A third defence of the cause of peace proving 1. the need of our concord, 2. the impossibility of it, on the terms of the present impositions against the accusations and storms of, viz., Mr. John Hinckley, a nameless impleader, a nameless reflector, or Speculum, &c., Mr. John Cheny's second accusation, Mr. Roger L'Strange, justice, &c., the Dialogue between the Pope and a fanatic, J. Varney's phanatic Prophesie / by Richard Baxter.

There is a Law against Lying, To which we must Conform: OR Truth pleaded for Peace, Against The many Falshoods of an un-na∣med Impleader; who pretendeth to Answer several Writings of the Au∣thor Richard Baxter.

CHAP. I. PREFATORY. Our Accuser's Advantages.

§ 1. I Know when I wrote for Christianity, the Souls Immortality, against Popery, Perjury, Lying, Covenanting against Reformation; and when I wrote against Antinomianism, Anabaptism, Schism, that all that I had so written was easily answer∣ed by Male or Female, at Age or under Age, Learned or Unleaned: For Nature and Parents teach Mankinde to talk betimes, and we have many Schools to teach them to read and write:

And I hear by my Neighbours when they fall out about Interest or Words, that without a School or University, they can attain to copious fluent pungent Oratory, to describe each other as all that is nought; and prove all so undeniably by vehe∣ment asseveration or Oath, that he shall pass for Criminal that will not take their words for de∣monstration. And what an advantage and im∣provement would it be to this natural prompti∣tude and fluencie, if one were but hired or en∣gaged to the work by an Hundred or a Thou∣sand pound a year; yea, and also by the stream and interest of the Army or Sect, in which he is listed by Heart and Hand, and by such neces∣sitating interest of Reputation (contrived by the Listers) as that accusing others shall seem a ne∣cessary diversion of the Charge from himself and of his Conscience from disquieting him, like her that is called A continual dropping? But yet if Academical Education should train men up to the degree of Masters or Doctors of the talk∣ing and contending Trade, what an elevation of the faculty would it be? And yet all this is lit∣tle to the pondus of an inbred enmity to the thing first, and consequently to the persons, whom they are to make and prove intolerable. And there i•• one that, unseen, can prompt and furnish them with materials of all sorts; yea, and help their Subtlety, Vehemency, and most fearless Asseve rations. I have heard of a Cambridge Doctor •••• the Chair, that was called, The certain infallible Doctor, that was so far from seeming to know what Doubting was, that he took him for intole¦rable that was not of his opinion. And it's like

Bonner and Gardiner were such, and that it is much of the Roman-Catholick Infallibility: for sure they durst not wrack, burn, and massacre, and ruine all sorts, for that which they did not think themselves certain of; yea, and certainly neces∣sary to the noble ends of Unity, Government, and Peace.

§ 2. To talk it out to the last with these in∣fallible Talkers, is a task for one that hath as many Tongues as all they, and is as ready a Lin∣guist, and that is like to overlive them, and that hath no better work to do, and that thinketh that they will read or hear him without the ferment of tumifying impatient Pride: Or else that it is necessary to save the endangered people from seduction, to overtalk the seducers in length and number of words, and that Souls are still unsafe and loose to the truth, as long as there are any to talk against it. I confess, that if you will hive the Swarm aright, it is usually necessary that with a lowder noise you drown the Voice of the Misleader. But I have no such sounding Voice: I am not for the Celeusma, Cannons and Guns, with the shouts of the mul∣titude; and that on the higher ground can ea∣sily silence me, or drown my Voice. Reason speaketh not so lowd as these.

§ 3. I was lately where it was made a que∣stion, Whether Mr. Kettleby and such other Book∣sellers, be not Enemies to their own Trade, by Printing such Books as the Impleaders, Mr. Hink∣ley's, Mr. Cheyney's, &c.

The Affirmer said, It would make Books as contemptible as Ballads, and no body would regard and buy them. As when

News-books were weighty and credible, most bought them; but when beggarly Forgers took up the Trade, you may hear the Haw∣kers cry a Book, a Book, a Book; News, great News, and no body regard them: This there∣fore will break the Book-sellers at last. The Opponent answered, [Set but the Supposition right, and you will see how you confute your self. You suppose most men to be wise, than which nothing is more false. If you hear not Christ and Paul, hear Seneca's saying, [A wise man must be content of few approvers.] It is the gainfullest way that the Book-sellers could have taken: What Books sell better than Play-books, Ballads, and Romances, and Books of Tales, and Complement, and Jeasts? What Book-sellers break faster than those that con∣fine their Trade to rare Pieces of Antiquity, Learning, Reason, and serious Piety? Do not men pay dearer for a place in a Play-house, than in the Church? And I have oft heard some gentile Sons of the Church of England say, that they can profit more by a Play than by a Sermon. You think that such Books will make the Book-sellers-shops, like the Toy-shops: And what if they do? Will there not be Children and indulgent Parents while the world lasteth? What Shops have more trading, or seldomer break, than Toy-shops, that sell Babies, and Puppets, and Hobby-horses, and Pipes? &c. and those that sell Perriwigs, Pide-silks and Ribbons? You think that the Book-sellers Shops will grow like Ale-houses and Taverns which sober men will rarely visit. And what

if they do? Let those sober men pass by; Do such Houses want custome? The Throat will be the Throat still, and Mirth will be Mirth; and the lightest Heads shall be the greatest num∣ber.] And this prevailed.

§ 4. I must seriously profess, that I finde in our present Controversie, that my Opponents and Accusers have a great advantage of me, and such as I see no great probability to overcome. I mean in the quality as well as the number of their Hearers and Readers. 1. Can I expect that men of great Wealth, and Power, and Ho∣nour, and who would still fain be greater, should be as willing to believe that those are in the way of Truth and Righteousness who are by Law judged what we are judged, and adjudged to such Reproach and Punishment; and that go under the Censures, Suspitions, and Contempt, as we have here long done, and are hunted and laid in Jayls with Rogues? 2. Can I expect that men that never were studious or bookish, especially in matters of Divinity and Holiness, but have been bred up in fulness and pleasure, in courtship and converse with such as themselves, who will take him for a Fanatick that doth but talk much and seriously of Heaven, or Scripture, or things Divine, that scarce ever heard what a Nonconformist hath to say for himself, nor ever seriously examined the cause, or read a Book which openeth their case in all their lives. I say, can I expect that such should be able or willing to understand us? I mean, not as if All were such; but it hath been my hard hap to meet with few persons, even of Gentile

Education, who ask me, Why do you not Con∣form? that do not presently shew me in Confe∣rence, that they are quite out of their Element when they meddle with such matters, and talk of things which they never studied or under∣stood; and indeed do not think it belongeth to them, but to the Church: And that is, to those Church-men that the King and the Patron please to chuse; which maketh the Papists say the Laity of the Church of England cry down our believing as the Church believeth, when they do the same by their own Church-men. The Question is but whether it be our Church-men or theirs that are to be believed? And when Kings were on out side, it was our Church-men that were to be believed: and when they are on their side, it is theirs. And Mr. Hutchinson, alias Berry, spake harshly when he said in Print, that there was so little of conscio∣nable Religion in the people of the Church of England, that if one were but toucht with the Conscience of Religion, he turned Puritan o•• Papist. I shewed him the injury of his Speech; but I would he had much less occasion for it. Dr. Stillingfleet told me, that there was scarce an•• of his Hearers or Readers, how mean soever ther•• capacities were, but could discern the weakness of no Evasions. I dwell near the Verge of his Parish. I have talkt with some of his Auditors, and en∣quired of many others; and I think verily he is more in the right than I at first believed: For I finde that abundance of his Auditors hear him some once, some twice, some thrice a year, and some of them know not whether Christ be God or man, or both; or whether he had a hu∣mane

Soul, or what a man differs from a Beast; nor what is the true sence of many (if any) Articles of the Creed. And I am perswaded these whom he calleth of the meanest capaci∣ty, are the likeliest men to discern the weakness of My Arguments, I have talked also with divers of his Readers, and I found that they understood this much, that Dr. Stillingfleet wrote his Sermon against the Nonconformists; and that he is a Dean, and may be greater; and is a man that can talk with any of us. It may be some that I have not met with know more, as being of a higher Form; and some few I have met with that indeed know more, and those lament the Doctor's undertaking; and when they have read my Answer or Account, confess that they can∣not justifie his Charge. Could I but tell how to get most of the Church of England to know what Religion is, and to be seriously of any Re∣ligion, and to understand Baptism, and the Lords Supper, the Creed, Lords Prayer, and Ten Com∣mandments; how boldly should I expect their Christian sense and candour in our Cause? But till then, I confess that the Accusers have the advantage of us, and their Books unread will do more than ours.

§ 5. And it is a great advantage which they have got by the Oxford-Act of banishing above five Miles from Cities and Corporations all that swear not as is there required. For though the King's Wisdome and Clemency have let down he Floud-gates, and somewhat stopt the impetus of the Clergy-stream, yet it was many years be∣fore Nonconformists durst be openly seen in Cities

or Corporations, much less at Court, or among great Men; and modesty and prudence yet ob∣ligeth them to abstain from the presence of their Superiours, where the Law forbids it; so that the Ears of Country-Nobles, and most of our Rulers, hear but what our Accusers say, and have no knowledge of our Cause, but as described by them, whose descriptions are many of them no more credible than if they said that we are Turks.

§ 6. And their Art hath got us to such a straight, that whether we speak or are silent, we are guilty; and whatever we do except swear∣ing, saying, and doing as they require, it shall turn to our Accusation. For instance, Do some think that Dr. Stillingfleet is in the right, that pro∣nouneeth Damnation without Repentance against them that prefer not the purest Church, and thereupon come not to the Parish-Assemblies? Against such they cry out [Separatists, Schismaticks, prepa∣ring for Rebellion; away with them, execute the Laws.] But if others do as I do, who daily joyn with the Parish-Church in all their Wor∣ship, and Communicate in their Sacrament, and oppose Separation;] Some say [Such are like Ap•• that are the ugliest Creatures, though likest unto men while they are not men.] And others say, [We know not what to make of Mr. B. he is neither Flo•• nor Fish: He is like one that will go one step on one side the Hedge, and another on the other side, to avoid Uniformity.] And the men are not altogether mistaken: I profess that I once made it the most earnest action of my life to have prevented the building of a separating Wall, or a dividing

