The history of Appian of Alexandria in two parts : the first consisting of the Punick, Syrian, Parthian, Mithridatick, Illyrian, Spanish, & Hannibalick wars, the second containing five books of the civil wars of Rome / made English by J.D.

APPIAN OF ALEXANDRIA, HIS HISTORY OF THE Roman Wars IN LYBIA, OR, THE PUNICK WAR.

PART I.

The Argument of this Book.

I. THe Foundation of the City of Carthage. II. A brief Recital of the Roman Wars against the Carthaginians. III. The first Punick War where Attilius was defeated by Xantippus. IV. War of the Carthagini∣ans against all the People of Lybia. V. The cause of the second Punick War. VI. Scipio obtains Commission for this War, makes preparation

and advances into Sicily. VII. The Carthaginians prepare for defence. VIII. The occasion of Masanissa's discontent against Syphax, and the Car∣thagini••n••. IX. S••••pio lands in Afri••a. X. ••a••anissa lays an ambush for Ha••••o, XI. Scipio besieg••s, and ta••es Locha. XII. Five thousand Africans defeated by Scipio. XIII. Scipio besieges Utica, where Syphax to gain time proposes Conditions of ••eace. XIV. Asdrubal and Syphax design to surprize Scipio. XV. Scipio calls a Council, where he resolves to pre••ent 〈◊〉〈◊〉 E••emies. XVI. Scipio ass••••lts A••dr••bal's Camp by Night, takes it, p••llage•• it, and ki••s 30000 Men. XVII. Asdrubal upon 〈◊〉〈◊〉 de∣feat is condemned to death by the Carthaginians; but yet rallies his forces. XVIII. A Sea-Fight between the Romans and Carthaginians. XIX. Bat∣tel between Syphax and Masanissa, where Syphax is defeated, and taken Prisoner. XX. Sophonisba, Syphax's Wife, sends her excuses to Masa∣nissa, who receives her, and then poisons her, to avoid the delivering her up to Scipio. XXI. Han••o suborns People to set fire an Scipio's Camp, they are discovered, and put to death. XXII. Scipio wasting the Country, the Carthaginians consult about the re-calling of Hannibal, yet send their. Am∣bassadors to Rome, to treat of Peace, which is concluded between the two Estates. XXIII. Hannibal returned to Africa, prepares for War, and the Carthaginians break the Peace by pillaging the Roman Ships. XXIV. Han∣nibal undertakes the Charge of the Army is hardly put to it by Scipio, where∣upon he su•••• for Peace, which is gran••ed him; but the Peo••le will not con∣sent. XXV. Hannibal confers with Scipio, who forces him at length to give Battel. XXVI. The two Generals draw up their Armies in Battalia, and make their Orations to their Souldiers. XXVII. The Battel between Hannibal and Scipio, where Hannibal is defeated. XXVIII. Scipio ap∣proache•• Carthage, the Citizens sue for Peace, which is granted on Condition the Senate ratifie it. XXIX. The Poeple oppose the Peace; yet send d••••••ties to Rome, ••here at an Assembly of the Senate, the Peace is ra∣tified. Scipio's Triu••••h. XXXI. Difference betwixt Masanissa and the Carthaginians, in which the Romans concern themselves. XXXII. The great Battel between Masanissa, and the Carthaginians, with the siege of their Camp by that King, who makes them pass under the Yoke. XXXIII. The Romans laying hold on the occasion, it is decreed in the Senate to make War upon Carthage, and that that City be rased. XXXIV. The Consuls advance into Sicily, whither the Carthaginians bring them three hundred of their children for Hostages. XXXV. From Sicily they pass to Utica, where the Carthaginians yield up their Arms. XXXVI. The Consuls declare to the Deputies, the Senates resolution, touching the demolishing of Carthage. XXXVII. Hanno's Oration to the Consuls to move them to compassion. XXXVIII. Censorinus Answer. XXXIX. The Carthaginians hearing the News, in desperation prepare for War. XL. Description of the City of Carthage. XLI. The beginning of the siege. XLII. Anoble Act of Sci∣pio's, yet but Tribune. XLIII. Death of Masanissa, whose Goods are di∣vided among his Children by Scipio, the Executor of his Will. XLIV. Scipio draws Phameas to the Roman Party, they go both to Rome, and are magnificently received. XLV. Calphurnius Piso, and L. Mancinus, come to command the Army, who spend the Summer without doing any thing. XLVI. The Carthaginians take heart and contemn the Romans. XLVII. Scipio chosen Consul, he comes to Utica, where he finds Mancinus, and the Army in great danger, from which he dis-engages them. XLVIII. He re∣establishes Discipline in the Army. XLIX. He takes the place of Megara L. He seizes on the Neck of the Peninsula, where he fortifies himself, and

by that means brings a Famine into the City. LI. He blocks up the Port of Carthage with a dam, and the Carthaginians open another passage on the other side, at which they issue out with a great number of ships. LII. A Sea-fight with almost equal loss. LIII. Scipio siezes on the great Plat-form, or Bulwark before the Walls. LIV. He takes and pillages the Camp before Nephere, and makes himself Master of all the Plain-country of Lybia. LV. He takes the City, and those in the Citadel submit, save only the Run∣aways with Asdrubals Wife. LVI. He sends the News to Rome, and after having given all necessary Orders in Africa, returns to Rome, which be enters in triumph.

THe Phenicians built Carthage in Africa, fifty years before [ I] the sack of Troy. It was Founded by Xorus, and Carche∣don, or as the Romans, and indeed the Carthaginians themselves, will have it, by a Tyrian Lady called Dido, who (her Husband being privily murdered by Pygma∣leon Tyrant of Tyre, which was revealed to her in a Dream) conveyed aboard all the Treasure she could, and shipping her self with some Tyrians that fled from the Tyranny, came to Lybia, to that place where now Carthage stands; and upon the people of that Countries refusal to receive them they demanded for their Habitation only so much Land as they could compass with an Oxe-hide. This proposition seemed ridiculous to the Africans, and they thought it a shame to refuse Strangers a thing of so small consequence; besides they could not imagine how any Habitation could be built in so small a patch of ground, and therefore that they might have the pleasure to discover the Phenicians subtilty, they granted their request. Whereupon the Tyrians taking an Oxe-hide, cut it round about, and made so fine a Thong, that they therewith encompassed the place where they afterwards built the Citadel of Carthage, which from thence was called Byrsa. Soon after by little and little ex∣tending their limits, and becoming stronger then their Neighbours, as they were much more cunning, they caused Ships to be built to traffick on the Sea after the manner of the Phenicians, by which means they built a City adjoyning to their Citadel. Their power thus encreasing, they became Masters of Lybia, and the circumadjacent Sea; and at last making War upon Sicily, Sardinia, and all the Islands of that Sea, and even in Spain in self, they sent thither Colonies, till at length from so small a beginning, they formed an Estate compa∣rable in Power to that of the Greeks, and in Riches to that of the Persians.

But about seven hundred years after the Foundation of Carthage, the [ II] Romans won Sicily from the Carthaginians, and after that Sardinia, and at length in the second Punick War, Spain it self. After which these Nations being in continual War, the Carthaginians under the command of Han∣nibal wasted Italy for sixteen years together, till such time as the Romans commanded by Cornelius Scipio the Elder, deprived them of their power, taking from them their Ships, and Elephants, and forcing them to pay Tri∣bute; whereupon a second Peace was concluded between these two People. This lasted fifty years, after which began the third and last Punick War, in which the young Scipio being General of the Romans, Carthage was utterly ruined, and strict prohibition made of Rebuilding it. Howe∣ver,

the Romans founded another Town in a place near adjacent, which they made choice of for the greater conveniency of keeping the Africans in subjection. Now because in our History of Sicily, we have already set down all the memorable acts of the Carthaginians there, and in that of Spain, what passed in that Country, as likewise in that of Hannibal, all the actions of that Captain in Italy, we have resolved in this Book to write only what was done in Lybia, ••fter the beginning of that War which suc∣ceeded that of Sicily.

When therefore the War of Sicily was ended, the Romans armed [ III] three hundred and fifty Ships, with which they made a descent into Lybia; where after having reduced some Cities under their obedien••e, they le••t Attilius Regulus to command the Army. This General gained the Romans two hundred Cities more, which surrendred to him, being weary of the Government of Carthage; and pressing forward his Conquests, he spoiled their Territories, even to their very Gates. After all these losses, which the Carthaginians believed happen••ed to them only for want of good Generals, they demanded one from the Lacedemonians, who sent to them Xantippus. Attilius was now encamped near the Fens of Lybia, from whence upon Intelligence of this Captain's arrival, he advanced towards the Enemy; but having taken his march along the Edge of the Marshes, and in the greatest heats of Summer, his Souldiers were grievously incommoded by the weight of their Arms, by thirst, heat, labour, and the darts thrown on them, from the Mountains; yet though they marched in this condition all the day, coming towards the Evening to a River, which now only separated the two Armies; he forthwith made his Men pass over, believing it would strike a terrour into Xantippus his Army. The Lacedemonian on the other side, judging it would be no hard matter to overcome people harassed in that manner, besides that he had the night to favour him, presently drew up his Army in order and advanced to charge Attilius. In which he was not deceived, for of thirty thousand Men that composed the Roman Army, a few only saved themselves in the City of Aspides, all the rest were slain or taken Prisoners, and the General himself fell into the Enemies hand. Yet this advantage obstructed not the Carthaginians, tyred with the War, from sending Ambassadors to Rome to demand Peace, and Attilius himself went upon Parol, to return himself a Prisoner if he obtained it not. And yet this Captain when he came to confer with the prime Men of Rome, was so far from inclining them to Peace, that he perswaded them to continue the War; and without doing ought else returned to Carthage, re∣solved to suffer the utmost of their torments, and indeed the Carthaginians shut him up in a Cask driven full of sharp Nails, where he ended his Life most miserably. However, this good success was the cause of Xantippus his death, for the Carthaginians fearing lest all the honour of the Victory would be attributed to the Lacedemonians, feigned a gratification of their General, making him magnificent Presents, and sending him back in Gal∣leys of their own, but with orders to the Commanders of them, that as soon as they came into the open Sea, they should throw Xantippus and the Lacedemonians over-board; so unhappy a recompence did this valiant Man receive for so brave an Action. And this is all that was done considerable in the first Punick Wars till such time as the Carthaginians quitted to the Romans all their Rights in Sicily; Now we have in our Sicilian History set down in what manner this Treaty was made, therefore shall say no more

here. It will be sufficient to understand that by this means Peace was concluded between the People of Rome and Carthage.

Afterwards the Africans who were subject to the Carthaginians and [ IV] assisted them against Sicily, and the Celtes who served under their pay in that War, complaining that the promises made them had not been per∣formed, declared War against them, which obliged those of Carthage to de∣mand aid from the Romans as their friends, from whom notwithstanding they could obtain no more, save a permission to levy Souldiers in Italy at their own Charge: for and indeed by the Articles of the Treaty they could not require so much as that favour; how be it the Romans sent deputyes into Africa to determine the difference, and make Peace between these people. But the Africans would by no means hearken to it, offering rather to submit themselves to their government if they desired it, which how∣ever they would not accept: this was the reason that made the Carthagi∣nians fit out so powerful a Fleet to revenge themselves on these Revolters, that the Sea being no longer left open to the Lybians; by which they might fetch in Provisions, and the land being left untill'd by reason of the Wars, they were reduced to such great scarcity, as inforced them to return under the Carthaginians obedience.

This mighty Fleet not only pillaged the Lybians but even all they met [ V] with, and the Romans themselves, whom they threw over-board after they had rifled them, that it might not come to be known at Rome, and indeed it was a long time ere these crimes were discovered, and when they were, the Carthaginians seemed very averse to the giving satisfaction, till such time that War being by the Romans declared against them they quitted Sardinia in reparation of this injury. And this Article was added to the first treaty of Peace. Sometime after the Carthaginians sent an Army into Spain to reduce it under their obedience, and because they assailed those People separately, they had already well advanced their Conquests: When the Saguntines had recourse to the Romans for aid: Hereupon the Cartha∣ginians made a second Treaty, by which they were bound not to Act any Hostilities beyond the River Iberus, but this Treaty was soon broken, for Hannibal past that River, and leaving the Forces in Spain under the Com∣mand of other Captains came thundring into Italy with a Mighty Army. The Romans had at this time in Spain, Publius Scipio and his brother Cneus Cornelius, who after having gained sundry Victories, were slain by the Enemy. Those who succeeded them had no better success, until Scipio the Son of that Publius who was kill'd in Spain being commanded thither with an Army, all the world looked upon him as a man sent by the Order of Heaven, and guided by a Divine Spirit, so great and glorious were his Actions. At last having gain'd much Honour and Renown, he deli∣vered up the Army into their hands whom the Senate had appointed to succeed him.

Being returned to Rome he demanded Commission to pass into [ VI] Africa with an Army, promising himself both to oblige Hannibal to quit Italy, and to force reason from the Carthaginians in their own Country. Many who had the highest charges in the Commonwealth disliked the project, alleging there was little appearance of doing any good by sending an Army into Africa, and quitting Italy, already by the Wars reduced al∣most to extremity, whilst Hannibal raged with Fire and Sword, and Hanno

was coming to fall on them with great multitudes of Ligurians and Celtes, But the opposite party argued that it might well be believed that the Car∣thaginians who attempted not the Conquest of Italy, but because they feared nothing at Home, would soon recal Hannibal when they saw War at their own Doors, this opinion prevailed, but upon condition that Scipio should make no levies in Italy so long as Hannibal was in Arms, but if any Volunteers presented themselves he might make use of them as likewise of the Army of Sicily; they likewise permitted him to take for his passage ten of their Gallies ready fitted, with all those that he could find in Sicily, yet without furnishing him with any Mony, but what himself could raise among his private friends, so mean opinion had they of this enterprise which afterwards proved of such mighty importance. But Scipio who seem'd carried to Carthage by some Divine Power, transported him∣self into Sicily with only about seven thousand Horse and Foot, out of all which he chose three hundred of the most strong and comely youth for a guard to his Person; he would not arrive them in Italy, but as soon as he arrived in Sicily he commanded a like number of the richest of the Island to appear at a certain place with the fairest Arms and best Horses they could procure; And as soon as they were come gave them leave to put other Persons in their places, which being accepted by the Sicilians he pre∣sented to them his three hundred young men commanding them, to give them their Arms and their Horses, which they willingly consented to, thus, instead of three hundred Sicilians, Scipio mounted and armed his three hundred Italians, who could not but give him thanks for such a favor and indeed did afterwards serve him Excellently well in many occasions.

[ VII] As soon as the Carthaginians understood these things they gave Commission to Asdrubal the son of Gisco to assemble Elephants and sent to Mago who was then raising Forces in Liguria, six thousand Foot, eight hundred Horse and seven Elephants with Orders forthwith to enter Hetruria with all the force he could make, hoping to oblige Scipio to quit his design on Lybia. Mago was not over-quick, in the Execution of these Orders, whether it were that he could not joyn with Hannibal, who was far distant, or that he foresaw a troublesome event of the Enterprise. Asdrubal upon his return from the Chase of the Elephants, levies upon the Lands of the Carthaginians and Lybians, six thousand Foot and eight hundred Horse, he buys likewise five thousand slaves for the Gallies, and the Numidians furnished him with two thou∣sand Horse, besides some Foreign Mercenary Troops, so that having assembled an Army composed of sundry Nations, he brought them about two hundred Furlongs from the City and there exercised and trained them.

