Allegiance and prerogative considered in a letter from a gentleman in the country to his friend, upon his being chosen a member of the meeting of states in Scotland.

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Title
Allegiance and prerogative considered in a letter from a gentleman in the country to his friend, upon his being chosen a member of the meeting of states in Scotland.
Author
Gentleman in the country.
Publication
[Edinburgh? :: s.n.],
1689.
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Subject terms
Allegiance -- England.
Prerogative, Royal.
Scotland -- History -- 1689-1745.
Great Britain -- History -- William and Mary, 1689-1702.
Cite this Item
"Allegiance and prerogative considered in a letter from a gentleman in the country to his friend, upon his being chosen a member of the meeting of states in Scotland." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A26677.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed May 16, 2024.

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ALLEGIANCE AND PREROGATIVE Considered in a Letter from a GENTLEMAN In the Country to his FRIEND Upon his being Chosen a MEMBER of the Meeting of STATES IN SCOTLAND.

SIR,

I Received Yours, wherein you tell me you are chosen a Me¦ber of the Ensueing Meeting of the States of this Kingdo▪ You desire my Opinion, What should be their behaviour towards K. James the 7th. how far we are now tyed by our Allegiance, what Limits ought to beset to the Prerogative, &c. Which you say are at present, the great Subjects of Discourse.

I doubt not, since these things are so much talk't of by every Bo∣dy, and the Itch of Writing is so Universal, but you will see seve∣ral things on these Heads from much Abler Pens: And from such

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who not only are better qualified for the undertaking, but also by hearing and perhaps, (being personally present,) by seeing the practices and methods of England in the same case, are better furni∣shed with helps for the performance; So that any thing I can say to you will be superfluous.

Yet in obedience to your desire, and to testify my sincere and unbiassed Affection to the good of my Country, and withall to con∣vince you, that it is not from any fond Principle of Bigotted Loyalty, nor from a stupid unconcern'dness in the great Concerns of the Na∣tion, that I decline coming to Town at this time, when as you say, it is expected that the greatest part of the Gentry will be present during this Assembly of the States: I shall freely give you my rude thoughts of what appears to me, to be the proper Work and necessary duty of this Meeting, in the present extraordinary Conjuncture, and leave it to you to make what use thereof you shall think fit.

As to the first point you mention, tho you know I am neither Divine nor Casuist, yet I must say that I think 'tis very evident to any thinking man, That Heaven it self has very fully loos'd the Nation from their Allegiance, and by remarkable providences granted a clear Dis∣pensation from their Oaths to K. James the 7th. We need not dis∣pute what was the genuine sense of these Oaths, whether they allow'd this implicite Reservation, That if the King should subvert the Foundations of our Government, Our Laws, Religion, Liberties and Properties; The People should in that case be free, to assert and assume their Native Rights: Neither need we enter upon the Invidious task of Examining how farr the King advanced in these unjust Practices and Designs. Heaven it self, I say, seems most con∣vincingly to have superseeded all such Debates and Enquiries, and to have laid it upon this Meeting of the States to settle and establish just and solid Foundations for the Government of the Nation in all time coming.

'Tis acknowledged by all Christians, that no Oath can bind, when either their Superveens a Physical Impossibility of performing it; Or when the performance becomes morally unlawful. And every considering Man must acknowledge that Providence hath cast both these Impediments in the way of this Assembly, to divert them from their Allegiance to

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K. James. For now England has Dethron'd him, and their Action is applauded, (as proceeding upon just and valid grounds, most of which are common to us with them) by the greatest part of this Na∣tion; So that it is obvious to every one, that it would be Impossible for this Assembly of our States to maintain and support him, in the exercise of his Royal Dignity here, against the unquestionable Attempts, that we must expect Englands Jealousies of such an irrita∣ted Neighbour, would provoke them to set about for his overthrow. And these Attempts could not miss of Success, having, as unquesti∣onably, a great, If not the far greatest part of this Nation for their Abettors. Thus what a Scene of Blood, War and Confusion should these Nations become? And what a feeble distracted Government might we expect in such Circumstances?

