As much as the Kings men were hereby incouraged, the Rebels were as much discouraged; which made the taking of the other fort of Mas••n∣sluce more easie to the Royalist: and thus these two places fell within a few days into their hands, who by so favourable a beginning, hoped very much in a no less

prosperons end of the Siege. They then betook themselves with diligence to be masters of all other Avenues whereby succour might be kept from the Town. The parts thereabouts (as hath been said) are full of Channels and Rivers: wherefore 'twas thought necessary to block up all passages with sundry Forts, by which the City might be come to, either by land or water; so as ere long there were little less then 60 Forts built round about it, whereby almost all possi∣bility of relieving it was taken away. The Leydenists this mean while were not wanting on their parts in preparing for defence. And judging that the Reyalists intended rather to take the Town by Famine then by the sword, they thought it not convenient to receive many foregin Souldiers into the City; as well the longer to preserve their victuais, as for that they hoped they had men enough of their own to maintain and defend it.

There hapned therefore but few skirmishes on either side; though those with∣in fallied out sometimes to keep the Kings men as far off the City as they might, and especially on those sides where they found greater disturbance or danger by the Assailants approach; who amongst the rest had raised one Fort which they called Lamsfort, and which was nearest Leyden. The Ley denists sound them∣selves much incommodiated by this Fort; for it troubled divers of their pasture grounds wherein they fed much Cattel, and put the City into other great straits. Provoked therefore by anger, and inforced by necessity, they fallied out one day against those that kept it, and assaulted it with such resolution, as it was long doubtful which side had the better: But at last the Royalists prevailed, and the Fort continued still in their possession, which they fortified better then before, that they might not any more fear the loss thereof, nor those within hope to get it. The Leydenists cooled not notwithstanding in their making resistance: But fearing by reason of the Royalists still nearer approach unto the City, that they would hasten the end of the Siege also by an Assault, they omitted not to provide for all things necessary upon such an occasion. They wrought upon the walls night and day, the women wrought as well as the men; every one lessened their own victuals, to furnish the publike longer therewithall: And they encouraged each other on all sides to maintain the defence; concluding that it was better to suffer any how hard conditions soever, and even death it self, then to undergoe such punishments as they had not long before seen inflicted upon the Harlemists. John Douza, a famous Latine Poet in those dayes, very nobly born, and of other high deserts, had the chief government of the affairs of the City. He failed not in acting his part well; he still encouraged the Leydenists, and fed them with hopes that the other Cities would speedily joyn with them, and relieve them. In confirmation of this, sometimes Letters, sometimes Messages came from without, and some News was cunningly raised within the Town it self: Though it were very true, that Orange and the rest of the Rebels in that Province labour'd nothing more, then how to keep a place of such consequence still at their devotion. 'Twas now the month of August: and the Leydenists began already to suffer want of victuals. Therefore the States of the Country met to treat of so weighty a business, and to find out some way whereby the City might be relieved: And this affair began to be mightily canvest. The Deputies differ'd in their opinions. Some thought that the Town might be easeliest got into by making a gallant as∣sault by Land; others held, it might better be relieved by some River or Channel; but the greatest part concluded that there was small hopes of doing it either one way or other, the Kings men having so strongly fortified themselves every where. Lewis Boisot, Admiral of Holland, chanced to be at this meeting; A man very expert in maritime affairs, of a manlike spirit, and good at execution; and one who was very well esteemed of over all the Province. He, whilst they were hottest in the variety of their opinions, stept forth to propound his, and began to speak thus:

I wish that our own misfortunes did not too deplorably teach us, how perverse the fury of the Sea proves sometimes to our Countries. Who sees not how we are daily in∣forst to oppose our industry to the threats thereof? Nor hath our mountainous banks been sufficient so to curb the tempest of her waves, but that some time s••e hath swal∣lowed up whole Islands on some sides, and caused miserable and unbeard of ruines in

other parts. Wee are now to seeke for remedy in this our present necessitie, from these evills which doe so often afflict us. Let Nature worke the some effect to day for our good, which she useth upon so many other occasions to doe for our hurt. And by those weapons wherewith she makes war against us, let us by her example make war upon our enemies. Every one knows that at the two Equinoxials of the year, the Ocean swels extraordinary high upon our Coasts; and by the season of the year, we are shortly to expect the effects thereof. My Councel shall therefore be, that we may im∣mediately at the high tides begin to let the waters loose into the neighbouring grounds of Leyden: greater tides will hereafter follow. And thus, turning the siege upon the Besiegers, we may hope to destroy our enemies within their own works, and at the same time to free the City from all danger. It may be thought impossible to relieve it by land, or by the ordinary way of channels and rivers; whereas by the way which I have prescribed, we may believe that our enterprise will be smiled on by success. It will be in our power to let in the Inundation where we please. We shall see the enemy strangely astonished and confused, between the shame of abandoning the siege, and the horror of continuing it. But being forced at last to fly, we shall see our own weapons, and those of nature conspire together in slaughtering them on all sides; and shall see that punishment justly transfer'd on them, which they with open violence prepared for the innocent. The Country which shall be drowned will doubtlesly be some what inda∣maged thereby; but who would not bear with such an inconvenience, whereby their Country shall receive so great a benefit? On the contrary, whose hair will not stand on end to think that after the loss of Harlem, and of Leyden, all the whole Province will shortly remain at the cruel will of the Spaniards? we must sometimes be wick∣ed to be good. How oft do we cut off some one member for the welfare and safeguard of the rest of the body? yet this evil will not prove finally so great, but that it will in time be paid with great usury. Some worldly actions prove so memorable, as they strike envy dumb, and add new tongues to fame. This of ours will certainly be such, and will be every where highly celebrated. I who so boldly give the advice, do as con∣fidently pronounce the augury; and hope that the event will crown both of them with fortunate success.

At the hearing of so strange a proposition, the Deputies were much confused whether they should accept of it, or reject it But it is oft times seen that need passing into necessity, necessity passeth luckily into desparation. And thus it pro∣ved in what we shall now relate. For all of them joyning at last in opinion that Leyden was not to be freed by any other way, then by what Boisot had propoun∣ded, 'twas resolved that at all adventures they would follow his advice. The chief banks or ditches of the Mause and Isel, between Roterdam and Tergowe were pre∣sently cut in divers places. And at the high-tide the waters began to break in e∣very where, and overflow all the grounds which lie between Tergowe, Roterdam, Delf and Leyden. At the sight of this unlooked for inundation, the Spaniards were at first much astonished, but they were soon aware of the enemies designe. The Kings Forts were very many, as we have said; and divers of them were sea∣ted in the lowest places. These the inundation did quickly reach, and therefore they were quickly forsaken, and those who kept them, went to joyn with those who kept the chiefest Forts, which were so placed as they might be more easily maintained. This mean while, when once the enemy had pitched upon the afore∣said resolution, they applyed themselves apace to get together great store of ves∣sels, which should be fitting to relieve Leyden. They were very careful to build them with shallow bottoms, to the end that they might pass over such grounds where the waters were shallowest: the greatest part of them were built in Roterdam by reason of the nearness and oportunity of its situation. Whole Holland was in great expectation what the success would prove, and therefore people flockt from all parts to help to build boats: many of which were to be in the form of Gal∣lies with oars, to the end that they might the easilyer get by the passes, and assault the Forts which were yet in the Royalists possession. These boats were therefore furnished with many peeces of Artillery, and such people as were judged fit to fight. Whilst they were making this preparation, the Admiral of Holland indea∣voured with some ships prepared for that purpose, to force certain passes, and to bring some succour into Leyden; for the besieged suffered very much for want

of victuals, and did very earnestly sollicite succour. But his design did not at that time take effect: For the waters were not yet so far increased, as that his Vessels could come near Leyden. All Holland joyned therefore in their prayers, That the Sea might suddenly swell higher; and that the Province, by raising the Siege of Leyden, might receive so desired a misfortune. On the other side, the Kings men were not wanting in securing their Forts, and repairing them with earth, hay, and whatsoever else they could come by of most commodious. And hoping that the waters would swell no higher, they perswaded themselves that they should within a few dayes finish their business. They very well knew the Townsmens ne∣cessities; and that all their victuals being already spent, the affairs within were drawing to great extremity. Whilst both sides were in these fears and hopes, the time came wherein Nature by way of her hidden causes was likewise to work her effects. About the end of September the Sea began to swell exceedingly, according as she useth to doe in that season of the year: And pouring in at the high Tides no longer waves but even mountains of waters into the most inward channels and rivers made so great an inundation, as all the Country about Leyden seemed to be turned into a Sea. It cannot be said how much the Rebels were hereby incou∣raged, and the Kings men discouraged. The former came presently forth with their Fleet, which consisted of about 150 Bottoms, a great part whereof were made like Gallies; and to these were added many other Boats, which served only to carry victuals. The whole Fleet was thus assembled together about the beginning of October, and put to water in good order to execute ther designed re∣lief: the Gallies went on the outsides; the other greater Vessels, which if need should be were to play upon the Forts, in the midst; and those which bore the victuals, in the rear. But there was no occasion of any great contention: For the Kings men having valiantly defended themselves in sundry places, considering that they were not now to fight with men, but with the Elements, thought rather how to withdraw themselves into places of safety, then rashly to oppose the ene∣my. Yet they could not forgoe their Fortifications neither so soon, nor in so good order, but that many of them remained a prey either to the sword or to the water. And truly it was a miserable spectacle to behold from all parts, one slain, another drowned; and many endeavour to save themselves in the highest places, where when they were freed from the waters, they were inexorably slain by the Enemy. 'Tis said that above 1500 of the Kings men perisht thus, and most of them Spa∣niards, as those who were chiefly imployed in ordering the Siege, and who de∣sirous to bear away the greatest glory, fell into the greatest misfortune. Thus was Leyden at last relieved, after five moneths siege, to the exceeding great joy of the Rebels, and all that favoured them. But howsoever the memory of this siege remained a long time very sorrowfull in the City: for about 10000 dyed within the town of hunger & other sufferings; and all the most unclean & vilest nourish∣ment was already so consumed when the relief was brought in, and the besieged resolving rather to die then to yield, nothing was expected but that the City should give up her last breath, and remaining a miserable carkass should be buried within her own wals and houses.

THE HISTORY OF THE WARS OF FLANDERS. Written by CARDINAL BENTIVOGLIO.

BOOK IX.

The Contents.

The Emperour endeavours to procure the Peace of Flanders, and sends an Ambassa∣dor to this purpose. The Commissioners for the King and for the Rebels meet, and confer at Pireda. Difficulties met with in the Treaty, not to be overcome. The Treaty is soon dissolved, and all hopes of Agreement vanish. Arms are reassumed on all sides. The Catholicks progress in Holland, and in Zealand, and with what design. Description of the Islands which lie on the East-side of Zealand. To take them, it is propounded to wade through a large Channel, the difficulties whereof are held very great. The Commendador resolves to make tryal, and hath happy success therein. The Kings men take divers Forts. Quricksea is besieged: the Town begirt, and great resistance made, but at last those within yield. The Commenda∣dor this mean while dyes, and the Government passeth into the hands of the Councel of State. The Spaniards mutiny again; who are therefore declared Rebels, and are set on on all sides by the Flemish. Divers hostilities between them. The States cause the Castles of Antwerp and of Gaunt to be besieged. The mutinous Spani∣ards run to relieve that of Antwerp: and having secured it, sack the City in revenge. A General Assembly of the Deputies of the Catholick Provinces, and of those of Holland and Zealand which are infected with Heresie. Peace and Union insues thereupon; and the thing chiefly resolved on, is, that all Foreiners shall be expelled the Country.

FLANDERS was thus consumed with the flames of war, when the Emperor imployed his authority to reduce those Provinces to peace. Maximilian the 2. was then Emperor: To boot with the common Austrian tye, he and the King of Spain could not be more nearly joyned in their own persons; for the Emperors wife was Sister to the King, and the King had taken to wife a Daughter of the Emperors. Wherefore Cesar valued the Kings affairs in Flanders as his own. And on the other side, that fire so near Germany, to foment the which the Heretical Faction of the Empire had been so ready, kept his thoughts greatly agitated; fearing left the fire being redoubled by passing

likewise into the German Provinces, his house might thereby be set on fire, as was the King of Spains in the Low-Countries. He therefore well weighing in his Councel what (the condition of the affair considered) was best to be done; and having adjusted what was most necessary for the Catholick Kings interest and ho∣nour, sent an Ambassador to procure a Treaty concerning it in Flanders. This Ambassador was Count Suarzemburg; one of the ancientest Counts of Germany; and who was no less esteemed of in chose parts for his wisdom, then for his bloud. He came into Holland about the beginning of the year 1575. he staid some days in Dort, whether Orange and some of the Deputies of Holland and of Zealand came to meet him. The Ambassador negotiated with him in particular in the name of Cesar, and gave unto him a Letter from his Imperial Majesty, wherein mingling authority with intreaties, he exhorted him to be a means of facilitating the Ambassadors negotiation. After this private Treaty, they came to the pub∣lick management in Breda, a Town situated upon the uttermost bounds of Bra∣bant towards Holland, and therefore very fit for the intervening of the people on both sides. Orange was master of that Town before the troubles began in Flanders; but being afterwards forfeited to the King, 'twas kept as one of the Kings Garisons, as we shewed in the beginning. Here then met the Deputies on both sides in March following for the King, there was Monsieur de Rassenghien, the Connt Della Rocta, Arnold Sasbout, Charis Suys, and Albertus Lexino; and for the Rebels, James Vanderdoes, Philip Bernice, Bharls Boisot Arnold Dorp, and Junius de Giu••ge. And for their security whilst they were to stay in a Town gar∣ded by the Kings Forces, the Camp-master Julius Romero, and Christopher Max∣dragone, together with Mihell Cruiglias, and Mihell Allentor, all four Spani∣ards, were committed into particular custady in Dort, as Hostages. In the open∣ing of the Treaty, the Ambassador in a very grave and gracious manner, exhor∣ted the Deputies on both sides, that they would set their whole minds and endea∣vours to procure a happy issue of this Treaty: and he laboured the Rebels De∣puties apart, giving them a Letter which the Emperour had writ to the States of their Provinces. They then fell to Treat.

We told you in the former book, that in that Treaty of peace which was then indeavoured to be introduced, the Rebels Proposals were chiefly reduced to two heads: The first, That all the Spaniards, together with all other foreign souldiers should be made to leave the Country; and that then, the General States being assembled, Religion, and the peace of the Provinces should be esta∣blished as they should think best.

The Rebels Commissioners made the same Proposals at Breda. As for the first Head, the Kings Deputies answered,

That the Vassals of the same Prince were not to account one another strangers; That indeed the Germans, French, and English were such; of which the Rebels made use; and that notwithstanding as soon as Flanders should be reduced to peace, the King would forthwith cause the Spaniards, and all those others that they called fo∣reigners, leave the Country. As for the convocation of the States General, they an∣swered, That the whole body of the Provinces, which by the troubles of War were now so divided, was likewise first to be re-united by peace. Which being done, the King would willingly and suddenly call such an Assembly, would hear their opini∣ons, and would agree unto whatsoever they should think fitting. After this, the Kings Deputies fell to propound such conditions, as they thought fittest to effect the desired concord. Which were these, That in the first place, all past effences should for ever be forgotten: That the revolted Cities and Towns should be restored to their Pri∣viledges; and every other person to their former Honours and possessions. That all the Towns, Cities, strong Holds, Artillery, Warlike Ammunition, and Arms which were now in the Rebels possession, should return into the Kings hands. That the Ca∣tholick Religion should be restored in all places, without the permitting of any other Sect. That notwithstanding the King would out of his clemency and goodness, per∣mit all those that had followed Heresio, to go freely out of the Country, and would allow them time to sell such goods as they could not carry with them.

All business between the Commissioners, was transacted in writing: The Re∣bels Commissioners having seen the Propositions proposed by the Kings side; an∣swered

fully on their behalfs; but in so bitter words, and in so contrary a sense, as it was easie to be seen, how little hope there was of bringing the begun nego∣tiation to a happy issue. The Papers which were propounded were very prolix; and therefore to avoid tediousness, we will give you here only a breviat of them. The Rebels Deputies, in the r••answers, made first rather a long Invective, then a∣ny complaint against the Spaniards; exagerating that they had been the chief cause of all the evils that had befaln those Provinces. Then reassuming the head concerning foreigners, they repeated the same things over again more at large. They said,

That the Spaniards, and all the rest which were not native Flemish, were not (as strangers) any ways to participate of that Government. That those foreigners which they on their sides were forced to make use of, were meer mercenaries. But that the Spaniards contrary to the immunities and priviledges of the Provinces, were by vio∣lence brought thither, and there by violence established. That the Government of Ci∣ties, keeping of Forts, chief Commands in the Army, were in their hands: And that it was they who according to their arbitrary will, gave now the Laws. That if the King when he went from Flanders was pleased to take away those who were then there, he ought much more be induced to do the like now, when it was seen by evident proofs, how prejudicial their stay there was.

Touching the Convocation of the States General, they stood stiff to their first principles Saying,

That in making such a peace as might be best for Flanders, the King could not be better advised then by those who were best acquainted with her malladies, and who knew best what were the firtest remedies for her cure: wherefore recourse must needs be had to that Assembly. For what remained, they said, That they would never relin∣quish those Cities strong Holds, Munitions, and Arms, wherein their safety did con∣sist, till they saw a setled peace in the form by them proposed. That they held their reformed Religion to be good, and that they would not for such an occasion abandon their Goods, Parents, and Country, nor leave the two Provinces of Holland and Zealand made desolate by the excluding from thence so many who profest the same Re∣ligion, which would redound very much to the Kings disservice, by his losing so many Subjects, and by the too much impoverishing of both the Provinces in the lesning of their Commerce and Merchandise.

The Kings Commissioners saw very well by this opiniatracy of the adverse party, that no reply which they could make would be to any purpose. Yet more to justifie the King in his proceedings, then out of any hope of good success, they resolved to present another paper, whereby to confute the oppositions made by the contrary party. They said,

That to speak in that manner against the Spaniards, and the rest of the Kings sub∣jects, shewed they had no mind to a reconciliation, but that they were still more radica∣ted in their enmity. And yet the end of this Treaty was only to take away all mis∣understandings, and to establish peace and concord. That they again replyed, when peace should be once made, the King would not stick at removing the Spaniards, and all those that they termed strangers, out of those Countries. That to do this before, were for the King to lay down his arms before his time, contrary to his dignity, con∣trary to all reason of war, and contrary to all right of justice. That as the King did not pretend this at first in respect of those men who did serve the Rebels, and who were indeed all of them strangers; so when peace should be made, he would on his part agree that all that sort of souldiery should depart the Country. As for the assembling of the States General, they shewed how that it would require too long time, and that the Treaty being to pass through their hands, would cause a much longer expence of time. That such Treaties were never known to be handled by the States General. That this would be to make the Subjects authority greater then the Kings, and to make them the Law-givers, whereas they were with all moderation to receive them. That therefore when the peace should be established, the King would suddenly call the States: And in the re-ordering the affairs of Flanders, would follow whatsoever was convenient, and which had been formerly practised by his predecessors, those Coun∣cels and Records which upon like occasion, should be given him by them. Concerning the restitution of Towns, Munitions and Arms, they said that no more reasonable

demand could be made: That in all reason, when the alienated Provinces should re∣turn to the Kings obedience, the Towns and Arms thereof should likewise return into his hands as formerly: That this was practised in the making of every Peace between Prince and Prince; then much more ought it to be so between Princes and Subjects. Touching the point of Religion, they replied again, That the King would not in any the least degree alter his resolution taken therein, and which they had declared: That to change Religion was not in the power of Princes, much less of Subjects: That the Apostolick Roman Religion had for so many Ages, and with so much piety been the onely Faith profest in Flanders: That at the Kings taking possession of those Pro∣vinces, the King and People had reciprocally sworn to defend and preserve that alone: That by the departure of those that were infected with Heresie, Holland and Zealand would not suffer any considerable diminution of people, much less would they be left desolate, for they were not so many; nay, if the Heretick Preachers were driven from thence, who had brought with them, and upheld that infection, the Catholick Religion would soon return to flourish there again: That notwithstanding the King would suffer such as would continue pertinacionsly in their Sects, to transport their goods in form aforesaid. And to be sure that whatsoever was promised should be performed, the King would to that purpose pledg his Royal Faith in the most ample manner, and would thereunto adde (if the adverse party should so require) the like of the Emperor, by whose authority, through his express Ambassador, this Treaty which was now in hand was introduced.

When this Paper, which was very long, and spoke home, was presented by the Kings side, the adverse part took time to answer, shewing that they must fully communicate the whole to the States of Holland and Zealand, and therefore they their Commissioners were inforced to goe themselves in person into those parts. Count Zuarsemburgh endeavoured very much to keep them from going from the Conference, fearing (as indeed it fell out) that the Treaty, if once interrupted, would hardly ever be reassumed. But they would by no means be perswaded, and therefore at the same time the Hostages were set at liberty. It was a good while ere the Answer came: which was at last sent in a long paper; and repeating the same things yet more bitterly against the Spaniards, and against the Kings de∣mands, did conclude,

That they stood firm to the Conditions propounded by them concerning Peace: that they thought them altogether necessary, and that they would never accept of any other Accommodation.

When this Answer was made known to the Ambassador and the Kings Com∣missioners, the Treaty forthwith broke, and the Ambassador soon after returned for Germany. In fine, the business between the King and the Rebels was grown to too great a diffidence. The Publike Faith is sufficient between King and King; and to this Tribunal it is that recourse is had for Justice in differences which arise betwixt them: But the Rebels more considered the Kings Forces then his Faith; for the Treaty being betwixt Prince and Subjects, they were still afraid, and there∣fore demanded such terms for their security, which they neither ought to ask, nor the King to give. The Prince of Orange was sole Arbitror and Moderator of what∣soever was treated of by the Rebels; and 'twas he who fill'd them with so con∣tinual suspitions. It was every day more clearly seen, that amidst the revolutions of the Country, he hoped to reap good advantage for himself; and therefore he chose rather to hazard the Common interest in Wars, then to see his own designs quite overthrown by Peace and quiet. Nor did the Heretical Faction in Germany, France and England, for the conformity of their ends, desire the continuance of the troubles in the Low-Countries less then he. 'Tis therefore not to be imagined with how much industry all those of that party did strive to hinder the proceed∣ings of that accommodation which was introduced by Cesars means; and how much afterwards they laboured to make the Ambassadors endeavours subject to suspition, and much more the like of the Kings Commissioners, to overcome the difficulties which arose.