[ VIII] There were at present in N••midia divers Kings whose Estates were separate, among whom Syphax held the first degree. Massanissa Son to the King of the Massesulians a Warlike People, was likewise very con∣siderable, and was withal so comely of person and active of mind that Asdrubal the son of Gisco one of the principal men of Carthage desired him for his son in law though he were a Numidian. As soon as the Marriage was agreed upon, that young Prince went to make War in Spain; but Syphax who was in love with the Lady, mad that she was engaged to ano∣ther, with an Army invades the Carthaginians Lands, and promises Scipio

(who came out of Spain to confer with him) that if he would assault Carthage he would joyn Arms with him; which was the reason that the Carthaginians, who knew well of what importance Syphax would be to them in this War, gave him Masanissa's Mistress in Marriage without ei∣ther his or Asdrubals own knowledg; for they were both together in Spain. That young Prince receiving advice of the affront done him, so much re∣sented it, that to revenge himself he entered into a secret alliance with Scipio, which yet could not be kept so private but it came to Asdrubals knowledge, who though he were much troubled at the injury done to this Lover and his Mistress, yet he believed he was bound to prefer the publick good to his private resentment, and therefore to make away Masanissa. To which end, when this Prince was upon return from Spain to take pos∣session of his Fathers Kingdom, lately dead, he gave him some Horse to accompany him, with Orders to destroy him, in what manner soever it were; but the King suspecting their design, withdrew himself privily out of their hands, and went to seise upon his Fathers Kingdom, which after he had got possession of, he drew together a flying wing of people accu∣stomed to fight by night as well as by day and to charge and retreat in a marvelous manner: for so they make war in Numidia, where the men easily endure hunger, live on herbs instead of bread, and drink only water, and where the Horses never eat Oats but feed only on Straw and Grass, and drink but seldom. Masanissa's Army was composed of twenty thousand men of this temper, with whom he made strange incursions, spoiling the Neighboring Provinces out of design to keep his men in Exercise. These preparations made both the Carthaginians and Syphax, who had been com∣plices in the affront put upon the young Prince, believe they were made only to serve against them, wherefore they resolved to prevent him, ma∣king account that after they had defeated him, they would go meet the Romans. They had a far greater Army then he, & carried along with them great quantities of Baggage and Waggons, loaden not only with things necessary but voluptuous, on the contrary Masanissa was in all labor an Example to his Souldiers; Among all his Cavalry there was no loads either of Provison or Baggage, so that having nothing to hinder them, sometimes they made a retreat, sometimes they charged the Enemy, and then again retired into places strong by Situation. If sometimes he per∣ceived himself pressed too hard upon, he gave order to his people to save themselves as they best could, and in the mean time kept himself conceal∣ed only with a few, till such time as all returning by day or by night, they were again assembled at the place by him appointed for their Ren∣dezvouz. Nay sometimes it hapned, that he hid himself only with two horsemen in a Cave, about which the enemy lay encamped, and that with∣out being discovered. And it was indeed his principal care that the ene∣my should not know the place of his retreat, that they might never be able to assail him, but alwaies be forced to stand upon their own defence, As for provision he gave himself not much trouble, still furnishing himself by nightly surprises and whether it were Village, Town or City, he plundered all, dividing the Prey among his Companions. For which rea∣son many Numidians stocked to him, not for pay, for he had none establi∣shed, but for booty which was more worth then pay.

Whilst, Masanissa thus made war against the Carthaginians, Scipio [ IX] had perfected his preparations in Sicily, so that having sacrificed to Iupiter and Neptune, he set sayl for Affrica with two and fifty long Ships, four

hundred Ships of burthen, and a great number of Barks and Shallops: his forces were composed of Sixteen thousand foot and Six hundred horse, and with them he brought great store of Arms and Engines of War. Syphax and the Carthaginians having advice of his coming resolved to make a dissembled peace with Masanissa, and to patch up things with him until such time as they had defeated Scipio. But well he knew their design, and that he might pay them in their own Coyn, (having first sent advice to Scipio) he comes to find out Asdrubal with his whole body of horse as if he had been indeed reconciled. It was near unto Utica that Asdrubal, Syphax and Masanissa were incamped separately, and Scipio having been driven by the winds on that Coast, was likewise encamped near unto As∣drubal, who had twenty thousand foot, seven thousand horse, and twenty seven Elephants. Whether Syphax were afraid, or that he had a mind to betray all parties, he feigned that his Neighbors had invaded his Kingdom, and under pretence to go and defend it, left the others.

[ X] Scipio in the mean while having reduced some Cities under his obedience, sent daily out some of his people to skirmish, that he might draw Asdrubal to a battel, which yet he despaired to do, when Masanissa by night comes secretly to his Camp, where after some Civilities passed on either side, he advises him to place the next morning five thousand men in Ambush, about thirty furlongs from Utica, near the tower of Agathocles, formerly Tyrant of Syracusa; And about break of day he perswades As∣drubal, to send Hanno who commanded the horse, to take a view of the Roman forces and throw himself into Utica, lest the enemy lying so near, those inhabitants should revolt, offering himself to follow and second him, if Asdrubal thought it convenient. Hanno hereupon took the field with a thousand chosen Carthaginian horse, and some Lybians, Masanissa with his Numidians followed: But when they were on the right hand of the Tower, Hanno with a few of his people having already taken the way towards Utica, a part of those who lay in Ambush appeared, which gave opportunity to Masanissa to advise him, whom Hanno had left to com∣mand the Carthaginian horse to charge, as if the Enemy had been but an inconsiderable number, and he himself followed under pretence of second∣ing him. The Africans hereupon advancing, the rest of the Ambush ap∣peared, and now were these unfortunate people enclosed on all sides, and as well by the Romans as by Masanissa himself cut all in pieces, save only four hundred which were taken Prisoners. After this defeat he posts af∣ter Hanno, and coming up him as if he had been his friend, arrests him and carries him prisoner into Scipio's Camp, and afterwards exchanged him for his Mother who was in Asdrubal's hands.

[ XI] After that Scipio and Masanissa were joyned together, they pil∣laged the whole Country, and delivered from bondage those Romans which they found in Fetters, destined to toyl and slavery, and who had been sent thither by Hannibal from Spain, Sicily and even from Italy it self. Afterwards they laid Siege before a great City called Locha, where they found great difficulties; yet at length it hapned that as they were bringing the Ladders to the Walls, resolved to take it by Storm, the inha∣bitants by a Herauld demanded that they might have permission to march out of the Town, with their Arms and Baggage; whereupon Scipio cau∣sed the Retreat to be founded. But the Souldiers angred at the miseries they had undergone in the siege, would not obey, but scaled the walls, kil∣ling

all they met with and sparing neither sex nor age; The General sent away without ransom all that were saved, and as a punishment of their disobedience, he took away all the plunder from the Souldiers, and caused those Officers, were the cause of it, to cast Lots for their lives, in the sight of the whole Army, of whom three only he condemned to death, to whom fortune was not favorable.

Being returned again to wast the Country, Asdrubal laid a plot [ XII] to surprize him, and to effect it, gave Order to Mago who Commanded his horse, to charge him in the Front, whilst he another way fell in upon the Rear. The Romans finding themselves thus engaged in the midst of their Enemies, divided their Army, likewise into two parts, and Scipio and Masanissa commanding each their body, cut in pieces five thousand Afri∣cans, took eighteen hundred Prisoners and pursued the rest so close, that many of them tumbled headlong down the steep Rocks.

Some days after Scipio besieged Utica by Sea and by Land, and [ XIII] having joyned two Gallies together, built Towers upon them, from whence he cast into the City Darts and Stones. Thus he did some damage to the inhabitants; but he received likewise by the loss of some ships. Mean while in the Siege by land they raised great platforms near the walls on which they planted batteries and with great hooks strove to pull down the rampire. The inhabitants on the other side undermined the be∣siegers works by passages under ground, tumbling them down as fast as they raised them; they twined aside the hooks with Ropes, so that they could take no effect; they opposed to the Rams great Timbers or Booms which received the blow without endamaging the walls, and when the wind blew towards the Engines they darted out fire-brands to burn them. Insomuch that Scipio out of hopes to take the City by this way of fighting, resolved to carry it by assault, when Syphax having intel∣ligence of his design advances his Army, and encamps near Asdrubal. He declares himself a friend to both parties; But it was only to gain so much time, till those other Ships then building for the Carthaginians were in a readiness, and the Souldiers raised in Gaul and Liguria ar∣rived. He would likewise have become a Mediator between the two Estates and proposed a Treaty, the Conditions of which were, that the Carthaginian Army should return out of Italy, and the Romans depart out of Lybia and for the rest that Sicily, Sardinia and the other Isles that had belonged to the Carthaginians, together with Spain, should remain entire to the people of Rome making his protesta∣tion that if either of the parties refused to consent to these propositions he would joyn with the other; In the mean time he used his utmost endea∣vours to gain Masanissa, promising to secure to him the Kingdom of the Massesuliens, and to give him in Marriage which of his three daughters he desired. His agent that came to Masanissa with these offers brought store of money along with him, to the end that if he could obtain nothing from him he might c••rrupt some of his Domesticks to Murder him, and accord∣ingly not being able to gain him, before his return, he gave Mony to one of that Princes followers, who promised him to execute the treason; but when he had received the summ discovered it to his Master who punished the suborner. Whereupon Syphax ••eeing all his Artifices fail declared him∣self openly for the Carthaginians, and having by means of a Traytor ta∣ken a City in the plain Country called T••olon, where the Romans had great

stores of Ammunition and Provision, he put to the Sword all the Garrison who refused to yield to him.

[ XIV] A great recruit of Numidians being come and the Gaules and Ligurian Souldiers arrived with those ships the Carthaginians had fitted out, they resolved to fight. Syphax returned to the siege of Utica. As∣drubal encamped near to Scipio, and the Carthaginian fleet came to An∣chor directly against the other, to the end they might fall on all at a time, and so that the Romans being much fewer in number and separate the one from the other, might not be able to sustain the power of their enemies. Masanissa having advice of this design from some Numidians, went and communicated it to Scipio, who without any delay (judging that if his Army were thus divided they would not be strong enough to stand the shock) the same night assembled the Council, and when he saw they lost time without resolving any thing, he thus spoke to his Captains.

[ XV] Certainly Gentlemen, there is a necessity in this occasion both of great Courage and Diligence, and we must resolve to fight like desperate men. We must strive how to prevent our enemies, and behold now the advantage we shall gain by it. This unexpected assault will strike a terror into them, and since we are the fewer in number, by charging them with all our forces joyned together, we shall not have to deal with all our enemies, but only with those we shall first attempt, since their Camps are separate one from the other•• thus we shall be equal in number and surpass them in good fortune and bravery. If God give us victory over the first we will scorn the other. If therefore you ap∣prove my opinion I will tell you in a few words which of three Armies we shall first assault, in what manner we are to act, and when to begin. As soon as they had all given their approbation of this advice. It is time, said he, to put in Execution our d••sign as soon as we have made an end of this conference. Whilst it is night and dark, the fight will seem more dreadful to our enemies, and we shall find them less prepared; b••sides the obscurity will hinder them from being able to succour one another, and in this manner we shall prevent this de∣sign they have of assailing us to morrow. Now as they are three Armies, that at Sea is distant, and it is not possible to assault ships by night; Asdrubal and Syphax are not encamped far from each other, Asdrubal is the Principal Chief, and Syphax barbarous, effeminate and fearful as he is, will never un∣dertake any thing in the dark; Wherefore let us make an attempt upon As∣drubal with all our Forces, and place Masanissa in Ambush against Syphax, if by chance and contrary to our b••lief he should come to assist the other. Let us march with our foot directly to Asdrubal's Camp and storm it couragiously on all sides, till we have forced his trenches. As for the Horse since they are not fit for this night service, We will place th••m on the Avenues of the enemies Camp, that if by misfortune we be repulsed they may supp••rt and favour our Retreat, and if we gain the advantage they may p••rsue and destroy the flyers. Having finished this discourse he gave order to his Captains forthwith to draw their Souldiers to Arms, whilst he sacrificed to Courage and Fear, that none might in the night be terrified, but on the Contrary the whole Army bear themselves couragiously in the Enterprise.

[ XVI] About the third watch the Trumpets sounded a dead march and all the Army advanced towards Asdrubal's Camp without making the least noise till such time as the Horse had seized the Aven••es, and the foot were upon the Ditch. Then was there raised among them a terrible noise of

confused voices mixed with Trumpets, the more to affright the enemy, and therewith falling on, they beat back the guards, fill'd up the trench, pull'd down the Palisadoes, and some of the boldest pressing forwards be∣gan to set fire on the Tents. The Africans full of con••usion take their Arms between sleep and waking, and endeavor to draw into a battel, but the tumult was so great they could not hear the voices of them that Com∣manded, and their General himself knew not the cause of the Alarm. The Romans thronged in among these people whom they found in disor∣der and ill Armed, setting all before them on fire, and putting all they met with to the Sword; Their shouts, the sight of them, and their fierceness, stroke terror into these miserable people, and the night and the incertainty of the danger increased it, so that believing all their Camp was absolutely taken, fearing to be involved in the general ruine they thronged in crouds towards the plain, where they thought they might be in more security, and every one taking his own way they fell into the hands of the horsemen, who made a most dreadful slaughter, Syphax heard this great noise in the night and saw the flames, but stirred not out of his Camp, only sent some Troops of Horse to assist Asdrubal who falling into Masanissa's Ambush were all cut of; When at break of day Syphax understood that Asdrubal was fled, that all his Army were either slain, taken, or ran away, that his Camp with all his munition of war was in the Romans possession, he deserted all, retiring farther up into the Conti∣tinent, out of fear lest Scipio returning from the Chase of Asdrubal should turn his Arms against him, leaving his Camp and all it's furniture as a prey to Masanissa. Thus at one stroke in less then a night the Romans took two Camps and routed two Armies beyond comparison greater than theirs. The vanquishers lost about one hundred Souldiers, and the van∣quished about thirty thousand, besides two thousand four hundred that were taken Prisoners, and six hundred Horse that came to submit them∣selves to Scipio upon his return from the Victory, as for the Elephants they were all either wounded or killed, Scipio having gained in this battel great quantity of Arms, Gold, Silver, Ivory and Horses, as well Numidian as others, and beholding the Carthaginian forces ruined by this great victory, distributed part of the booty among his Souldiers, sent whatever was most precious to Rome, and began to Exercise his Army in Labor and Travel, ex∣pecting Hannibal, who was ere long to return from Italy, as was likewise Hanno from Liguria.

Asdrubal General of the Carthaginians having been wounded [ XVII] in this nights battel, saved himself with five hundred Horse at Anda, where he rallyed some Mercenaries, and some fled Numidians, and gave liberty to all slaves that would bears Arms, and at length understanding that his Citizens had condemned him to death for his ill Conduct in this War, and that they had made Hanno the Son of Bomilcar his Successor, he took a resolution to keep himself with this Army, which consisted of three thousand Horse and eight thousand Foot, besides a great Number of Crimi∣nals that resorted to him, with which he marched through all places where he had any hopes to get provisions, inuring them to hardship, having prepared himself to perish if he could not overcome, which was a long time unknown as well to the Romans as Carthaginians.

Mean while Scipio marched at the head of his Army to the very [ XVIII] Walls of Carthage, where he presented battel to the Citizens, but they

would not accept it. But Amilcar their Admiral went with one hundred Ships to the Port where Scipio's Fleet lay, believing that before Scipio could return he should easily defeat twenty Roman Gallies with his hundred Ships. But Scipio having intelligence of his Design sent his Orders before to block up the Ports mouth with Ships of burthen, which they ranged before it at Anchor, in such manner that there were passages left for the Roman Gallies to Sally out when they saw an advantage, and yet these great Ships were fastned together by the Yard-arms, and served as a wall against the enemies. The work was not quite finished at his arrival, but he soon brought it to perfection. The Carthaginian Ships then coming to assault the Romans were beaten off by flights of Arrows and Stones, as well from those in the ships as on shore, and from the walls of the Port, in∣somuch that most of them being battered and the Souldiers quite tyred they retired in the Evening without doing any thing. As they made their retreat the Roman Gallies sallied by the passages which we spoke of be∣fore; and when they found they could execute nothing, they retreated into the Port by the same passages. At length they brought to Scipio one of the enemies ships, but not a man in her. After these encounters, it being now winter, each party retired to their Garrisons.

[ XIX] The Romans caused provision to be brought for themselves by Sea, but those of Utica and Carthage being in great necessity plundred those which brought them, till a recruit of shipping being come to Scipio he opposed the enemy in such manner that they not daring longer to cruise as they were wont, those Cities were miserably afflicted with famine. During this same winter Syphax not being far distant, Masanissa desired of Scipio a third part of the Roman Army, which being arrived un∣der the Command of Lelius and joyned with that Kings Forces, they to∣gether pursued Syphax, who still retreated before them, till such time as coming to the Banks of a certain River he was forced to fight. The Nu∣midians according to their Custom cast at first charge showers of Darts at each other, whilst the Romans covering themselves with their shields still advanced forward. Syphax seeing Masanissa in the heat of the Battel, transported with rage makes directly towards him, and Masanissa joyfully runs to meet him: After they had generously fought as well on one side as the other, at length Syphax party was routed, and as he was passing the river to save himself his horse wounded by some accidental stroke, reared and came backward with his Master into the water. Whereupon Masa∣nissa pressing in, took him and one of his sons prisoners, both which he sent to Scipio. There were in this fight about two thousand men slain, on Syphax his party; the Romans lost seventy five, and Masanissa three hundred, there were likewise four thousand of Syphax men taken prisoners, of which two thousand five hundred were Massesuliens that had deserted Masanissa to take part with Syphax, these Masanissa demanded of Lelius, and having obtained his request caused them to be all cut in pieces.