Thorny-hedge in the midst of this part of the Vineyard of Christ, to separate one part of the faithful Ministers and people from the rest: And that I earnestly desire to see that Wall or Hedge pull'd down, that Christ's Flock among us may be one: And I will do the best I can whilst I live to get it down, that there may be no such separation. And seeing this is a work above my power, I will go sometime on both sides the Hedge, though by so doing I be scratcht, and a Thorn in the Flesh by a buffetting Messenger of Satan reprehend me. But reverend Doctors hear my Reasons: It is not to avoid Uniformi∣ty, but Separation. I am a Catholick, and not a Sectary: I am for Communion with the Uni∣versal Church: If you will hedge in one cor∣ner, and the Anabaptists another, and the Sepa∣ratists another; and so other Sects that must have their peculiars, and turn Christ's house in∣to your several Chambers, and his Common∣field into your little Inclosures; and then say, Keep onely in our Room, and go into no other; Keep onely in our Enclosure, and go not on the other side of the Hedge: I shall tell you, that I abhor your separation. I have business on both sides: I believe the holy Catholick Church and the Communion of Saints, and not onely your Enclosure, and the Communion of your Conformists: I have some business on your side the Hedge, the Law and your own expectation will tell you part of it: I see some of my Fa∣thers Family with you. I have busines, on the other side the Hedge: There are as good as you; and such as I am neerly related to, and com∣manded

to love as my self, and to receive as Christ received us; and not to doubtful disputa∣tions, (to prove or approve all your Jurisdictions, Assumptions, Oaths, Covenants, Subscriptions, Reordinations, Formalities and Ceremonies.) Your thorn-hedge hath enclosed but one corner of Christs Vineyard, and I have business in the rest: It hath separated Parents from Children, Husbands from Wives, as to Church-communi∣on, Masters and Servants, Brethren from Bre∣thren, Neighbours from Neighbours: If they that made the hedge can justifie it, let them do it, it will be tryed before a jealous God ere long! if those of you that in learned Books and Ser∣mons exhort us (with somewhat hissing Rheto∣rick) to separate from those on the other side the hedge, can prove that themselves are all Christs Church, and that God would have us se∣parate from all save them, and give over Preach∣ing and all publick Worship of God, till we can conscionably conform to all their Impositions: I say, if all these silencing Preachers can make good their accusation of the Brethren, and their conclusions, let them that undertake it speed as they perform it: but for my part, I will not se∣parate from Father, Mother, Brother, Friend, and all good Christians save a domineering Sect, be∣cause that Sect will else call me Separatist. I was wont to draw the Map of the Church Uni∣versal as one Body or Field, or Vineyard of Christ, hedged in indeed round about from Infi∣dels, and distributed into thousands of parti∣cular Churches, as Streets and Families in one City: But if any will say, Hold Communion

with one Street or Family, and separate from the rest, and then say that you are a Schismatick for not being for that odious Schism; I will hear such, as I do the people that talk through the windows on the west side of Moor-fields, when they say that all are mad or Schismatical, that are not in their Cubs and Chains. Mr. Cheney was never there I think, and yet it was (per album an atrum nescio) revealed to him that I am down∣right for an Independant Covenant, which hath twenty Arguments extant to batter it, and prove it guilty of irreligiousness, or somewhat worse: And they say (for I am not acquainted much with their practice) that the Independent bind their flock to hold Communion with none but their own Sect, nor to depart without leave from their particular Churches. I am apt to be∣lieve that they are slandered (for whoever falls sick, I will first fear the most epidemical or com∣mon disease:) but if it be no slander, I profess that I will never be of a particular Church, which claims to be the universal, and will forbid me Communion with all save them. And if in this the Prelatists agree with the Independents, I am against the separating, Sectarian, Schismatical presumption of them both. I take the Kitching and Cole-house to be parts of the house, and I have sometimes business in them both. But I am most in my Study and Chamber, and I will take both Chamber and Colehouse for Schism∣ticks, if ever I hear either of them say, I am all the house, or [it is lawful to be in no other room.] Lord pull up the separating Schismatical Thorn-hedge, which hath cursedly divided thy family and flock.

CHAP. II. The Impleaders Truth examined.

§ 1. CHrist saith, that the Devil is the Father of Lies; and doubtless he hath subtilty to excuse them and improve them: and it is a great advantage to them, that they are so dis∣owned by humane nature, that it is taken for an injury to humanity, to charge any man to be a Lyar; and a Ruffian will say it deserveth a challenge or a stab. You will think it a paradox, that natural dislike should be turned to the ad∣vantage of a sin. But it is but natural light con∣vincing the understanding, not changing or for∣tifying the will against it. And therefore it is but pride of reputation and impenitency, that is indeed the fortress of the sin.

§ 2. Accordingly it hath many times been my hard hap, to have such Books written against me, (and that by men whose Reputation is not undervalued by themselves or their followers) as were to be answered chiefly by a Mentiris from end to end, if it would not seem by custom to be uncivil. And to tire the Reader by turning a Mintiris into a civil long Parenthesis, and this as frequently as gross falshoods are openly said or intimated, is tedious, even when necessary. With one I was put to use my Arithmetick, and to answer him by numbring the untruths asser∣ted:

But I have forborn it with others far more guilty, lest their reverence and power should make truth intolerable, whose passion or inte∣rest, or errour, had made gross Lies seem true and necessary.

§ 3. This Impleader hath been taught too much by the same. Master; and had he not spent part of his Book on Doctrinals, where his Erra∣ta are but mendae, but been all Historical where there are too many Mendacia, I might have been put to the way of answering before-mentioned: But be they Mendae or Mendacia, they need aniend∣ment, and the Reader may need an antidote a∣gainst them.

§ 4. Some beginning we have on the Title∣page, [pretending to shew the Reasons of the sin∣fulness of Conformity.] Mend. 1. I pretend in my Plea to shew but the matter of Nonconformity, and Historical Narrative of our judgment and matters of fact, passing by the Reasons or Arguments that must prove the things unlawful; though Reason may be gathered by the Reader, from the matter or History itself.

§ 5. The same is repeated p. 1. [He pretends to give Reasons for the sinfulness of Conformity, M. 2.] And he overpasseth the chief part of my Book, in which I state the case of Government and Separation, on pretence that it is [a dark and dirty way in which I have lost my self. M. 3. And a little will satisfie him, that regards such an easie, dark and dirty answer.

§ 6. He guesseth that kneeling at the Sacrament [for that was then discourst of] was one and the chief of those many heinous sins of Conformity:

Mend. 4. It seems the man was present. Reader, look to thy belief when thou art among such men. 1. There was not a word spoken then a∣gainst the lawfulness of Kneeling at the Sacra∣ment. 2. I openly declared that I held it law∣ful, and none of my Brethren contradicted. 3. The thing which we proved unlawful then was, [Casting those faithful Christians out of the Church-Communion in that Sacrament, who dare not take it kneeling, for the reasons which cause them to think it sinful.]

§ 7. Impl. [He will not urge the case, but barely mention matters of fact 〈…〉〈…〉 much less do we here give the reasons of our Cause.] He dare not be so bold yet as to venture to displease us. But this Hy∣pocrisie is so thin, that the weakest eye may look through it.] Mend. 5.

Answ. 1. The Printer put [urge] instead of [argue] which he was told in the Errata. And he maketh the errour his own, by feigning the words to be mine. 2. If I have disputed the Case by Reasons, Why did he not cite them, and tell where? 3. He alloweth the Reader to take him for a Calumniator, who will judge the heart which he knoweth not, and bring no proof of the hypocrisie, which he saith the weakest eye may see.—Indeed the weakest is liker than the strongest to see as he doth. 4. I will shew him three Reasons, why it is not like to be Hypocrisie. 1. Because there are severe Laws against all that shall deprave the Common-Prayer Book, or accuse Conformity of being sinful, which is Excommunication ipso facto, &c. And also Printing such a charge,

might have cost both Printer and Writer dear: And the Book was written divers years (as many can witness) before the Act that restrained the Press expired. And is it not credible that every man loveth himself, and is unwilling to be rui∣ned? I knew how easily you are displeased, and I felt a little what you can do when you are displeased, and others felt more. And is it hypo∣crisie then to say, I feared to displease you? And verily, I was afraid by it of occasioning your wrath and contentious Writings against many others, and making the breach wider, which I desired to heal.

2. When it's visible in the Book that I avoid Ar∣gumentation, doth not that prove that I said true?

3. The third Proof, if God will, is yet to come: when you see my Arguments added to the History, you will confess that it was not Hypo∣crisie to tell you, that I used them not before.

§ 8. Impl. [For whereas the Right Reverend and Learned Bishop of Eli had told Mr. B. as he confesseth—That he would petition Authority, that they might be compelled to give their Reasons, he there saith, [To answer the earnest demand of our Reasons by you, the Lord Bishop of Eli, I have pu∣blished an Historical Narrative of our Case and Judgment.]

Answ. Had he not mentioned weak Eyes, you might wonder that he saw not how he here confu∣teth his own falshood: when in the words cited I profess to give but the Historical Narrative of our Case and Judgment, and not the Arguments or Reasons for it: But he thinketh, [If the Hi∣story be given in answer to him that demanded the

Reasons, then the History containeth those Reasons;] Negatur Sequela: The matter of Fact must go first. The Bishop demanded of me an account of our Non-conformity. This is the beginning of an Answer. The Reasons may come next.

§ 9. Impl. [And if he may be believed, they are not only Mr. Baxter's Reasons, (m. 6.) but of many others (m. 7.) for p. 3. it is said [We that publish this here, give an account of our own judgment, how far we hold it lawful or unlawful to gather or separate from Churches, or to differ from what is established by Authority.

Answ. The man knoweth not the difference between giving an account of our judgment in Thesi, and in Hypothesi. If I tell you in what cases I hold it lawful or unlawful to separate from Churches, or how far humane Power may go (as I have done in the second Plea) is that to tell what I take for sin in our Conformity, and the Reasons of it? What if I shew how far Lying is unlawful? Doth that say that Confor∣mity is Lying, &c.

§ 10. Impl. [Where is that allowance from Au∣thority, which he pretends to have so long waited for, and begg'd on his knees (m. 8.) And where is that care not to displease or provoke the Conformists, by shewing the many heinous sins in their Confor∣mity (m. 9.) When without leave of God (m. 10.) or man, he not only endeavours to displease (m. 11.) but to ruine us. (m. 12.) If any thing may be, this is worse than his hypocrisie, it is mere distraction and rage (m. 13.) When our common Adversaries the Papists, &c.

Answ. 1. It was leave that I desired, but I

never said, I begg'd it on my knees: but that I would gladly do it, could that prevail.

2. I never shewed the heinous sins of the Conformists, but over and over professed that I accused not them, nor meddled with their case; but only said, How heinous a sin it would be to us to Conform, till we knew more reason for it than we do!

3. That it is without leave of God, that we give a reason of our not conforming, I take for false, while our Superiours so long and earnestly com∣manded it, and it is so necessary to abate the dividing odium raised against us, Rom. 12. 18. If it be possible, as much as in you lyeth, live peace∣ably with all men.] And if we are taken for intollerable Malefactors, is not undeceiving our Accusers and Haters a necessary means of Peace?

4. It's false that an endeavour to undeceive the offended, is an endeavour to displease them.

5. And it is more palpably false, that [I en∣deavour their ruine.]

6. How false is it then, that [this is distraction and rage?] And what more necessary to unite us against the common Adversaries? What Physicians hath this poor Nation, that know no way to unite us, but laying us in Jails with Rogues, till we can believe all to be lawful which they impose?

Reader, Pitty the case of this poor Land! What hands are we fallen into? What false Doctrine is charged on us? What is the Crime that we have committed? We are forbidden to Preach Christ's Gospel, though we were so∣lemnly devoted to it by Ordination, under the

Penalties of great Mulcts, and Imprisonments, and ruine, till we will do that which after our best enquiry we verily judge would be our hei∣nous sin. We forbear many years to tell them so much as what it is which we dare not to do; till at last, the Bishops themselves tell us, They will petition Authority to constrein us to it: And Parliament-men long askt us, What is that you stick at? And when after about seventeen or eighteen years Silence, I do but tell them what it is, the Clergy-men are so displeased, that they tell me, that It is distraction, and rage, and an en∣deavour to ruine them. When I never moved to put one Priest of them out of his Benefice, nor Bishop, Dean, Archdeacon, Canon, Prebend, out of a Farthing of his maintenance, nor one Bishop from their Lordships, or Parliament-Power; much less did I ever motion the silen∣cing of any one of them, or making them pay Fourty Pound a Sermon, or laying them in ••ayl, as we are used; and yet they cry out, that we endeavour to ruine them. The Lord pity his poor Flock! What a case are we in, when our Pastors seem to think, that they are ruined, if we be but suffered to Preach Christ's Gospel, and to live out of a Jayl: and think that if we offer to refel the Slanders that render us odious to them, and do but speak for our Ministry and Liberties, as every Malefactor is allowed by the Judges to speak for himself, we seek the ruine of our Clergy-Accusers? Do not Heathens ab∣hor such Injustice as this?