But if any shall plead that there's no Physical Impossibility in the case, and that the Histories of past Ages teach us, that this Nation, when unanimous in their Allegiance may maintain their King against all the Efforts of England; Especially since we may now expect more Assistance then ever from our old Allies the French. Yet this at least, I am sure, every Protestant must consess is moraly unlawfull for him to concur in; Since such a Conjunction were utterly inconsistent with his indispensible Moral Duty of preserving, or at least doing nothing that evidently tends to the ruine of the true Reformed Reli∣gion. Now any man that is capable of the least serious Reflection upon the present state of Affairs, must plainly see that the Interest of His present Majesty of England and his party, are so intervoven with that of the Reformed Religion, that the one cannot suffer loss or overthrow without the notable dammage or apparent ruine of the other, not only in this Island, but all Christendom over. He must al∣so see no less clearly, that it were a meer dream to imagine it pos∣sible to support and preserve K. James in his power here, without wronging the K. of England and his Interest. For to be sure, either of them would imploy his whole Art and might for the others ruine; Such different Interests (beside the particular quarrels of the late Revolution) being now altogether incompatible in this Island. Neither is it to be thought that K. James would value this Crown further then that he might thereby be enabled to recover that of England

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Thus 'tis plain that we can never fancy to preferve K. James's po∣wer here, without resolving to assist and second him in his attempts; to the great prejudice, if not the Total Ruine (so far as men are able) of the Reformed Religion over all Europe. But I am per∣swaded no Protestant of Common Sense, can ever think his Alle∣giance will warrant or in the least Justify him in any such practice. For whatever has been said to Evince that Allegiance did bind Sub∣jects to Passive Obedience, tho secrued to the highest pitch: Yet none was ever so impudent as to assert that it oblidg'd them to an Active concurrence with their King, in methods directly tending to the Sup∣pression or Extirpation of the true Religion. Here Christians of all Perswasions will own. That it is better to obey God then Man.

Wherefore it being thus Irrefragably evident that God in his wise Over Ruling Providence, has ordered things so, that it is both Impossible for this Meeting of the States to preserve the Crown to K. James, or at least not to be undertaken without exposing this Na∣tion to all the lamentable evils, that a weak, unlettled Government, constant Warrs and confusions can bring upon it; And that it is al∣so unlawful for us Protestants, to aim at it; since he cannot now be Re established but upon the Ruines of the whole Reformed Interest in Christendom; Let all therefore awfully observe the hand of GOD; and chearfully submit to his will, and without attempting to strugle against Heaven, leave K. James to the disposal of Providence. Let every Man in his Station contribute, what in him lyes, to rereive our Religion and Laws from the grievous abuses they have suffered, and to secure them to us and our Posterity; from the like hereafter, and from falling under the fatal Dangers from which GOD has been pleased so signally to rescue them: Neither let this Assembly of Estates look back, as if they were under any tye to withhold them from advancing vigorously, in setling the Government of this Nation, now under Anarchy, a State in which it cannot sub∣sist. Nor let any thoughts of the Right of Succession stop their pro∣cedure, For besides that there can be no Heir to a living Man; the former Arguments are as part against the Prince of Wales, true or Supposititious as against King James the 7. But now when God has so wonderfully put this opportunity in their hands, let them be as honest

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and upright hearted Patriots, set themselves seriously to consider, what is fit to be done, for settling a Government in this Nation up∣on just and solid Foundations; whereby the true Religion and pub∣lick Peace may be established and secured, the just property and Li∣berties of the Subject clearly asserted, and the high-stretched Preroga∣tive of the Crown brought to an equal frame.

I am perswaded, that as it is the Genius, so it is the Interest of this Nation to have a Monarchy still established, for any other Form must unavoidably evert the whole bulk of our Laws and Customs, which might be of fatal Consequence: Nor could any other Model be long liv'd here considering the natural bent of Scotsmen to this. Be∣sides since experience has discovered to us the worst diseases, that can attend Monarchy, I think if we be wise, we may now apply such Re∣medies, as may secure us, for the future, against them; And so we may be safer under it, then any other kind of Government, the inconvenieneies whereof (in this Nation at least) we can only disco∣ver by a tract of time.