[ XX] After this they entred into the Territories of the Massesuliens, and of Syphax, to re-establish Masanissa in his Kingdom by receiving those who submitted, and forcing those to obey who refused. The inhabitants of Cirtha sent deputies unto them with Orders to offer them the Royal Palace, and in particular there came others to Masanissa from Sophonisba wife of the Prisoner King, to excuse her of that Marriage to which she

had been forced. He easily accepted of her Excuses, but when he returned back to Scipio, left her still at Cirtha, foreseeing what would happen. When Syphax was brought to Scipio, he was ask't by him what evil Genius had perverted his spirit, to the violation of his faith, and despising of those Gods that were witnesses, by deceving the Romans in taking up arms against them, and following the part of the Carthaginians their common enemy, after having intreated him as a friend to come into Africa. To which he answered, It was Sophonisba the daughter of Asdrubal, with whom, says he, to my ruine I fell in love, she is passionately affected to her Country, and there's no man can withstand what she desires, though I was your friend, her Charms made me the friend of her Country, and from that happiness in which I lived, has precipitated me into this misery, since therefore I am now at your dispose, and being lost to Sophonisba, ought to fix my self to your interests; I give you ad∣vice to be careful left that woman draw Masanissa from you, for there is no hopes she should ever favor the Romans such a lover she is of her Country. These things he said either because they were indeed true, or out of jea∣lousie to prejudice Masanissa. After this Scipio having an esteem of Sy∣phax prudence, and because he knew the Country, called him to the Council of War and asked his advice, as Cyrus had formerly done with Croesus King of Lydia. Lelius being come and assuring him of what had been before told him concerning Sophonisba, Scipio required Masanissa to deliver her into his hands, which he seeming averse to do, declaring what had passed between him and that woman, Scipio urged it with more ri∣gor, telling him he should not think to withhold by force any part of that spoil which belonged to the people of Rome, that he ought first to pre∣sent her, and afterwards request her back if he thought convenient. Whereupon he departed with some Romans to deliver Sophonisba into their hands, but first he posted to her himself alone, and giving her a cup of poison, told her there was but this choice, either to drink that, or be car∣ried Captive to Rome, and without saying word more remounted his horse and returned: She having shewed the Cup to her Nurse and intreated her not to mourn her death, since thus she died gloriously, presently drunk up the poison. The Romans being come Masanissa exposed the body to their view, and after having given it a funeral worthy a Queen, he returned to wait on Scipio, who highly praised him, and to comfort him for the loss of an evil woman, crowned him for the Victory gained over Syphax, and made him most Magnificent presents. As for Syphax he being carried to Rome, some were of opinion they ought to pardon a man, had served them so well in Spain, others judged that he ought to be punished the ra∣ther, for having revolted from his friends, but whilst these things were in debate he died of a distemper occasioned by grief.

When Asdrubal had well excercised his Army, he sent a Messen∣ger [ XXI] to Hanno General of the Carthaginians Army to entreat him to accept him as a Companion in that charge, and withal to tell him that there were some Spaniards in Scipio's Army, who might be corrupted by mony and promises to set on fire the Roman Camp, and there he would not fail to be ready at the time appointed, if the General thought it convenient: Hanno having received this advice, though he designed to deceive Asdrubal, yet resolved to make use of it, and to that end sent one of his people into Scipio's Camp with good quantity of Silver; This man shelters himself there as a Runaway and not being suspected by any one, corrupted many, and after they had set a day for putting their design in execution, he returns

to Hanno, who presently sends him to Asdrubal, but as Scipio sacrificed the Aruspices having advertised him to beware of fire, he gave order to one of his Domesticks to take care to see the fires put out in all places, where such an accident might be feared. He continued for some days the same sacrifices, and still the entrails threatned him with the same mis∣fortune, which troubled him much and made him resolve to discamp, but the plot was in this manner discovered. A Certain Roman Knight had a Spanish slave who suspecting his companions had some mischievous de∣sign, feign'd himself of the party, and by that means having gain'd knowledge of the whole enterprize, discovered it to his Master, his Master brought him to Scipio, who causing the guilty wretches to be siezed on, put them all to death, and made their bodies be thrown out of the Camp. Hanno who was not far off having news of it, came not to the place ap∣pointed. Asdrubal who knew nothing of it, came, but seeing there so many dead bodies, suspecting what had happened, retired. Hanno took hence an occasion to criminate him, and to beget an ill opinion of him in the minds of the Souldiery, giving out that he was come expresly to sur∣render himself to Scipio, but that he refusing to accept him he was re∣treated, and by this Calumny much increased the hatred the Carthaginians bore him.

[ XXII] About the same time Amilcar made an assault upon the Roman Fleet, took a Galley and six ships of burthen; but Hanno having made an attempt upon those that besieged Utica was repulsed and forced to a swift retreat. Scipio however tyred with the length of that siege raised it without more ado, and caused his Engins to be carried before Hypone, where find∣ing no better success he burnt them as useless, and took the field drawing thereby some Countries to his party, and pillaging others. Insomuch that the Carthaginians astonished at so many losses and disasters, chose Hanni∣bal General, and sent away ships for him, that he might make all the hast he could for Africa, and in the mean time they sent deputies to Scipio to treat of peace, hoping either to obtain it, or at least gain time enough for Hannibals return. Scipio grants them truce, and having caused sufficient victuals to be provided for his Army, gives them leave to send Ambas∣sadors to Rome to treat the peace with the Senate and people of Rome. When they came thither they were received as enemies, for they lodged them without the City, and when they had audience, no other proposition was made to them but to crave pardon. One part of the Senators de∣claimed against the perfidiousness of the Carthaginians, the breach of so many treaties, the mischiefs Hannibal had done to the people of Rome and their allies as well in Italy as Spain. But others remonstrated that the Romans had more need of peace then the Carthaginians, seeing Italy was almost ruined by so many Wars, besides there was much reason to fear so many Fleets & Armies being ready to pour upon Scypio at one instant, Han∣nibal going out of Italy; Mago out of Liguria, and Hanno being already at Carthage. Upon all which the Senate not coming to any agreement: sent the two opinions to Scipio to examine, with full Authority to act whatever he thought most advantagious for the good of the Common∣wealth: he concluded a peace of which the Articles were, That the Car∣thaginians should recal Mago out of Liguria, that for the future they should entertain no foreign Souldiers under their pay, That they should have no more then thirty long ships, That they should not extend their Dominions farther then the place called the Punick ditch. That they

should deliver up all Captives and Runaways, and that within a limited time they should bring sixteen hundred Talents into the publick Treasure. To Masanissa likewise they granted by this Treaty, that he should enjoy not only the Country of the Massesuliens, but likewise all he had Conquered of Syphax his Dominions. These Articles being agreed upon, Deputies from Carthage went to Rome, to swear before the Consuls to keep them inviol∣able, and Commissioners went from Rome to Carthage to receive the Oath of the Carthaginian Magistrates. This peace thus sworn, the people of Rome gave Masanissa as an acknowledgment of his fidelity, and the services he had done them, a Crown of Gold, a Cup of Gold, a Chariot of Ivory, a Cloak of Purple, a Robe after the Roman Fashion, a Horse trapped with Gold, and a compleat Suit of Armor.

In the mean time Hanniba•• sets sail for Carthage, much against [ XXIII] his own inclination: for he had no confidence in the people of Carthage, whom he knew distrustful of their Magistrates, and headlong in their Counsels, and believing the peace not yet concluded, or that if it were it would not last long, he lands at Adrumetum. As soon as he was on shore he sends all about to seek for Corn, gives Order to buy horses, Allies him∣self with the Prince of the Areacides who are a Nation of Numidia. He cau∣ses to be shot to death with Arrows, four thousand Horsemen that had formerly served Syphax, afterwards Masanissa, and now at last came to of∣fer themselves to him, because he had a suspition of them, but their Hor∣ses he divided among his own people. Another Prince named Mesetulus came likewise to joyn with him with Vermina one of the Sons of Syphax, who yet held a great part of his fathers Kingdom; Moreover he siezed on some of the Cities belonging to Masanissa partly by surrender, and part∣ly by force, and Nar••e he took by surprize in this manner: being in want of provisions he sent to them as to his friends till having found an opportunity he caused a great many of his people to enter Armed only with Daggers under their Coats, with Orders not to offer any affront to the Merchants till they heard the noise of the Trumpet, but then to kill all they met, and make themselves Masters of the Gates, thus was this City taken; On the other side, though the peace was so lately made, Scipio yet upon the place, and the Carthaginians Deputies not gone from Rome, yet some ships laden with provision for the Romans (having by storm been driven into the Port of Carthage) the Common People pillaged them and put the Mariners in Irons, notwithstanding all the threats of the Senate against this seditious rabble, and all the prohibition made against violating a Peace they had so lately sworn. They cryed out to excuse themselves, that the treaty was not just, and that they were more apprehensive of famine then of any danger could arrive by the breach of the peace. Though Scipio were much offended at this action; yet he would not revive the war, ha∣ving once made peace: only he sent to demand satisfaction by the way of Justice as of friends that had forgot their duty, but the people would needs have arrested those who came on the behalf of the Romans, till such time as their deputies were returned from Rome. But Hanno the Great and Asdrubal Surnamed the Great rescued them out of the hands of the peo∣ple, and sent them back on two Gallies which they fitted out, of which some gave notice to Asdrubal Admiral of the Fleet, who then rode at An∣chor near the Promontory of Apollo, perswading him to watch the passage of those Gallies, and set upon them, which he so violently performed that two of the Roman deputies were slain with arrows, and the others almost

overpressed with showers of Darts, with much difficulty saved themselves in the Port where their ships lay, and had they not nimbly leapt from one of the Gallies which was already grapled with by the enemy, they had without doubt been taken prisoners. When news of this came to Rome the Deputies of Carthage, who were still in that City to compleat the treaty, were Commanded by the Senate to depart immediately out of Italy as enemies of the Republick, whereupon they took ship to return to Car∣thage, but were driven by storm to the place where Scipio lay encamped. his Admiral took them, and sent to him to know what should be done with them, Nothing, said he, of what the Carthaginians have done, and so without any more ado they were sent home. The Ancients of Carthage (that is to say a body of the most prudent and honest men) hearing of this Excellent goodness of Scipio's and comparing the injury they had done to the Romans with the favor they had received, began to declaim against the rashness of their fellow Citizens, and to Counsel them they would yet observe the treaty, which might still be done if they ask'd Scipio pardon for their fault, and submitted to pay a fine, but the people already anima∣ted against the Senate by reason of the miseries of the war which they imputed to the ill Conduct of that Noble body, and set on likewise by some seditious spirits suffered themselves to be transported with vain hopes, and caused Hannibal to advance with his Army.

[ XXIV] That Captain considering the importance of this war perswaded the Carthaginians to call Asdrubal with those forces he had to their assist∣ance. Whereupon Asdrubal was by the Senate absolved of those crimes he stood charged with, having first consigned over his Army to Hannibal. Yet he durst not publickly show himself in the City for fear of the people, but kept concealed in the house of one of his friends. Mean while Scipio caused his Fleet to lie before Carthage that he might hinder all provision coming by Sea, and the in-land could furnish no great quantity, by reason that during the war they could not till the ground. About the same time happened a fight near Zama between Hannibal and Scipio's horse, in which the Romans had the advantage. After which happened several skirmishes for some days together, but of little consequence, till such time as Scipio understanding that Hannibal wanted provisions, and that he expected a supply, caused a Tribune called Thermus to march in the Night to intercept them, who having taken an advantagious post, upon an eminence near unto a strait, they must of necessity pass, slew four thousand Africans, took as many Prisoners and brought the Conway to Scipio. In so much that Hannibal beholding himself reduced to an extream necessity, and consi∣dering what he should do in such a conjuncture, resolved to send messengers to Masanissa to represent to him that he had been bred in Carthage, and had there passed a considerable part of his life, entreating him to labor a peace between Scipio and him by beseeching him to believe that if any thing of ill had happened, the fault was to be imputed to the people, or to some particular men more foolish then the people, Masanissa remembring that he had indeed been bred and brought up in that City whose Majesty he still reverenced, and where he likewise had a great many particular friends, besought Scipio with so good a grace that he consented the Treaty should be renewed, on condition that the people of Carthage would re∣store to the Romans the ship, men, and provisions, they had taken, or pay for what could not be restored at the price, whereas Scipio should value them, and for a fine deposite one thousand talents. These Conditions be∣ing

agreed on, a Truce was granted till such time as the Articles should be carried to Carthage. Thus Hannibal saved himself beyond his own hopes. When the Senate of Carthage saw this agreement they approved it, and intreated the people to give their consent by representing to them the long train of miseries would else ensue, and the deep necessities they were in of men, mony, and provisions. But the Populacy (as it is the Custom of the Vulgar) believed that the Chiefs in making this peace labored only their private interest, that being fortified with the friendship of the Romans they might become more powerful in the Country. That Hannibal had now done the same thing Asdrubal did before, who having first by night betrayed his Army would afterwards have surrendred himself to Scipio, having for that end approached his Camp, and lay now concealed in the City. These discourses raised a Tumult among the people with terrible crys and Exclamations, and many of them leaving the assembly ran presently to find out Asdrubal, who a little before was reti∣red into the Sepulchre of his Father, having first poisoned himself. But they drew him thence dead as he was, cut off his head, and setting it on a Pike carried it through the City. Thus was Asdrubal first banished with∣out having deserved it, afterwards Hanno accused him falsely, and at last his own Citizens forced him to become his own Murderer, and when he was dead exposed his body to a thousand indignities.

After having treated Asdrubal in this manner they forthwith [ XXV] sent to Hannibal to break the truce and make war with Scipio, ordering him to give him battel as soon as he could, because of the scarcity they were in. As soon as the truce was broke, Scipio presently took a great City called Partha, and that done went and encamped near Hanni∣bal, who immediately discamped: He had three several times sent spies into the Roman Camp, who being discovered and taken, Scipio would not put them to death, according to the Law's of war, but made them be car∣ried through the whole Camp, that they might view his Stores, his En∣gines of War, and his Army imbattelled, and so without doing them any injury sent them back to Hannibal to give him an account of what they had seen. The Carthaginians surprized at this manner of proceeding, de∣manded a conference, which being granted, he told Scipio; That the people of Carthage could not perform that treaty because of the too great sum of mo∣ney demanded of them, but if he would please to remit any thing of that de∣mand, and that the people of Rome would content themselves with Sicily, Spain, and the Islands they now held, the peace would become both firm and last∣ing. To which Scipio answered, That Hannibal would be fully re∣compensed for having by flight quitted Italy, if those propositions were agreed to, adding not a word more, but the forbidding him to send any further Messages. So after some threats on one part and the other, each retired to his Camp. There was not far distant a City called Cilla, near which was a rising ground, very proper to encamp in, Hannibal having designed to lodge himself there, sends his vanguard before to possess it, whilst he followed with the rest of the Army. But finding Scipio had first siesed it, he was forced to pass away all that night in the midst of a dry plain, sorely pestered to sink wells, where after all the Army had wrought hard, and thrown up mountains of sand, their mighty pains was recom∣pensed with the finding but of one well, and that of troubled water, of which the Souldiers drank greedily, without eating, or any other con∣veniency. There were likewise many of them stood in Arms all night.

Scipio, who knew all this well enough, was not wanting to assail them next morning harrassed as they were with marching, thirst and want of sleep. It grieved Hannibal to the heart to see himself forced to fight thus unseasonably, yet he saw plainly that if he staid there, he should be intol∣lerably straitned for want of water, and if he drew off, his retreat would increase the enemies courage, who would certainly fall on in his rear, for these reasons therefore he resolved to fight, and presently drew into Bat∣talia fifty thousand men and fourscore Elephants.