My Purse is less to me than my Ministry; and all that any man can take from me, will be

much less than Fourty Pound a Sermon: And yet if any men on the High-way, or in my House, should not only take away all that I had, but afterward prefer a Bill against me, as seeking their ruine, because by Reason I intreated them to forbear, and that in vain, it would be one of the oddest Cases that hath come into Westminster-Hall. I was once neighbour to a valiant Knight, who yet was so gentle, that when the Hookers in a Moonshine-night were hooking his Cloaths and Goods through the window, and he lay in Bed and saw them, he lay still, and mildly told them, Gentlemen, This is not well done, These things are not yours; If you are taken, you may be hanged for it. And by that time his Sermon to them was done, they had got what they came for, and were gone. But I never heard that they entred a Suit against him, for seeking to ruine their Trade by his reprehension. But if any of you have such a trade, as will not endure the Plea of innocent Sufferers for Peace or Mercy, without your ruine, I would some one that you have more regard for, would perswade you quickly to lay by that trade, lest when Christ is Judge, and saith, Inasmuch as you did it to one of the least of these, you did it to me, your Clergy will not save you from his Sentence; were it but the devouring of Widows houses, it is not the longest Liturgy that will excuse you by a Legit; nor will you escape with Burning in the Hand, unless Repentance now prevent it. The evil Servant that stuffs his guts, and beats his Fellows, presuming on his Lords delay, you know is threatned with a sharper penalty.

§ 11. Impl. p. 4. No person of any Note, that I have heard of, in all that Party who were in places of Trust and Publick Employment, did on the late Test refuse to communicate with the Church of England.

Answ. 1. How far doth your hearing reach? 2. How many of that Party have you known in such places of Trust? I suppose you know, when the Test in the Corporation-Act was imposed, that Party were then turned out of all Corpora∣tion-power? In some places not two of the old staid in: And is it any wonder then, if none of that Party be in such Power? 3. And is Com∣municating in the Lords Supper all the Confor∣mity that is scrupled? And what's all this to our Controversie?

§ 12. Impl. [When all our United strength is too little to withstand the attempts of our common Adversaries; it is a wonder to me, with what Confidence and what Designe he should not only pro∣claim Conformity on the Ministers part to be im∣possible, but endeavour also with all his might to withdraw the Laity from our Communion.] m. 14.

Answ. 1. Is it a Truth, that one that holdeth Communion with your Church, and speaketh and writeth for it, and disswadeth none from it, doth endeavour with all his might to withdraw the Laity from it? Can you not forbear this ill custome a few Lines together?

2. Ex ore tuo: See, Reader, the man confesses the need of our United strength. Hold him to that word: And I repeat, If he and the rest of that Tribe do believe, that it was morally possible that the two Thousand Silenc'd Ministers, and

all that came after them, should believe all the things which I named in my Plea for Peace, and all the rest which many scruple, are lawful for them to do; I wonder not at any Confusion, Calamity or Corruption that shall befal a Church that is conducted by such men! Who would have thought that there had been such men a∣mong Christians, and Pastors of a Reformed Church? But I do not believe that there are many such, that think it morally possible that we should all believe all Conformity lawful; they would never else have trusted so much to Mulcts and Jails, as to think their Church undone without those Helps. They are not such stran∣gers to Sence and Conscience: It is the wearing out of the present Generation of Non-Confor∣mists, and alluring or affrighting Youth from following them, which the men of any Brains have trusted to.

Judge by these Evidences of this mans Wit and wondering. 1. By the great number of the things which we judge sinful: They might dispute men into their Opinion in some few dif∣ferences, that cannot in so many. 2. The Sins feared are so heynous, as that Conscience will not quickly universally swallow them. 3. The num∣ber of the Dissenters: To dispute a few men out of their Judgments in difficult cases proveth hard, much more many hundreds or thousands. 4. Consider the quality of the silenced Ministers: Could they think that such men as Anthony Bur∣ges, Sam. Hildersham, Mr. Hughes, Dr. Manton, Dr. Seaman, &c. did not consider what they did, neither in their Health, nor before their Death?

Did they never read or hear what might be said for the New-Conformity? Had they not Learn∣ing or Wit enough to understand it? Or had they no Conscience living or dying? So many hundreds that after their best enquiries, and hearing all, remain Non-Conformists, are un∣like to be all brought to Conform. 5. Judge by old experience: Were old Hildersham, Ames, Dod, and hundreds like them, brought to Con∣formity heretofore? Mr. Sprint, Dr. Burges and some others were, but more were not. Did not even the Westminster-Assembly of old Conformists forsake it assoon as they could? 6. Judge by the change of the Case, and the Writings even of the old Conformists: Such things are put into the New-Conformity, as Bilson, Hooker, Usher, and other old Conformists have written against. And would they also repent and change their minds, if they were alive? I again profess, that I am bound in Charity and Reason fully to con∣clude, that had Usher, Bilson, Hooker, Jewel, Preston, Sibbes, Whately, Bolton, and all such, yea Dr. Jo. Burges, Sprint, and such others of their minde that writ for the old Conformity bin alive, they would all have bin Nonconfor∣mists to our new Impositions. 7. Judge by the means that are used to convince us: Is there any thing said that hath such cogent Evidence as to convert so many hundred men to your Opinions? Did such men as Dr. Twisse, Mr. Herle, Mr. Gata∣ker, Mr. Vines, &c. want the Instruction of our present Lords, to make them wise enough to Conform? When I know none of the Confor∣mists writings that have so much as named some

of the things that we think worst of. 8. Judge by present Experience: Why is it not done, if it be morally possible? Have you not had near twenty years Trial, by your Reasonings, Prea∣chings, Writings, Reproaches, Allurements, Threatnings, Canons, Fines, Jails, Informers, crying out for execution of the Laws, &c. and is it yet done? Have there not since more (of the Laity) turned from you, than have turned to you? Will not Experience convince you? 9. Judge by the great diversity of mens conditions and capacities, which I have elsewhere opened. Will ever men of such different Capacities, E∣ducations, &c. agree in such and so many things? 10. Judge by the requisites to such a Concord. It must be by bringing all the Ministry to a higher degree of Knowledge, or Conscience and Honesty than all the Nonconformists. For it can be nothing that you think keeps us from Conforming, but Ignorance or Badness. (Dr. Asheton undertaketh, as going to the bar of God, to prove that it is Pride and Covetousness) And how can you hope to make us all so much Wiser and Better than we are? Do you believe that the seven Thousand that had Conformed to the Di∣rectory, and staid in by Conforming to your Law, 1662. were so much Wiser and Better than the two thousand that were cast out? Or that the greater part of your Countrey-Priests now (if the lamenting people wrong them not) do Conform, because they know more, or are Better men than we? If it be so, he is unworthy to be a Pastor, that knoweth not how hard a matter it is to make all the Ministers of a Nation so much

wiser and better. He is blinde that seeth not that it is Fines, Jails and Death, that our Pro∣secutors trust to. And will true Conscience be convinced by such Arguments? Would you your selves change your minds in Religion, if you were but Fined and Imprisoned? If so, you are men of no true Religion: If not, why expect you it from us?

§ 13. But what am I doing? Will it not more tire than profit the Reader, if I should number abundance more of his Untruths? I will step to his concluding Farewel to me, and then see how he justifieth the trade, by pleading for Equivo∣cation, Pag. 128. [You gave several intimations that the King was Popishly affected, as Bishop Bramhal affirms,] Mend. 15.

Answ. Why did not the man tell where and when? I have Printed the contrary in the time of highest Usurpation, that the King was no Papist. Is he not a Calumniator, unless he prove it? But he saith [Bishop Bramhal affirms it.] Answ. A man that never saw me: why did he not cite Bishop Brambal's proof? But see what this sort of men are come to! Do they think it enough to warrant their slanders of us, because one of their Archbishops hath slandered us before them? What Credit then is to be given to such mens History or Reports? Is this it in which the Authority of Archbishops con∣sisteth, that they must be followed in slanders? No: It is not their Obedience to Archbishops, but their Conformity to a calumniating Spirit: For Brambal's Predecessor, Arch-Bishop Usher (a man honoured by all good men that knew him,

for Learning, Piety, and Honesty) was of no such Authority with them; but we are scorned for conforming to his Judgment. But you see that a Calumniator with you is no singular per∣son. They are not ashamed to tell the world, that their Archbishops lead them, and are as bad as they.

§ 14. Impl. p. 128. [You applauded the grand Regicide, as one that prudently, piously and faith∣fully, to his immortal Honour, did exercise the Go∣vernment.] Mend. magn. 16.

Answ. Reader, Do not wrong this man so much, as to think he is the Father of this. He taketh it up but in Conformity to his Fathers and Brethren that have oft printed it before him: and he must keep company and be Conformable. Alas! It is not one or two such men as are the Guides of Souls in England: But what? Had he no pretence for it? Yes, more than for many of the rest. He that undertook to be a Lying Spirit in the mouth of all Ahab's Prophets, never undertook to deceive them without any pre∣tence. I have somewhat else to do than to write the History of my actions in those Times, as oft as any such man will tell such a Story as this.

In short, I thought then that both sides were faulty for beginning the War; but I thought the Bonum Publicum, or Salus Populi, made it my Duty to be for the Parliament, as Defensive a∣gainst Delinquents, and as they profest to be only for King, Law and Kingdom: When at the New Moddle they left out [for the King] and changed their Cause, I changed from them, and was

sent by two Assemblies of Divines to do my best though to my utmost labour and hazard, to dis∣swade them. Cromwel having notice of it, would never let me once come near him or the Head-Quarters. I continued on all occasions publickly and privately to declare my judgment against him as a rebellious Usurper till he died. But being at London a year or two before he died, the Lord Broghil (since Earl of Orery) would needs bring me to him; where I dealt so plainly with him, in demanding by what Right, against the Will of almost all the Kingdom, he pull'd down our lawful English Monarchy that we were sworn to, and the Parliament, as cast him into such Passion, as broke out in reviling many of the worthiest Parliament-men, that he knew me to be familiar with. The last time the Earl of Orery saw me, he told me, he had told the King of that Conference, and that he should love me the better while he lived, for my Faithfulness. He and Lambert and Thurloe were (silently) pre∣sent. A Twelvemonth after, Sir Francis Nether∣sole would needs dispute me into Repentance for being for the Parliaments Cause, by way of Writing: I told him, that the sad effects were enough to make us all suspicious; but I would give him those Reasons that had moved me, with a true desire to know the full truth, that if I had erred, I might not remain through Igno∣rance without Repentance: He wrote to me, that in the mean time, seeing I was satisfied a∣gainst Cromwels Usurpation, I should go to London to set it upon his Conscience to perswade him to restore our present King: I sent him