The Treaty of Peace being thus vanisht, all sides fell eagerly again to the re∣assuming of war. The Commendador having miscarried in his design upon Ley∣den, made all the Kings men that were at the Siege tarry in Holland. It was clear∣ly

seen, that his intentions were totally to subdue that Province, and to set him∣self with all his might against the other of Zealand, that he might get that oppor∣tunity of reception which was necessary for the ships of Spain; towards which the Sea of Zealand opens, and affords the best Havens that are to be desired in all the maritime coast of the Low-Countries. Egidius di Barlemonte, Lord of Hierges, was Governour of Holland; a man of known zeal to the Kings service, and of approved skill in military profession. The Commendador commanded him to gather together as many of the Kings men as were in that Province, and to exe∣cute those Orders he should receive. The first was, to take the Town of Buren from the Rebels. Hierges prepared therefore for this design: And that he might the sooner succeed therein, he seemed as if he marched elswhere, and afterwards bent suddenly thitherward. The Town belonged to Orange, and he possest it in right of his first wifes portion, who was daughter and heir to Maximilian Age∣mont Count of Buren. This place lies very opportunely to molest Brabant and Ghelderland; and to this end Orange had furnisht it with men, who making in∣cursions into all those Confines, hindred much provision which was brought from those two Provinces to the Kings Camp in Holland. For what remains, the Town is seated upon a mean River, built about with an ancient Wall, and with∣out any Bulwark; it hath an ancient Castle; the greatest strength which they within had, was a large and deep Ditch. Hierges coming thither unexpectedly, threatned the Townsmen with all severe hostility, if they did not immediately surrender the Town. He had with him about 6000 Foot and 400 Horse, all choise men, and long trained up in discipline. They within seemed little to fear the threats from without; but their actions did not correspond: For Hierges having made a great Battery, and in despight of them thrown a bridge over the Ditch, did with his men assault the Town so furiously, as the Defendants think∣ing rather how to save themselves, then how to fight, retreated into the Castle, where neither did they make any greater resistance. Hierges encouraged by his first success, redoubled his former threats: whereupon the Defendants courage failing them, they quickly articled to surrender, contenting themselves basely with the bare safeguard of their lives, and came forth without either Arms or Colours. The Castle and Town were both of them sackt; and Hierges presently went from thence, having first secured the Town. He from this Angle re-entred the Province; and receiving a new recruit of Germans and Walloons, besieged the Town of Oudwater: A place considerable in it self, and much more for the way it made for the taking of others of greater importance. The Isel runs on the one side, and it is incompassed every where else with a great Ditch; and the ground all about it is so low and spongie, as there is no coming to the Town but upon Banks, nor any getting in but by Channels. This kind of situation made the Siege more difficult; for the place was of it self weak, and had no strong works. The Kings Army lay chiefly upon the banks, and their greatest battery was placed upon one of the greatest of them, which for want of earth was inlarged by a great mass of old Nets, with flax and hemp, with which the Country thereabouts doth infinitely abound, and with the same materials they provided to pass over the Ditch. Those of the Town seemed very resolute to defend themselves; and making necessity yield to industry, they likewise instead of Rampiers had fortified their wals where it was most needful with such like materials as the besiegers had made use of. The Townsmen had received a recruit of a good many Dutch and English, and Orange promised them to send another succour speedily. Here began the op∣pugning and the defence, which continued not long: Those within having at first made some resistance against the batteries, the Kings men return'd with such fury again to the assault, as mixing themselves with the defendants in the breach, they entred together with them into the Town, and putting all to fire and sword, they in a short time did quite destroy it, and laid it desolate; nor did Hierges any wayes hinder his Souldiers heat. He went immediately from this Siege to another, and sate down before Sconoven, a little Town, but considerable, and not above a league from Oudwater. These two Towns are situated much alike. Schonoven stands upon the Lech, and is surrounded on every side with mire and water, it hath a large Ditch about it; and some Companies of Dutch and French were

entred thereinto. But the Townsmen, desirous rather to return to the Kings o∣bedience, then to remain under that of the Rebels, instead of incouraging, dis∣couraged those that were come from without. Orange therefore laboured to send a good succour thither by the river, it being then a very high tide. Which danger Hierges being willing to prevent, he crossed the river over where he thought the greatest danger lay, with a bridg of great boats, and munited them on the same side with pieces of masts, so fastned together as they might be an obstacle to the enemies ships if they should set upon the bridg on that side. This being done, he placed his Battery on the highest part, and began to play upon the Town. The Townsmen murmured against the Garison, fearing their Town would fare like Oudwater: which Orange being advertised of, he resolved to send three ships laden with men, Artillery, and other provisions to relieve and suc∣cour the besieged. They were led on by the Master of the French Guard, who was mightily favoured by the flowing tide. The Kings men discovering the de∣signe, ran from all parts to the banks to frustrate the effect. Here began a fierce bickering; for the guns playing from all sides, and each side endeavouring to o∣vercome the other, many fell on both parts, and the victory was a good while doubtfull. But Fortune seemed at last as if she would make the successes equal. The enemies ships broke the bridg, and the Master of the Guard passed over it with his ship, fighting still couragiously; but the other two were lost, and the bridg suddenly made up again: so the Town was more narrowly besieged then before, Here Hierges renewed his Batteries, and threw down above three hun∣dred yards of wall; whereat those within being stil more terrified; and the garison fearing more the Townsmen threats then those of the Kings men, a Parly was soon had, and the Town was surrendred with good conditions to the Inhabitants, and with safety of persons and goods to the souldiers. Oudwater and Scown being taken, Hierges quickly took two Forts upon a point of land called Crimpen: which being surrendred, and the parts thereabouts munited, Hierges returned to Utricht, expecting new Commissions from Rechesens. At this same time Christo∣pher Mandragone made another considerable atchievement in Holland, on ano∣ther side towards Brabant, where the Mause doth most inlarge it self, and joyns with many other rivers, all of them falling soon after into the sea. Amongst di∣vers little Islands which lie on the West side, there is one of a very narrow com∣pass, but considerable for its situation, called Finaert: here the enemy had fortified themselves, and had there some ships for their safety and guard. This Island is parted from Brabant, by a Channel not above three quarters of a mile over. Mandragone caused diligent search be made for a Ford over it, at a low sea; and found that with some hazard it might be past over. He was not troubled, but rather incouraged at the danger, which was no new thing to him, who had overome a much greater in his so famous relieving of Tergoes. He chose a thousand Walloons out of his Regiment, and 300 Spaniards; and furnishing every souldier just as he had done at the aforesaid relief, they marched very se∣cretly to the Channel, that they might take the enemy at unawares, and effect the passage the more easily. Nor was he deceived in his designe. Steping himself first into the water, he met with no difficulty save in passing through it: for the enemies being of themselves very weak, and greatly disheartned by this sudden success, withdrew their ships, and not making any resistance, abandoned the place, studying only how to save themselves. These were the proceedings of the Kings Forces then in Holland: but there was no less need of them in Zealand. The King, amongst other resolutions, intended to send a great Fleet suddenly into Flanders, which was to this end preparing in Spain: knowing too well what ad∣vantage the Rebels had over him in their Flemish ships. And considering like∣wise very well, that as their Rebellion was chiefly begun, and continued by sea, so must it likewise by the same way be allay'd and extinguished. He had there∣fore straitly commanded the Commendador, that he should by all means indea∣vour to get footing in Zealand, as the place fittest for receiving aid by sea from Spain Wherefore Rechesens without any delay apply'd himself thereunto. He sent word to Hyerges that he should forbear indeavouring any thing more in Holland; and that detaining only so many souldiers as were requisite for those parts, he

should send the rest into Brabant. He himself was this mean while gon, toge∣ther with the Marquis Vitelli and other Spanish Commanders to Antwerp, and had there with all diligence prepared a Fleet of divers ships, which might serve for the several Channels and Gulfs, which do on so many parts divide, and sur∣round Zealand. Many were likewise prepared to serve with Oars, and in the shape of small Gallies, to the end that the speed of the fleetest, might supply the slowness of the more sluggish. Hereupon they began better to consider up∣on what was to be done. The two abovesaid places which Mandragone had so luckily taken, made them believe that they might have the same success in the o∣ther channels and Gulfs of Zealand. To this purpose some places were observed by experienced personages, which were herein most hopefull. In the East side of Zealand, many Islands lie upon the sea, one in pursuit of another, which are di∣stinguished by divers channels, and lie at several distances one from another. But three of these are the chiefest: that of Tolen, which is the first that is severed from the Continent; that of Dwellant, which lies next it; and the last called Scown. Other little Islands lie near to these, which are almost nameless, as being almost unhusbanded. The least of these is called Filislant, which stands on the left side of Tolen, towards Scown. The Island of Tolen, as likewise that of Zuit∣beveland, by the succour which was given to Tergoes, were yet in the Kings pos∣session; and therefore the Spaniards desired to get the other two, Scown and Dwellant, out of hopes that they might afterwards easilyer come by that of Wal∣cherin, which is the greatest Island of all Zealand, and wherein stands Midleburg and Flushing, the most important places of the Province, and which lie nearest Spain. By these successes the whole Province would fall into the Kings hands; and he would likewise the sooner have got all that maritine Tract; especially by those aids which were the mean time to be sent from Spain to Flanders. The fleet which the Commendador had got together, was not thought sufficient to take the two aforesaid Eastern Islands, because the enemies forces in that part were much greater. There was then no hope left but to wade over some of those wa∣ters at the low ebb, and by that way to get footing on land: and it was affirmed by divers well experienced people, that from the Island of Filislant, the channel which runs from thence to Dwellant, being about four miles over, might be wa∣ded through, The Commendador and all the rest of his Councel of War, were greatly perplext what to resolve upon in this point. They doubted lest the ene∣my might already have dived into this designe; for their Navy was mightily in∣creased, and especially in little barks, that they might the better (as it was guest) approach the Kings men, and offend them if they should at any time venture to wade over any of the aforesaid channels. The Councel differed therefore in their opinions touching this. The Proposal by one side was withstood; alleadg∣ing,

That the Enterprise was now to be esteemed quite another thing from what those other two were which Mandragone had been so fortunate in. That in that which was the chiefest, the relief of Tergoes, the waters were principally to be fought with, and the victory lay in every souldiers overcoming himself by bea∣ring the trouble of so large a passage. But that in doing it they had not been withstood by any adverse Fleet, by any Artillery which might thunder upon them from afar off; by any muskets, nor other weapons which might wound them near hand. That the besiegers being taken at unawares, fled suddenly of their own accord: And in brief, that that business being well weighed, very much of it was certainly to be ascribed to valour, but no less also to Fortune. That now they were to meet with a channel of almost the same breadth, where∣in the way was a like blind, and the dangers of the voyage no less uncertain; to which if you will add the opposite Fleet as our men shall be on their passage, and armed enemies to entertain them at their coming to land, how could such an undertaking be thought feasable? That unfortunate events follow unforta∣naie advices. That then 'twere better to take some other course; and that the best would be, to expect till the maritine forces which were preparing in Spain, were come. The which when they should be joyned to those of Flanders, the businesse though it might be somewhat slower, would certainly be more secure.

But on the other side, many of the chief Commanders were altogether for try∣ing the new passage, saying,

That give the safety of the passage for granted, there was little else to be doubted. That the more to facilitate the success, they were to chuse the quietest hours of night, under a faithful Guide well practised therein. What damage was to be feared in the dark from rash and blind shooting? That the difficulty would rest in coming to land, wherein the Kings mens greatest danger lay, and the Enemies greatest advantage. That notwithstanding when they should be brought face to face, why should not the like success be looked for from them both? The Kings men, according to their wonted resolution, would assuredly either overcome or dye, especially when they should know they had no third choice to make, having the Enemy on their face and upon their backs so great a water. But on the contrary, the Enemies, who were for the most part merce∣nary, cowardly-minded, and greater cowards of their hands, thinking rather how to flie then how to fight, would long for nothing more then to forsake the firm land, and to retire into their close holes when they should have fearfully abandoned the open fields. That this mean while the Fleet would play her part, and landing the men by another way who were destin'd to the enterprise, they could meet with no other disturbance. That when they should have got good footing thus in Zealand, the maritime Forces which were to be sent from Spain would have the easier entrance; that this must needs precede that, and the one be guided by the other. That fortune did for the most part rather fa∣vour bold resolutions, then such as were too cautelous. And so it was to be hoped for now: The rather, for that her favour would be accompanied with the justice of the Kings forces tending to so good an end, and by the Souldiers valour in making use of them upon so worthy an occasion.

'Twas evidently seen, that to make this passage would prove very dangerous; yet the Commendador, after having been again well assured of the ford, resolved to try it; being very desirous, and also full of hopes to get the aforesaid Eastern Islands, and especially that of Scown which lay nearest the Sea; which was very considerable in it self, and very proper to secure those ships the better which were shortly expected from Spain. Within it is the Town of Ziricsee, the great∣est Town in all those Eastern Islands, and where the Commendador chiefly in∣tended to establish the Kings Forces on that side. He then without delay put 3000 Souldiers into the Island of Tolen which lies nearest Brabant, as hath been said, and composed them of Spaniards, Dutch, and Walloons in equal numbers; and went himself thither afterwards, the more to encourage the expedition by his presence. He made Sancio d' Avila Admiral of the Navy which was assembled thereabouts, and resolved to imbarque half his men in it, which when they should be landed were to be commanded by Christopher Mandragone. The other half, composed likewise equally of the abovesaid three Nations, were destin'd for the passage which was to be taken from the furthermost point of Filislant, where the Channel was broadest: For there at the low ebb the ground was highest; so as though the passage were the longer, it was the more easie. With the 1500 Foot were 200 Pioniers, to the end that those together with these might the sooner fortifie themselves when they should be come to land. They imbarked all of them first in the Island of Tolen, that afterwards they might divide themselves in Filislant in such order as hath been said. At their imbarking the Commendador presented himself before the Souldiers, and especially before those who were to wade over the Channel; and in a grave manner-did thus encourage them. He said,

That the hardest enterprises were most familiar to them: that many of these very men had been in the two-precedent actions; that therefore they went to dangers which they had formerly experienced: that they should remember this was the same cause, that they served the same King, and that they were to meet with the same enemies: that therefore they could not doubt but that they were to be seconded by Divine favor, by Princely reward, and by that advantage which they had always had over those who were Rebels to the Church and King. That they were such against whom they now were to fight: that the Foreiners who were joyned with them, were of more mercenary

souls then hands; so as all instigation to fight ceasing in them, they would strive who should run fastest away.

At these words they all chearfully imbarked themselves, that were to tarry in the ships, and the rest went in little Boats to the Island of Filislant. Here the Fleet staid, till the rest had passed over the Channel. John Ossorio d'Uloa, a Spa∣niard, one of the valiantest Captains of that Nation, and one who of all the rest did most counsel that enterprise, led on the men, and would himself make the pas∣sage. They waited the coming of the night, which was Michaelmas-Eve: and upon the beginning of the ebb, Osorio entred the water the very next after the Guides, and was followed first by the Spaniards, next by the Dutch, and then the Walloons; after them came the Pioners; and Captain Paralta, a Spaniard, closed up the Files with a Company of the same Nation. The Files consisted not of above two or three Souldiers at the most a-breast; to the end that being so strait or narrow, and walking upon the highest shelves, the Adversaries might have the greater difficulty in encountring them, and hindring their passage. The Enemy stood this mean while upon their watch, having already clearly pry'd into the Spaniards design. Wherefore when they knew they had begun to wade, they ordered their Boats likewise in long Files, especially the least, both on the one and the other part against the Spaniards Flank: they then began to play upon them a good distance off with their Artillery, and nearer hand with their Muskets, but did them but little hurt, by reason of the obscurity of the night. The success al∣tered with the change of the Tide: the Enemies Boats were not able to come near the Spaniards whilst the Ebb was low; but when the Flood began, and that as the Tide rise, the Enemies Boats drew nearer, the Kings men were then divers times in great straits; for they were at one and the same time to hasten their pas∣sage, to keep their Files in order, to contend against and to overcome the waters, and chiefly to resist the Enemies assaules, who were not content to gaul them with their Muskets and Harquebuses, but they annoyed them nearer hand with Iron-hooks, and struck and molested them with other instruments which they had provided for that purpose; endeavouring by all means possible to hinder, at¦least to disorder their passage. Yet the Kings mens courage increasing as did their danger, they marched on in good order, and made resistance at the same time, turning their Pikes upon the assailants, and shewing most courage where most dauger lay. Indeed the Night made very much for them; for the Enemy could go but blindly to work, and with great disorder in the dark; which made them guide all their actions more by chance then by advice. The Kings men then, having still kept their order, and made manfull resistance where it was needfull, past over the Channel in such a space of time, as they were not to receive any other disturb∣ance neither from the increasing of the Tide, nor from the Enemies Barks. Having escaped this danger, they thought to have met with a much greater in getting to land: For the Enemies, who were all of them almost Mercenaries, and of the aforesaid Nations stood upon the shore ready to oppose them. But scarcely stay∣ing the first assault made by the Royalists, they basely ran away, and shamefully forsaking the shore retreated to some parts more inward in the Island, where some of them had fortified themselves. Yet this action of the Royalists was ac∣companied with some misfortune; for the Pioners being overtaken with the Tide, not being able to go further on, nor yet to go back time enough, were al∣most all of them drowned: And for the same reason Captain Peralta with his Spanish Company could not enjoy the commodity of the passage, but was forced to return to the Navy. Of the rest who made the passage, Captain Isador Pacecco was slain, together with some Souldiers of lesser account; and some other that were wounded perisht in the water. For what remains, the Enterprise, all the cir∣cumstances considered, was certainly one of the most memorable that ever the war of Flanders produced; and such a one as deserved indeed rather to have been beheld by day-light, then to have the lustre thereof lost by the obscurity of the night. John Rivas, a Spaniard, who in the time of our being in Flanders was Governour of the Castle and Citadel of Cambray, was in this action of Ziricsce, as also in that other of Tergoes, as we touched upon in that place. He hath not only often related both these passages to me, but comparing them together, he

concluded, that in his opinion that of Tergoes was in one consideration more to be preferr'd, as being a novelty never before tryed; and this last in another respect, as having met with much greater difficulties. When the Kings men were past over, they forthwith gave the appointed signe to their ships, which with∣out any considerable opposition put also to shore; and the men being landed went presently to joyn with the rest, and without any difficulty drive the Enemy out of the whole Island of Dwellant. The Channel which divides this from the other Island of Scown, was yet to be waded over, where their chief intention of getting footing was, that they might come by Zurrichsee. That Channel is almost a league over, and therefore required new resolutions and courage for the passing through it, especially for that the Enemy stood on the contrary bank in a posture of opposition. Mandragone would needs make one here, as also Sancio d' Avila, who was with him. Whereupon the Royalists being encouraged by the example of two such Commanders, with their wonted daring overcame all the difficulties of the passage; and the Enemy in their endeavouring to withstand them, shewed likewise their accustomed cowardliness. Running basely away, they retired to Zurickzee, and there joyned with the Townsmen to sustain the Siege which they expected. The town of Zurickzee stands not far from the aforesaid Channel which divides the Island of Scown from the other of Dwellant. On that side, a lesser Channel cut by hand enters into the greater, and so the Town enjoyes the Sea as it were within its own bosom. The ground about it is very low; and by the cutting of some banks, it may easily be overflown on all sides: the walls thereof are but weak, and the Ditch very ordinary. The Inhabitants hoped much in the relief which Orange had promised them, as also in that which they expected from the season of the year; which drawing towards winter, made them believe that the Royalists would not be wel able to bear with the bitterness thereof. The enemy had fortified themselves in three other places upon the shore∣side; and on the North, in the Villages of Brouversaven and Bommene, in each of which there was a commodious Haven; and on the South, upon a certain point of land which lies between the Village of Borendam and the Town of Zuricsee. The Kings men would first make themselves masters of these Forts They found no resistance in that of Brouversaven; from whence they went to the other upon the aforesaid point of land: and falling to the Assault more out of eagerness then good advice, they lost 60. Spaniards, amongst which Captain Peralta was slain; and some other Dutch and Walloons. Irritated therefore by Anger, and no less by shame, they prepared to make a more orderly assault. But the Defendants not staying for it, forsook the Fort; and setting it on fire, went to Zirickzee. Bommene yet remained, which was the best munited, and according to appearance ought to have been the best guarded. Captain Lye, a French-man, a stout soul∣dier, commanded within: He had with him the Flower of all the Foreigners, who all of them shewed equal resolution with him to defend themselves, and to recover the honour lost in the last actions. The Fort was inexpugnable at high Sea, because the Sea-water came then into the Ditch, and likewise into a Channel which cut through a good part of the Fort on the other side: so as at that time the Enemies ships might both greatly assist those within, and molest as much those without. When the Kings men came near it, they advanced with their Trenches, and set up a great Battery near unto it, from whence they plaid for two whole dayes against the Fort: Then at the next Ebb they made a fierce assault, which the besieged did as couragiously withstand, and made the oppugners re∣treat at last with much loss; for above 150 of them were slain, and twice as many hurt. The Kings men, angry to be beaten back with so great a loss resolved to fall upon the Fort the next day on sundry parts at once: but the like resolu∣tion was found in the assailed as was in the assailants, both of them resolving ei∣ther to die or to overcome. The Kings men at the Ebb set upon the Fort in di∣vers parts; and those within, running to all places, and shewing much undaunt∣edness, were not wanting in defending themselves manfully on all side. Equal fear and hope did both encourage and discourage both of them, but with con∣trary effects: the Royalists feared the coming of the new tide, and hoped to force the Fort first; the Defendants on the contrary hoped to defend themselves till

the tide should come, and feared to be first forced by the Royalists. Wherefore the conflict proved exceeding bloody, great numbers falling on both sides, and worth and fortune varying the success a long time. They fought thus for six hours together; when the Kings men perceived that the Tide began to come, which brought them to their last endeavours; which was such, as those within not being able longer to hold out, were forced to give back, whilst they still defended them∣selvs valiantly, til they were in so doing all cut in pieces: there were slain about 200 of the Kings men, and the number of the wounded was much greater. The chief of each Nation wan much renown in this conflict: and amongst other Italians, the two Brothers of Monte, Nephews to the Marquis of Vitelli, Raphael Bar∣berino and Curtio Martinengo; each of which playing the part of a Common-Souldier, exposed themselves to each common danger. After the reducing of the Forts, the whole body of the Kings forces betook themselves to doe the like to the Town of Zuricsee: the greatest difficulty lay in bereaving them of the suc∣cour which might be brought by the abovesaid greater Channel, and by the lesser which comes (as we have said) into the Town. Signor di Dorp was the Gover∣nour thereof; a vigilant and stout man. For the better securing of the concourse of the lesser Channel with the greater, he had fortified the banks thereof on both sides to where it joyned with the other; he likewise from the very first caused all the fields round about to be overflown. So as the Kings men had no hopes of taking the Town by the wonted way of Trenches, Batteries, and Assaults. Succour was easily conveyed thereinto; nor was the Kings Fleet, though disposed of in the most convenient places, and assisted by the Boats made like Gallies, able to hinder them. Wherefore the Siege drew on in length, and the cold weather was already come; yet was it so favourable this year, as it did never hinder the passage of the Boats upon those Channels. The chief care of the Siege lay upon Mandragone, who was not wanting in using all means possible to shut up all passages whereby relief might be brought to the town. He planted a great Palisado at the mouth of the lesser Channel, and placed some big Barks there to hinder the entrance. But to work in that place, cost both time and blood: for Musket shot hail'd down continually from the fortified banks, and much harm was done likewise by the Artillery. Two little Islands of very small circuit lay on that side at the entry of the greater Channel, the one near the other. Towards that which lay most inward, and where the Channel grew narrower, Mandra∣gone caused also another Palisado to be planted on both sides, and sought to block up the passage on that side also by great chains of iron. He likewise raised a Fort upon the Bank neer Doveland, the more to hinder that succour. And lastly he resolved to inclose the two fortified Banks of the Channel which leads to the Town, planting a Fort upon both sides of the chief Bank, the better to impede all entrance on that side. Raphael Barberino was author of this last advice, which proved to very good purpose. The Marquis Vitelli held particular correspon∣dencie with him; who not being able to be himself in person at that enterprise, he reposed very much upon Raphael in all the most weighty affairs both by sea and land.