[ XXVI] Those mighty creatures he disposed in Equal distances in the Front of the battel, to strike fear into the Romans. Then he composed his vanguard of Gauls and Ligurians, and among them intermixed his bowmen and slingers, who were Moors and people of the Isles Baleares. In his main body he placed the Carthaginians and Africans, and in his rear those Italians that had followed his fortune, in whom he had great confi∣dence because they dreaded to be overcome. His Cavalry made his two Wings. As for Scipio he had three and twenty thousand foot, and fifteen hundred horse as well Italians as Romans; be••ides Masanissa had a stout body of Numidian horse; and another Prince of that Country, called Dachamas, had six hundred auxiliary horse. He divided his Army into three battalia's, Vanguard, Main-body and Rear-guard, as Hannibal had done his, save only he kept his battalia's at a more open Order, that the horse upon occasion might have passage between. In the front of every battalia he placed men with stakes the most part Armed with Iron at the ends, and about two Cubits long, that they might better repulse the Elephants by striking them at hand with these sort of Truncheons, giving Order to the foot to avoid the shock of those great beasts by opening to the right and left, when they made at them, and to pursue them incessantly when they were past with darts and arrows, or hamstring them with their Swords, if they could get so near them. Having thus ordered his foot, he disposed the Numidian Cavalry on his two wings, because the Numidian horses are accustomed to the smell and sight of Elephants; wherefore fearful lest the Italian horses should be frightned, he placed them in the Rear-guard that they might charge between the bodies, and support the infantry whilst they fought against the Elephants, and to every horseman he gave a light Armed Soul∣dier, and great quantity of darts, wherewith to chase away those Monsters if they came upon them. His Cavalry being thus disposed, ••e gave the Command of the right wing to Lelius, of the left to Octavius, and himself took Charge of the main battel. Hannibal did the same, and as if these two great Captains had acted by the same Spirit, they each kept near their persons a strong body of horse, ready to move on all sides to the re∣lief of those, stood in need. Hannibal's party consisted of four thousand horse. Scipio's only of two thousand, besides those three hundred Ita∣lians to whom he had given Arms in Sicily. Both Armies thus drawn up for battel, each General went through the Ranks to incourage his people. Scipio publickly invoked the Gods who having been witnesses of their Treaties, had been affronted by the Carthaginians as often as they had violated them, exhorting his Souldiers not so much to consider the Num∣ber of their enemies as their own proper Vertue, which had already made them Victorious over the same enemies in the same province, re∣monstrating to them that though their having always overcome, should not clear all their doubts of the success of this battel; Yet the Africans

having been always beaten would make them despair. Thus did Scipio hearten up his men encouraging them not to think of the smal∣ness of their Number. Hannibal on the other side desired his to re∣member those brave acts they had done, and the noble victories they had gained not only against the Numidians, but throughout all Italy, setting forth at the same time the inconsiderable number of their enemies, and exhorting them so to act that the greater number might not be beaten by the less, nor the natural inhabitants of the Country shamefully for∣ced to yield to strangers. In short both Generals set forth with the most pressing arguments they could invent, the consequences of that battel. Hannibal told his men that they now disputed whether Carthage and with it all Africa should command, or be for ever hereafter inslaved. And Scipio let the Roman Souldiers know that if they suffered them∣selves to be vanquished they had no place of retreat, but if they gained the victory the advantages reaped by it would be increase of the Roman Empire, the end of their labors, the so much desired leave of returning into their Country, and with all immortal glory.

These Orations ended, the Carthaginian Trumpets sounded a charge, and [ XXVII] the Roman soon did the like. The battel was begun by the Elephants which came furiously on, being sharply pricked forward by those mounted on them; Those which assailed the wings were stopt by the Numidian horse with showers of Darts, and being wounded turned against their own party, so that their governors no longer able to rule them were forced to draw them out of the battel, both wings had alike advantage, but those which charged on the main body put the Romans hard to it, who were not accustomed to this manner of fight, and could not easily by reason of the weight of their arms move either to shun or assail them, till such time as Scipio caused the Rear guard of Italian horse, and the Souldiers lightly armed to advance to the relief of his foot. And because the horse were fearful of those beasts, he commanded his horsemen to alight, and with their darts charge the Elephants, who had caused a great disorder, and to oblige them by his own Example, himself alighted first and wounded an Elephant that came towards him, which so heartned the Romans, that discharging their darts on all sides they so wounded those creatures that they forced them to retreat like the others. These beasts thus driven out of the battel they had nothing now to encounter but men and horses. The right wing Commanded by Lelius had put to flight the Numidians that op∣posed them, after that Masanissa had wounded their Prince Macinta, but Hannibal coming speedily to their assistance renewed the fight. In the left wing where Octavius had to do with Gauls and Ligurians, they fought with equal fortune. Scipio sent thither the Tribune Therinus with some chosen troops; but Hannibal having reinforced his left wing speeds away to the relief of the Gauls and Ligurians, taking with him all his Carthaginians and Africans, which Scipio perceiving was forced to do the like, and made his main battel advance. And now these two mighty Captains fighting in person, the Souldiers encouraged by the sight of them did acts incredible. All feared to yield, all fought with a wonderful alacrity, exhorting, exciting and encouraging one another. At length victory having long hung in equal Ballance, the Generals moved with compassion to see their Souldiers out of breath, fiercely charged each other, the sooner to put an end to the battel; at the same instant both discharged their darts, Scipio's stuck in Hannibal's buckler, and Hannibal's hurt Scipio's horse, who feeling him∣self

wounded overthrew his Master to the ground. But Scipio nimbly re∣mounting on another, discharges a second dart at Hannibal, which took no better effect then the former, save only it wounded a horseman that sat near his Captain. Mean while Masanissa having notice comes in, and the Roman Souldiers seeing their General perform not only the part of a Cap∣tain but of a Private Souldier, fighting for them, gave so home a Charge that they put the enemy to flight. As they followed the pursuit, Hannibal gained the front of his own men, endeavouring all he could to stop them and lead them back to fight, but in vain. At last since from them he could obtain nothing, he has recourse to those Italians he had brought with him, who yet kept firm in their Post, and makes them advance towards the ene∣my, hoping whilst the Romans were eager in pursuit of the flyers he might the easier put them in disorder, but they perceiving his design stopt as if a retreat had been sounded and drew up into order. The horse had now left them and their darts were spent, so they were forced to close with the enemy and come to Swords point. And now was a terrible slaughter nothing to be heard but the groans of dying men and the shouts of those that slew them, till such time as the enemy were totally routed, the victory no lon∣ger doubted of, and Hannibal, had betaken himself to flight. As he fled he perceived some Numidian horse still in a body, to them he goes and begs them not to forsake him, and as soon as they had given him their word turns upon his pursuers with great hopes of defeating them. They were by chance Massesuliens, so that Masanissa and Hannibal came to fight hand to hand. In this Combat Hannibal received a blow on his buckler, and at the same instant slew his enemies horse. Masanissa getting up and seeking for Hannibal. on foot slew with a dart a horseman that encoun∣tred him, and received in his buckler, which was of Elephants skin, seve∣ral darts, one of which he snatches out and throws at Hannibal, but by misfortune another horseman received the stroke and lost his life, and as he strove to pull out another he was wounded in the arm, and forced for a while to retire out of the fight. Scipio hearing of this rancounter was in fear for Masanissa, but as he was going to relieve him, he found that ha∣ving bound up his wound he was returning to the fight mounted on a fresh horse, so the battel being renewed, they fought couragiously on either side, when Hannibal perceiving on a little hill, a squadron of Spaniards and Gauls, spurred towards them to bring them into his assistance, which gave occasion to the others unacquainted with the reason of his departure, and believing he fled, to become quite heartless, and betake themselves to a disorderly flight, not after Hannibal, but every one where fortune led him. The Romans seeing the Enemy thus dispersed thought themselves assured of the victory, and began without any order to follow the chase; for they knew not Hannibal's design, who presently returning to the Charge at the head of those Spaniards and Gauls, Scipio was forced to re∣cal his men again from the pursuit, and speedily put them in order to re∣ceive the Enemy, whom they had no great difficulty to overcome, being a far greater number then those descended from the hill. Hannibal seeing this last push had no better success then the former, and that all was ab∣solutely lost, fled likewise, pursued by many, and among others by Masa∣nissa, who notwithstanding the pain & inconveniency of his wound followed him close at the heels, out of the passionate desire he had to take him pri∣soner and present him to Scipio, but by the favor of the night which came on he escaped his hands, and at last accompained only with twenty horse, which were all could follow him, gained as far as a City called Tunis,

where he met several horsemen as well Brutians as Spaniards who had there saved themselves after the defeat, but knowing the Spaniards to be rash and Barbarous, and the Brutians to be Italians of the same Country with Scipio, he was fearful left to obtain pardon for the fault, they had committed in bearing arms against their Country, they should deliver him up to his enemy, and so departed secretly by night, accompanied only with one horseman in whom he had confidence, so that having rode in two days and two nights almost three thousand furlongs he arrived at Adrumetum which is a Sea-town where finding some troops he had left as guards to his stores of Corn, and drawing together forces from the cir∣cumadjacent places, and rallying all those had escaped from the battel, he began again to make preparation of Arms and Engines of War. But Scipio having gained this noble victory, burnt with his own hands, accord∣ing to the Custom of the Roman Generals, those spoils of the enemy that were of small moment, sending the choicest and most precious to Rome, ten talents of Gold, two thousand five hundred talents of Silver, many moveables of Ivory, whole Ships loading of Prisoners, the most part Gentlemen, with Lelius to carry the new's. The remainder he sold, di∣stributing the mony among the Souldiers, giving Military rewards to such as had served him well, particularly a Crown to Masanissa; and now be∣ing become absolute Master of the field he made himself Master of the Ci∣ties. Such was the success of this battel fought in Africa between Hanni∣bal and Scipio, who never before had dealings with each other. The Ro∣mans lost two thousand five hundred men, Masanissa somewhat more, there died of the enemies five and twenty thousand, besides eight thou∣sand eight hundred taken prisoners, three hundred Spaniards that yielded to Scipio, and eight hundred Numidians to Masanissa.

Now before the News of this Victory was brought either to Rome or [ XXVIII] Carthage, the Carthaginians had writ to Mago, who was then raising forces in Gaul with Orders to make an irruption into Italy if it were possible, or else to come over into Africa with such power as he might have raised, but these Letters being intercepted and brought to Rome, were the occasion of the Senates sending recruits of foot and horse, with Ships and Mony to Scipio, who after this defeat made Octavius March with his Army to∣wards Carthage, whither he designed to follow with his Fleet. But when the Carthaginians understood that Hannibal was defeated, they sent their Deputies to meet Scipio, the chief of which were Hanno the great, and Asdrubal furnamed the Goat, they went in a passage Boat, on the Prow of which they planted a Caduceus, and at their arrival stretched forth their hands joyned towards the Conqueror, like people imploring mercy. Scipio ordered them to meet him at the Camp, where being seated in the Tribunal he caused them to be brought to his presence, whither being come they cast themselves on their knees weeping, till being raised up by the Ushers, and having permission to speak, Asdrubal began in this manner.

Most certain it is Sirs, that neither Hanno whom you see here, nor my self, nor any person of wisdom in all Cart••age, are guilty of those crimes wherewith you charge us, for when our unhappy Citizens op∣pressed by famine injured those sent from you, we opposed our selves, and sent them back to you. Nor ought the people of Carthage, in gene∣ral to be accused, who sent their deputies, and of whom the most part signed the Articles with joy, but as the Populacy suffer themselves to be easily seduced to their own ruine, whatever is pleasing to the multi∣tude

is usually preferred before that which is most profitable. We our selves have had experience of it, for what ever propositions we have made, some private calumniators, who never had the boldness to discover their thoughts in our presence, have hindred us from being believed. Wherefore Sirs, Judge not of our affairs, by what is practised in Rome, for your discipline in your Counsels is extreamly different from ours, and if by chance our crime seem to some greater then the calamity that constrained it, let him consider that hunger is a pinching necessity, and that that was the principal cause of our misfortunes: for had we not been pressed by it, it is not to be believed that the same people who had but newly demanded peace, offered so much mony, parted with the greatest patt of their Dominion, sworn to observe the Articles of Peace, and sent to that purpose deputies to your Senate, should be violently hur∣ried on to offend you, without expecting the return of those they had sent. But we must attribute this accident to the anger of some God, and to the tempest which cast your provisions into our Port; in a time when almost all Carthage was ready to perish with hunger, hunger that per∣nicious counsellor against anothers goods, especially in the brests of peo∣ple wanting all things, 'twould be certainly a piece of injustice to punish with severity what this miserable multitude have done. Yet if you will impute this fault rather to our malice then our misery, we confess it, we crave pardon for it. Were we innocent, we would endeavor to justifie our selves, but being criminals we supplicate for grace, hoping that you who are in the top of prosperity will the easier grant it, if you consider that humane affairs are subject to strange reverses, and that those who were yesterday in a condition to do injuries, are to day under a ne∣cessity of imploring mercy. You may behold, Sirs, a fresh example in the unhappy City of Carthage, she that for seven hundred years toge∣has been the greatest and most powerful City of all Africa, powerful in Ships, in Silver, in Elephants, in Foot, in Horse, She whose Dominion extended over the Lybians, and over many Cities and Isles by Sea and Land, in short She that has so long been the Rival of your Empire, Now no more places her hope in her Ports, nor in her Ships, nor in her Horse, nor in her Elephants, nor in her Provinces, which she has quit∣ted to you, but she expects her safety from your mercy, You that she has heretofore so ill treated. You will do an Action worthy of your selves, if considering the deplorable Estate to which we are reduced, you will receive a moderation in the midst of your prosperity, and ha∣ving regard as well to your own accustomed generosity, as to the ancient felicity of Carthage, you will in our misery make such a use of the favors of fortune, as may not displease the immortal Gods, but that by your clemency you will acquire a glorious name, that can never die whilst there is memory among men. Nor need you hereafter more fear the perfidiousness of Carthage, the chastisement they receive for their past faults will be an eternal warning to them: and as the good Counsel they had given them, but despised, had kept them in bounds of duty, so now they have been faulty, repentance joyned with the pu∣nishment inflicted on them, will prevent their falling again, and whilst you inveigh against the cruelty and injustice of the Carthaginians, you should be careful lest you fall into the same crimes, for as poverty of∣ten occasions men to sin, those who are in prosperity have opportunity to exercise their humanity and goodness, thus it is of concern both to the honor, and the advantage of your Commonwealth, rather to pre∣serve

so great a City, than to destroy it; but you may act as you please: for our parts we have but two things to oppose in our defence, the An∣tient Dignity of the Carthaginian Empire, and that Noble Moderation you have used to the rest of the World, which joyned with your Valour, hath raised you to so high a Soveraignty: And for what concerns the conditions of the Treaty, we only desire Peace; for Terms we have none to propose, leaving them wholly to your Discretion.

Asdrubal finish'd his Oration with tears: upon which Scipio causing the Deputies to retire, held a Council about this important Affair with the principal Officers of the Army; and after a long deliberation, caused the Carthaginians to return, to whom he spake in this manner:

You are not worthy of pardon, after having so often violated your Faith, and having, as a complement of all, so evilly treated our Deputies: A truth so manifest, that by your own confession, there is no punishment whatsoever, which you deserve not, for the expiation of your crimes: but it is needless to reproach you with faults your selves confess. And now you have recourse to prayers: you, that had you gain'd the Victory, would have rooted out even the Roman Name. We have not treated you at the like rate, but sent back your Agents from our City, at the same time you had injured ours, and violated the Treaty: and those very A∣gents being by the Sea cast into our Camp, and War already declared, I sent back to you without offering them the least wrong. Therefore in the condition your affairs are reduced to, you cannot believe we will or∣der you any thing advantageous. I will therefore tell you my thoughts, if the Senate approve them, if they think it convenient, we will yet grant you peace, on condition you surrender into the hands of the peo∣ple of Rome all your Ships of War, save only ten, and all your Elephants: That you restore all you have taken from us, or the value of what can∣not be found; in the estimation of which, if any difference arise, I will be Judge: That you likewise deliver up all the Captives and Fugitives, and all those Italian Souldiers, who followed Hannibal into Africa, which must be performed within a month after the day of publication of the Peace: That within two months you cause Mago to return out of ••i∣guria: That you withdraw all Garrisons out of such Cities as are beyond the Punick Ditch, and send them back their Hostages: That besides all this you pay us yearly for fifty years, two hundred and fifty Euboick Ta∣lents: That for the future you entertain no Soldiers into your pay, either out of Gaul or Liguria: That you make not any war upon Masanissa, or any of our Allies, nor permit any Carthaginian to bear Arms against them; then shall your City and Territory remain free to you within the Punick Ditch, limited by the same bounds you possessed when I entred Africa, provided you put a just value on the friendship of the people of Rome; and if occasion requires, assist them with your Forces by Sea and Land. If the Senate of Rome approve these propositions, the Roman Ar∣my shall depart out of Lybia, within fifty days after the ratification; to perfect which, if you will send Deputies to Rome, I will in the mean time grant you Truce, and you shall deliver me in Hostage one hundred and fifty of such of your Children as I shall chuse, and pay me a thousand Talents for the Armies entertainment; besides such Provisions as you shall furnish. As for the Hostages I will return them so soon as the Peace is ratified.