word, that as he took me for his Adversary, so his Conscience was not so easily perswaded to give up such a prey; and that this was not now to do; I had been lately with him, and I and others had tried such perswasions, or the like, in vain. While I was preparing my Papers for Sir Francis Nethersole, cometh out Mr. Harring∣ton's Oceana, contriving the Settlement of a De∣mocracy, which they called a Commonwealth; and Sir H. Vane was about another Model: I wrote somewhat against them, and Mr. Harrington printed a Paper of Gibberish, scorning at my Ignorance in Politicks: Against him I wrote my Political Aphorisms, called A Holy Common∣wealth, in the beginning pleading for the Divine Universal Soveraignty, and next for Monarchy as under God; and next (seeing they were all on New Modelling) I told them, how Piety might be secured and promoted by Monarchy; and to get Sir Francis Nethersoles Answer for my fuller satisfaction, I added as to him, as I pro∣mised, the reasons that had moved me to be for the Parliament. While I had purposed the later part first, Oliver died, and his Son Richard was set up while I was writing the Book: Before I had finish'd it, the Army had pull'd down first his Parliament, and next Richard himself; I never had known a Parliament more enclined to Piety and Peace. My deep displeasure against the Madness of the Army, that had rebelliously pull'd down all Power, King, Parliaments, and at last him whom they set up themselves, drew me first to write the sad Meditations in the end, and then a sharp Preface to the Army against

their Rebellions: In which I aggravated their Crime in the last instance among the rest, in putting down suddenly Richard their Protector, whom they had lately Courted and Set up: and I used these words, [It was written while the Lord Protector (prudently, piously, faithfully, to his immortal Honour, how ill soever you have used him) did exercise the Government,] &c. Now so con∣gruous are these mens Principles and Practice, that they fear not to tell the world in Print, and that successively from one another, that I [said this of the grand Regicide] Oliver, whom I so openly and so deerly opposed: And a putarem, or a non putarem, will excuse a Volume of such tricks, if the cheat or falschood be discovered. They might easily have seen by the whole scope of that Preface, that it was Richard, and not O∣liver, that I spake of. It was not Oliver that they misused and pulled down. And I praised him, to shew the evil of their Rebellious Proceedings. It was not Taking the Government, which he had no Right to, which I praised; but his short Exercise: And I thought him praise-worthy on many accounts.

1. He never meddled in any War against the King, notwithstanding all his Fathers Interest and Power, but was suspected to be for the King. 2. We never heard that he sought or expected the Government, but it was thrust upon him. 3. When he was offered help pre∣sently to apprehend them that supprest him; he refused it, and renounced the Government at a word, resolving not to shed a drop of blood to keep that which was so thrust upon him.

4. He set himself by a Parliament of pious peace∣able men, to have supprest Heresie and Confusion, and to have restored Order, and Equity, and Peace. 5. The Kings chief Friends about us told me, that Richard was for the King, and that some were Treating with him to Restore him: Though I confess, I hardly believed that his Self-denial was so great. I thought all this had so much laudable, as to aggravate the mad∣ness of that Army, who when they had de∣stroved the King, and pulled down the Parlia∣ment, did also put down him whom they had Set up and Sworn Fidelity to themselves. His want of Right did not justifie their Perfidious∣ness. Thus the Conformist grounds his Accu∣sation.

§ 15. Impl. p. 128. He repeateth a Leaf of my own words to Mr. Bagshaw, against the Ar∣mies Rebellion against King and Parliament, and setting up the Protector, and the rest of their Injuries; not seeing that he confuteth his own Calumny, while to prove that I am for those actions, he proveth that I have condemned them as heinous sin: See here how strongly these men argue!

§ 16. Impl. p. 131. [His applauding the first Boutefeus, as glorious Saints in Heaven, his vindi∣cating the Authority and War of the Parliament against the King, his pertinacious adhering to the Covenant, crying down the Royal Martyr as a Pa∣pist, after he had sealed the sincerity of his heart to the Reformed Religion with his Blood; and the crying up his Murtherer for a prudent, pious and faithful Governour: His Principles in his Holy

Commonwealth, and his present practices in defending Schism, and so sowing Sedition, &c. Cry aloud for Repentance and Retraction, &c.]

Answ. Here are his Doctrinal Principles ex¦emplified: He hath now got the art of linking and condensing falshoods so close, that I must cease numbring them, while one is made up o•• so many.

1. The first Accusation went before, p. 88, 89. where he mentions Brooke, Pym, Hampde••, and White, &c. saying, [What if they are gone to another place?—You were ashamed to continue them in your (Book) being left out in your later Editions.

Answ. 1. I left them out, because the Book could not be Licensed else: And should I not rather leave out a few Names, than cast away the whole Book? Had I done it in Repentance or to please such as you, you tell me how it would have been taken.

2. I never spake with one of them; but I have heard so credible testimony of their con∣versation, especially of Hampden and White, that I am far more confident that they are in Heaven than that such as you will ever come thither. Impartial men of both sides honoured them; I heard an antient grave Gentleman, that was no Phanatick, nor accounted a Puritan, but a sober honest man, say, 1644. [If I might choose what person in all the world I would be, I would be John Hampden.]

3. It is not only Bishop Jer. Tailor, but Poli∣ticians commonly that acknowledge, that It hath not pleased God to make Politick Cases of the de∣grees

and forms of Power so easie to us, as that all good Christians can decide the Controversies about them. It's commonly agreed, that God hath not forbidden Monarchy, Aristocracy, Democracy, or Mixt Government; nor made only one of these to be lawful. And it is past Controversie then, that it is National Fundamental constituting Contracts, Laws or Customs, and not any express Scripture, that must tell us de facto & jure, what is the Species of each Countreys Government. It is not in the Creed, Lords-Prayer, Decalogue, or Sacraments: Therefore the knowledge of it is not of absolute Necessity to Salvation: I finde it not in the condition of the Covenant of Grace. Methinks they that say Heathens may be saved, should grant it of Christians that know not when a sinful division falls out between King and Parliament (and that with many difficult circumstances) which it is that should be then obeyed or defended. Christ was drawn by Hy∣pocrites to pay Tribute to Caesar, rather than offend; but he would not be drawn to justifie his Dominion over the Jews. Paul commands Obedience to the Higher Powers as of God, and as watching for our good: But he would not be drawn to declare, Whether it was Caesar or the Senate which was the Higher Power, when they came to be divided in their Commands.

4. I have produced too large Testimony from Antiquity, how ordinarily the Bishops of East and West too quickly owned and praised the Usurpers of the Empire, when once in posses∣sion: Not only the Synods in Martius time that owned Maximus, but Ambrose and Theopl. Alex∣and.

to Eugenius, and Gregory the first, and many Western Bishops, and ordinarily far most of the Eastern Bishops presently owned Usurpers, that came into the Empire by the Murder or Depo∣sition of their Predecessors. And are all these Fathers and Christians damn'd?

5. The Liturgie requires that when such are Buried, they are openly pronounced saved; that is, That God of his great Mercy hath taken to him∣self their Souls out of the miseries of this Life, and that we hope to be with them: We must be Silen∣ced and Imprisoned if we will not say this, and subscribe to it, and reproached if we do: This is the Conformity which they would have us yield.

6. Do you not tremble your self, when you que∣stion whether they be not gone to a worse place and revile us for the hopes of their Salvation? Doth not your Conscience ask, If such men be not saved, what will become of me, that deli∣berately write such Volumes of Falshoods against God's true Servants, and their present serving him, as if they must cease Preaching and all Church-worship, till they dare Conform to all imposed? O why will you condemn your self in others!

7. I finde many of your selves honouring Bi∣shop Jewel, Bishop Bilson, and Mr. Hooker, and such others that held the Principles which those men went upon; and you never yet, that I heard of, reviled any man for hoping that they were saved: No nor Grotius, nor Barclay, nor the common sort of Lawyers, and Politick-Writers, that have said more of the Cases in which Kings

may be Resisted and Deposed, than they did, or than I ever said. If such Principles may stand with the Salvation of Grotius, Hooker, Bilson, Althusius, Alstedius, Willius, &c. Why not of theirs that I have mentioned?

8. You know, I suppose, that it was mostly Episcopal men that began the War; Lords, Commons, and Souldiers on both sides. (If you will not know, and can be ignorant when you list, your Will hath a freedom which mine hath not.) And are you sure that your Con∣formists also are damned?

9. You hereby teach them that are confident that the Laudian Clergie were the chief Causers of the War, to conclude therefore that they are damned. And so our Clergy on both sides will be like Gregory the Seventh's and the Emperour's in Germany, first exciting and encouraging the Princes and People of the two sides, and then taking Oaths against each other, and lastly damning one another; till a Reverend Council of Bishops Decreed, that all the Bishops on the Emperours side should be Deposed, and the Dead digg'd out of their Graves and burnt.

10. You will open the eyes of the people to see what manner of Spirit you are of, and that it is no wonder if you cannot endure us to Preach and Live by you; who take us for Criminal for hoping that men are saved, who otherwise were of most exemplary Lives; but being in point of Politiques on the Parliaments side, and doing ac∣cordingly, while they professed to arm only against Subjects, holding the person of the King to be inviolable. I finde not that even in the

Barons Wars, or the Wars between the Houses of Lancaster and York, no nor King Stephens, the Censures were so high. Anselme Archbishop of Canterbury is Sainted, that was against his King.

§ 17. The second Charge is, my Vindicating the Parliaments War against the King]

Answ. 1. I believed then that it was not a∣gainst him, when their Commissions were for him. 2. I proposed my Reasons upon a Lear∣ned Knights demand, requesting satisfaction by an Answer: And had you or any of you ever since confuted them, it had been more cha∣rity than only to Recite them and Condemn them. But I have over and over publickly de∣clared my revocation of that whole Book, (though not of all that's in it) and wisht that I had ne∣ver written it, for more Reasons than I will now name to you. 3. My Judgment about the King's Power, and our Obedience, I have fully declared in The Second Plea for Peace.

§ 18. The third Accusation is, [His pertina∣cious adhering to the Covenant.]

Answ. 1. The man knoweth that I own not the imposing it, specially as a Test for the Na∣tions Concord, it being an engine of Division so imposed. 2. That I own not the taking it so imposed. 3. That I deny that it obligeth me to any thing that is evil, yea or from any Obe∣dience to the King in things lawful, nor to any thing but what I have a former obligation to from God himself. 4. But I confess that I dare not say, that it obligeth no man to repent of his Sin, nor to be against Popery, Prophaneness or

Schism, nor to endeavour any amendment of Church-Government. And I will not deny, but that I take Perjury to be no indifferent thing; which of these is the Crime of Adherence, he tells me not.

19. The next Accusation is, [Crying down the Royal Martyr as a Papist.]

Answ. I have said, Till he tell me where, and how he proveth it, I must take him for a gross Calumniator, and wonder not that he Confor∣meth. In my Key for Catholicks he may see where I prove the contrary, that the King was no Papist. I will confess that which he knoweth not: 1662, and 1663. when the Kings Letter in Spain to the Pope was Printed out of Mr. de Chesne by Prynne, I was struck a while with doubt and suspicion; But I soon considered, 1. That the words promised but Endeavours for Unity. 2. And that it was written in the Spaniards power, in a streight.

§ 20. The next is, [Crying up his Murderer.]

Answ. A repeated malicious falshood.

§ 21. The next Accusation is, [His Principles in his Holy Commonwealth.]