As to the choice of a Monarch, I think the best method is, to fol∣low the example England has set us. For besides the just and solid Reasons that determined their choice, which are all as pregnant and applicable to us; We have further this cogent Reason, that England having already declared the Prince of Orange their King, out of a due sense of the Great Deliverance he has been Instrumental in working for them; We must do the same, unless we will declare our selves the most ingrate of Mankind, since we are delivered from a far greater Bondage then ever England felt: And unless we will resolve to break with England and their King, which how fatal it might soon prove, every Body can see, more then is fit for the Honour of this Nation to express. This I shall only say, that it were certainly very unkind to the Reformed Religion, to divert, and weaken by such a breach, the K. of Englands hands, who is now, under GOD, the chief support of it.

But seeing the Fondness of this Nation, for the Restoration of K. Charles the Second, did hurry them from one extream to another; from having abandoned the King and Royal Family, to give too much; and lay the Foundations of an unbounded Prerogative; up∣on

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which an Aspiring Court (designing to Copy after the Perfid∣ous Cruel Hctor of Europe) finding still unhappily amongst this poor, Proud; Self seeking People, fit Tools for their service; have rear'd up an Uncontrolable, Despotick, Absolute Power in the King; and that by repeated Laws, but more by a constant Series of Arbitrary practices; Whereby they have brought us into Absolute Bondage, and laid a Yoke upon us that neither we nor our Fathers were able to bear.

It therefore nearly concerns and highly becomes the Wisdom of the States of the Kingdom; Yea it is their Duty to the Nation, whom they Represent, and what they owe to their posterity in Af∣ter-Ages; before they give the Crown out of their hands, to smooth and purge it of every thing that may be hard and grievous to the People; And to leave it only Adorned, with such Jewels, as can on∣ly be firm and shining, when by Justice and Mercy they attract the Peoples hearts; but will prove brittle and dim when put to gall their Necks.

I would therefore humbly offer to the Consideration of this En∣sueing Meeting, some things, that to me seem necessary and incum∣bent for them to do, for retrieving this Nation from the intoller∣able Thraldom we have been brought under; And for vindicat∣ing and asserting the Peoples Just Right and Freedom, without robbing the Crown of any Jewel, that's fit for the Hononr of a King, who is to Rule by Law; Or without diminishing any part of the Kingly Power, that is necessary for enabling out Kings, to perform the great duties of their High Charge.

Let our Kings be Vested with Power to be Nursing Fathers to the Church, to be Patres Patriae, vigorous Asterters and Defenders of the Honour and Well of the Nation, against Attempts from A∣broad, or Seditions at Home; Let them have Power to be Terrors to Evil doers, and Encouragers of these that do Well; Let them have Power to preserve to all their Subjects, their Respective Properties and Liberties from all Insolence and Injustice; to see all our Laws vigo∣rously, Executed and all Transgressors impartially punished. These are the only true Jewels of the Crown, and every beyond this, that's fixed to it ought to be cleansed and wiped off, as noisom dust and rust, that will throughly corrupt it. It is then the unquestiouable

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Duty of this Meeting of the States, to cut off from the Crown, all such Excressences as are useless to a Just King, and to our sad experi∣ence, are Pernicious and of most dangerous consequence to the People.

First, Then, it has been often Asserted and maintained, That the King derives his Crown and Dignity immediately from GOD, that the Peo∣ple do not, nor cannot give any Right or Title to it; That all power and Au∣thority is Originally and Eminently Inherent in the Crown, and that therefore the Parliament can give no Prerogative to the King. This has been long Currant Coyn at Court, and amongst Court parasites, and of late has had the boldness to appear Bare-fac'd in our Parliaments, where it seems to have given rise to yea dictated some of our Acts about the prerogative. But it is obvious, that this is a Mother Evil, and may be broody of all the mischiefs that can be dreaded from Arbitrary Power or Tyranny; For if this Maxime hold good, what security for our Religion, Laws, Property, or any thing that's dear to Free men or Christians? Sure none, but the Princes pleasure. Why then should we complain of the late Court stile, which makes the Prerogative Royal, and a Supreme Absolute Power to be obeyed without Reserve, to signifie the same thing! Me thinks the Stile is very Just and Congtuous and goes very well on the Foot of this Maxime. Wherefore, as we would deliver our selves and our Posterity from the evident hazard of Absolute Slavery, this Pernicious Principle must be Absolutely Eradicated. It will be fit the States seriously revise all our Acts about the Prerogative, & where∣ever any thing is found to look this way, it must either be explain∣ed to a harmless meaning, or if it will not bear a Tolerable sense, it must be cancelled; For a little Leven may soure the whole Lump.