The enemy were brought thus every day into greater streight; yet their vigilancie still in∣creasing, they provided for succour one way or other, so as the Kings forces were not able to disturb them. Count Hollac brought in a very considerable succour in the beginning of February. But Mandragone did so secure the Traverse which lay at the month of the Channel which leads to the City, and did so well shut up that passage on all sides, as the Enemy could come to the Town no more by that way. They had cut many gaps in the chief Bank, as hath been said, to overflow the ground about the town, the largest part whereof was towards the village Dreischer, lying in the midst of the Channel. The Enemy endeavoured to enter into the little Island by this gap, and so into the Town; from whence divers little Boats were to be sent out the better to receive such provisions as should be brought, which could not be brought in by greater Barks at a low Ebb. Count Hollac endeavoured to relieve the Town by this way: but the Kings men who for want of high situations elswhere had placed themselves chiefly upon the said greatest bank, and did very well guard it in all parts, did so behave themselves, as the enemy failed in their design. This bad success moved Orange the more to try a greater by the same way again; for it was thought impossible to bring relief by any other way. To this purpose the Rebels as∣sembled together as great a strength of Boats, men, and victuals as possibly they could. Orange would be present himself at this succour, and Lewis Boisot Admiral of Holland bad the chief care thereof. But the preparation was not answerable to the need, not did the success answer the hopes. Orange, by the advantage of the high tide, came about the end of March to the

abovesaid Gap of Dreischer, he assaulted the Kings men, and at first put them in∣to some disorder; slew some of them, and took some of their Canon from off the banks. But their courage increasing together with their danger, and the ebb being by this time come, they drove the enemy away from all parts; many of which were slain, many drowned, and amongst the rest, the Admiral Boisots self; for his ship running upon the sands which were very deep, neither the ship, nor any of the souldiers that were in it could be saved. This last indeavour of the rebels proving vain, they dispaired of ever relieving the Town; which notwith∣standing under the sufferings of a lingring siege, which lasted almost eight months, did still hold out, till it was at last surrendred about the latter end of June, which we have thought good to relate here, so not to break off the thread of this suc∣cess, with other narrations.

This mean while many other important affairs hapned, which we shall now set down. For the better incouragement of the siege, Marquis Vitelli was come in the midst of Winter into the Island of Scown; great were the moystures in these low Teats, especially this year the cold not being so very bitter as usual. Here he who was already well strucken in years, were it either by reason of the air, or other disaccommodations, fell dangerously sick; and taking a boat that he might be carried to Antwerp to be cured; his mallady so increased as he died by the way before he could get thither. His loss proved very prejudicial to the King affairs: for upon him at that time lay (as we have often said) the greatest weight of the military administration. And indeed he was a Commander of very great renown; who to his honour won first in the Wars in Italy, had made the like correspond which he did purchase in the wars of Flanders. But this loss was ad∣ded unto by another of much greater importance, which insued within a few days after; to wit, the death of Rechesens, the Commendador; who about the be∣ginning of March falling suddenly into a violent feaver, died within five days at Brussels. His bodily sickness was preceded by a great malady of mind: for be∣ing brought into a very great streight for want of mony, he was not furnisht with any from Spain; neither was Flanders any ways able to supply him there withall. In so much as a little before his death, a part of the Spanish horse mutinyed, to the Countries great indignation for which he was forced to suffer the people to re∣assume their arms, which were formerly taken from them by the Duke of Alva: knowing that they would have done so of themselves, though he had not given them leave. Four ordinary ships were at this time only come from Spain with some few souldiers: the maritine preparation from thence not any ways answer∣ing expectation. By reason of all which obstructions the Commendador had rea∣son to fear that the siege of Zurickzee would end unfortunately, and that other sinister events would befall the Kings affairs in Flanders. Whilst thus agitated in mind: he fell sick, and died, with a reputation rather of great goodness, then of great valour: and of being fitter for peacefull imployments then for those of War: in the manageing whereof, so great a Paragon as was the Duke of Alva, proved (to say the truth) too disadvantagious to him. Many, and especially the wiser sort of Spaniards, thought that a mixture of them both might have done well; if joyned together, the one had been wholly imployed in Military, the o∣ther in Civil affairs. Here insued one of the greatest and most tempestuous agi∣tations that ever Flanders felt in the whole pursuit of the war which we will now describe.

You shall see a Government without Government; the whole Country about to revolt: the Kings Forces at enmity within themselves; and his cause more op¦pugned then defended by them: More Governours then one bear his name at once in Flanders, and use his Authority: the Provinces of various sences, and no less differing Councels: Neighbouring Princes manifestly aspiring to the Govern∣ment thereof. A new introduction of foreign Forces: No publick, nor no pri∣vate faith observed. Cruel sacking on one side, fatal sieges on the other: More then hostile violence and fury every where: and in fine, the successes in these re∣volutions of affairs will prove such and so strange, as will doubtlesly move great curiosity here in the expectation of them, but much greater compassion towards Flanders hereafter, when they shall be come and seen. One of the greatest mis∣chiefs

which the affairs of Flanders suffered by the death of Rechesens was, that he died without declaring who should succeed him in his Government: He had a Patent from the King to that purpose, with a blank left for the name. But he was so suddenly surprised with the violence of his sickness, as he could not do it. It was notwithstanding discovered by some appearances, that he would have left the Military Government to Count Peter Ernestus Mansfield, and the Civil Go∣vernment to Count Barlemonte, which two, of all the Lords in the Country, were those the King did most confide in, and from whose valour and wisdom most might be expected. The Commendador failing thus, the Councel of State took upon them the Government, who presently dispatched away an express to Spain, to give the King an account of what had happened, and to represent unto him at full the present condition of the affairs of Flanders.

The King approved of the Provisional resolution taken by the Councel, and declared therewithall that he would forthwith send a new Governor, and such a one as should be fully to the mind of those Provinces. The administration this mean while began by the hands of the Flemish themselves. But nothing is more to be despised in Government, then wavering and divided Authority. Nor doth any thing hurt more then interessed and disagreeing Councels. And it is seen in the Government of Kingdoms, that State-Ministers by their private passions do usually ruine the common Cause. The Councel of State had no sooner taken upon them the Government, but great troubles began to be seen in all things; for their orders were not observed as they ought to have been; and the orders themselves were given with apparent discord, which appeared much more in their minds then in their Votes. Philip de Croy, Duke of Ariscot, Governor of the Province of Flanders, did for his Nobility, riches and adherence, hold the chief place amongst those of the Councel. And with him the greatest part of the Councel did go along in their Votes. All these leaned towards the Liberty of the Country; as well out of their own nature, as out of a particular aliena∣tion which they had to the Spaniards. Orange was not this mean while idle nei∣ther; but seconding by his lively wit the favourable conjuncture, from the very day that the Commendador died, he incited all his followers in all the parts of the Country, to imprint such opinions in the people as might draw them most to be of his mind. Alleadging,

That this was the time to reunite all Flanders in one will. That by fortune, and more by justice, the Government was now in the hands of the native Flemish, and therefore it was not to be suffered to pass any more into the Spaniards hands. That the yoke of so sore a servitude had lasted too long already; imprisonments, confiscati∣ons, deaths, sackings, firings, and so many other deplorable calamities, too long. That Liberty would notwithstanding be so much the more welcome, by how much it was formerly more desired. Then let the Flemish resolve unanimously to recover it, and so to enjoy it with the greater contentment. That the Cause could not be juster in it self, nor of greater applause both within the Provinces, and in all other places. Finally, to what worser end could affairs be brought? since though the designe should not suc∣ceed, the present miseries were so great, as greater were not at any time to be expected.

These passions of the Prince of Orange were easily kindled in the minds of o∣thers, nor was it long ere immence troubles burst forth every where. And to make them arise the sooner, the Spaniards themselves gave such an occasion by a new mutiny of theirs, as those very Flemish who till then had shewed themselves better addicted to the Kings service, did at last concur thereunto. Part of the Cavalry, as we told you before, were mutinyed during the life of the Commen∣dador, but they were quickly quieted; as well for that horse cannot establish a mutiny without foot; as for that the Commendador had quickly procured them satisfaction. The Town of Zirickzee being afterwards taken, and having com∣pounded for 20000 l. to save it self from being sackt, it is not to be believed how much the Spaniards were moved hereat; who for default of their pay, and in recompence of their pains, had in their hopes swallowed up the plunder of that place; or at least expected that the whole composition should be theirs. Nor were they long in shewing their resentment. Without any regard either to their

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own danger, or to the peril they occasioned to the Kings affairs in such a conjun∣cture of time, all delay laid aside, they presently ran to their arms, and in man∣ner as we have before fully described, mutinyed: and deposing their former Com∣manders, chose new ones, and an Elect above them all. They forthwith forsook Zealand, and re-entred into Brabant, intending to possess themselves of some good Town or City, and there to fortifie themselves; that they might after∣wards with large consideration receive satisfaction for their pretended labours. They first endeavoured to enter Brussels but could not get thereinto, as neither into Malines. Count Mansfield spake and treated with them as they were upon their march, in the Councel of States name, to bring them to some agreement. And to this purpose he offered them 10000 pound of that 20000 which the town of Zirricksee was to pay, and three paies of the first monies that were to be sent from Spain; but this did no good, nor any other future Treaty. Still more incen∣sed with anger and rage, not being able to prevail in Brabant, they turned to the very Province of Flanders, and on the sudden took the Town of Alst, one of the best in all that Province. The place is rather convenient then strong; it lies in the midst as it were between Brussels and Gaunt, and much at the same distance from Antwerp. No sooner was the Colours of this new mutiny displayed, but almost all the rest of the Spaniards came in unto it from all places. They fell with all diligence to fortifie Alst, and began to treat those of the Town bitterly, and with like cruelty to overrun the Territories thereof, and all the neighbou∣ring Country, to get the greater contribution. The Councel of State much scan∣dalized hereat, gave order that the people should arm themselves every where, and imployed many men to hinder the incursions of the mutiners. Jerolimo Rhodes, a Spanish Lawyer, was President of the particular Councel or Commit∣tee for Mutinies, which was instituted by the Duke of Alva, and was therefore the more detested by the Flemish. His very person made the Office be the more hated, and the Office his person. Which occasioned so great a commotion in Brussels by reason of the mutiny, as that a great tumult arose inevitably amongst the people, against the said Rhodes, against Julian Romero, the Camp-master, and against Alonzo Vargas, who commanded the Kings horse: in so much as they were all three in great danger, and had much adoe to save themselves in the Kings Palace; and notwithstanding Rhodes had a son slain in that popular uproar, and he himself was afterwards made prisoner. The Spaniards on the contrary, fin¦ding so universal an abhorition against them in the Country, they likewise resol∣ved to do what they could for their own safeties. Sancio d' Avila was the chief∣est amongst them, by the prerogative of his years, places, and their opinions: he therefore deferred no longer: but assembling some other Commanders, par∣ticularly some German Colonels, fell to consider what was best to be done for their men, and for the Kings service: and resolved to muster all their souldiers in one body, before they should be hindred by those which the States gathered to∣gether The whole Flemish Militia which took up arms against the Spaniards was called by this name of States. And on the contrary they were termed Spaniards, not only who really were so, but all those who appeared for them against the Fle∣mish. The spetious name of the Kings service did equally resound on all sides, and each party would attribute unto themselves greatest fidelity. A usual confu¦sion in civil wars, which affords matter to honest the worst cause as well as the better: and which very often makes the false pretences of the one, prevail over the just reasons of the other. Great difficulty was met withall in effecting the resolution taken by the Spanish and German Commanders: for a great part both of their horse and foot were distributed in divers quarters and garisons, much re∣mote one from another. They were not to deprive the Towns of them; and therefore their men being to be reduced into a very small number and to march divided before they could meet, this doubtlesly assisted the Flemish much to hin∣der their meeting The Castles of Antwerp, Gaunt, Valentiennes, Utricht, and some other less considerable were in the Spaniards hands. That of Antwerp was in the custody of Sancio d' Avila and that of Gaunt in Christopher Mandragones, who was then in Zealand. Julian Romero kept in Sira, a Town of very great con∣sequence in the very heart of Brabant. and in Mastrike (a place of such moment

as hath been experienced upon so many several occasions) some German Compa∣nies of Foot were in garrison. The Spaniards did notwithstanding draw out as many men as they could from out the rest; and their design was, when they should have made a strong body of them, to bring them into Antwerp, and to secure that City chiefly, which was so conveniently situated, so rich, and so great. They hoped to receive powerful Forces there from Spain; and by the way of Mastrick, good succours from Germany and Italy. But all these provisions re∣quired time. The States were likewise in the same straits: So as both sides strove to gain it. To this end Letters past between the Councel of State and Sancio d' Avila, equally complaining of the present Mutiny, and seeming desirous to come to some accommodation. They met to this purpose in the Village of Villebruck, two leagues distant from Brussels; some of the Councel of State on one part, and Sancio a' Avila, together with the abovesaid German Colonels on the other. But their resolutions came not to much: Only Gerollemo Rhodes was set at liberty, and Romero and Vargas were likewise suffered to go free out of Brussels. Jealousies increasing thus rather then diminishing on all sides, the States hastned their provisions every day more and more: which they might much ea∣silier doe then the Spaniards; for all the Provinces, except it were that of Lucem∣burg, did already openly joyn in one and the same sense which was Not to suffer any Spaniards or other Foreigners to tarry amongst them. Sigmor Campigm, a Burgonian, brother to Cardinal Granville, was Governour of Antwerp; and the Baron of Erbestine, a German Colonel, was there in garrison with his Regi∣ment. The States wrought so, as they drew them both privately over to be at their command; though in publike both of them were bound to Sancio d Avila and the other German Colonels, not to admit any of the States souldiers into Antwerp, as Avila was likewise bound to call in no more Spaniards thither. By another secret intelligence they had likewise gained over the aptains of the other German Companies which were in Mastrick, who likewise were of Er∣besteins Regiment. Having these advantages, the Councel of State resolved to temporise no longer. As soon as they had placed good store of Horse and Foot near Brussels, they treated of proclaiming all the Spaniards which were in Flanders Rebels, and to pursue them every where with their Arms as such. The two Counts of Mansfield and Barlemont appeared mightily against this; and Vighlio yet more, who was President of the Councel; A man, who as he did ad∣vance in yeares, so did his zeale for the good of Flanders still increase. He said,

Out of what fault shall we declare this Rebellion? If the Spaniards have fallen thereinto by mutinying, this is not the first time they have done so, nor will it per adventure be the last. War causeth expence; Expence, want of Pay; Want of Pay, the Souldiers anger; and the Souldiers anger, Mutiny. As long as the wars conti∣nue, these disorders will fall out: other Countries have had experience of it, as well as ours hath now. But when was it ever heard that in such a case the Mutiniers were esteemed Rebels? aay, how often have whole Armies rather commended then condem∣ned their cause? insomuch as at last it hath been thought the best course to suffer some∣thing in accommodating them, then to run hazard of greater dangers by going about to punish them too severely. I heartily wish that in the like cases, as also in divers others of the world. Necessity prevailed not too much above Reason. Kingdoms give way, and Empires bow to this force: To this we must now likewise submit. The Spaniards are too much incensed to see Flanders every where so hatefully bent against them: they storm already for being declarea Enemies; how much more will they doe so when they shall be declared Rebels? The other Spaniards will flock to defend the Mutiniers, and will make this a common interest. And with whom is it that we shall contend? What Nation is there to be found which hath been longer trained up in Arms, more acquainted with blood and more accustomed to fight and overcome? To what a rage will despair carry them? I therefore am of opinion, that this wound is to be cured by the accustomed ways. Armies, as well as humane bodies, are liable to infirmities: And if this may be easily cured, we ought not by danger of so great an impairment make it our selves incurable.

The Reasons alleadged by Vightio, and divers others other Considerations offered by the two Counts, did no whit avail to alter the opinion of the oppo∣site part of the Councel, which was the more numerous, and the more powerfull. But these accusing the other of perfidiousness, injuriously said that they were Spaniards, and no longer Flemings, and broke forth into open threats against them Nor were they long in putting them in execution, taking new pretences, and still palliating the appearances thereof the more, they imprisoned the three above-named Councellors, as also Signior d' Asonville, and made the Duke of Ariscot President of the Councel. I hey then proclaimed on Edict of Rebellion against the Spaniards, the Contents whereof was in substance this.

That all the mischiefs of Flanders had proceeded from the Spaniards. That to have the total domination thereof, they had taken away the government from the Dutchess of Parma, and given it to the Duke of Alva. That from that time forward the Country was opprest in all parts by sad and fatal chances: Amongst which that of Mutinies was to be accounted among the most fatal. That one of these was now on foot in the very heart of the Provinces; and that under pretence of having their Pay, the Spa∣niards design was generally to devoure the substances, and to drink the blood of all the Flemish. That therefore the Councel of State, which by order from the King did now govern, judging it necessary to withstand with Arms this threatening ruine, had therefore put on the most convenient resolutions. That notwithstanding in this so great necessity, there were some Councellors who shewed themselves averse to the com∣mon good, so as the rest had thought fit to secure them. That the Spaniards desired now more then ever to bring in the Inquisition into Flanders. That out of their zeal to the Kings service, the Councel of State had published this Edict, whereby the aforenamed Spaniards were declared Rebels to the King, and whereby it was ordered that they should be pursued every where and slain as Enemies. The Edict concluded with an invitation to all the Provinces to joyn in the same sense and opinion, since the same was the cause amongst them all.

It is not to be believed how much the minds of the Flemish were moved after this publication; and how, as if the Edict had been a general Trumpet which had summoned them, they strove who should shew themselves readiest to goe against the Spaniards, and drive them out of the Country. The Councel of States chief intention was, to call together the States Generall; to the end that the re∣solutions which they had already taken might be of greater authority, as also those which they should hereafter take. Nor was there need of any great trouble herein. At the very first invitation, every Province (except that of Luxenburg, as hath been said) shewed themselves willing to meet in this General Assembly, either by express Deputies, or by open consent. In Governments where the Kings Prerogative and the Subjects Priviledge doe interfere, the one fide is usually glad to get the advantage of the other. And therefore in Flanders, Princes have al∣wayes been unwilling to have the Generall Assembly of the Provinces meet, it being a time wherein they pretend rather to give Laws then to rceive them: And on the contrary the Provinces have always imbraced such occasions, wherein by the meeting of their whole body together they might keep the power of Princes within its precincts. And the Flemish did this now the more readily, for that they thought it a fit conjuncture of time, having no Kingly Governour amongst them who might oppose them or at least be over them. When then the Edict against the Spaniards was published, and the convocation of the States Generall made, Hostility began suddenly on all sides: The chief design of the States was, to have Mastrick, and the Citadels of Antwerp and Gaunt in their possession; hoping that by their examples the other Castles would soon doe the like. On the other side, the Spaniards studied chiefly how to keep all the aforesaid strong Holds and Towns, but especially Mastrick and the Citadel of Antwerp, for the reasons above mentioned. Many Souldiers were mustered together in Gaunt to besiege that Castle and a greater number were gathered together in Antwerp, because they thought that would prove the harder work. The Governour Champigny and Colonel Erbestine had already discovered themselves to be for the States, and received all that came into the City, who were sent from them. But the States chief endeavour was, to keep the Spaniards, and also such Germans as ad∣hered

to them, from meeting together. The Walloons, as natives of the Country, did already intirely obey the orders of the Flemish. Nay after the surrender of Ziricsce, those Walloons who were at the taking thereof, seased upon their Colonel Mandragone, and kept him forth-coming. The Flemish Commanders did then to the aforementioned end, shut up all the Passes, and for∣tified them, and placed many men about them in sundry parts. The Spaniards on the contrary were very diligent in getting together as many of their Forces as they could, and to quarter themselves in some of the most commodious parts in Brabant. From this opposition of designes, they came quickly to the like of arms: and the first effect thereof fell out about Lovain. The Spaniards had as∣sembled together a good strength of horse in the parts about Mastrike, towards the Country of Liege; and came towards Lovain, that they might get to Alst; and by new endeavours, try whether they could get the mutiners from thence or no, and make them joyn with the other Spaniards. Which they refused to do till they should have received their full pretended pay. The Councel of State had notice of this their moving; and speedily dispatched away the Seignior di Glimes, with 2000 foot and 600 horse to hinder them. The Spaniards had 800 horse, but came without any foot at all. Both parties met in the Village of Visenack, not far from Lovain The Spaniards, whose chief Commander was Vargas, endea∣voured first to pass friendly by, which they signified by a Trumpet to the contra∣ry party. Who being more in number, returned a negative answer, and forced the Spaniards to open their way with their swords. They were all choice men; where as the others horse consisted most of the old Companies of Flanders, and usually but little exercised; and amongst their foot there were many new soul∣diers but then raised by the Councels Authority. The Spaniards, seeing a neces∣sity of fighting, supplyed their want of foot, by putting a Company of Burgoni∣an horse on foot, and took the best advantage they could of place, whereby they might receive the less offence from the adverse foot. Here they came to blows. The Flemish charged violently at first; but the Spaniards knew so well both how to evade them, and how to stand them, as turning furiously upon the Fle∣mish, they easily broak them, and cut almost all their foot in peeces. The horse suffered but little harm; for not intending to fight, they soon ran all away. Those Burgonians who were on foot behaved themselves gallantly: with whom John Baptista del Monte, leaving his Company of Lanciers, and fighting on foot gave great testimony of his courage and stoutness in that action. Amongst the other Captains of Lanciers, George Basti, Barnerdine Mendosa, and Peter Tassis, fought likewise very valiantly: particularly Basti, upon occasion of charging the ene∣my in the most dangerous flank; and in the first heat of the combate, Rafael Barberino was dangerously hurt. The Pass being won, Vargas went to treat with the mutiners in Alst: where he met Sancio d'Avila, and the Camp-masters, Romero and Toledo. All these indeavoured very much to get those other to joyn with the rest who followed the same Colours. They represented unto them in what danger the Castle of Antwerp and Gaunt were, and the Town of Mastrick; by reason of the intelligence that the States held there. And they concluded, that their men if they would joyn together, might hope to overcome, but being divided they were sure to be all lost. But all this was in vain: for the mutiners, appearing more deaf in their minds then in their ears, with a greater sense of rage then reason, remained firm in their resolution of not quitting Alst, till they were fully paid. So Vargas and the rest returned to from whence they came. It was not long ere Vargas, with whom the Toledan was joyned, met with a new occa∣sion of fighting. They were not gon far from Alst, when they heard the Ger∣man Garison, together with the Townsmen in Mastrick were ready to rise, in fa∣vour of the States. That City (as we said in the beginning) is divided by the Mause: the greatest part thereof lies towards Brabant; and on the other shore towards the Country of Liege, doth the lesser part stand, called by the name of Vich. There were here some few Spaniards; and some few others in a gate pla∣ced between two great Towers on the other greater side of the City, which was therefore chiefly in the Germans custody. Montesdock, a Spaniard, was Gover∣nour of the Town, who when he found the contrivings of the garison with the,

Townsmen, he end eavoured by sundry ways to remedy it, but the issue was, he himself was imprisoned. They then took up arms to drive out the Spaniards, and to put the City absolutely into the hands of the Flemish. This news was sudden∣ly brought to Vargas, and he in great haste ran to assist his companions. He forth∣with assembled together many of the nearest Spanish foot; and passing over the Mause, gave such succour as was needfull to the part called Vich. And this hap∣pened so opportunely, as that the enemy were driven from the bridg which joyns the two parts of the Town together, and pursued into the Town with great slaughter. The others had the like success also at the fighting of the aforementi∣oned gate; for the Spaniards that were within having still manfully defended it, at last let those in that were without, who secured the City; which in revenge was afterwards sackt by both parties.