Answ. 1. I oft told you, The Book is revoked long ago. 2. The Principles which I own I have publi∣shed as aforesaid in the Third Plea: and he doth not confute them. 3. Of the Wars I spake before: What other doth he name? Bishop Morley re∣cited many of them; and the first as I remember was, that I say, [That pretence to unlimited Mo∣narchy is unlawful, or Tyranny, because God hath Limited all Humane Power.] If this be Heresie or Disloyalty, I hold it still: I mistake much, if

any Kings have Power from God to command all their Subjects to blaspheme or deny God or Christ, or to renounce his hope of Heaven, or to worship the Devil, and sell his Soul to him, nor to murder Father, Mother, Wife or Children. I will venture to dispute this with any Confor∣mist. But as to the harder question, Whether Kings may kill any or all their Senators or in∣nocent Subjects for nothing, or burn all their Cities, or take all their Wives, Children and Estates, I will leave it to Statesmen to debate. I am sorry that ever I wrote so much about their matters.

§ 22. The next charge is, [His present pra∣ctices in defending Schism.]

Answ. Prove it, or number it with your Slanders. What is the Schism? Is it Schism to say, That it is unlawful like Atheists to cease all Publick Worship of God, till Conscience can finde it lawful to Conform? Others think that the contrary is both Schismatical and Atheistical. Can you prove that I am for Silencing faithful Ministers, and making partition separating hed∣ges in the Vineyard of Christ? My Rule is, to go no further from any Christian than he goeth from Christ, or would force me to sin for his Communion.

§ 23. The next charge is, Sedition; that is, not giving over God's Worship, till I can swear, say and do all that is imposed. Where is the proof of all these Accusations? But their me∣thod of Justice is, first to do execution (casting out 2000) and next to justifie it by an Accu∣sation behinde our backs, and next to bring

their Witnesses, when we are dead or for∣bidden to speak; and they are one anothers Witnesses. This mans proof is, that Bishop Bramhall of Ireland said it: The next mans may be, that This man said it: Dr. Ashetons proof was, that the Debate-maker said it; and who said it to him I know not.

And p. 100. This man hath an infallible wit∣ness, Bishop Morley then of Worcester. And what saith he? Why first, That I did what I could to make the King odious to his people. But where's his proof? It's enough; The Bishop said it. 2. I sowed the seeds of Sedition at Kederminster: The proof is the same; the Bishop said it. 3. The Bishop taught him to adde, [I my self have heard him, in a Conference in the Savoy, maintain such a Position, as was destructive to the Legislative Power of God and man.] But what if the Bishop spake as falsely, as if he had said that I pleaded for Mahomet? Where is your proof then? I after Printed the words with the Di∣spute of the Dr's, to which they were an An∣swer: And I have in my Second Plea, in a Di∣sputation of Scandal, vindicated them. Let any man of brains read both, and believe the Bishop and you if he can. But, Reader, if such mens renewed Accusations cause me yet to Print that Answer to the Bishop's Letter, which for peace I cast away; blame not me, but them that force me to it: I am for peace, but they are for War.

§ 24. But what good will it do the Reader, to have this mans Falshoods detected and num∣bred?

They are so many and so gross, that it is a troublesome work; as p. 107. [Your Prin∣ciples which assert, that the King may be Depo∣sed.]

Answ. Burn any Book of mine with scorn, where I ever asserted any such thing: But if it be a Forgery, believe such men accordingly.

So p. 112. [Refusing the Tests of Obedience, which require only the disclaiming of Rebellious Principles and Practices.] Answ. See my Pro∣fession and Renunciation, second Plea, Chap. 3, 4 and my Confutation of Hooker, Chr. Direct. Par. 4.

Pag. 112, 113. He joyns with those that would bring us into the Plot, and fathers his Accusation on the Acts of Parliament against us.

Pag. 113. He saith, I have [a better opinion of the Papists, than of the Conformists,] because I say, I had rather be saved from the Gallows by a Papist, than hang'd by a Conformist.

So p. 132. [To withdraw your avowed Com∣munion] Answ. A Fiction: witness the Parish-Assembly.

Pag. 133. Your Practice continueth and en∣courageth Separation from our Communion.] False.

Ibid. Cartwright, after he had written as much as he could against Conformity, repented and Con∣formed at last.]

Answ. A Fiction: No more than I Conform. Many a time have I been in Warwick, where he last lived Master of the Hospital, and the antient people there and at Coventry knew the contrary. If to joyn in the Liturgy and Sacrament (and

perhaps rather than be Silenced, to wear the Surplice) be Conforming, you abuse many whom you reproach and silence as Nonconformists.

Pag. 134. He mentions my Positive opposing and hindering their Communion. The Book is much made up of such untruths in matter of Fact.

§ 25. His Postscript is his Ingenuous Conjectures, if not Proofs, that I am a Liar and an Hypocrite, in the dating of my Prognostication; and that it was written 1680. Answ. Should I abuse the Reader by a particular Answer to them? That it was not written 1680, many persons that saw them can witness. Will his Reasonings make me ignorant of such a matter of my own fact? All that I know of it is this, 1. As far as I can remember, it was shortly after the Savoy-Conference, that the first Copy was written; but just the Month I do not remember. 2. Fin∣ding this Copy among my rude neglected Pa∣pers, I wrote it fair in 1671. And my Memory is not so strong, as to be sure that I altered not a word: For I cast away the first rude Copy. 3. After that, I thought it had been lost, not seeing it some years: Till Mr. Matthew Silvester told me, that I had long ago lent it him to read: I did not think it worth the Publishing. But one of judgment that he shewed it to, thinking otherwise, I added a few Lines in the End: This is the Truth, and if it be the Impleaders interest to believe it to be false, let him use his Intellect and Pen accordingly, I'le no more strive against him.

CHAP. III. His Answer to the first Plea for Peace Examined.

§ 1. BEcause the great Charge against th•• Non-Conformists is, 1. Their Not Conforming. 2. And that till they can Conform they cease not Preaching and all publick Worship o•• God (which is to live like Atheists, and chus•• Damnation.) The first thing that I did in the First, Plea, was to Declare our Judgment about Churches, Ministry, Church-Communion and Sepe¦ration, (in what Cases we hold it sinful or law¦ful.) To my great wonder, almost all this i•• past over by all my Accusing Answerers that •••••••• have seen, as if it had bin little to them. And they go on to take it for granted, that we are guilty of Schism and sinful Separation, or in wondering that we do not grant it. 2. And as to the second part of our Charge, I have seen none yet but Mr. Cheney and this Impleader that pretend to bring proof of the Lawfulness of the•••• Points of Conformity which we avoid. And to Mr. Cheney I gave a Reply, which I judged sa∣tisfactory; and this man where they agree re∣peateth the same things, as if I had not Replied; and therefore I refer him to that Reply, rather than write the same over again. But in some things they as much differ from each other as from me.

§ 2. Pag. 4. He premiseth, 1. What are the Parts of the Book to which we are to declare our Assent and Consent? Answ. All things contained and prescribed in and by it. Are not these words plain? We are not for Equivocation: What he saith of this, is answered to Mr. Ch.

2. Pag. 9. He saith, [It is granted by the Non-Conformists, that the Common-Prayer Book, as it is now amended and abstracted from the Declarations and Subscriptions required by the Act of Uniformity, is better to be assented to, than as it stood before.

Answ. 1. I know none of those Non-confor∣mists: It's better in some things (as the Tran∣slation of the Epistles and Gospels) and worse to them in other. 2. But what's this to the Case?

3. Pag. 11. He saith, [Non-Conformists grant, that it is better to submit to the practice of a doubt∣ful small evil, than to forbear a necessary great Duty.]

Answ. This I answered to Mr. Ch. I know one of them that grant it. They suppose that a doubtful Evil] is really evil; and the Doubt will not make it Lawful (or Better,) but Less Evil than a greater: And that no Duty should ••e forborn, while Duty, nor Evil done. But ••e must not forbear Duty till we can do it with∣out adherent evil: But we must do our best to ••••rbear all-evil.

Ibid. He speaketh against over-strict Interpre∣••tions of Impositions. Answ. I stand to Bishop ••anderson's Solutions, whom he citeth, which ••e in the end of The First Plea for Peace.

Pag. 12. 4. He saith, [Practice is the best Ez∣ounder

of the Law: many Laws are worded for terrorem iniquum petere, ut quod aequum est fe∣rant; Lex non curat minima. Neither the Lan of God or Man is sollicitous about Circumstances and the lesser Punctilios.]

Answ. 1. When they either comprehend the Least in Generals, or name them particu∣larly, we think they extend to them: And that he that breaketh one of the Least, and teacheth 〈…〉〈…〉 all be called Least in the Kingdome of •••••••• Mat. 5. 2. The seven thousand Ministers (and more) that Conformed to the new-made Law 1662, did not stay till Practice expounded it. 3. And whose practice must it be that is the Exposition? When your practices much much differ? 4. I think you abuse the Law and Lawgivers, by making them first injust, ini∣quum petendo, and next unintelligible, and lastly opening a door for disobedience.

Pag. 13. 5. He noteth that we are not agreed what is unlawful in Conformity.

Answ. 1. Nor are we agreed of all forbidden in Gods Laws; Must we therefore forbear no sin? 2. We are agreed (as far as I know) of all the many particulars enumerated in the Plea: Deliver us from what we are agreed against. 3. The Bishops of England are not agreed in how many things we must differ from the Pa∣pists: All are not for so much of theirs as the Greeks, or as Grotius, or Bishop Bromhal, or Mr. Thorndike, or Will. Forbes of Edenborough were for. And what of that? Must not Popery be renounced till you are all herein agreed?

53. Pag. 14. He noteth what I said of the

root of the first difference between the old Non∣conformists and Conformists, One part cleaving to the Scripture, and the other being for reteining all that came in before 600, and common to them with the Greeks, [which (saith he) doubtless was the sounder Opinion; so that the Foundation of Non∣conformity was laid on a false Principle, and they that built thereon frequently raised Sedition, &c.]

Answ. 1. They that thought each mutable circumstance of Worship must have a particular Command in Scripture, erred; but there were few such, at least of any Learning: But those that took the Law of God in Nature and Scri∣pture, for the only and perfect universal Law, did not erre.

2. So many Corruptions in Doctrine, Wor∣ship and Discipline came in before 600, and are reteined by the Greek Church, that we cannot make that the measure of our Reformation: If you are for all [that is common to the Papists and Greeks] How prove you that you may Silence and Imprison all that are not?

3. And if this be the Rule, you are yet ill reformed. It is more than three and three Cere∣monies and Additions which you yet want, which the Papists have: I could name such a Catalogue as might make English-men better understand what your Conforming Principles are, and what must be further expected when you are able. And the Council of Florence will tell us, when once England is of the Greek Reli∣gion, how possible it is to step over to the Pope. But why doth not the Church of England con∣form to the Greek Church now, if it be so great

a Duty, as will warrant the Silencing and Im∣prisoning of Refusers? I hear but of few that grow in love with their Worship, since the Greeks had a Church in London; especially Scholars that understand them.

4. But what if the first Non-Conformists er∣red? What's that to us any more than to you? We reverence the Primitive Example more than theirs; and never took them for the Masters of our Faith.

5. Your Charge of their Sedition is much more sharply laid on the Protestants in general by Pateson, the Image of both Churches, and by Philanax Anglicus, and many others, than you lay it on the old Non-conformists: and all par∣ties can talk at that rate against others, as Pryn doth of Prelates Treasons.

§ 4. Pag. 15. Of Assent and Consent to all things, and Subscription that nothing is contrary to the Word of God. 1. He tells us, What men have subscribed. 2. That we must allow it a just and favourable Construction.

Answ. I grant that worthy men have sub∣scribed, and that as favourable a construction must be made, as will stand with Truth and Justice. But this doth us no good.

§ 5. Pag. 16. Impl. [All Lawgivers do leave to the Judges and Magistrates a Power to interpret the doubtful Letter of the Law, and to mitigate the rigour of its execution, in order to the publick good.]