The Deputies carried back this answer to Carthage, where after many [ XXIX]

deliberations, the principal Men of the City advised the accepting of these Conditions, left whilst they made a difficulty of quitting part of what they possessed, they should run in danger of loosing all. But the multitude, who ordinarily consider more what is taken from them, than what is left them, opposing it, thinking it mighty strange that the Elders of Carthage should in a publick famine, chuse rather to send Provisions to the Roman Sol∣diers, than to their own Citizens; and in effect, they went to seek out eve∣ry particular Senator, threatning them all to plunder and fire their Houses. At last it was agreed on to send for Hannibal into the Council, who having gathered together six thousand Foot, and five hundred Horse, was retired into the City of Marthame. He comes, and though the most moderate men were fearful lest that warlike Men should absolutely pervert the peo∣ple; yet by a grave Discourse he made, he perswaded to Peace; but the Populacy incensed, and insolent railed no less at him than they had done at others, and continued their threatnings, till such time as all the Nobility despairing of the affairs of the City, left it; one part returning to Masa∣nissa, and the other to the Roman Army. Now the remainder of the peo∣ple having intelligence that Hannibal had stored up great quantities of Corn in a certain place—

—

That is unjust, and looks like a malicious emulation, and it seems in effect, Scipio himself doubted of it; when opening his thoughts to us, he adds, That he would grant peace to the Carthaginians, even though we should refuse it: And indeed, there is reason to believe, that being upon the place he should see clearer, and have a more exact knowledge of affairs than we possibly can. In short, if we slight his advice, we af∣front that great Captain, who out of his passionate love to his Country, always counselled the carrying of the War into Africa; and when he could not obtain an Army from us, raised one at his own expence, and has succeeded more happily than we could hope: So that it strangely a∣mazes me, to see you now so obstinate, and with such violence to press forward this War to extremity, which in the beginning you undertook with so much coldness and negligence. If any of the opposers of Peace grant all this, and shall only found their advice upon a fear, left the Car∣thaginians should now again, as they have done formerly, violate the Treaty in question. I answer, that there is more reason to believe, that having had experience of the miseries their infidelity has involved them in, and being perswaded, as they are, that all these misfortunes have fallen upon them, only for having violated the Religion of their Oaths, they will for the future keep sacred that Faith they shall swear to. And to me it appears an evident contradiction to say, that the Carthaginians are contemptible, because they have no more power, and at the same time to fear that they are in a capacity of revolting. Besides, it is much easier for us to hinder the growth of power, than totally to ruine them; for if we press them to extremities, we shall have to deal with people, whom despair will make capable of any thing: but if you grant them Peace, the fear of falling into the like danger, will preserve them with∣in the bounds of Duty: but besides all this, they will have persecutors enough, though we concern not our selves; for not any of their Neigh∣bours, but remembring the Pride and Tyranny of their Empire, will main∣tain against them an irreconcileable War: after all this, we have Masanissa (who has been our most faithful friend in all adventures) still upon the place, who will continually cast an eye on their actions, and be always ready to oppose whatever they dare attempt. But if any one not considering

all these reasons, has regard only to the glorious success of Scipio's Arms, and promises himself the like in the continuance of this War: let him remember the inconstancy of Fortune, and that no man living can assure himself to have it at all times favourable. But granting we take the City of Carthage, what shall we do with it? shall we utterly ruine and raze it, because they took some of our Corn and Shipping, which they are ready to pay for with interest? Certainly we shall not, lest we incurr the indignation of Gods and Men. Shall we give it to Masanissa? No, for though he be our friend, we must not raise him above measure: Much better may we make use of those contracts he shall have with the Carthaginians, to the advantage of the Commonwealth. Perhaps we might draw some Treasure thence, but the Armies that must be main∣tained will waste it: for who can doubt but there must be great Forces kept up for the guard of a Country encompassed with so many barba∣rous Nations. We may likewise send thither a Colony of Italians; but upon terms to hold eternal War with the people of Numidia, or if those we send shall in process of time make themselves Masters of all these Nations, it may happen that having conquered so great a Country, without comparison more excellent than ours, their power may render them not only suspected, but even terrible to our selves. And this in my opinion, was Scipio's judgement, when he advised us to grant the Carthaginians the effect of their demands. Let us not therefore, Gentle∣men, refuse them, as well because we now behold them our humble sup∣plyants, as because our General desires it.

To this Cornelius Lentulus, kinsman to Cneus, now Consul, who hoped to suceed Scipio in this War, answered in this manner:

Gentlemen, it is ordinary in War to consider only advantage; where∣fore since we all agree, that this City may yet be able to do mischief, we ought to take heed of that Infidelity is accompanied with Power: And we cannot assure our selves against its Perfidy. I am of opinion we ought, before all other things, to deprive it utterly of the means to do hurt: We can never have a more favourable opportunity, and since they are weak and poor, we should commit a great errour to stay till they have recovered Force and Riches; not that I would argue we ought not likewise have regard to that which is just. But who can accuse the Roman people of injustice, or think they use with too much severity the Victory they have gained over the Carthaginians, a people who in pro∣sperity are unjust and violent to all the World, who in adversity submit and humble themselves; and as soon as they have obtained Peace and Pardon, violate that Peace they have sworn to? They have no respect for Oaths, they believe not that there are Gods; yet he that spoke before me says, we ought to spare them to avoid the indignation of Men and Gods: For my part I believe those very Gods have reduced Carthage to this very state, to punish the impieties of people, who besides the violation of so many Treaties of Peace made in Sicily, Spain, Italy and Africa, have by a thousand wrongs provoked the whole World. I will give some forreign Examples before I speak of those concern us. Saguntum, one of the fairest Cities of all Spain, was entred into Alliance with us, nay more∣over, was a friend to the people of Rome, and yet without any occasion of complaint given they took it, sack'd it, and put all to the Sword, with∣out sparing Sex or Age. The City of Nucera, which depended upon us, surrendred to them upon composition, after they had sworn that the Inha∣bitants should be permitted to pass freely, with two Suits of Apparel each,

yet, to the prejudice of their Oath, they shut up the Senators of that un∣happy City in Stoves, where they smothered them to death, and slew all the people with Darts, as they passed out. After having engaged their Faith to the Senators of Acerra, they threw them into Wells, and buried them alive under the Earth they cast down upon them. They deceived M. Cornelius our Consul, whom by force of Oaths they prevailed with to go see their General, who feigned himself sick; and from Sicily, where they were, carried him prisoner into Africa, with two and twenty of our Ships. They likewise cruelly put to death our General Regulus, who that he might not violate his Oath, returned to Carthage. In short, Hannibal has committed so many cruelties, during the War, by Surprise and by Treachery, both against us and against his own Allies, plundring their Cities, and putting to death those engaged in his Service, that it is not possible to express it; let me only say in a few words, that he has sack'd four hundred of our Cities; that he hath made Bridges over Rivers of the Bodies of Roman Prisoners, and filled Ditches with them as with Fagots, whereon to pass his men over: Sometimes he has trampled them under the feet of his Elephants; otherwhiles exposed them as a specta∣cle, making them like Gladiators fight Brother against Brother, and Son against Father. They sent us but very lately, Deputies of theirs to conclude a Peace, which they swore to; and yet before they were gone from our City, rob'd our Ships, and put our Mariners in Irons. These are the works of their cruelty; now what commiseration or kindness is there due to those, who have never used moderation or clemency to any person, and who would (as Scipio told them) have abolished the very Roman Name, had they overcome us. Perhaps this time they will keep their Faith, but what Faith, what Treaties, what Oaths have they not violated? What Peace or what Favour have they not repaid with Inju∣ry? Some may say we are not to imitate them. Pray, wherein do we imitate them? We break not the Peace, since it is not yet agreed on: but you say, we ought not to imitate their cruelty. Would you then have these famous Inhumans for your Friends and Allies? It would be somewhat to the purpose, if, as they are vanquished, they would submit to discretion, as many others have done before them; then we would consult of it. And whatever we should leave them, the obligation would be on their part, nor could the favours they received, pass for an accom∣modation. And surely there is great difference 'twixt these two: For as long as we make Treaties with them, they will violate them as before, making it an occasion of Rupture, that the Conditions seem to them un∣just. For pretences will not be wanting, when they have a mind to break: But when they are submitted to discretion, that we have disarmed them, and reduced their bodies under our obedience, they will learn that they have nothing properly their own, and humbling themselves, will be con∣tent with those things we shall leave them, as if they had never apper∣tained to them. If Scipio be of another judgement, you may examine these two different opinions, and chuse the best; but if he be resolved to make Peace with the Carthaginians without you, there is no necessi∣ty of writing to him. For my part knowing well you are the Judges of our Council, I have given mine as I believed it most advantagious for the Commonwealth.

After Lentulus had argued in this manner, the Senate put it to Voices, where Scipio carried it by several Votes. Thus was a third Peace conclud∣ed between Rome and Carthage, of which Scipio was the principal cause,

whether for the reasons aforementioned, or because he thought it suffici∣ent that the people of Rome had weakned Carthage to such a degree. For there have been who affirmed, that to preserve the ancient discipline among the Romans, he would have that City left yet in some condition, least having nothing to fear, too great prosperity should make them in∣solent. If this were Scipio's thought he did not declare it, but Cato some∣time after said the same thing in open Senate in a grave discourse he made to the Fathers then incensed against the Rhodians.

Peace being concluded, Scipio caused all the African Army to repass in∣to [ XXX] Italy, and entred the City in Triumph, but with greater Pomp then ever any Captain had done. The manner of which I shall describe, be∣ing the same used now adays. All the whole people were crowned, the Trumpets marched before with the Chariots loaden with the Spoils of the enemy, after which were born the figures of the Cities taken, and Pi∣ctures wherein were delineated, all the glorious acts done in that War, then followed all the Silver as well coyned as in Ingots, and other preci∣ous things, and then followed those Crowns had been given to the Gene∣ral by the Cities, by the Allies, or by his own Army; After all this fol∣lowed white Oxen, then Elephants, and after them the Captive Cartha∣ginian and Numidian Captains. Before the General marched the Ushers in Purple Robes with a Chore of Musick, and Satyrs girt after the Tuscan manner, having on their heads crowns of Gold, who advanced in order singing and dancing. These Satyrs they called Ludions, by reason as I imagine that the Tuscans wore formerly the Lydian habit; In the midst of all these people was a certain man clad in a long purple Robe, adorned with Bracelets and Chains of Gold, who with ridiculous postures derided the enemies. After followed in train certain men with perfumes, and next appeared the General mounted on a Chariot richly carved, he had on his head a Crown of Gold set about with Precious Stones, his vesture was a purple robe, and in one hand he bore an Ivory Scepter, and in the other a branch of Laurel, which at Rome is the mark of victory. There were in the same Chariot with him divers Children and Maidens, and on Horses that drew it were mounted young men of his relations. All about it marched the guards, the Secretaries and Esquires, who were followed by the Soldiery, marching in order with abundance of Laurels, and those who had done any eminent Service, wearing the military Recompenses they had received. They have all free liberty in these occasions either to praise their Captains; pass their jests upon them, or if they please to con∣demn their actions, for a Triumph is a thing of absolute freedom, and men are priviledged to say any thing. In this manner Scipio ascended the Capitol, and the Pomp over, magnificently treated his Friends in the Tem∣ple according to custom.

Such was the end of the second Punick War, which began in Spain, and was finished in Africa by a Treaty concluded about that time, when the Greeks account the hundred forty fourth Olympiad.

Sometime after Masanissa (sworn Enemy to the Carthaginians) ha∣ving [ XXXI] siesed a part of their Territory, presuming as much on the Friend∣ship of the Romans, as any right he pretended to it, they sent deputies to Rome to supplicate the Senate to put a stop to the Enterprizes of that Prince: Commissioners were sent to determine the difference, but with Orders to advance that Kings interests as high as they could possibly.

Thus Masanissa was maintained in the possession of what he had taken, and made likewise a peace with the Carthaginians which lasted about fifty years. During which, Carthage enjoying a solid peace, and being much improved in men and riches by reason of the fruitfulness of the soil, and commodiousness of the Harbors: The minds of men, as is usual, were transported with prosperity, and the City was divided into three Factions the Roman, the Popular, and the Royal. Each of which had for head the most considerable men of the Nobility both for dignity and virtue. Hanno▪ the Great stood for the interest of the Romans: Hannibal Opsar sided with Masanissa: And Amilcar called the Samnite, and with him Carthalon were heads of the Popular Faction. These last seeing the Romans engaged in a War in Celtiberia, and Masanissa hard put to it to defend himself against other Spaniards, obliged Carthalon, who then in quality of Lieute∣nant General was going his Circuit, to fall at unawares upon Masanissa's Camp, then pitched in that Country, about which they had been at dif∣ference; which he did, and having taken and slain some of the Kings Troops raised the Country of Lybia against the Numidians. There fol∣lowed some other skirmishes between the two parties, till such time as the Romans once more sent Commissioners to make Peace, with Orders like the former to do secretly all they could in favor of the King. Who made use of this cunning to confirm Masanissa in the possession of what he had before siesed upon. They gave no sentence, nor took so much as any cognizance of the difference, for fear lest Masanissa should seem to have lost his cause, they only placed themselves between the two Camps, part∣ed them, and gave order to both sides to lay down Arms. Some time af∣ter Masanissa renewed the War upon a pretence he had to a Country cal∣led Lysoa, where there were large Champians, and fifty good Towns. The Carthaginians had again recourse to the Senate, and people of Rome; they promised to send Deputies upon the place to determine this affair, but the Deputation was delay'd till such time as probable conjectures might be made that Masanissa had the advantage. Then Commissioners were dispatched, and among others Cato, who being arrived upon the places contended for, required the parties to give them full power to judge the difference as Arbitrators. To which Masanissa who found himself the stronger, and confided in the Romans, easily agreed, but the Carthaginians made a difficulty of it, and not without reason, for they remembred well that in former sentences they had not done them justice, and alleged that the accommodations made by the authority of Scipio needed no correctors, provided they were observed by one Party and the other. Whereupon the Commissioners who would not be Judges but by consent of parties, re∣turned without doing any thing. But observing in their journy how ex∣cellently the Land was cultivated, and that the Country abounded in all things, they were astonished, especially to see Carthage it self so soon re∣covered of those losses so lately sustained by Scipio's Victory; Insomuch that being returned to the City they declared it a fault in the people of Rome, not to have a more watchful eye upon Carthage, they had so anciently been jealous of, and which upon a sudden was so easily re∣stored to such power. Cato himself said the Liberty of the people of Rome could never be secured whilst Carthage subsisted. Which being proposed in the Senate, it was resolved to make War upon the Cartha∣ginians, but that the design should be kept secret till opportunity pre∣sented. 'Tis said that Cato hereafter ceased not in open Senate to declare the Necessity of demolishing Carthage, but Scipio Nasica quite contrary

argued that it was to be left in a condition, that the ancient Discipline, which began to decay, might be maintained in vigor by the fear they would still stand in of that City.