The States indeavoured this mean while by all means possible, to have the two Castles of Antwerp and Gaunt in their possession. They had already said siege to the latter, and begirt it with many men, which were commanded by John Croy, Count of Rouls, subordinate to the Duke of Ariscot, who was Governour of the Province. The Emperour Charls the fift made the Castle to be built in that year 1540. upon the occasion of the rising of those of Gaunt, so to curb their con∣tumacy the more for the future. It consists of four Bastions which look on one side upon the City, on the other side towards the fields. The Governour of the Castle was at this time ill provided of all things, and had not above 200 men to defend it. It was commanded by a Lieutenant of Mandragone's (in lieu of him) who notwithstanding all his wants, prepared manfully to defend it. Count Rouls raised a platform on the side which was nearest the City; and began to open his Yrenches on the same side, to fall as soon as he might into the ditch. He placed some peeces of Artillery upon the platform, which commanded the Castle: and did so streighten it on all sides, as those within could receive no relief from those without. At the same time a great many of the States men were gone likewise to Antwerp, to besiege that Castle; the foot, which consisted all of old Walloons, and new raised men, were accompanied by a good body of horse; and the States did not omit any other sort of provisions which were requisite, suddenly to come by their desires in both places. The Citadel of Antwerp lies upon the banks of the Scheld, upon the South side of the City. It is a Pentagon, composed of five Royal Bastions. Of all modern fortifications, it hath been esteemed so famous, as it hath served for a pattern to almost as many Citadels as have been built in any Country since. Some of her flanks lies towards the City; and the rest lean to∣wards the Champian. Respect being had, as in all other Castles, to be able on one side to command the City, and on the other to receive necessary succours up∣on all occasions from without. There lies a good space of ground between the Castle and the City: The Flemish resolved to streighten the siege on this side, which they began to do with two Cavalliers of a great hight, upon which they places some peeces of great Artillery. From hence they began to play upon them within; and imployed a great number of men in making their Trenches. The Canon shot which played upon both the Castles were heard in Alst: at the hearing whereof the mutiners began to rescent themselves, and to be inraged both with anger and shame. John de Navarese was their head under the title of Elect: who had always used his best indeavours (though still in vain) to make them joyn with the other souldiers. He did not let slip this occasion; but calling the multitude into the Piazza, said thus unto them.

And what shall we expect more? you hear the sound of the shot that are made a∣gainst the Castles of Gaunt and Antwerp. Shall we suffer these that are really re∣bels to God and the King, boast that thy have (though falsely laid the imputation of rebels upon us? shall we suffer them to bereave us of two such important strengths? and which keep their perfidious necks under so just a yoke? will it not be in their pow∣er afterwards to punish us? and shall not we then receive correction instead of inflicting it? What will our pertinaciousness of not joyning with the rest, serve us for then? So instead of getting our pay in monies, we shall be paid shamefully with bloud. But we have yet time enough to revenge us, if we can but know our own strength, and manfully make use of our hands. I am then of opinion, that without any delay, we

depart from hence, and that we hasten to relieve the Castle of Antwerp, which is of greater importance then that of Gaunt: And that when we shall have secured that Fort, we may with the same fervor suddenly assault the City. I doe not any wayes doubt the Succour, and I hope for all good success in the Assault: We know that the Besiegers are almost all of them Townsmen; who astonished at our arrival, and much more at our assault, will immediately run to their houses, and to their Magazine of Merchandise. Here we shall quench our just thirsts with their blood, and our no less just longing after their wealth. Antwerp alone will put us into possession of all the Northern wealth, and by the Plunder of one City we shall enjoy the spoils of many Provinces. But this is an opinion (my Companions) which would be sooner put in execution, then given: the worth thereof consists in expedition: For if we shall put off time, and that the Castle be the mean time well begirt, what will it avail us then to have taken such a resolution, when meeting with insuperable difficulties we shall not be able to effect it.

The Elect would have said more, when the Mutiniers violently interrupted him; and with a loud voice, as if it had proceeded but from one mouth, began to cry out, To Arms! To Arms! And running from all parts rather to snatch them, then to take them up, they resolved to march immediately towards the Citadel of Antwerp. There were not many houres of day-light left; and 'twas upon the 3. of November 1576. Having then taken up their Arms, and each of them com∣manding rather then obeying, they hastily left Alst, intending to enter the Cita∣del the next morning, and then suddenly to assault the City. They could not not∣withstanding get thither till after noon, because they were longer in passing the Scheld then they had thought: which while they were passing over, Vargas and Romero came luckily to the same place with 400 Horse and some Foot; and being joyned together, they quickly entred the Castle by the Relief-gate. Sancio d' Avila would have had those that had come from abroad to have taken some refreshment before they should have fallen upon the Enemies Trenches: but all of them shewing the eagerness of their minds by their eyes, cry'd out, We must immedi∣ately goe out, and either dye, or sup this night in Antwerp. The number of those that came from without, and those that were in the Castle, came to somewhat more then 3000 Foot, and 500 Horse. They made not any long delay: The Foot being put in order, they went out of the Citadel, and were divided into two parts; the one under the Camp-master Romero, the boldest, and most for∣tunate at execution that peradventure came ever out of the Spanish Nation; and the other, to doe that honour to the Mutiniers, under Navarese. The Souldiers of both parts, being of Companions become Rivals, marched with such violence against the Enemies Trenches, and assaulted them with such resolution, as the Flemish began at the very first to be troubled, and to shew manifest signs of fear, and of running away. The failing of courage in the one, increased the like in the other; so as redoubling their force, they quickly put the Enemy in such disorder and confusion, as not being able longer to make good their Trenches, they were forced to retreat and forsake them. The Antwerpians, who were come to defend them, fled immediately away, never looking back: but the Walloons and Germans sometimes facing about, retreated less shamefully. This mean while, the Spanish Foot pursued them more hotly by the two chief wayes which lead from the Cita∣del to the City; and being followed by the Horse, and beating down whatsoever withstood them, they came to the Piazza, where the Town-House stands; which was very sumptuously built, and to which the whole North might very well give then the precedencie and honour of Merchandise. This Piazza was built about with many noble structures. Here the Antwerpians made a stand; and some Dutch and Walloons joyning with them, endeavoured with new Forces to make head: but being again broken and routed, a good many of them got into the Town-House, and into the Houses about the Piazza; and striking the Spa∣niards who were below, with much advantage from the windows above, they for∣ced them to finish their victory by fire, since it would either be too hard or require too much time to doe it by the sword. Thus on a sudden was a fire kindled, which in a short time devoured the goodliest part of so gallant a City. All the Piazza's, streets and nooks fell into their absolute power; who confounding Im∣prisonments

with Death, had not hands enough to doe both. Many Flemish of good quality did notwithstanding save themselves; and amongst others, the Mar∣quis of Haure, brother to the Duke of Ariscot, saved himself, and fled over the Scheld, as did also Campigni the Governour of the Town. The Baron Erbestein had not the like good fortune; for the Boat wherein he was with his Arms on, overturned in the water, so as he was drowned. Infinite others sought to shun the Enemies rage by the same way: but either not finding Boats so ready at hand, or not being able to get so many thereinto, they were made a miserable prey either to the water or to the sword. Others in a blind madness threw them∣selves over the walls, and perished in the City-ditches. Others more advisedly hiding themselves in the secretest places of their houses, trusted Fortune with their safety. And many in a generous despair, rather seeking out danger then shunning it, chose sooner to die, then to out-live so sore a misfortune both private and publike. Count Egmont, the Lord of Capres and Goygni, and divers others considerable persons, together with almost all the chief Citizens and Merchants, were taken prisoners. The number of the dead was said to be about 7000. the most of them Townsmen: not above 200 of the Spaniards were slain, and one of these was the Mutiniers Elect, John de Navarese. As soon as they had glutted themselves with blood, the Spaniards fell presently to plunder the City. Antwerp by the concourse of Poreigners did at this time wonderfully flourish in Merchan∣dise; the City abounded in riches, and in all those happy accommodations as were to be wished for in so luxurious a juncture of time. Amongst other Foreign∣ers, great were the number of the English, and Easterlings, which are those of the Hans Towns upon the Baltick Sea. These two Nations had two Houses in Antwerp of such a largeness and capacity, as they rather seemed to be Plantations then Ware-houses Luxury, the constant companion of Riches, made the Mer∣chants not only live handsomly, but with a great deal of sumptuousness; many of which abandoning all parcimony, lived like so many Kings: they had got to∣gether great store of Jewels, Pearls, Gold and Silver, and their houses were full of all other sort of merchandise. How great the gain was which the Spaniards got in these Indus of one City, may sooner be conjectured then said The Plunder lasted three dayes. And notwithstanding, so great Riches not being able to satisfie the insatiable Souldier, the houses were heard to sound with outcryes, and the streets were full of people that ran away, by reason of the violences committed by the Souldiers against the Inhabitants, to make them confess where their most preti∣ous things were hid, and to make them produce them. Thus they proceedrd from Avarice to Cruelty, and from Cruelty again to Rapine; and thus they con∣tinued. till weary rather then satisfied, and matter to plunder wanting rather then will to plunder, they reduced themselves to the obedience of their Comman∣ders. Thus did Antwerps misery end; the Town remaining so afflicted, as if that decay of Commerce had been then Prognosticated, which fell out unto her in the insuing years, by reason of the Warre, and other calamities. At the news of this, whole Flanders was incredibly astonished. The meeting of the States General was already appointed, and to this purpose the Deputies of almost all the Provinces were in Gaunt. Whereupon the desire of driving out the foreigners exceedingly increasing; the Flemish did again bend all their endeavours to re-pos∣sess themselves of the Citadel of that City. Which at last they did, without any great difficulty. There were but very few people within it, and there was scarcety of all things else, as we have formerly said, so as the siege was not rendred famous by any important action. But that which the Flemish did chiefly aim at was to make a general union of all the Provinces; and that the Government being esta∣blisht in men of their own Country, all forein government might be excluded. To this purpose the Deputies of Holland and Zealand met with the other Deputies. Nor was it hard for the Prince of Orange (who was the chief leader, and layer of all these practises) in this present crisis of time, to agree the diversity of Interests, which were between these two Provinces infected with Heresie, and the others which kept yet Catholick; and to make them afterwards joyne in one opinion. The former Treaty of Breda was reassumed; and the Propositions which were then made by the Rebels, were almost all of them

assented unto. By a joynt resolution taken in Gaunt, many Articles of agree∣ment were established between the one and the other Provinces; and peace and union was agreed upon by them all, save that of Lucemburg. To which the Kings authority was also fully made use of by the Councel of State. These were the chief things agreed upon:

That there should be peace, friendship, and confederacy for the time to come, between the Catholick Provinces on the one part, and Holland and Zealand together with the Prince of Orange on the other part; and that all past injuries and offences should for ever be forgotten by all their Inhabitants. That from that time forward their people should return to joyn the liberty of the former commerce, and their respective correspondency. That all the Provinces should with a joynt consent drive all the Spaniaras and their adherents immediately out of the Country, and take such course as should be needfull to that purpose. That the Provinces being freed from this op∣pression, they should all immediately meet in a general Assembly, as was done the last time, in the days of the Emperour Charls the fist; and that then such resolutions should be taken as should be thought best for the re-ordering of the Government, and for the reducing of it to its primary, true, and natural form. That in the mean time the so many Laws come forth with so much rigour by the Duke of Alva for the pu∣nishment of heresie and tumults, should be suspended, but that no other religion, save the Roman Catholick should be used in the Roman Catholick Provinces; and as for the other two of Holland and Zealand, they should expect what the States General would determine in that point. That concerning the restitution of Cities, Places, strong holds, Ammunition and Arms which was to be made unto the King; that should likewise be done which should be resolved on by them. That all prisoners, par∣ticularly Count Bossu should be set at liberty without any maner of ransome. That all goods should be likewise restored to their former possessors: respect being had to many irreparable impossibilities which the war had produced.

These were briefly the contents of the chiefest Articles which were agreed upon between the one and the other Provinces: many others being by us omitted, which related to matter of Justice, and touching the restitution of goods; so to shun the tediousness of relating every little matter; and not to detain you with superfluous prohxities. This peace and union being concluded in manner afore∣said, the Provinces would begin to put them in execution, upon those few Spani∣ards which were in the Castle of Gaunt: the which was surrendred at the same time that the peace was agreed upon: and therefore they conducted those Spa∣niards to the Frontiers of France, and so sent them out of the Country; and prepared with very great resolution, to drive out all the rest also as soon as possi∣bly they could by force.

THE HISTORY OF THE WARS OF FLANDERS Written by CARDINAL BENTIVOGLIO.

BOOK X.

The Contents.

Don John of Austria comes to the Government of Flanders. Much diffidence ari∣seth amongst the Flemish touching his person. He endeavours as much as he can to remove them: and Orange labours to nourish them. An agreement is at last made between Don John and the States. But the Prince of Orange with the two Provinces of Holland and Zealand, oppose it. Don John is received into the Government. He useth all means again to bring all the Provinces to be of one min•••• but fails therein. Hence suspitions arise on all sides; and from thence trou∣bl••. The Queen of Navar passeth by the Frontiers of Flanders towards France. Don John goes himself in person to receive her, and to carry her to Namures. Up∣on which occasion he makes himself Master of the Castle of that City. The States complain hereof unto the King. They resolve to call the Prince of Orange into 〈◊〉〈◊〉, and receive him with unusual honours. Which causeth jealousies in the ••••st of the chief Nobility: who therefore determine to offer the Government of Flanders to Archduke Mathias. He accepts of the offer, and comes thither pri∣vatly Orange his opinion, and the opinion of the States General, touching his coming. They resolve to accept of him for the Governour of the Country. The Flemish take up arms on all sides against Don John. And endeavour to besiege Namures. The Kings men return speedily into Flanders: And a battel insues thereupon near Geblurs; wherein they have the victory. The proceedings of the Kings Forces. Preparations on the behalf of the Flemish do encrease continually more against them. To this end an Army is raised in Germany, by the Palatine John Casimere. And the Duke of Alanson prepares another in France. John Casimere moves first, and being come to Brabant, takes Diste. The Flemish quarter themselves strongly in the fields, to expect the arrival of all the foreign f••r••es Don John marches with all his men towards them: but cannot draw them forth to battel. His hopes of seeing the enemies foot soon dissolve. By favour of the he etical aids, the Flemish sectarists demand a general liberty of conscience: and obtain it. The Catholicks are much scandalized hereat. A new action of the

Malecontents. Some accommodation of the affairs of Flanders, is again endea∣voured by tht Emperour, by the King of France, and by the Queen of England: but in vain. Alanson exters the Country with his Army. Orange doth all he can that the Flemish and the foreign forces may joyn. Don John fals sick; dies. And leaves the Prince of Parma in the administration of the Government.

WHilst Flanders was thus agitated with tempestuous troubles, and that a new Governour seemed to be most necessary; news came that Don John of Austria, the Kings bastard brother, was unexpectedly arrived in the Province of Lucemburg. In his journey he had passed through France in disguise: and had made such haste by Post, as he was the first man that brought news of his arrival. Don John was then in the prime of his age, and in the height of his glory. Whilst he was yet very young, he was imployed by the King to allay the insurrection of the Moors, with which Spain was then very much molested, and won very great renown in the success thereof. Being from thence sent into Italy, upon occasion of that memorable league against the Turk, it is not to be exprest how gallantly he made the valour of his own person, cor∣respond with the supreme authority of his command throughout the whole car∣riage of the enterprise: in so much as the so famous naval victory of Lepanto wherefore Christendom was so happily freed from so eminent danger, was chief∣ly attributed to him. Being returned to Spain, he kept near the King in very great esteem; and by the publick votes of his whole Nation, was cryed up to whatsoever greatest imployment that Monarchy could bestow. Whereupon oc∣casion arising of sending him to be Governour of Flanders; the King readily imbraced it; joyning in opinion himself with the like of others, that Don John by reason of his so great indowments, might better then any other, both keep the obedient Provinces in their loyalty, and reduce those that were in rebellion, in a short time by his forces. He departed from Spain unknown, and made the aforesaid haste to the end that his arrival in Flanders might be the sooner, and the safer. With him was Octavius Gonzaga, son to Ferrante, so famous formerly in arms, who was Viceroy of Sicily, and afterwards under Charls the fift, Gover∣nor of Milan. He passed every where in disguise, as a servant of this Octavius, though he tarryed some days in Paris, out of a curiosity of seeing the King, as he did, and to treat with the Spanish Ambassador, who was then Resident there. When he was come to the Town of Lucemburg, which denominates the whole Province, he understood in what a troublesome condition those Countries were. And his coming fell out to be just then when Antwerp was so miserably plundred. He was very much displeased thereat, and soon foresaw how much the peoples minds would be thereby every where exasperated, and what difficulties he should meet withall, in the first introducing of his Government. To make use of arms, neither had he sufficient wherewithall, neither was it a fitting time. To boot that at his departure from Spain, he had received particular instructions from the King, that by all means he should first try what good was to be done upon the Flemish by fair means, before he should use any force. He therefore did not delay to give the Councel of State which was at Brussels, notice in all civil manner of his arri∣val in the Province of Lucemburg. He told them that the King desired nothing more then to see Flanders in peace and quiet. That he had brought with him ve∣ry large Commissions to this purpose; and that he for his part would be ready to execute them with all speed and alacrity. He shewed himself to be highly dis∣pleased at the Tumults and disorders that had lately happened; to witness which, he said he would give sudden order to the Spaniards that they should desist from all hostility: and that he would endeavour fully to assure the Provinces, that through his Government they should receive all the just satisfaction from the King which they could desire. The Deputies of the States General were gone from Gaunt to Brussels; and the Councel of State went with them, still adhe∣ring with them in opinion. They were all of them greatly astonished at the sud∣den coming of Don John: for they saw it was impossible he could bring such re∣solutions

[illustration]

from the King as could stand with their designs. Yet after a while, they dispatched away the Vicecount of Gaunt, the Lord of Rassenghein, and Lord Vigliernel, to present their services to Don John; but indeed, to dive into his most inward thoughts Don John failed not to receive them with all shew of ci∣vility, and acquainted them at full with the Kings exceeding good intentions to∣ward those Provinces. He assured them in particular, that the King would by all means have all the Spaniards, and foreign souldiers to depart from thence; and that he would grant a very ample pardon to all those, who by reason of the late revolts, might have any need thereof. This tidings being brought to Brussels, they must needs very much please one side; since in the point concerning foreig∣ners, the Flemish had what they so much desired. But then again, they did so di∣strust all the Spaniards actions, and so fresh, and detestable was the memory of the calamities which they had suffered by them, as the more favourahle the of∣fers were which were made by Don John, the more deceitfull they thought them to be.

The Prince of Orange was as the Oracle of the Provinces, after the agreement made between them: so as he was the main wheel upon which all their resoluti∣ons were turned: wherefore the Councel of State, and Deputies of the States General, desired to know his opinion concerning the coming of Don John; and in what manner he would have him received into the Government, before they would take any resolution therein. Whereupon Orange began a long discourse, the substance whereof was this,

That the larger Don Johns promises were, the more they were to be suspected. That it was apparent the Spaniards end was to cheat the Flemish, and to lull them asleep, that they might the more easily oppress them. That Don John was not to be received day otherwise then upon such terms, as (their obedience always preserved unto the King) the former Government might be restored unto the Provinces. That therefore in the first place, all the Spaniards should be expelled: That the Citadels should be all demolished, and put into the hands of the Flemish. That no Authority at all should be granted to Don John; not so much as over the Militia of the Country. That the States General should retain the prerogatives due unto them. That to this purpose they might have a power to meet once or twice a year, to preserve the priviledges of the Provinces. And that Don John should resolve on nothing without the Authority of the said States General. That it better behoved him to trust the Flemish, then the Flemish him. And that howsoever it was not to be believed that the King would ever pardon them, since he held himself too much injured by them: That therefore they ought to consider his anger together with his forces; and put themselves into such a posture, as since they could never secure themselves from the one, they might not at least be opprest by the other.

This was Orange his opinion, which he desired to distill into all the Flemish. And this was the foundation which he even then laid of that Commonwealth of the United Provinces, which hath been since so formed and established in these our times by powerfull forces: and of which we formerly sent a particular Relation from Brussels to Rome; which together with some other writings of ours touch∣ing the affairs of Flanders, were afterwards published by Ericio Puteano, our ve∣ry good friend, and the worthy successor of Justus Lipsius, no less in learning then in place, and in the Inheritance of his fame, no less then of his labours. Orange hoped by this means to make himself Moderator, and Arbitrator of the Government; and assisted by the present conjuncture of time, to make himself at least as good as Prince of Holland and Zealand if he should not arrive at the Principality of all the Provinces, joyned together in one body. And peradven∣ture he would not have missed in his designe, had he not been slain (as shall be said in its proper place) and so had the thread of his life, as well as that of his hopes cut off. This answer increased such jealousies in the Flemish, as not think∣ing themselves sufficiently united by the agreement made at Gaunt, they resolved to make another union which should be more strict, and more efficacious. They therefore drew up a Declaration in the name and Authority of the States Gene∣ral; wherein repeating the calamities suffered by the Spaniards, they did again confirm the confederation of Gaunt, promised to observe it inviolably, and decla∣red

all such to be Traitors and infamous persons who should in any whatsoever manner countervene it. This Writing or Declaration was afterwards signed and sealed in every Province, by every Magistrate and Governour; and was imbra∣ced with great applause by the whole Country. And because Orange had chiefly minded them that the States should put themselves in Arms, shewing what dan∣ger they were again to expect from the Spaniards, therefore the States General betook themselves to raise new men, which they brought together in a good bo∣dy, under the command of Count Di Saleigne, of the Vicecount of Gaunt, and Monsieur de la Mota to Vaures, a Town between Brussels and Namures, very opportunely seated, especially to withstand Don John. The States General made likewise divers expeditions into Germany, France, and England, to pray aide in all those parts, and to make the cause of the Flemish common with all their neigh∣bours A considerable sum of money was sent from the Queen of England; who under hand shewed her self well inclined to greater demonstrations. On the part of Germany the greatest confederacy was had with John Casimere one of the Count Palatines of Rheine; and the thing desired was to furnish him with monies, whereby to raise men in that Nation, and lead them into Flanders. On France's side, they did not only endeavour to raise the Hugonot Faction, but to draw likewise the Catholick party to be of the same mind, under the Duke of Alanson, brother to the King: particularly inviting the Duke to endeavour to raise a Fortune worthy of himself in Flanders, now that he had little hopes of finding any in France.