Answ. 1. I have answered this to Mr. Cheney: There is an Interpretation which giveth us the general obliging sence of the Law; which Con∣science

must judge by, if we will subscribe: and this belongeth only to the Lawgivers, as I have proved. And there is an Interpretation which only directs the Judicial Sentence, in this or that mans particular Case, as whether he shall be punished as guilty or not; and this is it that belongeth to the Judges: If the Judges will put a false sence on the Oath of Allegiance and Supremacy, I may not take them in that sence. Their Expository Power must direct their own Sentence, and that the Execution; but if I be put to Swear or subscribe my self to any imposed words, no Judge can Absolve me from taking them in the usual sence, unless the Law∣givers give another. This is our Rule, and we dare not Equivocate.

2. As to your confused talk, that [Magistrates can dispense with the lesser parts of the Law,] it is useless to me: The Lawgivers can expound, suspend and change the Law: The Executive Magistrate can suspend his own Sentence and Execution in some cases; but not the sence of the Law, nor allow my Conscience to change the sence.

§ 6. Impl. [All that is required by the Act, is unfeignedly to Assent and Consent that there is such a measure of Truth and Goodness in the Book of Common Prayer, as qualifies it for the publick wor∣ship of God.]

Answ. 1. Gratis dictum. Who authorized you to say that [Assenting and Consenting to all things contained and prescribed] meaneth not as it saith? but only an useable measure of Truth and Good∣ness? Is this the usual sence of [All things, &c.]

If not, where have the Law givers given us ano∣ther? If you can think so, why must all be si∣lenced that think otherwise, and dare not be so bold?

§ 7 Impl. [The title of the Act is the Key—If Uniformity be observed, the Act is satisfied.]

Answ. 〈…〉〈…〉 is not de fine only, but de medio, to secure Uniformity, by profest As¦sent, &c. All Lawyers know that Laws have usually more in the Body than is in the Title.

§ 8. Impl. [They say, 1. Assent implies the Truth, and Consent the Goodness. 2. All things they say, meaneth all words and expressions. 3. By [to the use] is meant those things that come not into use. 4. When it's said, in sensu composito, con∣teined and prescribed in and by, &c. they extend it to all things that are conteined as well as pre∣scribed.]

Answ. I see that Wit is useful to many ends: Here are so many and rare Expository Evasions, as Escohar or Bauny could not have excelled in them.

1. If Assent signifie not Judging all to be true, it hath lately got a new signification: Consent indeed signifieth oft an object practicable and ex∣istent for some good motive of Consent.

2. If the [all things] in the Books, mean not [all the words] but [things] distinct from [words] I would we could know what they are: Sure it is not the Paper and Ink that the Parliament mean. Prayers and Forms are words. Actions or Ceremonies that are not words, are but little of the Book, or rather none of it, being but the matters commanded by it.

3. There is no word or part of the Book that was not made for some use. If not, how shall we know which words are useless?

4. I do not think that there was a man in the Parliament when the Act was made, that ever thought of this subtle Exposition, that any man would take [all conteined and prescribed] only in sensu composito? And so that we profess Assent to nothing contained in the Book, but that which is prescribed also. If so, is not [conteined] an idle word when all men know that all that is prescribed is conteined? And yet by that time prescribed Doctrines, Calendars, Rules, Forms, &c. are taken in, they will prove more than my Assent and Consent will reach to.

§. 9. Whereas the Commons brought the Lords to agree with them, for not limiting the sense of the Declaration of Assent and Consent to the Use of all; he answereth, 1. That the Bishops then were more our friends than the Commons: As if the Bishops always went with the major Vote of the Lords.

2. He giveth Reasons, why it is meet that men Approve as well as Use what they do. And what else is it that we say, but the Using with∣out Approving, satisfieth not the imposition?

§ 10. He citeth my words, That we may take an Oath, whose words in the plain and proper sense are lawful. But the Question is, Whether these be such?

§ 11. II. pag. 21. He defends the words, [Easter-day on which the rest depend, is always the first Sunday after the first Full-Moon, which hap∣pens next after the 21 of March.] Which being

oft false, he saith, 1. Being a General Rule, it may be allowed to have some exception. Answ. And so they say [Always] and they mean not always, but sometimes.

2. He proceedeth: [The Rubrick doth not say, [a Rule! but [Rules] in the Plural: and where the first Rule fails, the defect is supplied in the se∣cond.] Answ. What may not such a Wit prove true and lawful, if the man be willing? 1. The Rules contained in that Section under that Title, are only this, and one for Advent and other Sun∣days, and none for Easter but this. 2. To say, This is always so, and after to say the contrary, is but to say, One is true, and the other false. Al∣ways excludeth your acknowledged Falshood sometimes.

3. He saith, The Defect never cometh into pra∣ctice. Answ. It's an useable Rule, and so you covenant to practice it, if the Use of all things be intended: and so you must keep two Easter-days.

Object. 4. [Mr. B. might as well have objected against the Almanack, which saith February hath 28 days.] Answ. So I should if it had said [al∣ways] and [only 28.]

§ 12. III. Impl. p. 22. defendeth these words, [We are fully perswaded in our judgments, and we here profess it to the world, that the Book as it stood before established by Law, doth not con∣tain any thing contrary to the Word of God.] And 1. he blameth me for omitting the condition of a just and favourable Construction, &c. Answ. I undertook not to transcribe the whole Book, which is in so many hands: A just construction is

still supposed, and as favourable as will stand with Truth. I have oft enough told him the Rule by which we Interpret words, viz. The ordi∣nary sence in which they are understood by men of the profession which they belong to, unless the Speakers otherwise expound them. If he thought this Rule to be false, he should have disputed that. If on pretence of [favourable Interpretations] you re∣solve to put a good meaning on any words which your Interest perswadeth you to take, nobis non licet, we cannot do so: else we could take any Oath in the world, while all words have divers sences, and are arbitrary signs, which we can put what sence upon that pleases us.

§ 13. Impl. p. 22, 23. [He well knows our Assent to the words there mentioned is not required, nor could be intended. Answ. Utterly false: I know it not, but verily believe the contrary.

Impl. For it is only a profession of our Supe∣riours that were then in being, what their judgment and belief was, &c.] Answ. So the Rubrick and the 39 Articless were the judgment of your Superiours: But are not they, and that Preface, parts of the Book? If not, tell us how we shall know what are parts of it, and to what we must consent? And must you not Assent and Consent to all things in it? I like not those Equivocations, which will make Oaths and Pro∣mises to be but what the Speaker please.

§ 14. Impl. [Mr. B. doth very ill to recount those mistranslations in the old Book, which are amended in the new, &c.—which Mr. B. knows to be false, (viz. that Assent to them is required.)

Answ. 1. How did this bold man know my

thoughts? I know these words to be a deliberate Printed Falshood, and this man to have so many such, as that to me he is incredible.

2. When the New Book justifieth the old, as having nothing contrary to the word of God, and you must Assent to all things in the new one, I think you assent to that justification. If you mean otherwise, tell men your own thoughts; but if you would any more be believed, speak not falsly of other men, whom you never knew.

3. The old Translation of the Psalms is still used, unreformed. Do you not Assent to that neither?

§ 15. He tells us that [Psal. 105. 28. the two Translations are not contradictory, They were not obedient to his word, and they Rebelled not against his word: Because some Translaters understood it of the Egyptians, and others otherwise.]

Answ. And had the Text those contrary sen∣ses? If not, is not one of them contrary to the Text?

§ 16. Impl. p. 24. [The same Answer will serve the exception against the Collects of the old Book, which for divers days together used the word [This day.] Answ. And the same Reply will serve: You dare not say that on Christmas-day, Whitsunday, &c. [This day] signifieth not the very particular Day, but the Week or Time of the Year. And hath not the same Collect the same sense on the next days? Are your words like Cyphers, that change their power by such additions?

§ 17. Impl. [Little reason have they to object against any words or phrases in the Liturgy, who

are still fond of singing Psalms according to the Translation of Strenhold and Hopkins, &c.]

Answ. Little reason hath any man to be for∣ward to believe your Affirmations, that are so used to falshood. I finde none so willing to use other Versions as they that you say are fond of this: many use the Scot's Version, many Barton's, some Rous's, and some Mr. Patrike: And the reason why they no more forsake the old one, is not because they are fond of it, but lest they too much displease the Church of England, which hath allowed no other, and those that are apt to turn all Reformations and Varieties into re∣proach.

§ 18. IV. To what he saith of the Apocrypha, I answered already to Mr. Cheney, and will not now repeat. The Objections against the Ficti∣ons in Tobit are Bishop Barlow's, now of Lincoln, in a Learned M. S. written to satisfie Mr. Dod∣well.

§ 19. V. Our great doubt about the abuse of Godfathers, and excluding Parents from their proper Office, he saith nothing to that needs any reply; but what is in the Book which he an∣swers, and in the Reply to Mr. Cheny, he answers as if he understood not the question: and feigns the Liturgy to lay that on the Parents which it doth not, but excludes them from it, and laies it on uncapable persons.

§ 20. Impl. p. 30. [Mr. B. excepts against the Rubrick, which saith, It is certain by Gods Word, that Children, which are baptized, dying before they commit actual Sin, are undoubtedly saved.] This being a Rubrick, and never coming to Use in the

Publick Worship, it cannot reasonably be thought to be imposed as an Article of Faith on others, but only as the judgement of our Superiours.

Answ. I perceive the Parliaments Act and Declaration is to you a mere Nose of Wax; It meaneth what you will, or none can tell what. 1. Are Rubricks of no use? Yea those that de∣termine of Doctrines, which are not only de Fide, but matters of Salvation, certain undoub∣ted Salvation of all baptized Infants? What is of Use if these be not? 2. Are such Doctrines of certain Faith no parts of the Book? nor contained in it? Is not your Superiour's judg∣ment imposed on you to Assent to? What then is imposed to be believed?

§ 21. But p. 31. he citeth Texts as proving the truth of the Article.

Answ. Not a word to the purpose. He seems not to understand that it is not of the Salvation of true Believers Infants that we doubt: But whetherthis be true of all without exception that have such Godfathers as ours, that take not the Children for their own; even the Children of Atheists, Infidels, Heathens, Mahometans, &c. all which the Minister is bound by the Canon to Baptize, if offered.

§ 22. VII. Impl. 31. [Mr. B. is the first that hath accused the Church of England of instituting a second Covenant of Grace.]

Answ. Still more untruths. I have no such Accusation: It is but for making and imposing on pain of Rejection, &c. another Sacrament, or a Sign too much Sacramental, of the same Covenant of Grace, which Baptism is the Sacrament of. 2. And

of this he cannot truely say that I am the first.

I proved from the imposed words and ends, that it is appointed to the uses of a Sacrament, but indeed not by Christ, and therefore is but a humane Sacrament; And I answered his Ob∣jections to Mr. Che. which he taketh no notice of.

He cites me as saying, that Parents may offer their Children to Baptism, though they cannot have it without the Cross, it being the Mini∣sters sin, and not theirs. And what then? Is it therefore none of the Ministers sin, 1. To con∣sent to it. 2. To use it. 3. To refuse to Christen Children whose Parents dare not sub∣mit to it. 4. Nor the Bishops to silence Mini∣sters that refuse such Conformity?

§ 23. p. 34, 35. He would explain the Ru∣brick by Art. 27. Those that rightly received Ba∣ptisine, &c. and Christian Proprietors may offer their Children, &c.