Mean while in Carthage the Popular Faction suppressed the Royal, con∣demning [ XXXII] to banishment about fifty of the Principal, and making the people swear never to admit their return, nor so much as suffer it to be spoke of. The Exiles made their retreat to Masanissa to oblige him to a War; He was before sufficiently inclined to it; wherefore he sent Gu∣lussa and Micipsa two of his sons to Carthage, to solicite the return of those who had for his sake been banished. But when they presented them∣selves at the Gates. Carthalon forbid their entrance, for fear lest the tears of the Exiles kindred should work upon the people, and besides Amil••ar the Samnite laid an ambush for Gulussa upon his return which ••lew some of his attendants and put him to flight. This gave occasion to Ma∣sanissa to besiege the City of Horoscopa, with the taking of which he had a mighty desire to begin the rupture. To it's relief went the Carthagini∣ans with twenty five thousand Foot, and four thousand Horse of the City, under the command of Asdrubal then General of their forces, to whom joyned Assasis and Suba, two of Masanissa's Major Generals who deserting the two young Princes, went over to the Carthaginian party with six thousand horse. Asdrubal with this additional force goes and encamps near the King, and had often and successful skirmishes. But Masanissa acting with the cunning of a Great Captain retired by little and little, as if he had given ground, till such time as he had drawn him into a great barren plain encompassed on all sides with Mountains, and deficient in all necessaries to subsist on; Here facing the enemy he encamped in the midst of the Plain, while Asdrubal siesed on the Eminencies, whereby he thought he had the greater advantage. On the morrow the battel was designed, when young Scipio who afterwards took Carthage, and who at present was only Lieutenant to Lucullus, who made War in Celtiberia, came to seek out Masanissa to demand some Elephants. The King who was desi∣rous that day to take some repose that he might go the fresher to the battel sent some horse to meet him, and gave orders to some of his sons to re∣ceive him. Day being come he drew up his Army in battel being now fourscore and eight years old, yet a strong and vigorous Souldier, who ac∣cording to the custom of the Country mounted on horse back, without saddle or other covering equally acting in the duty of General and Sol∣dier, for the Numidians are lustiest of all the people of Africa, and live longer then any others, which is perhaps occasioned because the Winter is not so sharp in this Country, nor the heats so violent as in India and Ethiopia, and for the same reasons are their Cattel stronger and greater. The men lie all abroad and harden themselves by continual labor, they drink little Wine, feed very sparingly and with much sobriety. Ma∣sanissa having drawn up his Army in Order, Asdrubal did the like, for to him there were joyned many people of the Country. Scipio being on the top of a Hill, as on a Theatre, saw all this Battel, and was after heard to say, that though he had been in an infinite number of fights, there was never any in which he took so much delight, for he had ne∣ver seen any other, wherein either his person was in security, or that there were a hundred and ten thousand Combatants: Or to express it more gloriously, he said that before him were never found but two Spectators in

a like occasion, which were in the time of the Trojan Wars, Iupiter on the top of Mount Ida, and Neptune on Samothracia. They fought from Morning till Night with great slaughter of men on both sides; however the advantage seem'd Masanissa's: Whom Scipio came to meet, as he re∣turned to his Camp, congratulating the happy success of his Arms; and for his part, he received Scipio as the Son of his Friend, with all possible de∣monstrations of kindness. The Carthaginians having notice of his coming, requested him to make peace between Masanissa and them, which he having yielded to, brought them to a Conference; the Articles of the Treaty were, that the Carthaginians should release to the King all the Country that lies about the Empories, and should promise him two hundred Talents ready money, and eight hundred more payable at a cer∣tain term: But when Masanissa, besides all this, demanded the Fugitives, they would not hear him speak of it; so they parted without doing any thing, and Scipio returned into Spain with the Elephants. Masanissa seeing his Enemies Camp seated on an Eminence, or round Hill, besieged them in such a manner, that no Provisions could be brought to them, nor was the bringing all, there was none to be had, and he himself procured them with much difficulty, and what he had was fetch'd from afar off, and in very small quantities. Asdrubal at first thought that with the Forces he had, he could disingage himself when he pleased, and open himself a pas∣sage through the midst of his Enemies. But because his Stores were bet∣ter furnish'd than theirs, he hoped Masanissa might be reduced to a ne∣cessity of demanding Peace; and besides, he was the less concerned, be∣cause he had heard that Deputies were coming from Rome to end their differences. This was true, but these Deputies had Orders to determine the Affairs, if Masanissa was overcharged, but to highten his courage, if they found•• him the stronger, which Orders they punctually executed. Mean while the Famine entred Asdrubal's Camp in such manner, that the Soldiers weaken'd with Hunger, were not able to repulse the Enemy; first they kill'd the Beasts of carriage, after that their Horses for service; and at last were reduced to such extreme necessity, that they boiled the very Reins of the Bridles for a sustenance. There supprised them likewise an infinite number of Diseases, increased by their bad Food, by the idleness of the Soldiers, and the season of the year, for there was a great number of men inclosed within a small compass of ground, during the greatest heats of Summer, which were excessive in Africa: And because through the want of Wood, even to dress their Food, they had been forced to burn their very Bucklers: Now not having the means to carry their dead Bodies out of the Camp, because of the strict Guard Masanissa kept, and destitute of Fuel to burn them, the Plague daily increased with the stink of the dead Carcases, in the midst of which they were forced to abide. Hunger had already consumed the greatest part, when the rest hopeless of safety were forced to deliver up the Fugitives to Masanissa, to oblige themselves to pay him yearly five thousand Talents of Silver for fifty years, and to cause those they had banished to return, notwithstanding their Oath to the contrary. It was likewise agreed, that the Soldiers which remained should march out only with one Coat, and pass under the Yoke: Which being executed, Gulussa remembring how a little before he had been affronted, sent the Numidian Horse after the Carthaginians, who not able to make resistance, disarmed, as they were, and not having strength enough to fly; of fifty eight thousand men very few recovered Carthage, of which number was Asdrubal, with some of the Nobility. This is what passed in

the War, between Masanissa and the Carthagians, which was soon after followed by the third and last Punick War.

The people of Carthage weakned by the losses they had sustained in this War, [ XXXIII] stood yet in fear of Masanissa, who was nigh with a great Army; and besides doubted not but the Romans, who had testified their disaffection to them upon all occasions, would lay hold of this, under pre∣tence that the Carthaginians had made War upon Masanissa, the Friend and Ally of the Roman people. And indeed their conjecture was not false; for as soon as it was known at Rome what had passed, the Senate com∣manded all the people of Italy to levy great numbers of Soldiers; not de∣claring for what service they designed them; but only giving Orders they should be in a readiness upon the first Command. Wherefore the Carthaginians to repair their fault, did by publick Edict declare Asdrubal their General against Masanissa, criminal, together with Carthalon his Lieutenant, and all those of their Faction, laying to their charge the cause of this War. They likewise sent them Deputies to Rome to complain of Masanissa, but more of their own Citizens already condemned, for that they had rashly, and with too much passion taken Arms against that King, and by that means put the City into hazard of falling afresh into evil terms with the people of Rome. Upon which a certain Senator asked them, why they had not, in the beginning of the War, condemned all those were the cause of it, without attending the ill success of the enterprize; adding that the Carthaginians had a long time designed a War against the people of Rome, and went only seeking an opportunity, wherefore the Senate could not receive this excuse. The Deputies surprized with this an∣swer, demanded in return what then they should do to expiate their crime, since they had adjudged them guilty: to which was replyed in a word, Content the people of Rome. It was brought into debate in the Senate of Carthage, what this Contentment could be, they desired of them, some thinking that the Romans would have some sums added to those ordained by Scipio, others that they must absolutely quit to Masanissa the possession of those Lands in difference. In this uncertainty they sent once more to beseech the Senate to prescribe them more expresly the means of contenting them; to which answer was given, the Carthaginians knew them well enough; and with this they were sent back: which begat a strange trouble, and general terrour throughout all Carthage. And to add to it, at the same time, the City of Utica, then the most considerable of all Africa, next to Carthage, having large and commodious Havens to receive a forreign Fleet, and not above sixty furlongs distant from that City, and so by consequence very proper to make the seat of the War against the Carthaginians; there having ever been a secret animosity between the two Cities: Utica taking this opportunity of the deplorable Estate, to which Carthage was now re∣duced, sends Deputies to Rome to yield up themselves and their City to the Roman people. The Senate, who had long before had an inclination to this War, and were now prepared for it, having at their devotion so strong and so commodious a City, discovered their intentions, and as∣sembling in the Capitol, where it is usual to debate Affairs of consequence, decreed a VVar with Carthage; and at the same time gave it in Order to the Consuls, with private Orders, never to give it over till Carthage were destroy'd.

M. Manlius had the command of the Army by Land, and L. Marcinus [ XXXIV]

Censorinus of the Fleet by Sea. After offering up the usual Sacrifices, they past into Sicily, that from thence they might set forward to Utica, carryed by fifty Quinqueremes, and a hundred Foists followed by many others, as well flat bottom'd Vessels, as great Barques and Ships of Burthen: Their Army consisted of fourscore thousand Foot, and about four thousand cho∣sen Horse. For both the Citizens and Allies manifested an equal ala∣crity to go upon this glorious expedition, the success of which was no way doubtful; nay, some were found that would engage in it, whether the Con∣suls would or no. Thus was War made and declared against Carthage at the same time, and he that carried them the Decree of the Senate, declared likewise that there was an Army at Sea ready to invade them. This news cast the whole City, not only into fear, but despair. They had lately lost all their Youth, they had neither Fleet, nor Allies, nor Soldiers in readi∣ness, no provision in the City to sustain a Siege; in short, no manner of preparations, as ordinarily happen to people surprized, with an un∣expected War, and which has not been declared. Besides, it was not pos∣sible for them to oppose the Romans and Masanissa together; wherefore they sent other Deputies to Rome, with full authority to accommodate the Affair at any rate whatsoever. The Senate made them answer, That, provided the Army were yet in Sicily, if within a month the Carthaginians would deliver up in Hostage three hundred Children of their best Families, and perform what they should ordain, the City of Carthage should remain free in the enjoyment of their Rights, and of the Territory they possessed in Africa. This Decree of the Senate they publickly gave to the Deputies to carry to the Consuls, whom privately they advertised not to recede from those orders they had received in the City. The Carthaginians were doubtful, that though they did deliver up their Hostages, they should not obtain assured Peace. However, in the extremity wherein they be∣held themselves, they placed all their hopes in obedience; and that they might work upon the Consuls, by a ready execution of their commands, they carried their Children into Sicily, before the time had been prescribed them. It's true, that their Parents and Friends parted not from them with∣out abundance of tears; especially the Mothers, who ecchoing fearful shrieks and crys, could hardly be pulled from the embraces of their Children, and when they were, hung upon the Ships, clasped hold upon the Anchors, and cut the Tackle to hinder the Seamen from putting forth; many tore their hair, and beat their breasts, as if they had been at a Fune∣ral, for they perceived that in appearance indeed they gave Hostages, but in reality and effect, they yielded up their City, since their Children were taken away, and no assured promise made them. And indeed ma∣ny of these Women shedding tears made this dire prediction, that the giving Hostages was but in vain. Thus were these Youth taken away from Carthage, to be delivered up in Sicily, where they were received by the Consuls, who sent them to Rome, and told the Carthaginians, they should know at Utica, what more was to be done, to deliver themselves from this VVar.

[ XXXIV] VVhen the Romans were passed over, the Army encamped in the same place, Scipio had before encamped in, and the Fleet rode in the Ports de∣pending on Utica. The Carthaginian Deputies came to attend the Con∣suls, who seated in the Tribunal, encompassed by all the Officers of the Army, had caused to be drawn off on both sides the way that the Cartha∣ginians were to pass, all their Forces magnificently armed, with Colours

flying, that the Carthaginians might judge of their vast numbers by what they saw. Then a Trumpet having commanded silence, by the Consuls or∣der a Herauld went to give notice to the Deputies, that they were ready to give them audience. They were led through the midst of all the Army, and when they drew near, stopt at the Rails, placed like a Bar before the Tribunal, from whence the Consuls commanded them to make their Proposals. They began then in a deplorable manner to recount the ancient Treaties had been between the two people, the antiquity of Carthage, the mul∣titudes of people in it, the power they had had, and the former great extent of their Dominions; adding that they spoke not this out of vanity (for it was no time to be vain, when they were miserable) but to the end, that the Example of a change so great and so sudden, might oblige the Romans to treat them with humanity and moderation, of which they could not give any more illustri∣ous evidence, than by having commiseration of the afflicted, besides those who exercise their power well in other mens misfortunes, may hope the like from their Conquerours, if they should fall into the same disgrace. It would be piety in you (said the Chief of the Deputies) to consider the miserable condition of our affairs, and unless we have indeed met with Enemies pitiless and inexorable, you should in all reason rest satisfied with our calamities; we have lost all the Dominion we had both by Sea and Land, we have delivered up our Ships to you, and have not sought to build others; we have forborn hunting of Ele∣phants; we have both formerly, and at present, delivered you good Hostages. We have paid you the Tribute we ought you at the time limited, we that use to receive from others. Certainly, Sirs, your Predecessors, after having van∣quished us, contented themselves with thus much, they received us into their al∣liance and friendship, on these conditions, which we have solemnly sworn to maintain on one part and the other. They faithfully kept the Peace they grant∣ed, after long Wars; and you, against whom we never took up Arms, what is it you complain of? what part of the Treaty has not been observed, that you so suddenly decreed this War, and bring it to our doors before you declare it? Have we not paid you your Tribute? have we any Ships? have we any Elephants? Do we not seem worthy of your compassion, after the so late loss of fifty thou∣sand men by famine? You will say we made War upon Masanissa: 'Tis true, but 'twas not till he had usurped our Lands, which we for a long time suffered with patience, till he setting no bounds to his avarice, committed a thousand cru∣elties in the Country about the Empories, where he was brought up and educated; and not content with that, he has attempted to snatch from us what we had re∣maining, and at last has gone so far, as to trouble the peace we had with you: But because we feared to displease you, that we might remove all pretence of making this War, we have by publick Edict declared even our own Defen∣ders Criminal; we have sent Deputies to Rome to make our excuses, and now again afresh sent other Deputies with full Authority to renew the Peace, on what conditions soever you should think fit: What need was there then of this Fleet, or this Army against people, who though innocent, submit themselves to whatsoever you shall ordain? You may easily judge we make not these offers to deceive you, and that you cannot impose upon us any penalty, we will not undergo, whilst we have surrendred up as Hostages to you, the most considerable of our Children, as you desired, without staying out the months time you gave us for the sending them: Besides, the Decree of the Senate declares, that pro∣vided we delivered those Hostages, Carthage should remain free in the enjoy∣ment of what we possess.

After the Deputy had thus spoken, Censorinus broke silence, and answered him in these terms. 'Tis needless to repeat to you the occasion of this War,

your Deputies have already heard it from the Senate themselves. But as to what you falsely object to us 'twill be easie to reply; for it is decreed by the Ordinance you speak of, and we told it you before in Sicily, when we received your Hostages, that at Utica should be proposed to you the farther intentions of the Senate. We cannot but praise you that you have sent your Hostages so readily and such chosen ones. But if you so passionately desire Peace, what need have you of Arms. Wherefore bring all you have as well belonging to the publick, as private persons, all your Darts, Crossbows and other Arms, and deliver them into our hands. The Deputies answered that they were willing to obey in this too, but then they could not tell how to hinder Asdrubal's entry into the City, whom they had condemned to death, and who was now at the head of twenty thousand men which he had new rai∣sed. However when the Consuls had replied that the Senate and people of Rome would take that into their care, they promised to surrender their Arms, and Scipio Nasica, and Cn. Cornelius Hispalus were sent to receive them. They had Arms for two hundred thousand men, an infinite Num∣ber of piles and darts, two thousand as well crossbows as other engins, for the lancing of javelins and casting of great stones. And it was a wonderful thing to see the carriages loaden with them conducted by the enemies themselves, who were followed by the Deputies, Senators, Officers, Priests and Nobility, hoping to move the Consuls either out of respect to their dignity or out of compassion to their misfortune.

When they were come before the Tribunal, each man habited accord∣ing to their degree, they all stood attentive, and Censorinus who was more eloquent then his colleague once more breaking silence spoke to them in this manner. Certainly we have good reason to applaud that ready obedience you have manifested in delivering your Hostages, and surrendring up your Arms; but it is fruitless to make long discourses where necessity presses. Hearken with patience to the remaining Orders of the Senate; withdraw your selves from the City of Carthage and transfer your habitation into whatever place you please of your Dominion, provided it be fourscore furlongs from the Sea, for we are resolved to rase it. The Consuls words were interrupted by the outcrys of the Carthaginians, who began to lift up their hands to heaven, calling the gods to witness of the treaties violated, railing, reviling and reproaching the Romans. Some desired death, others became furi∣ous, some provoked the Romans against the Deputies, others cast them∣selves on the ground, beating the pavement with their hands and face, and others in a rage tore not only their cloaths but their very flesh, but after this first agitation was past over, you might behold them overwhelmed with sorrow, standing still without speaking a word, as if they had been dead. The Romans were astonished at the spectacle, and the Consuls could not take it ill that this consternation, caused by an unexpected com∣mand, had raised such storms in the brests of the Carthaginians, till their heat of anger was over, for they considered that mighty calamities do on the sudden create a boldness in the heart of men, who cannot upon surprise digest the troublesome necessity of obeying, and becoming hereafter ser∣vants: but when after a long silence they grew more lively sensible of their misery, they forbore any farther revilings, and only set themselves to lament their unfortunate condition, calling by name, their Children, their Wives and their Country, as if they had heard their lamentations. The Priests likewise invoked the Gods as if they had been present, reproaching them with being the cause of their death. In short the mourning was so great, and the groans so confused, of those who deplored the publick and

private misfortune, and so worthy of compassion, that they drew tears from the eyes of their enemies. The Consuls themselves moved with pity, out of a consideration of the instability of humane things, expected with sad countenances the end of their deplorings, when after abundance of tears and groans, the Calm in some sort returning into their souls, they fell again into a profound silence, and considering that their City was disarmed and defenceless, that they had not one Ship, one Warlike Engine, one Dart, or one Sword left, that they had not within their walls men of war sufficient, having lately lost fifty thousand men, and that it was not possible for them to raise Soldiers elsewhere, having neither friends nor allies, besides that the shortness of the time would not permit it. That their Children, their Friends, and their Country were in the enemies power, their City besieged by Sea and Land, and that from the other side Masanissa their ancient enemy was ready to fall upon them, they put a stop to the Tumult, and extravagance, as of all things most useless in this occasion, and had a fresh recourse to prayers. Then Hanno surnamed Gilla the most considerable of all the Carthaginians there present, having first obatined permission to speak, began in this manner.