Don John was easily acquainted with all these practices; who notwithstan∣ding patiently bearing with them, and willing to take away all pretences which the discontented Flemish could make use of, confirmed the aforesaid offers in sa∣tisfaction to the Provinces; and concluded, that obedience being rendred by them to the Church, and to the King, he would in all things else accept of such Propositions as they should propound unto him. The Vicecount of Gaunt, and Lords of Rassenghean and Viglirual went sundry times to and fro between the States and Don John; and the easilyer to agree upon what was fitting for the re∣ceit of Don John into the Government, a Truce was made for 15 days, which was afterwards prolonged for some few days longer. All the difficulties arised from diffidence: For the States would, that in the first place, all the Spaniards and whatsoever other foreign souldiers, should go out; which Don John seemed to agree unto; but then he thought it a just demand, that at the same time the States foreign Militia should likewise go out. And because the States appeared very obstinate against this, it was propounded, that at least for security sake, some considerable men of theirs might be put as Hostages into the Castle of Huy, a Town in Liege, under the custody of the Bishop of that City, till such time as the Spanish Forces being first sent out, their foreign Militia might likewise be made depart. And 'twas added, that at the same time a Guard should be given to Don John under some Captain of that Country, who should swear due loyalty to him. He chiefly desired to know what form of obedience should be observed to the Church and King; and instanced that the condition of his being received into Government might be such, as Religion might not thereby receive too much prejudice, nor the Royal Dignity be too much offended. The Town of Huy as a nutral place, was likewise propounded for a place of security, where the agree∣ment which was managed on both sices, might be made between Don John and the States. But divers difficulties arose in all these points; which Orange particu∣larly fomented with all his might, because his end was, either that Don John might not at all be received: or at least that he might only have the bare title of Governour; and that the Government might remain absolutely in the States hands, which was almost as much as to say, absolutely in his own power. The Emperour Maximilian was dead a little before this. And the Flemish having had recourse to him for protection before he died, they therefore made the same application to his son Rodolphus, who succeeded him in the Emperial dignity. Not could the King of Spain be hereat offended. Rodolphus had therefore made choice of Gerard Grosbeck, Bishop of Liege, together with two other of his Councellors, to mediate some agreement between Don John and the States. Ce∣sar

thought it likewise fitting, and herein the King did likewise agree with him, that the Duke of Cleves, as a Prince so nearly interessed in the neighbourhood of Flanders, might likewise send some express personages in his behalf to facillitate the accommodation.

In the beginning of the year 1577, these Ambassadors went to the Town cal∣led Marcha in Famines, which is in the Province of Lucemburg, towards the Country of Liege; where Don John was himself in person, that he might be near∣er Huy, where the Commissioners were, which the States made use of in the a∣bovesaid Treaty. The States stood inflexable to two points: The one was, That first of all, the Spaniards together with all the other foreign souldiers should be sent away. The other, That this new agreement with Don John, should in no ways prejudice the union made between the Provinces at Gaunt. Very great were the difficulties which were met withall, in these and divers other points; and Don John knew very well how much the Kings Authority and his would at last suffer by this accommodation. But rather then return to arms he being desirous to try all means of accommodation, and being much prest thereunto by the Imperial Ambassadors, and by those of the Duke of Cleves, who were perswaded that when the Spaniards should be sent away, Don John should receive all manner of satisfaction from the Flemish in all things else; he at last condescended to the a∣greement in such manner as the Ambassadors thought fit. Which was.

That all the Spanish souldiers, as also the German, Italian, and Burgonian, should effectually depart out of the Low-Countries within forty days. That the Towns and Castles should forthwith be delivered up into the hands of the Flemish; That all pri∣soners should be set at liberty; particularly Count Buren who was prisoner in Spain; upon condition that his father the Prince of Orange should after the meeting of the States General, make good on his side whatsoever they should determine. That the King should permit the Provinces to enjoy all their former priviledges and immuni∣ties. That on the contrary, the Catholick Religion should be by them maintained in all places: That they should likewise dismiss all their foreign souldiers, and should renounce all foreign confederacies and leagues. That they should presently pay down 60000 pound sterling, for satisfaction to the Spaniards who were to be gone; and should take upon them also to satisfie the Germans.

These were in substance the chief Articles of the agreement; and upon these conditions the States obliged themselves to receive Don John for their Governor. This agreement being made, order was immediately given by Don John for the de∣parture of the Spaniards, and all the other foreign Souldiers; and he sent Octa∣vius Gonzaga, and the Secretary Escovedo a Spaniard, to see it effected. But Orange hearing the Agreement, declared publickly that they were not such as did satisfie him, nor yet the Provinces of Holland and Zealand.

He complained, That his son was not freely restored unto him; that sufficient provision was not had for the safety of the Provinces; since there was no order for the demolishing of the new erected Castles: That it was an unworthy action to pay the Spaniards, the great wealth considered which they had got by plunder from the Fle∣mish. That convenient respect was not given to those Princes whose favour and as∣sistance had been so advantagious to the Flemish. That by this agreement, that other of Gaunt was not sufficiently made good: from which he and the Provinces of Hol∣land and Zealand did not intend to recede, nor run such hazards as the rest were quick∣ly like to do.

The States replyed unto these Objections, and endeavoured to make it appear that the agreement of Gaunt was not any ways altered; and that howsoever they would see it observed. But Orange by cavils or subterfuges, continued still of the same mind; so as it was impossible to get him, nor the other two Provin∣ces, which depended absolutely upon his arbitrement, to approve of this agree∣ment. Don John was this mean while gone from the Town of Mark to Lovain, to see the Spaniards depart, and that the Citadels should be put into the Flemish hands; that then he might make his solemn entrance into Brussels, and begin his Government. A great many of the Nobility came presently to Lovain to visit him, who received them with all the civility the Country could expect, and with such dignity as became his person. He from thence sent Doctor Leonino into

Holland to acquaint the Prince of Orange, and the State of Holland and Zealand with the agreement made between him and the other Provinces, and to use all means to draw those two Provinces and Orange to be of the same mind. But this brought forth nothing else, but the greater discovery of the obstinacy of those parts and of Orange his industry in fomenting them therein. Don John had this mean while made the Citadel of Antwerp be delivered up to the Duke of Ariscot. And all the other Castles which were in the Spaniards hands were delivered up to the Flemish. Whereupon all the foreign souldiers being assembled together at Mastrick (except the Germans who for want of their pay had little longer time allowed them for their departure) betook themselves to leave the Low-Countries; and so they did according to the agreement. It is not to be exprest what joy, and what demonstrations thereof, this caused throughout all Flanders. In all Cities, Towns, and in the meanest Villages, all the people ran to hear the news, and then to tell it; as if this were the greatest happiness which they could have expected or desired. Sancio d' Avila the then Governour of the Citadel Antwerp, would not be present at the delivery up of the Citadel of into the hands of Ariscot; but left it to be done by his Lieutenant: publickly shewing by the freedom of his demeanor and words, that he would have no part in an action which he thought to be very prejudicial to his King, and not answerable to so many other acts which his Nation had so gloriously performed in Flanders. Nay 'tis said, that in his taking leave of Don John, he with the like freedome of speech said unto him,

Your Highness makes us go out of Flanders: but remember that I tell you, you will quickly be forced to call us back again.

And so it fell out, as in its place shall be told. A Garison of Walloons was put into the Castle of Antwerp, and the States were as diligent as they could be, in gathering together the monies, wherewith to send away the Germans also; wherein they found much difficulty, by reason of the great expences the Coun∣try had already been at, as also in those of sending away the Spaniards. Don John came at last from Lovain to Brussels, where he made his publick entry on May-day; which was done with such solemnity, as well by reason of the so ma∣ny Nobility, and other inferior people; as for the acclamations of joy, which his first receiving was accompanied withall, as there is hardly the memory of any the like, at the reception of any absolute Prince of Flanders, much less at that of a bare Governour. But it was not long ere this scene of joy was changed into o∣thers, full of sorrow, and horrour: as we shall by degrees make known unto you.

When Don John had taken upon him the administration of the Government, he soon found his part was rather to obey then to command. No Order could issue forth from him, which was not to be subordained by the Councel of State; who unwilling to quit the Government which till then they had provisionally exer∣cised, sought in an indirect way to keep it still by the prerogative of Authority. They alleadged sometimes the common priviledges of their whole Country, some∣times the particular priviledges of this or that Province; and sometimes by one pretence, sometimes by another, they endeavoured still to increase their own Authority, and to lessen Don Johns Government as much as they could; and O∣range was sure not to be wanting upon all occasions. He had for his Architecture of sedition, Philip Marnice, Lord of Aldigonda, and the Lord Hees, particular Governor of Brussels, was likewise a great follower of his. The first was more wary, the other more zealous; and therefore both of them of a better mixture to do evil. These two in Brussels, and divers others in other parts, who depen∣ded upon Orange, did continually disperse seditious speeches, to incite the Fle∣mish to novelties more then ever. They gave out that Jerolimo Rhodes, Sancio d' Avila, and other Spanish Commanders who were gone into Spain, after their departure from Flanders, had been very gratiously received by the King, and by his Court with promises of new and greater imployments.

Was not this (said they) a manifest declaration of the Kings, wherein he gave sentence in favour of the Spaniards against the Flemish in the last troubles which the Country had suffered? Was it not an accusing of the Councel of State of infidelity?

did not the Kings intention touching the affairs of Flanders appear plainly in this? and what could he fancy else to himself, but to expect that the Flemish should be dis∣armed, to the end that he might again the easilyer oppress them; That the example of past things did prognosticate future successes. That so in the Dutchess of Parma's time the Country did trust; and about the end of her Government, did expect much better treatment; when loe the Duke of Alva came at unawares armed, and brought with him that cruel and miserable slavery which they had till this day experienced. That in fine, Don John was a Spaniard; that he brought conceal'd Councel from Spain, and that he had John Escouedo for his chief Councellor, one of that Nation, and to whose secrecy the King had trusted the most misterious secrets of the affairs of Flanders. That then unless the Flemish would again perish miserably, they were not in any ways to lay down their present Authority. That the Councel of State should preserve their prerogative. That the States General should keep their superinten∣dency; but above all things that the Provinces should not suffer themselves to be lul'd asleep by too much quiet: for the Spaniards would be sure, quickly to make use there∣of. That the King could at once both raise and bring in an Army; in which case, what would the tediousness of their meetings avail the Flemish, to muster together their Forces? and what good would the yet more slower hopes doe of being assisted by Foreigners?

Thus they endeavoured to corrupt the minds of the Flemish, and to imprint such affections in them, as might alienate them from Don John, and still more from the Spaniards, and make them fall again into yet greater troubles. Fraud reigns in the South, and Candor in the North. But this so candid proceeding de∣generates too easily into credulity: so as it is no wonder if any wary weaver of novelties wind the people in those parts as he pleaseth: and make them sencible of the evil of deceit, before they can discover that they are deceived. Flemish na∣tures use to erre on this hand: which if they ever did at any time, 'twas when they so easily believed what was suggested to them at this time in prejudice of Don John, and to make the Spaniards seem hateful to them. Don John was rather a∣bandoned, then put into the Government of the Country: he enjoyed the bare name of Governour, but not any authority at all. The Spaniards were gone, the Germans were to be gone; and which imported most, all the Castles were already in the custody of the natural Flemish; and yet they returned as easily to their suspitions, as if the Duke of Alva had been again at their gates with a more pow∣erfull Army then before. Don John endeavoured notwithstanding diligently to free them of them; he made use of the abovesaid reasons, and many others which he represented in confirmation of the Kings good will, and his own towards the Nation. But such endeavours availed but a little, for there were too many deceits woven to the contrary, and those who wove them wrought their end too easily. One of the chiefest Articles which was established at Gaunt, and afterwards con∣firmed at Marks, was that as soon as the Foreign Souldiers should be gone, the States Generall should be assembled with all solemnity, just as they were the last time in the reign of Charles the 5. and that then it should be determined what should be thought most convenient in point of the Catholick religion in Holland and Zealand. When Don John was admitted into the Government, he prest the execution of that Article; and the Councel of State seemed as if they would do the best they could with Orange. But were it either that the endeavors were too cold on the one side, or that the answers were more obdurat then usual on the other, there could be nothing concluded therin. The States did then resolve, and did therin par∣ticularly request Don John to send the Duke of Arescot in their name into Holland, as also the Lords Hierges and Viglierval: and Doctor Leonino, and the Treasurer Schets Lord of Grobendorick, in the name of Don John, to endeavour again to perswade Orange and the two aforesaid Provinces to joyn in one and the same opi∣nion with the rest. Which if it should not succeed, Don John thought their obsti∣nacie and pertinaciousness would the more evidently appear Upon this occasion Orange and the Deputies of Holland and Zealand came to a more determinate an∣swer They said, those two Provinces could not change the reformed religion, which was now received throughout them both. They complained, with various inter∣pretations, that the Agreement made at Gaunt was not observed as it ought to be;

That the new Forts should of right be demolished, and particularly that of Ant∣werp, thereby to take away all occasion from the Spaniards of re-entring there. Orange demanded the free redelivery of his Son: And pretending complaints up∣on complaints, they could not be satisfied because they would not be satisfied. Ariscot returned to Brussels with a Non est inventus; the States did not so much resent it as Don John expected they should. But Orange his faction growing still more strong, his adherents endeavoured to justifie, boldly and to the very teeth of Don John, every action that came from that Party. Heez walked through the streets of Brussels with a particular Guard, as if he acknowledged no other Com∣mand but his own in that Town; and the People laying aside all reverence to Don John, committed divers misbecoming actions to his Family; the most hair-brain'd of all the meanest sort of people not sticking to give out insolent speeches tending to sedition. For all this Don John dissembled, and in many things seemed as if he either did not take notice of them, or did not regard them. He endeavoured all he could to win Ariscot, and the other chief men, and to divide them and Orange, and to make them aware of his artificial designs; shewing,

That they tended apparently to aggrandise himself with popular Authority, by the abusing of all the other States of the Country. That being already become an Here∣tick, he had consequently made himself an Enemy to Church-men: and did he not by making himself the Peoples prime Protector, declare himself to be the chief against the Nobility?

To shew his greater confidence in Ariscot, the King had put the Castle of Antwerp into his hands, and had given him his eldest son the Prince of Samai for his Lieutenant. And doubtlesly there was great emulation between Ariscot and Orange, who should be the greater. But the former was of an open and voluble nature; whereas the other being a man of great knowledge, and deeply subtile, and already of so great repute both in Flanders and elswhere, had too great ad∣vantage on his side in all things. To this was added, That the Popularity enjoying so great a part in the Government of Flanders, especially in Towns and Cities, (for that the Monastical Abbots, and the Nobles did usually live in the Country) riscot, nor no other Governour of any Province would distaste that sort of people upon which their chief attendance and authority in the Country did depend. To boot that all the Nobility, and amongst them those that were the greatest, desirous to shew their zeal in favouring the welfare of the Country, they could not vary much from those opinions which Orange appeared to be of, since they were too speciously coloured over to that purpose. The Viscount Gaunt was likewise then in great esteem, who was afterwards Marqnis of Rubais; and who in the divisi∣ons which fell out between the Provinces, did afterwards serve the King very faith∣fully in military imployments of very great weight. Don John desired likewise to make him his friend: So as to shew his confidence in him, he sent him into Eng∣land, to give account to the Queen of his being received into the Government, and to keep all fair correspondencie with her, at least in appearance; since for other things he could not be ignorant, that the Rebels in Flanders had in former times ever been most fomented from thence, and were likely to be so more then ever in the future. The States this mean while sollicited the payment of the Ger∣man Souldiers, that they might rid the Country likewise of that sort of Foreigners that yet remained there. But the business proved very difficult; for the States knew not where to find the mony, which were greatly exhausted by reason of the so many past expences, & for what they had lately disbursed for the sending of the Spaniards away. They liked therefore very well the Vicount of Gaunts being sent into England, and thought to have intreated the Queen by him, that she would furnish them with some monies to that purpose: They owed her other sums of money before, and peradventure she would not have been unwilling to have thrown in this. But Don John thinking it not fitting to pawn more of the Coun∣tries revenues to the Queen, then what was already pawned, and knowing that this was one of Orange his plots, he would not suffer the Vicount to move any thing in it. The States complained much hereof, and began from hence to suspect that Don John would be unwilling to see the Germans depart. This suspition in∣creased very much afterwards upon another occasion. The Colonels and Officers

of that Nation were by orders from the States come to Malines to audit up the monies which were due unto them: And their pretensions reaching very high, the business met with great difficulties. To overcome the which, the States sent the Duke of Ariscot to Malines, and to that purpose Don John went thither him∣self in person. But all was in vain: which afforded new occasion of suspition that Don John was gone to Malines rather to nourish then to remove the difficulties which arose in that business; and that his design was to keep the Germans from departing, to the end that by their forces he might retain that Authority amongst the Flemish which otherwise he could not get. But the wiser sort thought that this difficulty was rather fomented by Orange his Faction, that they might lay the fault upon Don John; And to the end that the Germans not going away, there might be some colour of raising new troubles. The truth is, that when Don John returned to Brussels, jealousies grew so fast on his part, as he could no longer dis∣semble as before. He was received by the people of that City with manifest signs of aversion, Heez despised him insufferably; he found by divers things that there was treachery plotted against his person: And that which troubled him most was, to see how strait correspondencie the States kept with Orange, and that he was as it were the Arbitrator of whatsoever they did. Don John's suspition of trea∣chery against his person was afterwards confirmed in him by very good Authors; the one was the Duke of Ariscot, who seemed to know that there was a conspiracie either to kill him, or to imprison him: And the other was the Vicount of Gaunt, who parting in great haste from that City, came to Brussels, and acquainted Don John with the eminent danger he was in. Yet Don John seemed not to trust these reports, doubting lest there might be some cunning mixt amongst them, to make him fall upon some desperate resolution, by which the accusations laid unto his charge might be the better justified. But his occasions of fear still increasing, he at last resolved to send the Secretary Escovedo into Spain; and for a pretence, told the States, that he would doe his utmost endeavour to get the King of Spain to send some good store of money wherewith the sooner to satisfie the German soul∣diers. But his true intention in sending him was, to advertise the King at full in what condition the affairs of Flanders stood, and to let him know what evident necessity he Don John had suddenly to secure his own person. Escovedo being gone, Don John came to the knowledge how that the Prince of Orange his faction did in several places tamper with the chief German Commanders, to draw them over to his side. He then delayed no longer; he called the Counts of Mansfield and Barlemont (in whom he knew he might boldly confide) into private Coun∣cel, and acquainted them with what straits he was in. Mansfield was Governour of the Dukedom of Lucemburg, and for his great fidelity to the King did after∣wards (as shall be said) divers times govern the Low-Countries, and continued his particular government of that Province till he dyed a very old man of above fourscore and ten years old. Barlemont, who together with his Sons was likewise very faithful to the King, had the government of the County of Namures; which Province together with the other lay nearest to Lorain, and consequently nearest Italy. The Mause runs through the midst of the City of Namures, and into this River doth another River fall, called Sambra, which joyns with it in the seat of the same City. The passage over both these Rivers is always free by two Stone∣bridges, which makes the place both more commodious, and more beautiful. The ground in one side of the City lies high, upon the top whereof there stands an antient Castle, but naturally strong enough. Barlemont opinion was therefore, that Don John should take some pretence to go to Namures, and should make that City and Castle sure for his own safety; for from thence he might at any time pass freely into Lucemburg, and there such Forces might easily be received from Italy which of necessity were again to be recalled into Flanders. But above all things he was of opinion, That all diligence was to be used to win the Germans, and break the practice which the contrary party held with them. And doubtlesly this was an important point: For to boot with the condition of the Souldiers, many of the chief Towns might be said to be in their hands, they being therein quartered. Mansfield leaned likewise to the same opinion: But being a grave man, and one that did naturally rather imbrace wary then hazardous councels,

he would willingly have tarried till Escovedo might have been arrived in Spain, and have more clearly discovered the Kings mind, for then Don John might with more safety effect his. He said,

It was not to be doubted but that the possessing himself of the Castle of Namures would be like a generall Alarm, which would make the Flemish flie to their Arms in all places. And what else could Orange his faction desire? how would they rejoyce to see that Don John should be the first that should use violence? and how hard would it be to be justified? To boot that Justification would peradventure be more needfull in Spain then in Flanders. That Principality had miseries mixt with its happiness; one of the greatest whereof was, That conspiracies were not credited till compassed. That then it was better to wait for answer from Escovedo, and in the mean time to be very vigilant in the shunning of all danger. That God doth protect good causes, as it was assuredly to believe he would doe in this, which might be said to be more his then the Kings.