Answ. 1. The Canon forbiddeth the Minister to refuse any as aforesaid; What's this then to the rest? 2. Right coram Ecclesiâ giveth the Church Power to receive them: But it must be Right coram Deo to Remission, &c. that must assure their Salvation: which we cannot prove that the Children of Atheists, Sadduces, or Infi∣dels have. 3. The Conformists are here them∣selves divided: One part of them give that certain Salvation only to all baptized Infants, which the other give to all in the world, bapti∣zed or unbaptized. See Mr. Che. and the An∣swer.

§ 24. VIII. About our Refusing Children,

whose Parents refuse the foresaid Crossing, and abuse of Godfathers, he saith, p. 36. [1. That in private Baptisme, and consequently in other cases of Necessity, the Church alloweth the omission of Cross and Godfathers. 2. That they have a low esteem of the Sacrament, that for this with∣draw.]

Answ. 1. Your Consequence is contrary to the Canon: And 'tis known that the Church al∣lows not Ministers to forbear them on pretence of such Consequences.

2. Much less do they allow the refusal of Dis∣senters for such a Necessity.

3. And it may be no contempt of the Sacra∣ment, when men are afraid of a sinful use of it though they mistake.

4. Nor is it such a fault of the Receiver or Parent, that will warrant a Minister to deny them Christendome, or a Sacrament by your selves judged so necessary to Salvation.

§ 25. p. 36. He returneth to the case of Crossing, as a transient Image in worship, &c. I think few will judge his Answer worthy of a Reply.

§ 26. p. 37. IX. The next is, [That no man should come to the Sacrament without a full trust i•• God's Mercy and a quiet Conscience.] I would make nothing worse than it is: I do not think the Imposers meant that all men should stay a∣way till they had a full trust and quiet Conscience. But that's the plain importance of the words: Here therefore it is more ill words than ill meaning, which I do deny Assent and Consent to.

§ 27. X. Pag. 38. About compelling each Communicant to receive thrice a year, he saith, 1. It is the Statute, not the Minister. 2. It is only the duely qualified.

Answ. 1. The Bishops are Statute-makers. 2. Nothing more common with the Canoneers, than to call to Magistrates to execute such Laws. 3. The Canons and Liturgy require it. 4. It is not true, that it's only the duely qualified: It is all that are not Naturally, but Morally unfit, that is, that are at Age, and have Reason and Health. If the Priest should put away any as unfit, he must accuse them to the Chancellor, and they must be Excommunicate and lie in Jayl while they live, unless they Communicate. So that here is a plain Exposition. 4. There are multitudes unfit to Communicate, whom the Minister cannot put away, that were they not constrained, would keep away themselves; as secret Atheists, Infidels, Sadduces, Socinians, Arians, Seekers, secret Fornicators, Thieves, Drunkards, &c. that are conscious of their Sin and Impenitence: But rather than lie in Jayl, will all Communicate.

§ 28. Impl. [What deplorable times are we fallen into, that our highest Priviledge should be counted a great grievance, &c.]

Answ. Still deceit. 1. Is it our highest Pri∣viledge to have unfit men constreined to prophane holy things, and profess themselves what they are not; and the dogs forced in, that should lie without? Is Christ's Discipline against our highest Priviledges? 2. Who knoweth not that Infidels, Sadduces and wicked men do account

these Priviledges to be none: Cure them of their Contempt, and you need not force them by a Jayl. Till then, is it the Pastors that refuse such till they voluntary seek it, or the Con∣temners of these Priviledges, that are to be re∣proved? Christ giveth pardon and life to none but desirous Consenters; and if you will seal and deliver the promise of it to those that will but prefer it to a Jayl, and make up your Chur∣ches on such terms, we dare not imitate you. The Church-Keys exercised are, as Tertullian speaketh, Praejudicium futuri judicii, and should intimate to men, who they be that shall be let into Heaven, or shut out: And to say, Come all and take Christ, Pardon and Life, who will rather take the Sacrament than lye in a Jayl, is like ano∣ther Gospel.

§ 29. XI. The pronouncing Salvation to all that they bury, save the three excepted sorts, (Un∣baptized, Excommunicate, and Self-murderers) is the next. And 1. he will not have the words to signifie Salvation. The words are [For∣asmuch as it hath pleased Almighty God, of his great Mercy, to take to himself the Soul of our dear Brother here departed.] And [we give thee hearty thanks, for that it hath pleased thee to deliver this our brother out of the miseries of this sinful world.] And [That we may rest in Him (Christ) as our hope is this our brother doth.] If all this signifie not Salvation in your judgment, it doth in ours: We accuse not you of deceiving Souls, at a time when it will take the deepest impression; but we only tell you, we dare not Assent and Consent to that, which to us would be false Equivoca∣tion,

and that in so serious a thing: And if the difference be but Grammatical, doth it deserve our Silencing and ruine, to believe that those words import Salvation?

§ 30. But 2. he saith, [Christian Charity teacheth us to hope the best of all that die in the Communion of the Church.]

Answ. It is not Christian Charity which is contrary to the Christian Verity and Covenant: Nor that which tendeth to undo the living by false hopes: Hobbes and such others as oppose Fundamentals, deride Christianity, or the Im∣mortality of the Soul, some by Writing, some by common Talk, do die in the Church of En∣gland: I have heard Preachers lament their Numbers, Impudence and Increase; but never heard one of them Excommunicate, nor brought to publick Repentance. All die in the Church, that Communicate rather than lie in Jayl and be ruined; yea thousands that will not Communi∣cate, notwithstanding such Severities; When in a Parish of 8000 or 10000 Communicants, no more (even on a Whitsunday) than about 100 Communitate, though the Minister be one of the best; yet the rest are still in your Church. We desire the highest degree of Charity. But such a judgment of mens future state, though called Charitable, seemeth to us so fearfully uncharitable, that it is one of the greatest things in which we seem to differ: And I will not shew the rise, and the import and tendency of it, lest Dr. Full∣wood, and the Reflecter on Sacril. Desert. say a∣gain, that I gather too hard Consequences from our Difference. But nobis non licet, Must we

be Silenced and ruined for want of such Cha∣rity?

§ 31. XII. Silencing such as think the Surplice unlawful, is the next, pag. 42. And he saith, [If any man, against such Authority and Arguments, should think the Surplice unlawful, it is better he should be Silenced, than that the Churches Peace and Order be disturbed, or antient Laws abro∣gated.]

Answ. You have owned it: If it be well done, you may partake of the Reward; If ill, of the Punishment. Qu. Whether consenting so to Silence 2000 (and 9000 if they had not Con∣formed) will not make your Reward greater, than if you had consented and subscribed to the Silen∣cing but of one? His blood be on us and on our Children, were the words of Factious Zeal, that escaped not without punishment. Paul that consented to the death of Stephen, and hunted others, saith, He was mad, yea exceeding mad a∣gainst them. Christ never laid the Order and Peace of the Church, nor the Preaching of the Gospel on such things; nor ever encouraged any to do it. Of which see Bishop Jer. Tailor in the words largely cited in my Second Plea.

§ 32. XIII. Though Athanasius Creed as to the damnatory part was that which Mr. Dodwell scrupled, I will not answer this mans equivo∣cating Exposition of it, lest I be thought to tempt others to blame the Creed itself, which I honour. Where he saith, p. 43. [I frequently and falsely accuse the Conformists of Socinian or Anti∣trinitarian Doctrine: Let him tell us where, or

else I accuse him as a false Accuser. But it's his mode.

§ 33. XIV. Whereas all must Assent and Consent to read the Common-Prayer every day of the year, (if not specially hindred) he tells us what reason there is for it: But 1. will it not necessitate the omission in many places of more necessary works? 2. What encourage∣ment have we to embody with that Tribe, who all Consent to this, and not one of multitudes of them do it? Is such Conformity tolerable, and our Preaching intolerable without it?

§ 34. XV. Pag. 46. He calls it a Calumny that I say the Liturgy is defective and Disorderly.

Answ. I did in 1660. draw up a Catalogue of the mere defects and disorders, but never offered it, to avoid offending them.

He tells us, 1. of the disorders of the Directory. (And had he proved it, is that a justification of the Liturgy?) 2. And also he tells us of the defects and confusions which were in Mr Baxter's eight days exploit, (our Additionals, or Reformed Li∣turgy, 1661.) when as neither this Accuser, nor any of the Bishops or Dissenters then said one word of particular accusation against it, nor any other that ever I knew of to this day, save an impertinent quarrel of Mr. Roger le Strange, that we used not more imposing words, and such trifles.

§ 35. XVI. Next comes the Profession of the Antiquity of Three Orders in the Preface of the Book of Ordination and elsewhere, p. 47. And he citeth me, Christ. Direct. p. 127. as against my self; falsly intimating, that I assert three

Orders, because I am uncertain whether there be not divers Degrees in one Order. I cited out of Spelnian the Canons of Aelfrike, shewing that the Church of England, even in times of Popery, took Bishops and Presbyters to be the same Or∣der, as many Papists-Schoolmen do. And the man should have known, that it is not the Bi∣shops of a particular Church that I mentioned in my Direct. but only such as have the care of ma∣ny Bishops Churches.

§ 36. XVII. He next defends the Scenical Call to the people, to [come forth and shew reason, why the person may not be Ordained.] As if he knew not, that it is not the sence of the words that is questioned; but that this insignificant Ceremony should be set in the place of the anci∣ent demand of their free consent over whom the Minister is set, to seem as if they had still that liberty, when it is no such matter; nor do the people, whose Souls he is to have the charge of, know any thing usually of his Ordination; nor at his Institution, which sets him over them, have they any Call. Nor are so much as these Shews used at the Ordination of Bishops, which by the old Canons was void without the Peoples Consent.

§ 37. XVIII. Of the words, Receive the Holy Ghost, &c. he saith less than Mr. Cheny, whom I have answered.

§ 38. XIX. So have I there answered (p. 11, 12.) what he saith for the Oaths of Obedience to Archbishops, Bishops, Chancellors, &c. 1. It's one thing to Obey them, and another to Assent to the Oath of Obedience. 2. And it's one

thing to swear Obedience to them, as exerci∣••ing the power of Magistrates under the King; and another thing as Laymen exercising the power of the Church-Keys, &c. And I have elsewhere cited divers old Canons, that con∣demn such Oaths as dangerous.

§ 39. XX. In the 20th Chap. to Mr. Cheny I have abundantly answered what he saith here about keeping men from the Sacrament, and informing the Ordinary.

These be [the Number] of our Exceptions which the Impleader could finde, though the rest were as plainly written.

§ 40. XXI. As for our Objections against the Declarations and Oaths required by Act of Parlia∣ment, because it is not the sence of the Liturgie, but of an Act of Parliament that we doubt of, he refers us to the Executioners of the Law for our Instruction, (their natural way of satisfaction:) the Justice and Jailor I suppose. Did these satisfie him to Conform herein? Doth he take such Arguments for unanswerable? Why did he pretend to de∣fend the rest, which are imposed in the same Act? These are greater matters than the Ceremonies, and need as clear a Justification.

§ 41. But that you may see the measure of his Knowledge, he can tell you, that our mistake is wilful, and an act of pure malice and revenge.