It will also be necessary, that the Asserting of this Principle by Word or Writ, be declared an High-Crime, against the very na∣ture and Constitution of our Government, punishable as Treason and unpardonable▪ It has taken deep root, and will need a severe steady hand over it, to keep it from springing up again in its sea∣son, from which God deliver us.

2. The late assumed Prerngative of disabling, Suspending or Dispensing with standing Laws, must be declared Illegal, and against the Con∣stitution of a free Nation. I need not insist to lay open the mis∣chief

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of such a power; all the World sees it, and even some of those who asserted it, now cry shame on't, 'tis so palpably a Gangrene that might overspread, eat out or enervate all the strength and Life of our whole Laws. I shall only say, it will be fit to declare that all Judges or others, to whom the Execution of the Law is committed, shall upon their highest Peril be obliged, to put the Laws of the Na∣tion to due Execution, notwithstanding of any Command, Man∣date, or Dispensation they may get to the contrary, from any per∣son or persons whatsoever.

3. I humbly conceive it will be much the Nations advantage, if the Power of Pardoning be restrained, as to Assertors or Propagators of any Principles against the Freedom of the Nation and Parliaments, in favour of any pretended Prerogative. As also, as to all Judges, Officers or Ministers of State and others having the King's Commission, for Malversing in their re∣spective Offices. Because if ever it be the ill-fate of this Nation, to come under a Designing and Aspiring Prince, so long as he has the Power of Pardoning such, he will never want Instruments to set up and establish his Prerogative as high as ever: Neither will he want Judges and others, who will palpably pervert Justice, wrest and trample on our Laws and Freedom, and with all their Might Sacri∣fice them and us to his Ambition, or other ill Designs. And I ap∣peal to every Man, that will make but any Reflection on our late Government, if he is not convinc'd, that many who serv'd it, durst never have made such steps as they did, if they had not rested secure on that Pillow; That however Criminal they became, by such measures, They being for the Kings service, could get his Remissi∣on on demand; Since there is, and will ever be a perverse Crew of ill men, whom neither Honour nor Conscience can bind, to be Faithful and Just to their Country; but who still upon any hopes of Impunity, will be. Animated to say and do all the mischief they can, when 'tis accepable to the Princc. Let the Terror of severe Laws be set before them, to Over-awe them and strip them of all hopes of Impunity by a Princes Favour. Such a Limitation will not be un∣easie, to a just and good Prince, and is Absolutely necessary for our safety under an ill one.

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4. It must be declared illegal, and not in the Kings power, to constitute any Judge or Judicature, Ecclesiastick, Civil or Criminal, except such as are Authorized by the Laws of the Nation. As also that it is Illegal for the King to give warand to any Judge to proceed otherwise in Judgement, then by the Forms and Rules; the Law and Practice of the Kingdom has set, for the several Judicatures and Cases therein cognoscible, and that all who accept and proceed, conform to any such commissions or Warrands shall be severely punished.

The experience of the Grievous oppressions the Western, Southern, and some other shires of this Kingdom, have suffered, and the much Blood that hath been shed in them very summarly (to say no worse) by vertue of such Commissions and Proceedings, will I am confi∣dent Evince the necessity of this. For certainly so long as such a power is left to the Crown no Man or Partie can reckon themselves secure of their Liberties or Estates, no not of their very Lives longer, then they escape being Obnoxious to the Court, for then packt Judges and Arbitrary Forms and Rules of proceeding, may make sharp Work, and havock enough, I confess I have often been surprised to see several Sober and Rational men satisfied with, and Applaud such methods when used against these, they wished to see undone. For being blinded with a Passion to have such a party Ruined, they did not consider that if the Cannon were turned aainst themselves, they might soon find the fatal Effects of such methods, and be thereby summarly exposed to some severe punishment in their Bodies or Goods, or perhaps both without hopes of Reddress. So it is every Man's Interest that every Subject have a Fair and Legal Tryal, and that all his concerns be Judged by the ordinary Judges; and conform to the known Laws and Practice of the Realm. And that any such power be quite exploded, for which there can be no pretence, unless you will grant the King a Prerogative above all Laws.