These reasons of Manssilds bore such force with them as Don John did for a few days suspend the resolution which he was advised unto by Barlemont. But know∣ing that preparations to troubles increased every day more and more in Holland, and the dangers against his person still more and more in Brussels, he would no longer expect the perfecting thereof, and therefore resolved to go to Namures as soon as he could. Being thus resolved, the greatest difficulty was to find a pre∣tence for his going thither: For the City of Namures was not so near Brussels, as that under a pretence of hunting, or any other colour, it could handsomly be done. These two Towns are distant almost two days journey one from another. In so much as it would be a great remove for Don John to go with all his Court to Namures, and 'twould afford great occasion of discourse. But it is not to be be∣lieved how much the blind Will of fortune rules in human chances. Margaret of Vallois, Queen of Navar passed at this time about the beginning of July to∣wards France, by those Frontiers of Flanders, upon occasion of going to the Spaw. This was given out for the end of her journey, but the true meaning thereof was, that she might be nearer at hand to help the practises on foot on the behalf of her brother the Duke of Alanson, as we gave you a former inkling. The Duke received but little contentment in the King his brothers Court: and there was a great correspondency of affection between the Queen and Duke, to boot with their alliance in bloud, wherefore to advantage the Dukes Interest, the Queen passed by Cambray, and there endeavoured to win the Archbishop of that City, and the Governour of that Castle. She afterwards used the like di∣ligence to the Count of Lalleyn, Governor of the Province of Hennault, and to divers other chief personages of those parts. Nor were her endeavours of small avail; for Margaret was a Lady of a high spirit; and in her Book of Memori∣als which came forth in Print, elegantly written after her death, the successe of what she Treated of in Flanders, in the behalfe of her Brother, is by her self told. This business was therefore managed with great secrecy, in so much as Don John was not then aware thereof. Fortune having offered him so good an occasion, he presently laid hold of it, and gave out the necessity he was in, of receiving, and lodging the Queen in Namures, which was the place near∣est Brussels that she came to. To boot with the considerations of her so much greatness, 'twas known that an elder sister of hers many years before was married to the King of Spain, by whom she had two daughters: wherefore Don Johns journey there was thought so just, as there was no sinister interpretation to be gi∣ven to it. Nay many of the Nobility offered to wait upon him on that occasion, whose offers he accepted of; the Duke of Ariscot, and his son the Prince of Li∣may, the Marquiss of Haure, brother to the Duke, and divers other principal per∣sonages went along with him. When he had received the Queen, and waited up∣on her as long as she tarryed there, he was not long in executing his designe of making himself Master of the Castle. The Governour of the Castle depended upon the States, so as it behoved Don John to use industry; the business was thus carryed: He feigned one morning to go a hunting, and took his way towards the Gate to which the Castle leads: and feigning that a desire took him at that instant of seeing the Castle out of meer curiosity, he sent for the Governour,

and freely gave him his hand, and went with him to go into the Castle. Don John was accompanied by the Count Barlemont, and four of the said Counts sons, which proved all of them valiant men, and got very good Military imploy¦ment. One was the Lord Hiergee, of whom we had formerly occasion to give very honourable testimony. The others were the Count Mega, the Lord Floyon, and Lord of Altapenna. Together with these Don John had provided divers o∣thers who followed aloof off, and were all of them furnished in secret with arms, to make use of as occasion should serve But the Governour of the Castle part∣ly ravished with the favour he had received from Don John, and partly moved out of the respect he bore him, made no difficulty of letting him in, but seemed to take it for a very great honour that he would vouchsafe to come into his Ca∣stle. Don John staying then a little to attend the coming up of the rest who were partakers in the designe, possest himself suddenly of the Gate, and made the usual guard go out; they were but very few that were there in garison, where∣fore the Governour durst not do any thing to the contrary. Many were of o∣pinion that Don John was advised hereunto by Orange his artifice, that he might make him be the less believed in by the Flemish. But the business was carried as we have here told you; and so it hath oft been related to us by Count Barlemont, Knight of the Golden Fleece, and son to the before mentioned Count, who succeeded his father in the Government of Namures, and who in the time of our being in Flanders past to the Government of Lucemburg; and who together with his father and brethren, was present at this action. Don John having made himself sure of the Castle, (and the Governour Barlemont having already made all obedience be given unto him by the Town) sent presently for Ariscot, and the rest of the chief men who were at Namures, and endeavoured to justifie this his action. He shewed them the express necessity he had of securing his own per∣son, which he said he had miraculously saved till now. He added, that he recei∣ved advertisement from all sides of new treacheries; and that he knew for cer∣tain that the Counts, Egmont, Laleigne, and Hees, together with divers others unquiet and treach erously minded people, had laid snares for him about Na∣mures, expecting when he should return for Brussels. And finally he said he would make the States acquainted with the whole matter; assuring himself that they would resent his injuries according to the demerits thereof: as he for his part would remain constant to all things agreed upon with them; and would en∣deavour all peace and prosperity to the Country. He presently dispatched away Signior di Rassenghien to Brussels, and by a Letter written to the States, endea∣voured to justifie what he had done, representing what made most for that pur∣pose. He desired them that they would see to the remedying of disorders, and declared that being necessitated to retire into the Castle of Namures, he would out of the same necessity stay there, till his safety might be by them provided for in such manner as was fitting. Great was the commotion that this accident oc∣casioned amongst the States. They immediately sent away three of their mem∣bers to Namures; the Abbot of Maroles, the Archdeacon of Ipry, and Signior di Brus, by whom they writ unto Don John, and earnestly desired him that he would lay aside all jealousies, and return to Brussels. But he, who would not re∣turn thither unless it were in a more honourable and safe way then before, sent the Lord Gravendon, the Treasure-General back with them to Brussels, and by him demanded divers things of the States, which he thought he very well might doe, by virtue of the agreement made with them. The chief of them were these,

That he might use such Authority as became his place of Governour and Captain General: That he might have such a guard as he might trust in; and the necessa∣ry command over the Officers of War; That he might confer the Offices of the Coun∣try, as the precedent Governours haa done; and above all, he required, that in case the Prince of Orange, and the two Provinces of Holland and Zealand, should not perform to do what became them on their parts, that then the States should break off from holding any Intelligence with them, and should joyn with him to use such reme∣dies therein as should be requisite.

The States reply'd, That in the first place Don John should return to Brussels,

where he should receive all fitting satisfaction. But he persisting in the resolution he had taken, and they on the other side being no less firm in their resolves, jea∣lousies increased suddenly on all sides. It was this mean while every where known that Don John was retired to Namures, whereat Orange (you will easily be∣lieve) was not any whit displeased, thinking that from this novelty many others might suddenly arise which might make for his purpose. Yet he appeared in pub∣like to be very much grieved for it, and complained very much of it in all parts. He inflamed the States to resentment: And to aggravate Don Johns offences, he divulged certain Letters, which (as his Associates said) were come into his hands by the King of Navars means, who they affirmed had intercepted them in Gascony upon occasion of their being sent by Don John and Escovedo through those parts into Spain. These Letters contained divers particulars, which not without reason might render Don John suspected, if they had been true, as Don John affirmed them to be false. The Contents thereof were chiefly this: That he exhorted the King to make himself be obeyed by Arms in Flanders, for that otherwise he would lose all authority there. These Letters were held to be very true by the States, and as such were by them disperst throughout all the whole Country, and were translated into divers languages, that they might be the better understood by every one. Orange growing hereupon daily into more credit with them, he strongly perswaded them to Arm, representing the danger which might insue, if any delay were made. Affirming,

That assuredly Don Johns actions in Namures were anticipately plotted in Spain; and that therefore it was to be presupposed that the Kings forces, brought but a little before into Italy, would suddenly be led back to Flanders. That therefore they must be prevented. Don John must suddenly be driven from Namures: A passage of such importance must be taken from him; let him then go into his so faithful Province of Lucemburg, and let him try how much he would be bettered by that Provinces not joyning in uniform consent with all the rest.

This counsel was soon imbraced, and with equal readiness executed. The States gave out divers Commissions to raise men, and prepared to use force against Don John, unless he would return to Brussels in his former condition. The mean while they wrote a long Letter unto the King, laying all the accusations they were able upon Don John, and offered to justifie the cause which they would by all means maintain on their sides: They did inlarge themselves particularly in the business concerning the Germans, in that of Namures, and upon the Letters which had fallen into their hands.

That Don John by artificial practises had hindred the auditing of the Pay with those of that Nation; that under false pretences he was gone to Namures, and upon falser suggestions of fear had made himself Master of that Castle. That doubtlesly the aforesaid Letters were written by him and Escovedo, he not be∣ing able to deny his own Characters which were found in some of them. That his evil mind to the Country did here by appear, his intention of not standing to the Agreement made between him and the States; and that his desire of bring∣ing all things again to Arms, was thereby manifestly discovered. That Escovedo had nourished this opinion in him; and that being a Spaniard, he did strangely maligne and hate the Flemish. They therefore desired the King that he would shew his heavy resentment by his proceeding against him; and that he should injoyn Don John duly to observe what with so many circumstances he had so∣lemnly agreed upon with them. Otherwise they should be inforced to protest, that he failing on his behalf, the mischief and disorders which would necessarily insue, to the prejudice of the King, Religion, and of the Countries welfare, were not to be imputed to them.

Don John writ likewise into Spain, endeavouring to clear himself of the im∣putations laid upon him in that Letter; adding what was most needfull to what had formerly been represented by Escovedo. He shewed,

That the difficulty in the German business rise from Orange his Faction, who endeavoured to gain that Souldiery to themselves. That having miraculously saved himself from so many treacheries and conspiracies, he with much adoe had got with some of his trustiest friends into the Castle of Namures. That

those Letters which were ascribed to be written by him, or by Escovedo, were certainly to be judged as either wholly fained, or in a great part altered by the same faction. And what greater contradiction could there be, then that he should first send the Spaniards away, and afterwards advise the King to proceed with violence against the Flemish? That at that time such an advice would have been very much contrary to the season, to reason, and to his Majesties service. But that now, instead of giving it, he did avow it was very requisite to doe it: For that if his Majesty did not suddenly by his forces prevent those dangers which did so eminently threaten Flanders, all the Provinces would revolt; which when they should once be lost, they would not be so easily regotten.

This was the opposition between Don Johns Letters and those of the States: but neither of them forbore this mean while to advantage themselves by pre∣paring Arms; for it was almost impossible ever to return to a new agreement Don John endeavoured to get the chiefest places of the County of Namures into his hands, and in particular secured himself of Charlemonte and Mariamburg, both of them very well fortified; and which had taken their names, the one of them from the Emperor Charles the fifth, and the other from his sister Queen Mary. He likewise held very secret intelligence in the Citadel of Antwerp, to draw over the Walloons who had the keeping of it to side with him, and so to be∣come master of that so important strength. He dealt likewise with some Ger∣man Companies who were in the Town, and which were of Fromsberg and Fou∣chero's Regiments: and did the like with other Officers of that Nation which were in Bergen ap Zome, in Tolen, in Breda, in Balduke, and in other places. But in the government of these negotiations, the event shewed that Fortune did fa∣vour the States much more then she did Don John. The practise in the Citadel of Antwerp was discovered, and prevented. And the Flemish having a vigilant eye every where, and having better conveniencie to use either monies or force with the Germans, they forbare not using either of them, as occasion did best serve: So as in a short time they sent them out of all the abovesaid places. And in Berghen ap Zome, where Colonel Fuchero was quartered, and in Breda, where Fromsberg was in garrison, their Forces proved so perfidious, as that they put both the Towns into the States hands. They then fell to demolish the Castles. That of Antwerp was first slighted, but only on that side which lay towards the City, the rest was left in its former strength. The people ran with great joy to this business, striving who should outdoe one another in the pulling down there∣of; and expressing such rage against those insensible Platforms and Walls, as they could not have shewed greater against the Authors of them. By example of the Antwerpians, those of Gaunt did the like to their Castle: and so were all the rest dismantled, except the Castle of Cambray, which the States durst not meddle with for that it was in a City which was subject to the Empire, and to Archiepiscopal jurisdiction. Yet they wrought so, as they got Signor d' Insy to be put into it, and to keep it for their service; causing Signor di Lich to be put out of it, who kept it formerly under the Kings protection. Don John was now all alone in Namures, the Duke of Ariscot and almost all the rest of the Nobility which had waited upon him thither being under several pretences gone; so as no persons of any quality remained with him save Barlemonte and his sons, and Mansfield in the contiguous Province of Lucemburg. He was not failing in representing to the life his dangers and his necessities to the Court of Spain; and notwithstanding kept still fair with the States, telling them that he had desired the King to send another Governour into Flanders who might be more acceptable to the Country: He offered to withdraw himself into the Province of Lucemburg, and there to expect the Kings orders; and propounded, that the States in this interim might not come to any act of hostility, nor make any innovation. But they suspecting that Don John's end was to make them foreslow their preparations, and so allow more time to the King to make his, did not any whit cool in their former resoluti∣ons. They therefore signified unto Don John, that in the frist place he should cause the City and Castle of Namures to be put into their hands, together with the o∣ther ••owns which he had taken in that Province. Which he absolutely refused to do, unless such provision were first had, as was requisite for his dignity and safety.

Thus were the minds on all sides daily more and more exasperated. The States General gave present order that Orange should come himself in person to Brus∣sels; and to this purpose they sent four of their Deputies to him. There was no∣thing which he did more desire then this. Wherefore he came quickly to Breda, a Town of his own, and which he had then recovered, after having been many years deprived of it. From thence he went to Antwerp, and so to Brussels. It is not to be said with what concourse of people, and with what Jubilee he was re∣ceived in both those Citys. The multitude being impatient to see him within their Walls went to meet him whole miles off in the fields, and following him with great acclamations of joy; called him the Father, the Protecter, and the Uphol∣der of the Belgick Liberty. Nor were the demonstrations of gladness less in all the more civil orders in such sort as his entry and receiving, looked much more like the absolute Lord of the two abovesaid Provinces, then of the Vassal of a Prince who had just and soveraign power over him and them. Hardly was he well setled in Brussels, when to witness the great respect they bore him, he was by the gene∣ral Orders created Governour of Brabant: an honour altogether unaccustom∣ed. For the General Governour residing usually in that Province, there needs no other particular Government. 'Tis true that nothing is more pernitious in States then faction: but from this evil, this good doth sometimes arise; That whilst the one beats down the other, the lawfull Prince may the more easily subdue them both. Orange his Faction was grounded upon the favour of the people, and of the new Sects, as may sufficiently be comprehended by what hath been already said. Wherefore when 'twas seen that his Authority grew to that hight not only in Holland and in Zealand, but even elsewhere; and that his designe was every day seen of lessening the Kings Authority, as also that of the Church; high dis∣dain arose in the chief Nobles of Brabant, of the Province of Flanders, and of the Walloon Provinces, and from this disdain did a practice proceed of framing another Faction, which might at least counterpoise this.

The Duke of Ariscot, as we have told you before, had a particular emulation to the Prince of Orange: and many in Flanders being of opinion, that after the death of Rechesens, the King would have sent some of the Emperours brothers to be Governour of Flanders, and especially the Archduke Mathias, Ariscot had therefore from that very time endeavoured more then any other, to insinuate himself into the favour of that Prince. Mathias was not then above 22 years old; his fortune was not answerable to his birth; for he had many brothers, wherefore his house was rather opprest by them then upheld. He was therefore very desirous of this imployment in Flanders, thinking he could not find another like it in all Germany. Ariscot making himself head of this faction, and judging that nothing could make more for the advantage thereof, then to have a Gover∣nour chosen by their Authority, he sent an express Messenger Privately away to Vienna, and alleadging all the reasons which might most perswade him thereunto, he endeavoured to make him take upon him the Government of Flanders. In this proposal it was questionable whether the arrogancy of the propounder was greater, or the easiness of the accepter thereof. And to say truth, there could not well any more rash action been undertaken, then for the abovesaid Nobles to appoint a Governour over Flanders, of their own Authority. And on the o∣ther side, the Archduke appeared too easie in accepting the offer, not weighing as he ought to have done, how the King, to whom he was so nearly ally'd, would be thereat offended, and upon whose Supreme and lawfull Authority that electi∣on did of right depend. But Mathias being perswaded that the King would ap∣prove of it, and that in effect he could not wish more then to have an Austrian Prince of Germany at the Helm of Government in Flanders, by reason of the conformity of the two Nations; especially a Prince who was invited thereunto by the chief Nobility of the Countrey, he did not any longer dispute the bu∣sinesse

This action was of such a nature as it was to be executed ere it were divulged. Wherefore Mathias in the silentest hours of the night, took Post, and with all speed made towards Cullen, and passing over the Rhine there, entred the Low-Countries within a few days, and came into Brabant. When this was known in

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Vienna, the Emperour was exceedingly troubled at it. He sent speedily to stay his brother; and to this purpose wrote very effectual Letters to all those Princes, through whose States he was to pass But no good insuing thereupon, he justified himself unto the King as it became him to do; chiefly accusing his brother, and shewing himself ready to resent it. When Mathias was come into Flanders, he soon perceived how much Orange his faction prevailed over that of Ariscot; and that he was to compass his desired end much rather by the means of that, then 〈◊〉〈◊〉 the other. Orange was not in wardly displeased at the resolution taken concerning Mathias. He saw nothing could make more for his desires then to see Mathias and Don John opposit one to another. That this might occasion great jealousies between the two Austrian Houses of Germany and Spain: and above all, that such an action would make Don John irreconcilable to the Nobility, who had here∣in so hainously offended him. For what remained, be doubted not but to be soon able to make the Archduke throw himself wholly into his hands. He therefore first exhorted the States to dissemble the injury they received, by Mathias his be∣ing brought in without their authority or knowlodg, and went about with some of his trustiest friends amongst them, to discredit Ariscot. Ariscot was Gover∣nour of the Province of Flanders, and prepared to go from Gaunt, the chiefest Ci∣ty of that Province, nobly accompanied to Lyre, where the Archduke by order from the States stayed, till some resolution should be taken touching his person. Orange had a great many of followers throughout all that whole Province, and chiefly in the Town of Gaunt: and of all the people of Flanders, those of Gaunt were always readiest to revolt. Orange therefore handled the matter so, as to make Ariscot be held amongst them for the Author of this novelty; in so much as a great tumult arising in that City amongst some of the most seditious, the whole storm fell finally upon Ariscots own self; as if he, contrary to the Order of the States General, would arrogate that unto himself which did not belong unto him. touching Mathias: Whereupon he was with great scorn imprisoned, and of a Governour made a Captive. Some others of quality were imprisoned with him His imprisonment lasted six days; after which time he was restored to his liber∣ty and former place; but so, as he was to acknowledg Orange for the sole author of it. Indeavours were had afterwards to reconcile them; but ere this must be done, Orange must shew his Authority in Ariscots own Government, to be the same which he with unusual demonstrations enjoyed thorowout the whole Coun∣try. He to this purpose effected an occasion of going to Gaunt, causing himself to be invited thereunto by the publick desire of that City, as also of the whole Province. And he was so received by the Gaunteses, as they could not have shew∣ed greater demonstrations of gladness if the King himself had come unto their City. When Orange had discredited Ariscots faction as much as he thought good, and having made sufficient ostentation of his own; the States resolved to make Archduke Mathias the General Governour. The reason they gave for it was this, That Don John having failed in his duty, and by the example of the former Spanish Governours, having endeavoured rather to oppress Flanders then to govern it, it was thought fit to have such a Governour, as might be satis∣factory to the Country: That the Archduke Mathias was thought to be such a one; both for his own condition, and for that he was so near ally'd in bloud unto the King. And that the States had pitched upon this Election, particular∣ly to avoid the danger of any other Prince his entrance into Flanders, and fixing himself there.

Mathias past on to this purpose to Antwerp, where he was solemnly received, and with him was Orange, who treated with him at large in that City; and many Articles were agreed upon, by which he bound himself to govern.

The first was, That the Prince of Orange should be given unto him for his Lieutenant. All the rest tended to make his Authority subordinate to that of the States General, so as he could not in any whatsoever manner do any publick action without their will and consent. The States and the said Mathias did af∣terwards by their Letters to the King, endeavour to procure his approbation of that Election, endeavouring to honest it in manner aforesaid, and by divers other colourable pretences. But this mean while the States forbare not to prepare forces,

and they turned them chiefly towards Vaures, a Town between Brussels and Namures as hath been elsewhere said; here they resolved to make their Ren∣desvouz, resolving to befiege Namures. So as when they should have possest that Pass towards Italy, as they had already done the other of Mastrick towards Ger∣many, there might be no passage left for the Kings men who were to enter into Flanders either by the one or the other in an hostile manner. This was the reso∣lution of the States General; and this was Orange his particular opinion, who governed all things then according to his own will.

But when Escovedo was come to Spain, and the other news of the novelties hap∣pened in Flanders, being likewise advertised, continual consultation was had there touching what was to be done in the affairs of that Country. The King con∣sidered on the one side, that to return to arms again, would be to return to the former vast expences, and excessive difficulties; and that his enemies, and those that envied his greatness, desired nothing more, then that he might re-enter upon a War of which he should never have an end, and wherein he was to spend the flowre of his Militia. There were not wanting some in his Councel who did no approve of Don Johns retreat to Namures, and of his surprising that Castle; as if he had done it not so much out of necessity, as out of choice, that he might have Forces in his hands, and gather thereout more advantage to himself, then to the Kings service. But on the other side it was considered, that if Don John should not be presently succoured, and that with powerfull forces, the Kings affairs in Flanders would be utterly lost; the plots which were practised to that purpose, both within and without, being too apparent. To boot that there was no way seen whereby to come to a peaceable agreement, but by preparing with all possible power for a new War.

These opinions being then justly weighed, it was resolved in Spain, that Or∣ders should be given to all the Kings Officers in Italy, immediately to send back those forces into Flanders, who were some months before come from thence; and who were now almost all of them in the State of Milan, or in the Kingdom of Naples. At the same time Commissions for the raising of horse and foot were sent from the King into Burgony, Lorain, and the nearest parts of Germany. And it fell out luckily that Count Charls Mansfield, son to Count Ernestus, did then lead back a body of 4000 foot from France, which he had formerly brought in∣to that Kingdom for the service of that Crown. So as the Kings Forces began to found aloud in divers places, which afforded the Flemish sufficient matter to think upon Their chief designe was (as we have a little before said) to besiege Namures and to be Masters of that Pass, which was of such importance. Where∣fore the States endeavoured with all diligence to bring their men to the Rendes∣vous in Vaures. And Commanders were already provided for the Army which was a gathering. They had made the Lord Goygni Camp-master-general; the Count de Laleigne General of the foot, the Vicecount of Gaunt General of the horse; and Mr de la Motte Master of the Artillery. But the strength of their forces did not as yet answer to the eagerness of their design: and therfore they labour'd very hard to get potent succours from their neighbours abroad, and to advantage their Cause as much as they might. These endeavors were had (as we have formerly said) in Ger∣many, France, and England. From Germany the Palatine John Casimire, promised to bring a great strength of men, if they would send him mony to pay them. In France, that King would not meddle with the revolt of Flanders, they having been too busie in the Domestical troubles of his own Kingdom. Nor could the Duke of Alanson much favour the Flemish by his own Forces. They therefore placed all their chiefest hopes in the Queen of England. And doubtlesly they might be better helpt from thence then from any other part, both with men and mony. Wherefore they turned their chiefest endeavours thither: and to give it the greater weight and reputation, they sent a solemn Ambassy to the Queen, the head whereof was the Marquis of Haure. The Queen her self desired that this clamorous appearance might be made, to the end that she might the better honest unto the King of Spain, any aid that she should give them, through the pub∣lick complaints of the Flemish.

A firm Confederacie was by this means made without much difficulty be∣tween

the Queen and the Belgick States; the substance whereof was, That each side should assist other interchangeably, with proportionable Forces by Sea and Land. The Queen obliged her self thereunto with present effects, and with de∣claring that she would not suffer Flanders to be opprest. And on the contrary, the States promised to assist the Queen whensoever she should be molested by the common enemy. She suddenly sent an express Ambassador into Spain to justifie this action of hers unto the King, and sought to honest it, by making known how much her interest was concerned in not suffering her Neighbours to be opprest especially the Flemish, with whom the English had alwayes kept good correspon∣dencie. She shewed the King, that he ought rather to be well pleased then of∣fended with what she had done in their assistance; for that otherwise they might peradventure through despair have thrown themselves into the hands of some other neighbouring Prince. She exhorted him speedily to send some other Go∣vernour of his own blood, in stead of Don John: but chiefly to comply with the Flemish in their so just demands, and fairly to compound the affairs of those Countries; to which purpose she offered on her side to use her best and most powerful mediation. When she had satisfied this her palliated respect to Spain, she failed not readily to perform her true designs on the behalf of Flanders: she suddenly raised the monies which were needfull to raise the intended Forces in Germany, under John Casimire, which were to be most of them Horse, and gave order that a good number of Foot should be sent out of her own Kingdom. The monies being received, John Casimire was not slack in using such diligence as was behovefull: Nor was the Duke of Alanson wanting in nourishing all hopes of good assistance from his side. The noise of these succours were greatly am∣plified by Orange and his faction, to make the States Generall still the more re∣solute in not listning to any accommodation with Don John. The Bishop of Liege now become Cardinal, had by Commission from the Emperour endeavoured to begin a new Treaty of Agreement; and though the difficulties grew daily great∣er, yet he would never give over the Negotiation, hoping that it might one day prove more successfull. On the contrary, that it might be the harder to effect, Orange caused the States to publish an Edict against Don John, wherein in bitter tearms they declared him to be a Violator of the Peace, and made all those that followed him subject to the punishment of Rebellion, if within 15 dayes they did not resolve to leave him. Don John this mean while, leaving a sufficient garri∣son in Namures, was gone into the Province of Lucemburg, that he might be the readier to receive the Forces which were to come to him from Italy, and which were raised in the other neighbouring parts. And mightily encouraged by reason of the resolutions which were put on in Spain, according to his desire, he had de∣signed the Town of Marks for his Rendezvouz, that he might be the nearer to relieve Namures, if need should be, and afterward to enter with all his Forces more into the heart of the Country. This design, which was soon known by the Flemish Commanders, made them hasten the more to besiege Namures, and to keep Don John from re-entring into Brabant. They therefore approached the City on divers sides, and possest themselves of divers places, that they might be∣gin to begirt it. But neither had they as then men enough, nor did their condition correspond with the imployment. Their men were almost all of them of their own Country, taken up where they could find them, and the most of them ill provided; and their Horse consisted of the old Trained-bands of Flanders, which were but seldom wont to go into the field, and to be imyloyed in war. They not∣withstanding made some progress. For Bovigni a Town upon the Mause and not far from Namures, fell by Treaty into their hands; and in some skirmishes which hapned between their men and those of Namures, they had somewhat the better. But all these were but petty businesses in respect of what they had pro∣posed unto themselves as their chief design.