Answ. Our Rule oft mentioned is agreed on by Casuists, viz. To take such Oaths, Promises and Professions, in the sense of the imposing makers of them, (if they are our Rulers) and unless they give us another sense, we must take the ordinary sense that those words are used in to be theirs. There∣fore

we take [on any pretence whatsoever] and [those Commissioned by him] and [any alteration of Government in the Church] and [not at any time endeavour] and [no obligation on any other person] as well as [Assenting and Consenting to all things conteined and prescribed] to have that meaning, which not only our Parents that taught us to speak, and our Masters and Dictionaries, and the use of such as we hear talk, hath taught us to take such words in; but also in the sense of the Lawyers and Law-books which we are ac∣quainted with, unless any odde persons differ from the rest. And this sagacious man hath found, that this Exposition is a wilful mistake, in malice and revenge. Just as others of them can prove before God, that it is through Covetousness that we Conform not; viz. Two thousand Ministers (England knoweth of what sort, though the Ac∣cusers do not) have forsaken all Church-mainte∣nance, and their Rulers countenance, and put themselves under a Law that mulcts them 40 l. a Sermon, banisheth them from Cities and Cor∣porations, lays them in Jayl, &c. reproacheth them as seditious; and all this in Covetousness, Malice, and Revenge. I have seen a Child throw away his meat in revenge, but he re∣turned to it in less time than 18 years: I have heard of a woman that cut her throat, and ano∣ther that drowned herself and Children, in a re∣vengeful passion against her drunken cruel Hus∣band: but sure, if she had 18 years deliberated, it would have calm'd her passion: But that 2000 such Ministers should chuse ruining Fines, and Poverty, and Jails, and wilfully damn their

own Souls by sin, and all to be revenged on Par∣liament or Prelates, is somewhat strange! Espe∣cially when it is that which that Parliament and Prelates themselves are pleased with, who chose the terms. What kinde of Revenge hath our Malice found out, which destroyeth ourselves and pleaseth our Afflicters!

§ 42. And here p. 55. he falls with scorn on my Book of Concord; and that his Book may be Conformable to itself, describeth my terms of Concord by downright fiction and falshood; as if he had thought none would ever open the book to shame his Calumny. He tells you, that the result of all is, That every Pastor be indepen∣dent, free from any superiour to controul him, and have an arbitrary Power, and arbitrarily exercise the power of the Keys without Appeal; to have the power of Ordaining who they will, the power of altering the Laws in Church and State, &c. All which I have expresly written against at large.

Besides what I have written, 1. For Bishops in each Church. 2. For Archbishops or general Overseers. 3. For Synods. 4. Had it been no more than what I have written for the Magi∣strates Governing of all Pastors and Churches, it would prove the falshood of this mans Assertion.

Yet that you may see that his Charity and his Veracity are proportionable, he hence inferrs, p. 57. [Did ever any Bishop aspire to such Tyranny as this, the Pope only excepted? Is not the King and whole Nation greatly culpable not to trust themselves with the ingenuity of this people, &c.]

Answ. Reader, which is liker to be guilty of Tyranny, 1. We that desire no power but to

plead God's Law to mens Consciences. 2. And that but with one Congregation. And 3. with no constrained unwilling persons, but only volun∣tary Consenters. 4. And to rule over none of our Fellow-Ministers. 5. And only to be but Freemen, as Schoolmasters and Philosophers be in their Schools of Volunteers, that we may not against our Consciences be the Pastors of the un∣willing, or such as we judge uncapable according to God's Laws, but to use the Keys of Admission and Exclusion as to that particular Church. 6. And to do all under the Government of the Ma∣gistrate, who may punish us as he may do Phy∣sicians, Schoolmasters, or others, for proved mal∣administration, and drive us (not from, but) to our Duty. 7. And to be ready to give an ac∣count of our Actions to any Synod, or Brethren that demand it, and to hear their Admonitions and Advice. Yea, and to live in peaceable sub∣mission where Archbishops or General-Visitors are set over us; and upon any Appeals or Com∣plaints, to hear and obey them in any lawful thing belonging to their Trust and Power. 9. And if we be judged to have worngfully denied our Ministerial help and Communion to any, we pretend to no power to hinder any other Church or Pastor from receiving him. 10. And if we be by Magistrates cast out or afficted for our Duty, we shall quietly give up the Temples and publick Church-maintenance, of which the Ma∣gistrate may dispose, and without resisting or dishonouring him, endure what he shall inflict upon us, for our obedience to God. This is our odious Tyranny.

2. On the other side, our Accusers, 1. Some of them are for power in themselves to force men by the Sword, that is, by Mulcts and cor∣poral Penalties, to be subject to them, or be of their Church and Communion. 2. Others are for the Magistrate thus forcing them, when the Bishop Excommunicates them. 3. They thus make the Church like a prison, when no man knoweth whether the people be willing Mem∣bers, or only seem so, to escape the Jail. 4. They would be such forcing Rulers over many score or hundred Parishes. 5. They would have power to Rule, Suspend and Silence the Pastors of all these Parishes, when they think meet. 6. They hinder the Pastors of the Parish-Churches from that exercise of the Keys aforesaid in their own Parish-Churches, which belongs to the Pastors Office. 7. They would compel the Parish-Ministers to Admit, Absolve, or Excom∣municate (at least as declaring other mens Sen∣tences) when it is against their Consciences. 8. They would make Ministers swear Obedience to them, and Bishops swear Obedience to Arch∣bishops. 9. Some of them are for their power to Excommunicate Princes and greatest Magi∣strates, though contrary to the fifth Command∣ment, it dishonour them. 10. Some of them say, that if the King command one Church-Order, or Form, or Ceremony, and the Bishop another, the Bishop is to be obeyed before the King: As also if the King bid us Preach, and the Bishop forbid us, 11. And they say, that their Censures, even Clave errante, must be obeyed. 12. And that he whom a Bishop cuts off from

one Church, is thereby cut off from all, and none may receive him. 13. And that it is lawful to set up Patriarchs, Metropolitans, &c. to rule the Church, according to the state and distribution of Civil Government. Look over these two Cases, and judge which party is liker to Church-Tyrants; and then judge what Credit is due to such Accusers of the Non-Conformists in this Age.

§ 43. II. As to Reordination, I have answer'd to Mr. Cheny what he saith: He deceitfully a∣voideth determining the first Question, whether they intend a Reordination or not: Whereas I have proved, 1. That the Church of England is against twice Ordaining. 2. That they call it and take it for a true Ordination which is to be received from them, by such as Presbyters had Ordained. 3. And therefore that they suppose the former Null. 4. And this is much of the reason of mens doubting whether they should receive the second, which is given on such a Supposition. But this man is little concerned in the true stating of the case.

§ 44. III. What he saith of the Ministers power for Discipline, is answered already to Mr. Cheney that hath the same.

§ 45. About the Covenant, 1. he falsly makes me say, that the King took it: Whereas (whether he did or not) I only say, that he was injuriously and unlawfully drawn to seem to owne it and de∣clare for it.

2. Next he aggravates this Injury: And who contradicteth him?

3. He pleadeth, That the King is not obliged

by it to make any alteration in the Government of the Church.

Answ. I will not examine your Reasons: The King never made me his Confessor, nor put the question to me; Why then should I make my self a Judge of it? And why must my Ministry lie on a thing beyond my knowledge? But am I sure that no Parliament-man that took that Vow is bound there in his place to endeavour a Re∣forming Alteration, when I am past doubt that much is needful?

He would 1. make it doubtful, Whether it was a Vow to God? I think it not worth the labour to prove it to him that doubteth of it after deli∣berate reading it.

2. He saith, [Any lawful endeavours are not de∣nied.] Answ. But the Obligation to lawful en∣deavours are denied. Are not the words universal?

3. He saith, [The Covenant condemned as un∣lawful, cannot lay an Obligation.]

Answ. A Vow to God unlawfully imposed and taken, may binde to a Lawful Act.

4. He calls it [unnecessary alterations against the Law of the Land.]

Answ. I suppose I shall prove some reforming alteration necessary; And it is not against Law for a Subject to petition for it, or a Parliament-man to speak for it. Yet when the man seems to me to be pleading Conscience out of the Land, he saith, [Would not this cause the Christian Religion in a short time to be exploded out of all Kingdoms?] Alas poor people! what uncertain Guides have you?

5. He concludes, that the power of Reforming

being in the King, the Vow was null. Answ. The Regal Power of Reforming is only in the King: To change Laws without him, is Usurpation. But Parliament-men may speak for it, and Sub∣jects petition, and on just causes write and speak for needful Reformation: And I speak for no other.

§ 45. IV. About not taking Arms against those Commissioned by the King; He plainly professeth that we must not distinguish where the Law doth not. And if it be an unlimited Universal Nega∣tive, it will quite go beyond Mainwaring or Sibthorpe: And for all his talk, my ignorance of the Law shall suspend my Subscription. 1. King John gave up his Kingdom to the Pope: I can∣not say it had been unlawful for the Kingdom to resist such as he should have Commissioned to execute it. 2. Nor such as should be Commis∣sioned to dispossess the right Heir, and settle it on a Stranger, or an Enemy. 3. Nor such as should be Commissioned to seize on all the Sub∣jects Estates or Lives, yea or lay Taxes contrary to Law, in cases where the Law enableth the Sheriff by the Posse Comitatus to resist. 4. Nor if any get the Broad-Seal to Commissions to seize on the King's Garrisons, Forts, Navies, Treasures, Guards, whereby a traiterous Lord-Keeper might at any time Depose the King. I have told you, that old Parliaments Popish and Protestant, and Archbishop Abbot, and Bishop Bilson, &c. were as much Nonconformists in this as I am.

And so much to the Impleaders Accusations of the Nonconformists, and his Reasons for the

justifying of their Silencing and ruine, and the Lawfulness of some of the things which they judge to them unlawful: Let the impartial Reader try and judge. The rest of my Book, which is the far greater part, he answereth by contempt and silence.

CHAP. IV. Of his dealing with the Second Plea for Peace.

WHile we hear men, that should be our Bre∣thren, go on to call to Magistrates for Execution of the Laws (which they have got) against us, and for want of matter of Accusation against those that they prosecute, raking up odious Criminations from the late Wars, which few of the now Silenced Ministers had any hand in; and never ceasing to tell men, that the Be∣ginners of that War were guilty of the King's Death. After 17 or 18 years Silence, 1. I told them, That two parties of the Episcopal Con∣formists being the beginners, in England, it's wonder'd that they see not how they accuse themselves: And why do they not profess Re∣pentance first? 2. I fully told them what are our Principles of Government and Obedience, and intreated them to shew me, wherein they are disloyal or culpable. And this man is the first

that I finde pretending to assault it, and shame lessly passeth over the Book itself, and by his silence seemeth to justifie our Doctrine. And yet to shew his Will, he taketh occasion again to take up the foresaid actions of the evil Civil War, as if that were any thing to the present Cause; or as if he were calling the dead to Judgment: (For we have oft offered them thanks, if they will Silence only those that had a hand in those Wars.) 2. He taketh on him to answer my Historical Preface; and therein heapeth abundance of untruths, part of which I mentioned in the second Chapter, and the rest I have so fully confuted in my Answer to Mr. Hinkley, and in an Historical Index of those af∣fairs, that I will not waste my own and the Readers time, by saying the same things here again. And his Accusations of my Concord and Moral Prognostication, I have answered before. It is the manner of the man to name Books, and take occasion from somewhat in them, to pour out that which he most abounds with; and to try, whether men will take this for a Confuta∣tion. O miserable world! Where the very Preachers of Holiness, Love and Peace, go on to the Grave, and Judgment, and Eternity, fighting against Holiness, Love and Peace; forbidding o∣thers to worship God, (that cannot swallow all their Inventions) and not enduring their Bre∣thren to live in Peace among them. But 'tis Letter in the World of Holy Love and Peace.