Perhaps it will be alledged that such Commissions have been very useful in our High-Lands and Borders, and that it is impossible to bring the Theeves there to condign punishment, or prevent their ruining these Countries, unless it be allowed that they be Judged without the Ordinary Rules and Forms of Law. I humbly think it may be worth the serious consideration of our first Parliament to

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give their special Orders and Instructions for this case. But by no means, on this account, ought the least twigg of any such Tran∣scendant Power above the Laws be left to the King. For if it should be allowed, That the King by an Inherent power in the Crown may by his Commission warrand the Judging of Theeves, without obser∣ving the Ordinary Law in the Nation: Why may he not, by the same Inberent power? give such Commissions for trying all alledged Guilty of every kind of Treason, or other Crimes and Transgres∣sions of any Penal Laws? Then, pray, what security has any Subject of a Legal Tryal for any guilt he ma be charged with? Or what availeth the Laws and Judicatures established for the safety of the Innocent, as well as the Punishment of the Guilty.

5. It will be fit it be declared; That all the Ministers of State, Lords of Session and Justiciary, and other Inferiour Judges, who receive their Com∣missions from the King, shall always get them, ad Vitam aut Culpam: and not Durante Beneplacito. For when Men hold these places at pleasure, it is certainly a great temptation to them who are not of a very firm Honesty, to comply with any Designs of the Court, and humours of the present chief Favourites. And when an honest Man stands his ground, and refuses such a Servile Complyance against his Ho∣nour and Conscience, Then (as we have seen) he is presently to be turned out and some plyable Tool (that will receive any Im∣pressions from these hands) put in his place; and so our Judica∣tures, filled with Men who will give themselves up to a blind Obe∣dience to the Dictates from Court. And what Justice can the Na∣tion expect from such Judges? I do not say, the abolishing Com∣missions Durante Beneplacito will ascertain us of Just Judges: But, to be sure, it will free them, whom we shall have, from many Tem∣ptations to be unjust, and secure to us more firmly these that are just and honest: So it is well worth the while. There is one thing I cannot pass about our Judges, tho it be not hujus loci. I think it would be much our interest to have Crimen Ambitus in force amongst us; as to Session and Justiciarie especially. Many wise People have thought that a Man's sueing and Soliciting for such Offices, was a just Ground to make him Suspected, as unworthy of the Trust. This is certain, if such Methods were strictly discharged and every one, at his admission to these Offices, oblidged to purge himself

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of them; we might justly expect, they should go more by Merit, then they can do while men are allowed to Brigue and Intrigue for them. For commonly Cunning and False Men are most Assi∣duous, and Dexterous at Insinuating into a Court.

6. I think the Kings Ecclesiastick Supremacy, as it stands now Asserted by Acts of Parliament ought to be Abrogated. I will not enter on the de∣bate, what power is allowable to a Christian Magistrate in or about Ecclsiastical Matters: but leaving this as unnecessary to be discussed here; I shall prove the Assertion from these two considerations, first if there is any such Supremacy allowable in a Christian Nation to any Civil persons or Judicature, it cannot with safety be trusted but where the Legislative power is Lodged. 2dly. It appears uncharitable and unchristian to enact, or leave in Force any Laws Declaratorie of such a Supremacy.