Sirs, If I may be admitted to add any thing to the Remonstrances [ XXXVI] we have made you, I must tell you, that we pretend not to act in this occasion, as if we pleaded our cause before you in quality of Judges; such proceeding is utterly unseasonable in our present condition; but I hope to make it appear by pertinent reasons, that we are not unworthy your mercy. We who have formerly been Lords of Africa, both by Sea and Land, and for a long time disputed Extent of Empire with you, at last yielded all to Scipio, when we delivered up all our Ships and our Elephants, we have likewise payd you the tributes imposed on us at the terms prescribed. We beg you therefore, by those gods, witnesses to the treaty, to pardon us, and not to violate the Oath of Scipio, who swore that from thence forward the people of Carthage should be friend and allie to the people of Rome. We have not swerved from any thing of that accommodation. We have neither ships, nor Elephants, you can demand no tribute of us, ••ay we have served you against three Kings, and be not offended if we put you in mind of it, when you de∣manded our Arms, since ordinarily miseries make men speak more then they ought; but now though the Religion of the Treaty should be suf∣ficient argument to perswade you, we have only recourse to our Pray∣ers, and indeed we have nothing else left, having already yielded up to you all that was in our power. This is all I can say to you touching the first▪ Treaty of Peace which was ratified by the Oath of Scipio your Con∣sul, but for what concerns our present Estate, you Sirs, are your selves witnesses of what we have done. You demanded Hostages, we have given you all the choicest of our youth. You desired our Arms, we have surrendred them all, which the inhabitants of a City taken never willingly did. We assured our selves upon the honesty of the Romans and upon their word, for the Senate gave us their letters, which we delivered unto you, and when you demanded Hostages from us, you pro∣mised that Carthage should (giving them) be at liberty to live accord∣ing to its Laws. And if having done what the letters of the Senate have ordered us, nay more than what they commanded, it would cer∣tainly appear very evil if after having promised liberty to our City,

upon delivery of Hostages, you should ordain it's destruction, after having received them, for if you demolish it, how can you leave it free as you pro∣mised. This is all we have to say touching the Treaties, as well old as new, and if this move you not, we will only have recourse to prayers and tears, the sole refuge of the miserable, and for which we have ample occasion in the innumerable calamities that overwhelm us. We beseech you therefore for an antient City, built by the command of the Gods. For the support of that immense glory it had acquired. For the preservation of that name it has born throughout the whole world, for its Temples, for its Gods, which are not capable of any crime. Chastise not them by a privation of those solemn sacrifices and continual adorations paid them by this City. Rob not the dead, who never offended you, of their Sepulchres, and those funeral Honors daily celebrated on their tombs. And if you have any pity for us, since you say 'tis out of compassion you permit us to chuse another habitation, spare our Altars, spare our houshold gods, spare our high places, spare the goddess guardian of Carthage. In short spare so many things that are both pleasant and precious in the eyes of the whole earth; for what can you fear from us? You have our ships, you have our arms, and all those great beasts which attracted on us the envy of such a world of people. You may say perhaps that it is comfort enough for us, that you suffer us to build another City. But it is impossible for men accustomed to get their livelyhood from the Sea, of whom we have an infinite number, to live or subsist in the Inland, yet how∣ever you will have this to be a favor, but pray be pleased that instead of it we offer you another condition which will fully satisfie us and (in our opinion) bring you more glory. Let the City that has not sinn'd stand, and put to death all the Carthaginians rather then command them to change habitation. Thus all the world will believe you animated against men, and not against Temples, Gods, Sepulchres and innocent walls. You have been accustomed to prefer glory and pitty before all things, and to make your moderation shine in the midst of your prospe∣rity, which hitherto you have practised towards all you have subdued, suffer your selves then to be moved by the prayers of Iupiter, and those gods which yet preside ore Carthage, and for their sake cease to hate us and our children, out of a remembrance of our past offences. Take heed lest we prove the first for whom you loose that high esteem in which you live, and ••ully not your reputation by the cruelty of this action, so horrible to speak of, much more to act, and of which never yet was heard an Example. The Greeks made many Wars upon the Barbarians, and you your selves have bore Arms against many other Nations; yet neither of you ever raz'd a City that yielded without fight, that had delivered up all they held most dear, their Children and their Arms, and are moreover ready to submit to whatever other punishment should be imposed, We therefore implore you by those gods, witnesses to our treaties, by the fortune of mankind, by those inward stings, they who are in prosperity ought to feel and fear, not to brand your success with so shameful a tyranny, nor extend our miseries to the utmost ex∣tremities. Or if for your parts you are resolved, yet give us leave to send once more to Rome, to present our request to the Senate. 'Tis but a short time we ask you, yet during which our torment and trou∣ble will increase through the incertainty of the event. You are in ample power to do with us what you please either at present or afterwards but pray remember to act nothing contrary to Piety and Mercy.

To all this Censorinus replyed;

There needs no farther repetition of the [ XXXVIII] Orders of the Senate, they have ordained, and it must be done, did we treat you like Enemies, we should only command, and then force you to it; but because the interest of our Commonwealth, and possible the advantage of your own requires it; I am content to make you apprehend the reasons, and to perswade rather than constrain you. As often as the sight of the Sea puts you in remembrance of your ancient Dominion, and past Greatness, it provokes your Arms, and begets you a thousand calamities. 'Twas this Sea gave the first occasion of your Assaults on Sicily, which since you have lost. 'Twas this Sea which made you in∣vade Spain, out of which you were soon after chased. 'Twas this Sea gave you the opportunity of robbing our Merchants, contrary to your faith given in our Leagues, and then to throw them over-board, the bet∣ter to conceal your crimes, till being surprised in it, you quitted Sardinia for reparation of that injury. Thus you lost Sardinia by means of that Sea which by its nature inclines all the world to covetousness, by reason of the yast profit it brings in, in a little time. By it formerly the Athe∣nians, skilful in Maritime Affairs, grew suddenly and mightily great; and by it were not long after as suddenly ruined; for the Sea is a kind of Merchandise by which riches flow in full springs, and suddenly ebbs as fast. You know well that those people I am speaking of, having extend∣ed their Dominion over all the Ionian Sea, and even unto Sicily, set no bounds to their avarice till they had lost all, till they were forced to sur∣render their Havens and their Ships into their Enemies hands, to receive a Garrison into their City, and demolish with their own hands their lofty Walls, so that they became almost a Plain, which for a long time proved the means of their preservation. And surely, Gentlemen of Carthage, there is more stability in a Country Life, and more assurance in Labour and Tillage; and though the profits are not so great as those reaped by the Sea, yet are they much more certain: and to tell you my thoughts, I am clearly of opinion, that a Maritime City is rather a Ship, than firm Land, so much is it tossed with variety of affairs, and subject to infinite Revolutions, whilst the Inland yields Fruits, may be gathered without danger; for this reason was it, that anciently Kings chose their Seats within Land, and that was it raised the Medes, Persians, Assyrians and many others to such a height of power; but to what purpose give I you the examples of Kings, let us speak of what concerns you. Cast your eyes throughout all Lybia, and chuse your selves a place where you may have Neighbours that you like, but whence you may no more see this object that at present tempts you. Thus you will rase out of your minds the memory of past miseries; and indeed how can you look upon the Sea, where now you have no Shipping without being tormented with the remembrance of those mighty Fleets which daily returned to your Ports loaden with booty or with the thoughts of the former Magnificence of your Ports, your Arsenals and your Havens. And when within your City you behold the Lodgings of the Soldiers unfur∣nished, your Stables without Horses, and your Stalls without Elephants: what can all this move you to, but grief, and desire to recover, if it were possible, the same power. 'Tis ordinary among men, that the me∣mory of past felicity creates a hope of its return; and on the contrary, there is no better remedy against calamity than oblivion, which can ne∣ver be attained to, but by distancing our selves from objects may keep it

fresh in our minds. An evident proof of this you may have in your selves, who after having sundry times obtained pardon for your faults, could never keep to constant Peace, nor continue long without violation of your Treaties. Wherefore if you have still thoughts of Dominion, and that preserving your animosities against us, you wait only a favou∣rable opportunity to shake off the yoke, you do well in endeavouring still to maintain your City, your Ports, your Honours, and those lofty Walls which seem only built for War: and we on our side should com∣mit a great crime to pardon people that will not pardon us, even then when fortune has submitted them to our power. But if in truth, and not in word only you yield the Dominion to us, and that content∣ing your selves with what you possess in Lybia, you will make a sincere peace with us, deal faithfully, and prove it by the effects, retire your selves into Africa, and willingly yield up to us that Empire of the Sea, which by right of War belongs to us. In vain, to move us to compassion, do you deplore your Temples, your Gods, your publick Places, and your Sepulchres; for we will not touch your Sepulchres, and you shall have liberty when you please to come and sacrifice, but all the rest must be demolished; for you sacrifice not to Havens, nor pay Funeral Ho∣nours to Walls; for your Hearths, your Altars, and publick Places, you may build them elsewhere, and soon establish your selves a Residence in the same manner as when you left Tyre you came into Africa, and gained this Seat which now you call the Seat of your Ancestors. To tell you all in a word, you may easily conceive what we now do is not out of malice, but for our own security, and to maintain publick concord: if you remember that Alba which was no Enemy City, inhabited not by Foes, but Friends that loved us, was transferred into our City for the publick good, which succeded to both peoples satisfaction. But we have, say you, multitudes of miserable people who gain their living by the Sea; this hath likewise been thought on, so far, that it will be easie for you still to trade by Sea, and to import and export your Commodi∣ties without very great trouble; for we have not ordained your retreat from the Sea above fourscore Furlongs; and we our selves are di∣stant at least a hundred. We permit you to chuse such a place as shall best like you, and live with all freedom in your new Habitations: and this is what we meant when we told you that the City of Carthage should remain free, if they obeyed us in this occasion; for speaking of the City, we believed not to be understood to have spoken of its Foundations, or its Walls, but its Citizens.

Here Censorinus stopped, but seeing the Carthaginians were likewise silent, he added, that What he had said, was only to perswade and comfort them: And now, said he, the Orders of the Se∣nate must be put in execution, and that out of hand, wherefore withdraw your selves; for as yet we consider you as Deputies. Upon hearing these words, the Ushers made them go forth; but they foreseeing the disorder this news would bring to Carthage, desired once more audience, and being again ad∣mitted, spake again in this manner. We see well, that we must obey, since you will not permit us to send to Rome; nor have we any hopes of ever return∣ing again to you; for our Citizens, before we shall have done speaking, will tear us in pieces; wherefore we beg you not for our concern (we have already set up our Rest) but for the interest of Carthage, to oblige them by terror to support the Calamity they groan under, that to that end you would cause your Fleet to approach the City, whilst we are on the way thither, to the intent, that they at once understanding your design, and seeing the danger whereupon they are

threatened, falling upon them, may suffer, if possible, the execution of your Command. Iudge you to what the injustice of our fortune has reduced us, when we are constrained to demand your Forces against our selves.

Having uttered these words, they departed, and Censorinus went to plant himself within view of Carthage with twenty Galleys, whilst one part of the Deputies took a quite different way from the City, and the rest went thitherward quite overwhelmed with sorrow and grief.

The Carthaginians stood upon their Walls to discover their return at a [ XXXIX] distance; and some tore their hairs out of impatience to see them coming, others ran out to meet them to hear the news; but when they beheld them quite cast down with sadness, they smote their Brests, demanding how things had passed; some in the general; others when they met a Friend or any one they knew, stopped them and enquired: but when they received no answer, they gave themselves over to tears, judging all was lost, those who from the Walls perceived it, wept likewise for company, without knowing wherefore, but out of an inward presage of some great misfor∣tune. The Deputies being come to the Gate, the people thronged so thick, that they were ready to stifle one another, and ready they were to have torn in pieces the Deputies, had they not told them that before they could answer them they must have conference with the Senate. Hereupon some gave place, and others made way for them, that they might the sooner know the truth. After they were entred the Palace, and the multitude were retired, the Senate took their Seats, and the people stood all about the Senate-House. And now the Deputies having told them the command they had received from the Consuls, there was raised a confused cry in the Assembly, which the people that were without answered by a dreadful noise. But when the Deputies continued their discourse, and declared the reasons they had used to move the Romans, they again kept a profound si∣lence, out of the desire every man had to know the event, which made the people quiet too; but when they understood that they were not suffered so much as to send to Rome, they burst forth into hideous groans and out∣cries; and the people forcing their Guards, entred confusedly into the Pa∣lace where now there was nothing but rage and fury. All the Rabble, like so many Bacchantes, possessed with different sorts of madness, fell some up∣on the Senators who had advised the giving of Hostages, tearing them in pieces, as if they had been the first cause of their surprise; others treat∣ed in the same manner those who had counselled the delivery of their Arms: some threw Stones at the Deputies, as the bringers of ill news; others ran like Furies up and down the Streets, and finding some Italians, who by chance had staid in the City, not dreaming of this unexpected misfortune, treated them with a thousand sorts of Indignities, telling them they would have revenge for the Hostages sent to Rome, and for the Arms taken from them. All the City was filled with tears and rage, with fear and threat∣enings; some running through the Streets called out to their Friends, o∣thers ran to the Temples, blaspheming the Gods that had not power to de∣fend their own Altars, some running to the Arsenals, wept for grief, to see them empty, others running to the Havens with tears, bemoaned their Ships delivered to faithless men, others again called their Elephants by name, as if they had still been with them, accusing and blaming both themselves and their Predecessors, and arguing that they ought never to have yielded up neither Elephants, nor Ships, nor Arms, nor consented to pay Tribute; for that it had been much more honourable to have died for

their Country with their Arms in their hands. But nothing more enflamed the anger of the people, than the Mothers of the Hostages, whom they might behold like Furies in a Tragedy, flie upon all they met with, reproach∣ing them that they had robbed them of their Children, and demanding satis∣faction. In conclusion, some more reserved than the rest, after having barricadoed up the Gates, gathered Stones, and carried them upon the Walls, to serve against the Enemy, instead of other Arms.