The year 1578. now followed. In the beginning whereof all the men being arrived which Don John expected from Italy, and those being added unto them which he had raised in the neighbouring Countries, he would no longer defer drawing near the Enemy. At first he temporised, till he was better provided of Forces: but now that he was so well furnished, he thought it made much for

his advantage to fall upon the Enemy as soon as he could, and fight them before they should have received the foreign Forces which they expected. The Flemish Commanders changed likewise their designs: For whereas before they thought to have besieged Namures, they now decermined to retreat to Brabant and to put themselves into some safe quarter, till strengthened by foreign forces they might face Don John. They had about 10000 Foot, the most of them Walloons, the rest Flemish, unless it were one English Regiment, wherein were some Scots and French: They had not above 1500 Horse, composed of the Train'd-Bands of Flanders; of 300 Rutters, and as many Dragoons. In the Kings Army there was about 15000 Foot, and 2000 Horse, the most of which were Spaniards and Italians, all of them choise men, and all of them long practised in military affairs in Flanders. At the Kings first resolution of taking up Arms, Alexander Fernese Prince of Parma appeared in Flanders, being desired so to doe by the King him∣self. and Den John having very much desired it. Don John had had sufficient ex∣perience of this Prince his valour, in the memorable League against the Turks, and particularly in the Battel at Lepanto: wherefore he assured himself he would prove as valiant now in Flanders, Nor was he deceived in his expectation, Fernese was no sooner come, then laying aside all prerogative of blood, wherein he was so nearly allied to the King, and to Don John, he applied himself wholly to those military actions, which were to make him appear as much superior to others in 〈◊〉〈◊〉, as he was in quality. None could be more carefull then he in providing for all things from time to time; in receiving of the Kings men, as they came into the Province of Lucemburg in quartering of them, in bringing them to the ren∣dezvous, and in all other imployments of the Army. He applied himself to those of every Nation; he spoke almost all their languages: He was the first in under∣taking any labour, the last in giving it over: He was no wayes curious in his diet, nor sleep; in his apparel more a Souldier then a Prince; and always more intent upon the Kings service then his own. The vigor of his body was no whit inferior to that of his mind; and his martial aspect did promise Victory before it was won. When the Army was come to the Rendezvous, Don John, desirous to make the justice of the Kings cause appear, and thereby the more inflame the Souldiers to defend it, he with a chearful countenance spake thus unto them.

After so many Treaties of Peace in vain, at last (valiant Souldiers!) Fortune hath pleased or rather Justice, to put into your hands an opportunity of establishing the Kings authority again in Flenders by Arms. For what concerned Treaties of Accom∣modation, what hath not been done? what hath not the King condescended unto? I am ashamed to remember how I arrived in these Provinces. When I was come, (I cannot say whether more unarm'd, or more unknown) I shewed my self totally disposed to Peace, and endeavoured by all means I could to take away those rubs which might hinder the effecting of it. Let the truth be said, and let the true manner of proceed∣ings be known: which on the behalf of the Flemish, in the handling and concluding of all their Treaties, was much rather to give Laws then to receive them, and to pro∣ceed rather like Soveraigns then Subjects. Would they first of all have the Peace of Gaunt confirmed? I confirmed that Peace. Would they have all the Forts in their own hands? I put them into their hands. Would they have all Foreigners depart? I was contented to be without any Foreign Souldiers. Would they lastly have an ab∣solute Flemish Government? I did likewise so far satisfie them in that, as retaining hardly the bare and naked title of Governour to my self, all affairs were done by the Councell of State, and all Authority lay in the intire will of the Provinces. So ex∣ceeding willing was the King to show his goodness and his particular affection towards them. But all would doe no good. And truly, clemencie in Princes serves to little purpose when the obstinacie and distoyaltie of the Subjects is thereby made the greater. What was not plotted, even from the beginning, to keep me from being received into the Government: and afterwards to drive me out of it? What contempt hath not been shewed against my person? what snares have they not laid to take away my life▪ My retreat or rather my flight to Namures doth sufficiently witness it. I confess I did not so much shun death, as the danger of being so shamefully led to death: For to 〈◊〉〈◊〉 a mans life in conspiracie by the hands of murtherers, ought to be reputed as mi∣serable, as it ought to be esteemed fortunate to lese it whiljt one is valiantly fighting

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amidst Armies and Batels. After their private, they broke forth into publick con∣spiracies. The whole Country rose up against me on a sudden; and foreigners were called in to assist their home-forces. And who must be the author of the new revolts, but he that was the like of the former? Orange! that seducer of the people; that Architecture of Rebellion: He who plotted treason first against the Church, and then against the King: though to say truth, he could not fall into the first fault, without falling necessarily into the second: for the King hath always made the Churches cause his own. No Forces can be then more just then are these of the King: since it is apparently seen be cannot be more justly called to maintain the obedience which is due unto the Church, and that which is due unto his Crown. Eve∣ry one knows how requisite a good cause is to bring a begun war to a good end. Where∣fore should not we then in this behalf augurate good success to our undertakings? But our Forces shall not prevail more through their cause then through their valour. Let every one of you interrogate your selves, and call to mind your Military actions, and then let him doubt if he can, whether future victories be not largely to correspond with those that are past. What one souldier is there here amongst you who cannot boast of some egregious action, upon so many occasions, of either having routed the enemy in parties, or overcome them in battels, or quel'd them in sieges, or forced by some other sort of loss to make your victory still the more illustrious? On the contra∣ry, the enemies are still the same; to wit, tumultuously gathered up: governed with∣out any manner of order; without many: full of distrusts within themselves; and with such variety of ends, as branching one cause into many, they will not long im∣brace or make good any of them. They are now pitched here about Namures; and with hardly the name of a siege, they keep quiet within their quarters; shewing clear∣ly that they put all their trust in foreign succours, since they perceive they can have none from within their selvos. My purpose therefore is to set upon them at unawares, and to crush them before they shall receive their expected succours. This first victory will make the rest more easie to us: and which of you is it that have not already dyed your swords in the bloud of these very foreigners, which will now again re-enter Flan∣ders? Desperate hereticks who cannot be at quiet within themselves, and much less amongst their neighbours: and who not content to make war upon God at their own homes, carry it with all sort of violence, and execrable impiety abroad to others. Buckle your selves then my souldiers to the battel: I ask no more of you then your former performances; and am confident to make mine own actions appear such, as that, as my past enterprises have proved fortunate against the Turks and Moors, they shall now be as successfull against the Hereticks, in this my present expedition, and against those other rebels that joyn with them.

Hardly had Don John done speaking, when the whole Army filled the air with shouts of joy; and gave all such signes as might shew both will to fight, and hopes to overcome. The Kings Camp marched from their Rendezvous towards Namures; and Don John advancing himself, was the first that came to that Ci∣ty; eg'd on by his desire of knowing the enemies proceedings. To this pur∣pose he sent Mut. Pagano, an old souldier, towards them with his Company of Dragoons; who brought him certain tidings, that the enemy did already quit their quarters, and did depart from about Namures. That never the less they seemed as if they would make an orderly retreat; and that their intention was to fortifie themselves at Geblurs, a Town upon the Confines of Brabant, to∣wards Brussels; towards which place they had already sent their baggage. When Armies are near at hand. retreats prove usually dangerous; and Fortune makes the Commanders vie most for valour and industry then, whilst the one seeks to retire with honour and safety, and the others to beat up their quarters with igno∣miny and loss. But the latter have still great advantage upon the former. Don John would not therefore let slip the occasion. Count Peter Ernestus Mansfield was Camp-master-general of the Army; and Octavius Gonzaga General of the Horse. He ordered Mansfield to hasten his march towards Namures; and Gon∣zaga to come up speedily with the flowre of his horse; that he might advance, at least some of them, against the enemy, and entertain them in the reer whilst the rest of the Army might come time enough to give battel, and fure therein ac∣cording to their hopes. Gonzaga readily obeyed; he advanced towards the

Enemy with nine Companies of Lanciers, and four of Dragoons. At the same time came 1500 Foot, most of them Spaniards, which Mansfield had with all dili∣gence dispatcht away.

The Flemish were gathered together in S. Martins, a Village between Namures and Geblurs, where they ordered their retreat with all diligence, that they might not allow the Kings men time to joyn, and to come upon them with the more advantage. They rose with their whole Camp from that Village the last of Janu∣ary, and ordered their march thus. They divided their Foot into three bodies, and left the Horse in the rear the better to secure them behind, and to beat back the Kings horse in case they should fail upon them in their rear as they retreated, as they reared they would. When Don John understood that they were on their march, he furnished some advantagious places with Foot, which lay betwixt him and the Enemy; to secure the retreat likewise of his Horse, if need should require. He then set forward; and they were not gone far when they overtook the Ene∣my, whose Foot could not hasten so fast as did the Kings Horse. All their Leaders were men of valour and experience: The Lanciers were commanded by Ber∣nardino de Mendoza, Curtio Martiningo, the two brothers John Baptista, and Camillo del Monte, Nicolo Basti, Alfonso di Vargas, Ernando di Toledo, Au∣relio Palermo, and Georg Macura: And the Dragoons by Antonio Oliviero Com∣missary Generall of the Horse, Antonio d' Avalos, Mutio Pagano, and John Al∣coneta The Dragoons came up first, and galled the Enemy when they were not far from Geblures; and when they had discharged their shot, they gave way to the Lanciers, who charged them more close and more home. The Enemies Horse faced about; and boldly receiving the first onset of the Harquebusiers, they seem∣ed as if they would with the like stoutness stand the second assault of the Spear∣men; but the effect proved otherwise. The Prince of Parma would be on the head of the Kings Lanciers, and one of the first that should charge the Enemy: which he so couragiously did, and was so well followed by the rest, as the Flemish Horse after having made some appearing resistance, gave manifest signs of yield∣ing. Don John came up this mean while with some few Foot, for it was impossible to have many time enough to fight. But the Enemy believing that all the Kings men were come up, or at least the greatest part of them, turned their retreat into a downright running away, and sought only how to save themselves. The Horse, throwing away their Arms, began to run; and being closely pursued by the Kings Horse, they fell foul upon the rear of their own Foot. They charge, and there∣withall confusion past into the body of the Battel, which was likewise soon dis∣ordered and routed: the Van, which had much advantaged themselves in their march, received no harm at all. The Enemy being routed, the Kings men fell to execution; but they were so few in number, as they could not draw so much blood from the Enemy as they would have done. The Enemy fled sundry wayes, and could not be equally pursued by the Kings men; insomuch as many of them saved their heads by their heels. The report was notwithstanding, that about 3000 of them were slain, and many of them taken prisoners, amongst which Il Signor di Goigny, who was the Enemies most considerable Commander. There were hard∣ly any of the Kings men slain, very few hurt: And truly the Victory was such, as it was doubted whether it were more to be ascribed to fortune or to valour. Don John having got the better of the business, pursued his victory. He presently turned towards the Town of Geblures, neer unto which the battel was fought: And putting the Enemy to slight a second time; a good many whereof after their defeat, were got under those wals, and seemed as if they would reorder themselves, he easily perswaded the Townsmen to submit to the Kings obedience. The Kings Camp meeting all here together, the greatest part whereof, as hath been said, could not be at the battel; Don John sent Octavio Gonzaga to take in Lovain, and the Lord Hierges to recover Bovigne. Gonzaga met with no oppo∣tion; and Hierges presenting his Artillery before the walls, he with small resist∣ance reduced that Town likewise. But the Prince of Parma found harder work at the Town of Sichen, to the taking whereof Don John had sent him a part by himself. The Town was not strong by nature, nor was it made so by industry, there was also but a weak garrison in it: And yet the Townsmen and the Soul∣diers

being obstinate in the defence thereof, the Prince was forced to batter the wal•• divers times, and to make many fierce assaults; in the last whereof the Kings men falling with the Townsmen into the Town, they made great slaughter of them, and afterwards plundred the City in hostile manner. The Captain of the Garrison, and some of the Souldiers saved themselves in a little Castle within the Town, but were forced soon after to yield upon discretion, and all of them were put to death by the Hangman for having been more fool-hardy then stout, and for having chosen force before clemencie. By the example of Sichen, Diste, Ariscot, Leuv••, Tilemone and divers other less considerable places of Brabant on 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thereof which lies towards Namures, came without any dispute into Don John ••ands. Neville, one of the best Towns in all Brabant, lay nearer Brussels. Don John would have taken it by force; but he met with such opposition as he was forced to tarry longer about it then he had thought: He came therefore to batttery, and from thence to assaults, which cost much blood. Monsieur de Vil∣liers commanded in chief within the Town, who egregiously performed his part, as did also all his Souldiers. The Town was not strong notwithstanding, nor could it hold out long: whereupon the Kings men being much incensed, and threatening to deal with Neville as they had but lately done with Sichen, the Townsmen upon better consideration came to Articles, and resolved to yield the Town, when the Garrison should be marcht out with their Arms and baggage. From hence the Army entred into the Province of Henault, and without much opposition took the Towns of Reus, Gognie, Bins, and Mabuge, with divers o∣thers of the like condition, which were all but very weak. So as these petty victo∣ries seemed to correspond but badly with that so noble a one which Don John had but a little before got at Geblures. After the taking of Nivelle, Don John would willingly have straitned Brussels, from whence the Archduke Matthias and the Prince of Orange with evident signs of fear were gone to Antwerp, to se∣cure that City, wherein lay the greatest consequence of all the affairs of Flanders. But the besieging of Brussels would not have been a business of such dispatch: For it was a place of large circuit, and greatly peopled, and which might have stood out long. Wherefore the Councel of War were of opinion, That it was better first to possess all the Country which lay about Namures, to secure them∣selves still the more of that passage, which lay so opportunely for the receiving of succours from Italy, and which would make the other Pass over the Mause at Mastrick the more easie; by which Aid in assistance of the King might likewise be brought from the neighbouring parts of Germany. Wherefore Don John en∣larging his Quarters in the two Provinces of Brabant and Henault, that he might receive his victuals with more ease, and in the greater abundance, re-entred into the Country of Namures, and resolved to incamp before Philippaville. This is a Town of five royal Bulwarks, which the King fortified, the better to secure that Frontier towards France and did therefore honour it with his own name. The Quarters being distributed according to the diversity of the Nations, they began to make Trenches on one side: And Don John willing to shew his superiority as well in pains-taking as in command, applied himself with great fervor to such Works as were of greatest importance. The Prince of Parma was alwayes by his side: So as by their example every particular Souldier gave himself to labour hard in the siege. When the Trenches were advanced, some Cannon, and Peeces of lesser bore were planted on that side, to bereave the Enemy of defence; and the Kings men coming at last unto the ditch, began to lodge there. But those within were not less ready in making resistance. Signor di Glimes was chief Com∣mander over them, and with him were five Foot-Colours, and one Troop of Car∣bines on hors-back: The people were but few in respect of the need, and they wanted many things within the Town for their defence. Yet the Enemy seeming as if they would maintain it; and encouraged by Orange, who promised they should within a short time be relieved, they began at first to annoy the Kings Camp with frequent shot, and by some sallies endeavoured to hinder the working of the Trenches, at least to keep them further off. Being come to fight at nearer distance, the actions grew hotter; the assailants sought how to get nearer the walls, and the assailed how to keep them further off. But the Kings men did so

well shelter themselves, and did so advance with their Trenches and Earth-works, and by their batteries threw down so great a part of the Wall, as they prepared to come boldly on to the assault, when the Governour resolved to surrender the Town to Don John. Some succour was endeavoured to have been brought in, but that failing, the besieged were much discouraged. It was notwithstanding thought that the Governour was too easily perswaded to surrender, being more wrought upon by promises from Don John then by any necessity. And his go∣ing over soon after to the Kings side, turned this opinion into a believed certainty.

When Don John was rid of this enterprise heresolved to leave Gonzaga with a good part of the horse, and some foot upon those Frontiers of Hennault and Artois, to withstand some preparations which the Duke of Alanson was making in France, against Flanders on those parts. And Gonzaga did luckily defeat some Companies of foot who were already entred the Country. After this he endea∣voured to endamage the Territories thereabouts which were in the hands of the Flemish Rebels, by frequent inroads, and especially by destroying the corn upon the ground, which was then a ripening. Don John sent the Prince of Parma at the same time with other Forces to streighen Limburg, a Town which gives the name to that Province, and lies near the County of Namures, being very commodious for the receiving of aid from Germany. At the first battery the Town surrendred to Fernese; from whence the Governour retired himself into the Castle, which is very strong by reason of its situation, standing upon a very steep rock; wherefore he resolutely prepared to stand out. But his souldiers were of another mind; for being but very few in number, and having but small or no hopes of being relieved; they would not run the hazard of punishment, as∣suring themselvs that they should easily obtain pardon: as they did: for Fernese suf∣ffering the Governor to go out free, did not only pardon the other Soldiers, but took them almost all into the Kings service. This was the proceedings of the Kings Army after the battel of Geblurs. This mean while Norchermes, Lord of Selle was com from Spain: by whom the King had by his Letters signified his plesaure touch∣ing the novelties which had happened in Flanders. The Contents whereof were, That he would not have the Flemish acknowledg any other Governour then Don John. For what remain'd, in a language which relisht both of the sowre and sweet, he commended the States for standing so firm in their obedience to him, and to the Church, & assured them that whilst they should persevere in so doing, they should receive all fair usage from him. And he refer'd himself to what the same Lord of Selle should represent more particularly in his name touching the composing of the new commotions which were raised in those Provinces. But from the time that the States had written unto the King, complaining so bitterly against Don John as we then told you) the affairs on all sides were so imbittered, as there was no means left for any peaceable accommodation. For the States declared themselves fully resolved never to acknowledge Don John for their Governour. That they had chosen the Archduke Mathias to govern them; that therefore they desired the Government might be left to him; which if otherwise, the fault was not theirs, if the service of the Church and King did daily suffer detriment. Selle procured a Treaty between both parties; but to no end. He then endeavoured that the Prince of Parma might negotiate with the States: believing that he, as son to the Lady Margaret, toward whom the Flemish had shewed so great af∣fection, might be well received by them, and might more easily overcome the difficulties which lay on that side. But he proposed that for the Prince his secu∣rity, the Prince of Orange should the mean while be put into the hands of Don John, which made them absolutely refuse the Treaty. And for this particular, which had encouraged Orange, and some others, they grew very jealous of the Treaty mentioned by Selle. At this time the Emperour had likewise inter∣ceded with the Flemish, to bring them to some good agreement with the King. He had joyned complaints with his exhortations, saying, that they had stoln the Archduke Mathias from him; which action of theirs the King had great reason to resent▪ But this intercession of the Emperours did no good neither: for the Flemish lent but little ear to his exhortations; and as for his complaints, they had formerly answered them in their justifying themselves in that point. This

mean while neither side omitted the re-inforcing of their Armies: and the States had in particular much sollicited the hastning of those Forces which were to come to them from Germany and France. At this time a Diet of the Empire was assembled in the City of Worms. Whereupon the States took occasion, being chifley councelled thereunto by Orange, to send the Lord Saint Aldegonde to move the Diet to favour their cause. He spake publickly to this purpose, and sought by all means to exasperate the Germans against the Spaniards, and parti∣cularly against such actions as had proceeded from the Duke of Alva, and which were now discried in Don John. He demanded aid of the Diet as in a common Cause: or that at least they would make some favourable Declaration in behalf of the Flemish. But not being able to impetrate any considerable ad∣vantage from that Assembly; all their expectations on that side lay in the forces which the Palatine Casimire raised by means of the monies which the Queen of England subministred unto him to that purpose. Other preparations were at the same time making in France. But these went more slowly on; either for that re∣ally they met with more difficulties, or that the King and the Queen his mother did cunningly hinder them under hand. Henry the third was then King: who in the time of his brother Charls the ninth, was called the Duke of Anjou; and Charls dying without sons, succeeded him in the Crown. France had not had a King for many former ages, of greater expectation, and who afterwards made it less good. For whilst Duke of Anjou, being made Lieutenant General by his father Charls (he being then so young as he was hardly able to bear arms) he with singular valour had led Armies, won Battels, taken Towns, and by a thousand o∣ther testimonies of Military worth, raised firm hopes that he was ordained to be the only rooter out of all heresie: and that chiefly through his means that King∣dom would return to its former splendor and greatness. And his fame was al∣ready so spread abroad, not only throughout all the corners of France, but even throughout all Europe, as whilst he was at the siege of Rochel, he was with incre∣dible applause chosen King of Poland. But afterwards leaving that foreign Crown, to succeed in his own of France, it is not to be believed how much he dif∣ferred from himself on a sudden; and how soon France wisht for the formerly glorious Duke of Anjou in their new King. It was then generally held that he with more fervency then ever, would have apply'd himself to suppress the Hugo∣not Faction by arms; which occasioned the greatest misfortunes and calamities to his Kingdom. Nor was there any doubt that the fury of the Hereticks being quel'd (as it was well hoped it would be) by that way, he might likewise easily have curb'd the ambition of the Catholicks. But instead of pursuing War, gree∣dily imbracing peace, and turning that peace into a soft and effeminate idleness, he saw Factions grow greater in his Kingdom; and his own Authority less. One of the chiefest evils which afflicted France at that time, was the variance and dis∣cord which arose in the Royal Bloud. There was none to succeed the King but the Duke of Alanson, who was the last of four sons left behind him by Henry the second. The Queen Mother did notwithstanding still live, a woman of a reaching wit, and who long accustomed to the subtilties of the Court, had no less by her industry then by her valour, gotten unto her self the chief power of Government, But neither was her cunning, nor the Kings diligence sufficient to keep the Duke of Alanson from making himself still head of some one or other Innovation, which still most troubled the Kingdom. He was but indifferently indued with parts, either of mind or body, yet his prerogative of being the on∣ly brother to the King, and the Kings having no other successor, added Autho∣rity to his weakness, and was sufficient to give advantage to unquiet minds; that they had such a head for their party.