First, Then consider that by this Supremacy, the King has Power to turn off any Churchman Summary, without any Process, (of this we have seen several instances) he hath also Power thereby at plea∣sure, to Crush any set of Clergy or Church Government he thinks un∣easie to him, and advance any Party or Model, he hopes to be better served by. He has by this Supremacy likewise Power (if not in express terms, yet by very natural Consequence,) to Suppress all Assemblies, Convocations of the Clergy, Synods, Presbyteries, Sessions, or any other meetings of Churchmen necessary or conveni∣ent, for preserving Order in the Church. From consideration of these things, it is evident and clear as Sun shine; That if such a Supremacie be allowed to our Kings, then they shall have Power to introduce Corruptions in our Religion by a Corrupt Clergy, to raise constant Schisms in our Church, to nourish and Foment a Spi∣rit of Animositie and Persecution by one party of Clergy against another, to the great reproach of our Religion, and danger of our State (as past experience may teach us) finally they shall have po∣wer to dissolve and unhing our Church, by depriving Her of all means necessary, for establishing and preserving of Order and Dis∣cipline without which no Society can subsist. And surely, these things cannot happen in a Christian Nation without bringing deadly Convulsions upon the Civil State. Now I am confident that after

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very little reflection on the whole, you and every Rational Man will Anticipate me in the Inference, and conclude that such a Su∣premacy is of the last Importance, both to the Religion and Civil Interest of the whole Nation, and not to be trusted to any, but re∣served to King and Parliament; if it is allowable to any Civil Power.

Secondly, That it is Ʋncharitable, to enact any Laws Declaratorie of such a Supremacie, will evidently appear from this, that it gives great scandal to good Protestants, and paceable Subjects, and is no wayes necessary. Surely, then it is very unbecoming Christian Cha∣rity and Moderation to give great Offence, and lay a stumbling block before such, Officiously and Needlesly. Now all the World knows this Supremacy has been a stne of stumbling both to Jew and Gentile, (if I may so speak) for not only the Presbyterians have still declaimed a∣gainst it, as an Antichristian inchroachment upon Christs prerogative; but many Episcopal have judged it an Invasion and Diminution of the intrinsick power, consigned by CHRIST to his Church; whereupon seve∣rall minent amongst that Clergy resused our Test. Thus as the Offensive Nature of such Laws is evident; So every considering Man must acknowledge, That they are useless, because all Laws a∣bout Church Government should only be founded on these Grounds; That, What is thereby injoyned is agreeable to the Word of GOD, most con∣sonant to the practise of the purest Churches, and most proper and conducing for the Advancement of Truth, Piety and good Order in this Church. Now on these Reasons, onely let every thing in Relation to the Plicy of the Church be Enacted in Parliament, without pretending or De∣claring by any Act, what power they have in such Matters. Thus I am sute, King and Parliament may do their Duty in this Matter, from time to time, and a great Deal, if not All the Offense would be removed. For it cannot be denyed, That, the Legislative power be∣ing in them, what Form of Government they apply their civil Sanction to, it be∣comes the Legal Government of the Nation; Which is all needs be claim∣ed, and their medling in such Matters cannot be quarrelled, since all Protestants, do not only approve, the Parliaments Ratifying of our very Confession of Faith, but ordinarly plead that thereby we have greater priviledges and right for defence of it, than any principle of Religion

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it self gives us. The only hazard is, that they may Err in their choice, but I know no Remedy for this, (unless we go to Rome for Infallibility, and I fear we should loose our Labour) except, That no such Laws be imposed Rigorously, to be owned by all, but a rea∣sonable Toleration allowed to peaceable Dissenters: Seeing then there is no use for such Declaratory Laws of an Ecelesiastick Supremacy; Were it not very uncharitable to keep them on foot, for a snare and for ginn to so many of our Christian Brethren of the same Religion. I may add further, it were very Dangerous to the publick peace, for certain∣ly from this Fountain many of Our intestine commotions have sprung, and these streams are not yet dryed up.

7. And Lastly, Having already far exceeded the due bounds of a Letter, and the brevitie I designed; I shall Croud all that occures to me further about the Prerogative into one Article. I think it neces∣sary the Convention take to their serious consideration, The Kings sole power of Disposal of Trade, his power of setting Valuation on current Money, his power of the Militia, of Peace and Warr, and raising the Nation in Arms; as they are declared in the respective Acts thereanent: As also the Practice of the Kings establishing Instructions of Warr, and thereby exemp∣ting Souldiers from the ordinary Laws and Judicatures. We have seen and felt grievous abuses in the Nation from all these, as I could In∣stance, but that I haste to a close; and it is enough to my purpose, that every thinking Man upon a very little reflection will see such powers may be the Foundation of Arbitrary proceedings in many cases of high Importance to the whole Nation. I confess I do not think it adviseable or safe; to divest the King wholly of these Powers, and reserve them to a Parliament: For the exercise of all or most of them may be very necessary, much oftner then we can expect or de¦sire parliaments, & may trvst with the reasonable intervals of parliaments; neither do I think it possible to lay down fixed Rules, that can con∣tinue useful for any time, for the Kings managment of these Pow∣ers, such is the inconstancie and vicissitude of humane Affairs. The only Medium I can think on is, that the King shall be restricted, in the exercise of these Powers, to the Advice and Concurrence of a Council, or Councils to be named by the Parliament out of the

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whole States: This Council may have their settled Annual Meetings, or more frequent if needful, and withal be obliged to Conveen when upon any Emergent the King shall call them But as for the Militia, since it is palpablie useless to the Crown and Government and very heavy to the People, I hope all will be Unanimous to have it totally discharged. As for exempting Souldiers from the ordinary Laws and Judges, in Causes Civil or Criminal betwixt them and other Subects, least at it is of dangerous Consequence, and there is no shadow of Law or Justice for it in this Nation, wherefore it ought to be discharged and declared Illegal in all time coming. I doubt not e're you come this length, you will be as wearie in read∣ing this tedious and indigested Letter, as I am of writing it. So I shall delay at this time, the troubling you with what is fit to be done, for securing our Crown from falling again into Popish hands, what con∣venient amendmnts may be made, as to the Constitution of, and Forms of Procedure in our Parliaments, and what is expedient for the Redress of our past Grievancs and necessary for the providing wholesome Remedies for preventing the like hereafter. The slight∣est review of all these (tho desired in Powers) would swell this Letter into the Volume of a Treatise, which I have no thoughts of writ∣ing: I hope you do not expect it, and though the stuff is course, you have large enough measure already, for an Letter. Bsides what is here omitted, seems to be the propr work of a Parliament when the Crown is settled, but what is spoke of, seems necessary to be dispatched by the Meeting of States before they declare the Crown. For though I am fully perswaded, that if we give the Crown to the King of England with as Absolute, unlimited a Prerogative, as ever any Tyrant or Sultan Usurped: Yet our Religion and Laws, and every Man's Liberty and Property, would be as secure to Us, under so Brave, Generous, Pious and Just a Prince, as they can be by all the Provisions we can devise for their security: But it is uncertain how long God may bless us with him, & who may come after him. And this is certain that if once the Crown be settled, and a set of Officers of State, and Counsellours established, (our Nobility and great Ministers have unhappily been so accustomed, to carrie things here with so high a hand,) They will be sure to use all their Interest to

Page 17

frustrate all Projects for such Limitations of the Prerogative, foresee∣ing easily that thereby their hands will be more bound up, then was usual, and I doubt not, if you will be at the pains to observe it, you'l easily perceive that such as have but any faint hopes and a re∣mote prospect of getting any share of the Government into their hands, will already be shy on these Points. Wherefore it nearly concerns every honest Sincere Scotsman, to strike thee Iron while it is hot, for it is much better holding then drawing: If this is accept∣able and gives you any satisfaction, you shall by the next have more of the matters now omitted.

March 6. 1689.

I am Yours, &c.

POSTSCRIPT.

Sir,

I Have said nothing of the Kings Negative Vote in Parliament, and his Power of Adjourning and Dissolving them. Tho it is of the greatest Importance, for if it stands, as it is now Asserted, all hopes of Re∣dress of Griveances by a Parliament are cut off under an ill Government, when there is greatest need of it. Wherefore it much concerns this Meeting to adjust in to an harmless Temper. Yet I must confess. I can hit upon no overture for this that pleases me. But I doubt not, The things is so Obvious and of such vast Consequence, you will hear of it from better hands.

FINIS.
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