During the so many, and so great troubles of France, the Flemish Rebels could never ingage the King thereof, to shew any manifest demonstration of favour towards them. Nay when they offered to put themselves into his prote∣ction, he would not be perswaded to accept thereof. Applying themselves after∣wards in the same kinde to the Duke of Alanson, the King did not only not shew himself averse therunto, but thinking it might make much for his advantage, he was tacitely content his brother should accept thereof; to the end that going out of

the Kingdom himself, he might likewise take many others with him who were raisers of novelties. This design being afterwards published, the Catholick King complained very much thereof, upbraiding the most Christian King how ill this did correspond to the so many assistances which were given by Spain to France, since that from thence so great a fomentation was now preparing to his Rebels in Flanders. But Henry partly dissembling, and partly not being indeed able to hinder it, excused himself, saying it was not in his power to withhold his Brother; and that since he was not permitted to use force to others, he could much less use it to him. The Duke of Alanson then resolving to assist the Flemish openly by Arms, he had already (as hath been said) sent some Souldiers into those Frontiers of Flanders which lie nearest France, and was raising as many more as he could thereabouts to that purpose. But before he should proceed further in matter of Arms, he thought it necessary to justifie his action publikely in writing. He therefore published a Manifesto, the Contents whereof were,

That being oftentimes very much prest by the Provinces of Flanders to ease them of the oppression which they daily suffered more and more by the Spanish State∣ministers, He could no longer refuse so just intreaties, nor abandon so honest a cause. That those Princes of the House of Burgony who had for so many years governed those Provinces, were descended from the blood-Royal of France: That many of those Provinces had been also possest formerly by the House of France, and had from thence upon divers occasions enjoyed those rights and priviledges, which have since with infinite violence been taken from them by the Spaniards. That the interest of Flanders with that of France was too much concerned in their neighbourhood. That it was the duty of true Princes to protect the innocent and the oppressed. That in taking upon him to defend this Cause, he was no less serviceable to the King of Spain, then to the people of Flanders: since it was known that they being already brought to the point of de∣spair by the bad usage of the Spanish State ministers, would at last put themselves under some more moderate Dominion, and would by all means possible endeavour a more supportable condition.

This mean while the Forces which the Palatine John Casimire had assembled together in Germany, were already upon the borders thereof. For he being fuller of respect, and abounding more in monies by reason of those the Queen of Eng∣land had furnisht him withall, might easily raise an Army, and have it ready to enter Flanders. But he would likewise first honest his coming by some specious pretence; which was, That he could not deny his assistance to the Flemish (who were so united to the Germans) in so just a cause, as not to suffer them to be op∣prest by the Spaniard. Having mustered his men about the end of June, at the Rendezvouz appointed to that purpose in the Territories of Zutfen, beyond the Rhine, 'twas said they came to about 16000 Foot and 8000 Horse, being of di∣vers Nations, but most of them Germans. The States endeavoured then to draw over unto them all that Country beyond the Rhine, especially the Province of Overisel, a good part whereof remained yet in the Kings obedience. The Count Renenberg bore Arms for the States there, who did every day somewhat advance their affairs, not meeting almost with any opposition, by reason the Kings forces were so far off He had newly taken Campen, a place of great consequence, where the Ysel fals into the Sea; and prepared to straiten Deventer, which is the chief City of that Province: To facilitate the which, and to make the States Forces greater in those parts, John Casimire resolved to leave some of his men with him. He marched from thence; and advancing with those men which were fittest to travel, he suddenly past over the Rhine and Mause, and within a few dayes entred Brabant. He incamped himself suddenly about Diste, and finding the place but ill provided, made himself soon master thereof; and by the taking of that Town got footing in that Province. The Conditions in this interim were agreed upon, by which the Duke of Alanson and the Rebels of Flanders obliged themselves together in endeavouring those Advantages, which in the Dukes expedition the one part was interchangeably to receive from the other. These were the most considerable Articles

That the Duke of Alanson, under the title of Protector of the Belgick States should be bound to warfare for a certain time in their service with 10000 Foot and

[illustration]

2000 Horse: That as much as he should get beyond the Mause towards Flanders, should belong unto the States; and as much as he should win on the other side of that River towards France, should fall to his own share. That for his greater security, and the better accommodation of his Army, the Towns of Landresey and Quisnoy in the Province of Henault should be assigned over unto him, and Bapalma in Artois; all which places were after a certain time to be restored upon certain conditions. That the States should not make any agreement with Don John without the Dukes con∣sent, and the like of the rest that were joyned in league with them That if there should be occasion of chusing a new Prince, they should prefer the Duke before all others: That in the mean while the Government should remain wholly in the Authority of the States, and that the Duke should not innovate any thing therein.

This Agreement being made, the Duke went presently to the Town of Mons, which is the chief Town in the Province of Henault: And here in the name of the States he received a solemn Ambassie by the Duke of Ariscot, who was attended by many other personages of quality. He was sent particularly to sollicite the Duke to move with his men, and to enter as soon as he could, to the end that the Forces of Germany and France joyning quickly with the self-Forces of Flanders, Don John might be the sooner and more easily driven out of the Country. The States had this mean while brought their men to the Rendezvouz about Lira, in the bowels of Brabant; and Archduke Mathias was gone thither in person, next whom Count Bossu commanded in chief, he being chosen Camp-master General of the Army. Their Souldiery was composed part of their own Flemish, part of Foreigners, and they were chiefly English and Scots: Nor were they as then above 8000 Foot and 2000 Horse. Whilst so great a body of Arms was pre∣paring against Don John on all sides, he had likewise been diligent in making all necessary provisions on his behalf: He had raised as many men in the nearest parts of Germany, and particularly in the County of Burgony, as the shortness of time, and his scarcity of mony would permit him to doe. He expected fresh and powerful Supplies speedily from Italy, as the King had promised him, as also to furnish him with monies to maintain the war galantly. Having then assembled the body of an Army together, which might consist of 12000 Foot and 4000 Horse he made no longer delay. Having left the places of greatest importance which were in his possession well provided for, he resolved speedily to fight the Flemish forces, and to doe his utmost to break them before the Foreigners were come to them. The Flemish were come from their rendezvouz, to quarter in a strong and very opportune situation near the Village Rimenante, not far from the City of Malines. Brabant is cut almost through the midst by the River Demer, which having about the end of its course watered the City of Malines, fals after∣wards into the Scheld. The Flemish were quartered between this River and the Village Rimenante; the River served them for a rampier on one side, and they were covered on the other side by a Wood which stood in the neighbouring fields not far from the Village; they were well fortified in all other parts by good Trenches, especially on that side where they might be the easisiest assaulted by the Kings men Towards that place Don John bent his course; and being past the Town of Ariscot, situated upon the same River, he approached orderly to∣wards the Flemish quarters. His chiefest endeavour was to draw the Enemies out of their Trenches, and to engage them in some hot Skirmish, which might afterwards bring them to a downright Battel. To this purpose he sent forth a good number of Horse to provoke the Enemy; but they making only such op∣position as was needful, would not engage themselves further. He laboured once more to provoke them, and facing them with his whole Army, boldly bade them battel though still with lesser hopes to bring them to it; for the Flemish knew themselves to be too inferior to the Kings men, both in numbers and in valour. There hapned notwithstanding a bloody skirmish. The Enemy had a place of great consequence without their Trenches, which was guarded by the English Foot, and who were commanded by Colonel Norris, a Gentleman of the same Nation, and a Souldier of great experience and courage. Don John would try to make himself master thereof; hoping still, that when they should be enga∣ged in fight, all the rest of the Flemish Camp would be drawn to battel.

Hee therefore assaulted the English with a number of choice Spanish foot and in their front were placed 200 yet more choice men of a particular famous Company which Alonzo Martines di Leva had brought out of Spain to Flan∣ders at his own cost and charges. The same Leva had a little before quitted the place of General of the Spanish Gallies; and to shew his greater zeal and valour in the Kings service, had by his own monies raised the aforesaid 200 foot, and re∣solved to lead them to the Kings Army in Flanders. There was not any one of them that was not either a Gentleman born, or a souldier of quality: for many that had formerly been Officers in Flanders, had put themselves into this Com∣pany. The assault was exceeding fierce; but it was no less couragiously sustain∣ed by the English who were all of them likewise old souldiers, and who being fa∣voured by the neighbouring Trenches covered by Artillery, did by the advantage of their shot make more lively and more stout resistance. Here the conflict grew greater: according as hope or fear altered on either side, the succours on both sides did likewise alter. But the Kings men fought upon too great disadvantage; for the enemy fighting in sight of their own works, and under the shelter of their own Canon, might easily repress the violence of the Spanish souldiers: whereas the others not having any of those helps, must trust only to their cou∣rage, and to their swords. Don John knew this very well; and advancing with all his squadrons in order to give battel he staid a while, to try again whether the e∣nemy would accept of it. But failing in his designe, he caused a retreat to be soun∣ded, and withdrew his foot in good order from the fight. This action was on the first day of August; it lasted many hours with equal valour and slaughter; though the Flemish pretended to be victors, and that the Kings men not being a∣ble to compass their ends, were worsted. Don John departed then from therea∣bouts and resolved to put himself wholly upon the defensive part, in some strong situation, which might joyn his quarters with the City of Namures, hoping that the tempest of so many contrary Forces would soon vanish, and that then he might have his share of the advantage. He considered that though the ends of England, Frrnce and Germany were the same in general, either to make the King of Spain lose the Low-Countries, or at least to keep them troubled with war; yet their several particular ends did very much differ. The Queen of England aimed at some particular conquest of her own, especially in those Maritine parts of Holland and Zealand: and she could not any ways tollerate those advanta∣ges which were to redound to France out of the ruining of Flanders. The French on the contrary were very jealous of those aids which were lent unto the Flemish by the English. The Germans ends were rather plunder then purchase; who when they should have overrun the Country, wanting mony to maintain them∣selves, they would soon be inforced to return to their own homes. Amongst the Flemish themselves Orange had likewise his particular ends. The Archduke Ma∣thias had his ends also; and the whole body of the Provinces was greatly divi∣ded in its parts, as well in point of Religion, as in their obedience to the King. For those parts which were infected with heresie, seemed well inclined totally to throw off the Spanish Government; and those which remained Catholicks, de∣sired to be rid of the Spaniards and other foreigners, but yet still to remain in their obedience to the Crown of Spain. So as amongst such diversity of ends, Passions and Opinions, Don John verily believed that this machination prepared and plotted against him, would soon dissolve; and that he might afterwards meet with many happy occasions whereby to maintain the cause of the Church and King with honour and advantage. And really at that time the two Provinces of Hennault and Artois began to fall out with the Province of Flanders, and par∣ticularly with the City of Gaunt, which is the chief Town thereof. The two a∣bovesaid Provinces had always kept firm to the Catholick Faith, together with the rest of the Walloons Country, which contains all that large Frontier, which lies along the whole body of Flanders, towards France.

In the Pe••ce of Gaunt which was so solemnly concluded by the States Gene∣ral, and which was afterwards confirmed by Don John in his agreement with them, the Walloon Provinces had laboured more then all the rest for all advan∣tages to the Catholick Religion; nor were the people thereof ever inclined to

forgoe their obedience to the King, so long as they might enjoy their ancient Priviledges, and he according to the form of their former Government. On the contrary, the two Provinces of Holland and Zealand had still fomented the new Sects; and the more the Country was troubled, the more did they labour to make the evil thereof be felt every where. These were Orange his inward drifts, and his efficacious Councels. And to his industry in knowing how to give them, the favour of the times had added great Authority in him, to make them be received. Briefly his end was to increase the heretical faction, and still to alie∣nate the Flemish further from the Spaniards, out of those reasons that we have often mentioned. Wherefore minding the conjuncture of times, he thought it now a very fitting season to bring together the two Armies which came from Ger∣many and France; the one of which was composed almost altogether of Luthe∣rans, and the other in a great part of Calvenists. The Sectaries were not then idle in Flanders. Some of them joyned together, and presented the States with a Petition in the names of them all, wherein under the most specious pretences that they could find out, they desired that liberty of conscience might be permit∣ted throughout the Country. There wanted not those who opposed this request; but the contrary side prevailed. Nor had Orange forborn tacitly to infuse a great fear, suggesting, that upon the coming up of so many Forces who profest the Re∣formed Religion, it was not good to deny that to the pressures of intreaties, which might easily be afterwards gotten by force of arms. And because the peace of Gaunt made against this, the sense thereof was so wrested, as that the peace was judged rather favourable, then contrary to this sort of concession. Yet the Provinces of Hennault and Artois, and the rest of the Walloon Coun∣tries were firm for the sole exercise of the Catholick Religion. But the Provinces of Brabant and Flanders did for the most part give way to the liberty of consci∣ence. This mean while the Palatine John Casimire was come, as hath beeen said, and Alanson drew still nearer on the other side. Whereupon the Sectaries bold∣ness increasing, not contented with many Churches which were assigned to them, but resolute to have the best and the greater number, they brought affairs to that pass, as on a sudden there was hardly any Churches left for the Catholicks. And because one presumption usually cals on another; after they had usurped the Churches, they came soon after to the driving out of Votaries; and their fury and madness grew to be such, as there was hardly any safety to be found for any Catholicks. Those who had any zeal of true religion in them, were therefore highly scandalized hereat: and the Walloon Provinces fell particularly into such commotion by reason of these novelties, as they began to separate themselves from the rest, first in their Councels, and then in their executions. The Flemish souldiery was maintained by the Countries contribution mony. And by the same moneys provision was to be had in a great part for the pay and other necessaries of the foreigners. The Provinces of Hennault and Artois becoming therefore refractory to this contribution, the States began to be in great straits for money, and to foresee the disorders which would quickly insue hereupon. They used all means industry, and authority to overcome the aforesaid difficulties; but they increased rather every day, for the occasions thereof did so likewise. The Ca∣tholicks in those parts stormed mightily, complaining,

That under false pretences of liberty, Flanders was now faln into greater slave∣ry then ever. That Arms were taken up for driving out the Spaniards, but not for that the Country should be more tyrannized over by the Flemish themselves, To what other end did Orange his ambition tend? What other designe had his adherents? That Arms were at first taken up in Holland and Zealand under spetious pretences. And finally, it was not enough that the Inquisition should be hindred, but that in lieu there∣of the new sects of heresies should have defused their venom throughout all those parts, should have alienated those Provinces from the Church, and begun manifestly to a∣lienate them also from the King. That the former disobedience made way for the se∣cond; the one not being to be severed from the other. That in the interim, Orange under the name of Governour, did retain almost the whole authority of Prince. That by the same cunning he had rather forced then gotten the Government of Brabant. That now under fals pretences liberty of conscience was demanded thorowout the whole

Country. And with what intent? unless it were to make Liberty fight against Liberty to wit, the unjust Liberty of Heresie against the legitimate Liberty of the Church: to the end that the latter being opprest, the people might the easilyer withdraw themselves from their Allegiance to the King. That it was time now to dive into the knowledge of such ends; and not only to know them, but to break them. Let Brabant and Flanders be of another opinion, and let those other Provinces joyn with them: the Country of Walloons would still continue in the sole Catholick Religion, and (with safety to its Priviledges) in their sole Allegiance to the King of Spain.

These words full of indignation, were soon accompanied with acts as angersom. For the two Provinces of Henault and Artois would not assign over Landresy, Quisnoy, and Balpema to the Duke of Alansons men, as was ordered in the agree∣ment made between him and the States: and with the same resolution denied to pay their share for the Souldiery. This commotion of the Walloons made those of Gaunt rage horridly, as those who were naturally most given to revolt, and had more readily received Liberty of Conscience, allowing all advantage to He∣resie amongst them, and taking up Armes, they resolved to use force against the Walloons. John Casimire, after having spoken with the Archduke Mathias was at this time gone to Gaunt. In this his coming his chief aim was to get money for his Souldiers; who not able to move for want of Pay, did not at all advance, but talked rather of mutinying then of fighting. The Gaunteses did in part satisfie his desires; and favoured by him, took so much heart against the Walloons, as they resolved more then formerly to force them to joyn with them. The Province of Flanders is divided into two parts: The one, and which is the greater part, and wherein Gaunt and the other chief Towns and Cities are contained, is called by the name of Flemicant, because nothing but Flemish is spoken there: The other, which is the lesser but which hath in it likewise many good Towns, is called Gallicant, because the French tongue is commonly used there. The former lies towards the Sea, and the other towards the Walloons Country. The Flemicant part of the Province went hand in hand in all things with the Gaunteses; and the Gallicant inclined towards the Walloons, as being more addicted to the Catholick religion then to Heresie. As soon as the Gaunteses had taken up Arms, the Wal∣loons did the like, and divers acts of hostility were committed by both sides; in particular the Walloons entred the Town of Menin, situated upon the River Lisa, which divides the Flemicant part of Flanders from the Gallicant, and here they began to fortifie themselves, and to prejudice the adverse Country. The Walloons would not notwithstanding, for all this their difference with the other Flemish, either acknowledge Don John for their Governour, nor any wayes adhere to the actions of the Spaniards: which caused some of them to take unto themselves the name of Malcontents This was a name taken at the first by some of the prime Nobility; from them it spread abroad into divers of meaner quality and was finally used by every one of that Country. Many of them wore a Chaplet of Pater-nosters, and of Ave-Maria's about their necks, to shew that they would keep good Catholicks; and all of them did generally declare, that they would continue loyal to the King when they should be restored to their former Go∣vernment. This was the so famous Faction of Malcontents, which afterwards proved very advantagious to the Kings affairs, as shall be seen in the pursuit of this Story. Orange was not this mean while so blinded in endeavouring his ad∣vantage by Heresie, but that he clearly saw how great a prejudice such a division might work: He desired the Heretick Army might prevail, but yet that the Ca∣tholicks should have all their due rites for the satisfaction of those that would not abandon them. Wherefore he failed not to use all possible means, as also his own and the States authority to compound the aforesaid differences. To this purpose the Lord S. Aldegond went with some other personages of quality to Gaunt: but the people there listening more to their Ringleaders, who were seditious, and for their own private interests more inclin'd to foment then to finish the begun differences, would by no means be brought to alter their resolutions.

Thus stood the affairs of Flanders when the Duke of Alanson came in with his Army, which was more expected then well received by Orange his own faction:

for he brought not so many with him as he was tyed to do, and those but ill pro∣vided of what was necessary for their own maintenance. Alanson had found it more easie to raise men, then to raise money; for he had little or none of his own. And the King his brother being neither able, nor willing to assist him open∣ly, for the reasons touched upon before, his hopes fell very short likewise on that side. And the King of Spain had again renewed his complaints to the King of France for this business of Alanson. He had likewise done the like in very sharp tearms with the Queen of England, for the assistance she had given the Rebels in Flanders. And for Germany, he complained likewise of the Emperour be∣cause he had not used more effectual means to hinder John Casimires expedition; and all these complaints wrought this effect, that express personages were sent from each of them to see if it were possible to bring the Affairs of Flanders to some good agreement. The King forbare not to make great preparations for War; but he would much more gladly have seen peace in Flanders, so as it might have been done without prejudice to Religion, or to his honour. Nor were there wanting some of his Councellers, who interpreting Don Johns actions worse then before, thought him to be in a great part the cause of all the new Tumults which had happened since the so solemn agreement made between him and the Provin∣ces: as if that he had desired to govern rather armed, then unarmed; and that he believed he might compass some of his own ends easilyer by troubles then by quiet. So as by reason of these jealousies which were had of Don John, and which had got a little rooting in Spain, peace in Flanders was the more desired by the Spaniards. Wherefore about the end of August all these Ambassadors met in Antwerp: The Count Zuarzemburg from the Emperour, President Belliure from the King of France; and from the Queen of England Walsingam, her first Secretary, and with him another called Gobham. But it was soon seen that Cesars endeavours wanted authority; and the rest candidness: For both Eng∣land and France did sufficiently desire to have the troubles and disorders where∣with Flanders was afflicted, continue. Nor did this opinion prove vain. The meetings were more for shew then substance, and their endeavours ended almost as soon as they were begun: to boot that in very deed the difficulties which were met with on all sides were very great. Each party would justifie all they had done, and all that they pretended to. Wherefore all Treaty of Agreement being sud∣denly broken, they continued in their former heat of preparing for war. The Flemish regained Ariscot, and Nevile; and tryed (but in vain) to recover Lo∣vain. On the other side the French entring into the Province of Henault, besie∣ged Bins, and after some assault, took it, and put it to the plunder. But these were businesses of small importance, in respect of what the Rebels hoped for from the union of so many Forces which they had received, to side with them from all parts. Orange laboured more then all the rest to bring them together: and herein his adherents used likewise their best diligence.

Miserable Flanders! every where so full of Arms, and so lacerated, as it was questionable whether she were more afflicted by her own, or by foreign Forces: and whether those or these in seeming assistance bore the most spetious title? Don John this mean while kept with his men within his quarters which he had fortifi∣ed without Namures, to withstand the assaults of the enemy. These Fortificati∣ons were about two miles and a half in compass, and did so much the more shel∣ter the City; so as that passage towards Germany and Italy was very well secu∣red, and his Army very well provided of all things necessary for the maintenance thereof: Wherefore Don John hoped shortly both to receive powerfull aid, and to see those disband which the enemy had assembled together for their service. These were his designs these were his hopes; when in their very hight he fell sick, his malady so increasing as he died within a few days. When he was near his end, he sent for the Duke of Parma, and after having in a very affectionate manner recommended the Kings service to him, he substituted him in his own place not any ways doubting but that by the so many Prerogatives both of bloud and valour which met in him, the King would suddenly confirm him in that Government.

Thus dyed Don John, not being yet full thirty three years old. The Emperour

Charles the Fifth was his Father; and Madam de Plombes, a Lady of noble birth in Germany, his Mother. The Emperour before his death gave the King his Son great charge of him: who at first had in his private thoughts destin'd him to an Ecclesiastical life; but afterward changing his mind, bred him up in the Military profession. Wherein by three memorable enterprises he eterniz'd his name. In the first, he bridled the Moors Audacity; in the second, the Ottoman Pride; and in the third, the Fury of the Flemish. In each of these his successes did much ex∣ceed his years: He overcame the Moors, when but yet a Youth; he abated the edge of the Turk, at the very entrance into the flower of his age; and he did so master-like suppress the Belgiques, as greater skill could not have been shewn by any whatsoever antient and most perfect Commander. He had in him very ex∣cellent gifts both of body and mind. In his aspect, Majesty and Grace; strength of Body to undergoe labour: He was affable with the Souldiery, vigilant an∣swerable to his Command; wise in the greatest difficulties, but having a heart much willinger to encounter then to shun them. Many could have desired that he had been less amorous, and not so easie to believe reports. He was so greedy of Glory, as many judged it to be an aspiring after Empire. Which made him at last be envied, and so far suspected, as made his service to the King doubtful; as if from being Governour, he had aspired to be Prince of Flanders and that to this purpose he had held private correspondencie with the Queen of England, and proceeded more secretly to express negotiations of Marriage. Which was cause why his death was thought to be rather procured, then natural. But what∣soever the business was, (wherein truth might be overclouded by Calumny) He dyed with the fame of singular valour, and great applause: Worthy assuredly to have lived longer, and not less worthy to have proceeded from a Conjugal bed; and to have commanded rather as absolute Prince, then as a subordinate Officer.

Finis Partis Primae.

Notes

• Anno. 1566.
• Anno. 15. 8.
• Anno 1568.
• Anno 1571.
• Anno 1572.
• An. 1573
• Anno 15••••.
• An 15••••.
• Anno 1578.