[ XL] The same day it was concluded in the Senate, that they should stand upon their Defence, and Proclamation was made for the general freedom of Slaves. They likewise nominated Generals, of which one was Asdrubal, whom they had condemned to death, and who had already twenty thousand Men in Arms, and to him they presently dispatched a Deputy to entreat him, that now in his Countries extremity he would not remember the offence he had received, which was only occasioned by the fear they had of the Romans. Him they appointed to keep the Field; and for the City they chose another Asdrubal, Grand-child to Masanissa, by one of his Daughters. This done, they dispatched once more to the Consuls, to demand only thirty days time, during which, their Deputies should go to Rome, which being refused, they took a resolution to suffer all extremities, rather than abandon their City. And now might be seen an universal change in mens minds; the Temples like∣wise, and the Palace, and other spacious places were changed into publick Shops, wherein men and women laboured night and day without respit, un∣less so much time as necessity and nature required for food and sleep; so that every day they made one hundred Bucklers, three hundred Swords, a thou∣sand Arrows for the Cross-bow; five hundred Darts and Javelins, and as ma∣ny Cross-bows as they could; and when they wanted strings to bend them with, the Women cut off their Hair to make Cords of. Whilst the Cartha∣ginians prepared for War with so much care and diligence, the Consuls were not so pressing, whether it troubled them to resolve upon doing a thing so ex∣traordinary, or that they thought they could, when ever they pleased, with ease take by force a disarmed City. Besides they imagined that necessity would soon take them off their courage, it being ordinary, that those who in the extremity of Affairs are at first furiously opposite, after having more closely considered the matter, grow fearful of displeasing those who have the power of destroying them, which happened in effect in Carthage, where a certain man perceiving his Fellow-Citizens already growing sensible of fear, came into the Assembly under another pretence, and told them, that of many evils the least was to be chosen, when they had not wherewithal to defend themselves. Mean while Masanissa was not well satisfied, that he having brought down the Power and Glory of the Carthaginians, the Romans should come and snatch the Victory out of his hands, and had crossed the Sea without first communicating their design to him, which they had used to do in former Wars. However, when the Consuls, to sound his intenti∣ons, demanded his assistance, he replyed, he would not be wanting, as soon as he knew they stood in need of it, and indeed sometime after he sent one to the Confuls, to know if they had any thing for him to do, but they not enduring his Pride, and mistrusting him as a person grown angry, made an∣swer, that when they stood in need of him, they would send him word, and yet were they at present in some straits for Provisions, which were only brought them from Adrumetum, Leptis, Saxa, Utica and Chella; for Asdrubal held all the rest of Lybia, from whence he sent what he could to Carthage.

Some days being passed, the two Consuls drew their Army near the City,

resolved to besiege it. It was situate in the great Golf of Africa, encom∣passed by the Sea, in form of a Peninsula, the Neck of which dividing it from the Continent, was about five and twenty Furlongs broad. Towards the West there stretched out a long Point of Land, about half a Furlong wide, which advancing into the Sea, divided it from the Marish, and was inclosed on all sides with Rocks, and with a single Wall. Towards the South and the Continent, where stood the Cittadal called Byrsa, it was inclosed with a triple Wall of thirty Cubits high, not accounting the height of the Parapets and Towers, which flanked it round in equal di∣stances, of about two Acres one from another. Their Foundations were about thirty Foot deep, and they were four Stories high, the Walls reach∣ing only to the second, but they were vaulted, and that so vastly, that un∣derground there were Stalls for three hundred Elephants, with all things necessary for their sustenance, and above Stables for four thousand Horse, and Lofts for their Provender: besides there were Lodgings for twenty thousand Footmen, and four thousand Horsemen; in short, all their or∣dinary preparations for War were lodged in their Walls only. There was but one place of the City, where the Walls were low and weak. This was a neglected Angle, which began at the Point of Land, we spoke of before, and reached to the Ports, for they had two Ports disposed in such manner, that a Ship might easily go from one to the other; and yet there was but one entrance through a passage of about sixty six Foot wide, se∣cured with Chains; the first was for Merchants, where were many, and divers sorts of Quarters for the Mariners; the other, which was the inner Port, was for the Men of War, in the midst of which stood an Island encom∣passed about, as well as the Port, with vast Keys, in which there were Places or Docks to put under covert two hundred and twenty Ships, and above Store-houses, where they wrought and made all things necessary for the Shipping; the Fronts of each place were upheld by two Pillars of Mar∣ble of Ionick workmanship, so that the whole round, as well of the Port as the Island, represented on both sides two magnificent Gallies. Within this Island stood the Admirals Palace, from whence the Trumpet gave the Signal of his Orders; from whence he published his Ordinances, and from whence he overlooked all things. The Island stood directly opposite to the mouth of the Port, extending it self a good way forward, so that from thence the Admiral could discern what passed at Sea a great distance off, but those at Sea could not perceive what passed within; nay, when the Merchants were entred into their Port, they could not see the Men of War, for their Port was separate from the inward Port by a double Wall, and for them there was an entrance from their Port by a Gate into the Ci∣ty, without passing into the other. Such was at this time the face of Carthage.

The Consuls having each taken their quarter, began their assaults, Man∣lius to the Landside, with design to fill up the Ditch, and possess himself of the Rampire within it, that so he might afterwards attempt the high Walls; and Censorinus from the Sea causing Ladders to be planted both on the Shore, and in his Ships against that ill fortified Angle, which had been always neglected; they both despised their Enemy, believing him disarmed: but when they found new made Arms, and Men fully resolved to defend themselves, they were surprised as at a Prodigy and retreated, ac∣knowledging that from the very first they committed an errour, in be∣lieving they should carry the City without fighting. They made a second assault, which succeeding no better than the first, increased the courage of

the Carthaginians; and now the Consuls fearing Asdrubal, who lay en∣camped on the edge of the Marish, lodged their Forces apart; Censorinus, with his Naval Army in the Marish, against the Walls of the City, and Manlius on the neck of the Peninsula, towards the Continent. Being thus posted, Censorinus passed the Marish, to go in search of Materials for the building of Engines, where he lost five hundred Workmen; and great quantity of Arms having been encountred by Amilcar, sirnamed Phameas, Colonel of the Carthaginian Horse: yet forbore he not the bringing of Materials, with which having caused to be made Ladders, and other En∣gines, he with them returned to the a••••ault, but in vain. Manlius after some slight attempts, and beating down part of the first Wall, desparing of success, gave over the Enterprise: but Censorinus having filled up a part of the Marish near to the point of the Land to gain more room, raised two Rams of an extraordinary size, of which one was driven forward by six thou∣sand Foot, encouraged by the Orders and Presence of their Captains; and the other by the Gally-slaves, whose labour was over-seen by those who had the command of the Gallies. This begat subject of Emulation, so that the Commanders, as well as the others striving, who should out-do each other, a great part of the Wall was soon overthrown, and the City might plainly be seen into. The Carthaginians on their side did not sleep, but apply'd themselves to repair by night, what breaches the Rams had made by day; but because the night was not sufficient for so great a labour, fearful lest the Romans should easily beat down again what they had repaired, whilst it was yet moist and unsettled; they resolved upon a Sally, and some with Swords, and others with Torches in their Hands, so vigorously assaulted the Engines, that though they burnt them not quite, yet they rendred them useless, and retreated into the City in order. Day appearing, the Romans entertained a conceit of entring Carthage, by the breach which the Inhabitants could not quite repair, and they saw with∣in a spacious place very proper to fight in. The Carthaginians expected them, having placed in the Front all their Armed men, others with Stones and Clubs in the Rear, and all about in the neighbouring Houses, those who were any way capable of defending them. The Romans enraged that disarmed men thus despised them, entred in throngs into Carthage: but Scipio, to whom the taking of this City gave afterwards the sirname of Africanus, being yet but Tribune, took special care not to enter, contenting himself with drawing up his Regiment by Companies in Battel, near the Walls of the City; from whence, as much as in him lay, he hindred o∣thers from passing in, and sustained those whom the Carthaginians beat back, by favouring their retreat; and this was it, gave him his first re∣putation, and made him gain the Character, in all Letters that were wrote to Rome, of being wiser than the Consuls: At length Censorinus his Army becoming sorely afflicted with sickness, by reason of being posted among dead and stinking waters, and that the height of the Buildings hindred them from breathing the Sea Air, he resolved to put to Sea; but the Cartha∣ginians having observed, that the wind blew directly to the Roman Fleet, filled with Tow and dried Vine-twigs, a quantity of small Barques with∣in their Port, that the Enemy might know nothing of it; and having plaistred them over with Pitch and Brimstone, brought them out in sight of the Romans, and there hoisting sail, set fire to them; so that the wind, and the violence of the flames drove them into the midst of the Fleet, which were almost all burn'd.

After this, Censorinus being gone to Rome to be present at the Assembly, [ XLII] then to meet for Election of Magistrates; his departure gave such boldness to the Carthaginians, as to make an attempt upon Manlius his Camp. To this end they sallyed by night, some armed, and others who had no Arms carrying Bridges; and stormed the Ditch in that place next the Town, and were already pulling out the Palisades, when the Alarm being run through the whole Camp, by reason of the obscurity of the night, Scipio with his Horse marched out of the farther Gate, and going the round of the Camp without the Line, terrified the Carthaginians, and made them retreat again into their City; all the World gave Scipio the glory of having saved the Army in this nocturnal terrour by his Conduct; and Manlius determined to keep better Guards, and to fortifie himself, to which effect he caused a Wall to be built in the place, where there was but a Palisade, and built a Fort on the Sea, to receive those Ships that brought him Pro∣visions. That done, he took the Field with ten thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse, besides Hewers of Wood and Forragers, to gather in Har∣vest throughout all the level Country. Those who were employed in this Service, were commanded by Tribunes, who relieved one another accord∣ing to their turns, which gave occasion to Phameas, who commanded the African Horse to signalize himself; this young man diligent and handy, and who had with him small but swift Horses, which lived on Herbs when they had nothing else; and could endure hunger and thirst, if there were occasion, concealed himself among the Woods, or in the Valleys; and when he perceived the Enemy stood not upon their Guard, sallyed from his Co∣vert, and came thundring upon them like an Eagle; and after having charged the Romans, retreated into a place of security. But when Scipio commanded, he never appeared; for Scipio continually kept his Foot in order, and his Horse in a fighting posture; and when any Corn was to be cut, he never suffered the Reapers to go to work, till he had first gone the round of the Field they were to cut down, both with Horse and Foot in their Arms, himself guarding the out-skirts with some Squadrons; and if any of the labourers stragled from the others, or went out of the Circle, he punished them severely, wherefore Phameas never durst attempt him; and Scipio still continuing his vigilance, his glory increased from day to day; insomuch, that the other Tribunes, who envyed him, raised a report that there was an old Alliance between Scipio, and the Family of Phameas. It happened also that some Africans retiring themselves to some Towers or Castles, of which there are great number in that Country: the other Tri∣bunes, after having granted them Pass-ports, forbore not to lay Ambushes for them in the way▪ and rob them▪ But Scipio on the contrary, convey'd them to the very House; insomuch, that hereupon none afterwards would enter into a Treaty, but in his presence; so much the good opinion of his Virtue and Honesty was increased, not only in the thoughts of the Ro∣mans, but of the Enemies themselves. Manlius being returned to the Camp, after having gathered in Harvest, the Carthaginians by night as∣saulted the Fort on the Sea with great violence, and besides to strike ter∣rour into the Romans, the whole Multitude coming out of the City made a horrible noise. The Consul ignorant of the cause of this Tumult, kept within his Trenches: but Scipio having caused two Squadrons of Horse to mount, each with his Torch in his hand posted in, forbidding his people to engage, because of the night, and only giving them order to run to and fro, so that they might make the Enemy believe they were a greater force than

they were, and likewise strike an apprehension into them, that they were advancing to charge them, this succeeded; for the Carthaginians afraid of being charged on both sides, retreated into their City; and this was a farther addition to the brave exploits already performed by Scipio, it being now in every Mouth, he alone was worthy to have Paulus for his Father, and to be enrolled in the Family of the Scipio's, into which he had been a∣dopted. Some time after Manlius going to Nucera with design to as∣sault Asdrubal, the enterprise displeased Scipio, the more because he saw that in his March he was to pass through narrow ways among the Rocks, the tops of which were possessed by the Enemy. However he would go, but being come within three furlongs of that General, on the Banks of a River, which he must pass to fall on: Scipio did what he could to oblige the Consul to a retreat, telling him another time, and other means, were requisite to reach Asdrubal. Those who envyed him were not wanting to oppose his proposition, and to say, that it favoured more of cowardise than prudence to turn tail, after having seen the Enemy, and that it was to give them an opportunity to come and charge them in the Rear. He then pro∣posed another advice; to wit, that at least they should throw up Trenches on that side the River, that if they were repulsed, they might have a re∣treat; but they laughed at this, and one of them said, he would lay down his Sword, if he must obey the orders of Scipio, and not those of Manlius. Hereupon the Consul, who was not very expert in War, past the River; and was no sooner on the other side, but he engaged Asdrubal, where there happened a great slaughter on both sides; but because Asdrubal, had his Camp near, he retreated thither, from whence as from a place of security, he observed in what manner he might defeat the Romans, who already repenting themselves of their enterprize, regained the River in good or∣der, yet could they not very commodiously repass it, because there were but few Fords, and those very dangerous, so that they were forced to file off. Now Asdrubal taking his time, charged them with great fury, slay∣ing an infinite of those who sought rather to fly than defend themselves, of which number were three of the Tribunes, the principal of those, who had advised the General to give battel. Scipio presently rallyed all the Ca∣valry he could with three hundred Horse which he had, and dividing them into two Squadrons, caused them to march against the Enemy each of his side, with order not to charge at the same time, but make their discharge of their Darts, and then immediately retreat; then charging again, re∣treat in like manner. He was of opinion, that thus, having always one half of them fronting the Enemy, and stopping them with force of Darts, he should constrain him to close his Battalia's, which indeed happened; for after often renewing this kind of fight, and that the Africans saw they continually charged them with Darts which extremely vexed them, they turned all their Power against Scipio, giving by this means leisure to the rest of the Army to repass the River; and Scipio seeing the Romans on the other side, passed himself through all the showers of Darts, thrown at him by the Africans. Now at the beginning of this fight, four Roman Co∣horts, which the unexpected assault of the Enemy had hindred from gain∣ing the River, were retired to an Eminence, where Asdrubal besieged them. The Romans perceived nothing of it, till such time as they were about to encamp▪ and now they did know it, knew not what to resolve on; some were of advice to continue their march, and not to expose a great Ar∣my for a small Number. Whereupon Scipio remonstrated to them, that when the debate was about a matter of importance, mature deliberation,

'tis true, was requisite; but that now seeing so many brave men in an ex∣treme danger, nothing was to be left unattempted to releive them. In short, having taken with him Provision for two days, he set forward, leaving the Army in a great fear, lest he should not return himself. As soon as he came to the place, where the Enemy besieged the Romans, he immediate∣ly seised of an Eminence nigh to that, to which the Cohorts were retired to, and which was only divided from it by a very narrow Valley. His coming hindred not the Africans from continuing the siege, for they could not think that his men tired with travel could give any assistance to the besieged; but he seeing that the two Hills joyning themselves together at the foot, made but a very small Valley, advances that way, and posts him∣self above the Enemy; who startled at his courage and readiness, betook themselves to a disorderly flight. He would not pursue them, because they were the greater number, but contented himself with the saving of these four Cohorts, which were given over for absolutely lost, The Soldiers seeing him return contrary to their hopes, and that not only he himself was safe, but that he had likewise saved others; gave assurance of their inward rejoycing, by their outward acclamations and shouts of joy, conceiving an opinion of him, that he acted nothing but by the assistance of the same Divinity, which was believed to foretel things to his Ancestor Scipio. Manlius returned to his Camp near the City, after having suffered suffici∣ently, for not giving credit to Scipio, who would have disarmed him from the Expedition; and whereas many thought it strange, that they had left their Dead unburyed, especially three Tribunes; Scipio gave liberty to a Prisoner, and sent him to Asdrubal, to entreat him to give Funerals to the Tribunes. He caused them to be sought for among the Dead; and know∣ing them by the Rings of Gold they wore (for by them are the Chiefs a∣mong the Romans distinguished from the private Soldiers, who wear only Iron ones) he gave them honourable Funerals, whether moved to it out of humanity, or that in justice he ought it to the rule of War; or else already reverencing the Glory of Scipio, he was willing by this Office, to oblige that great man: To proceed, as the Romans who had had this bickering with Asdrubal, were on their return to Carthage, still frighted with their de∣feat, Phameas cruelly perplexed them, and on the other side the Carthagini∣ans came forth to meet them, so that they could not recover the Camp without the loss of some servants which those from the City cut off.

Mean while the Senate sent Commissioners to the Army to enquire into [ XLIII] the state of affairs, to whom both Manlius, and the Chief Officers, and likewise even those Tribunes, who had escaped from the Rout, gave an account very advantagious in favor of Scipio. For at last so many glorious successes had stopt the mouth of Envy; All the Army did the like, but above all his brave Actions spoke enough for themselves▪ Wherefore the Commissioners upon their return to Rome, published with one voice the admirable qualities of Scipio, and the great love the Souldiers bore him, which extreamly pleased the Senate. But now the Army being weakned by a great many disgraces, Ambassadors were sent to Masanissa, to de∣mand forces against the Carthaginians, who found him no longer among the living. That King finding himself oppressed with age and sickness, and having many illegitimate Children on whom he had bestowed great gifts, and three legitimate Sons, all of different minds and manners, he sent to entreat Scipio as his friend, by succession from his Ancestors, to come and see him, and to consult with him about dividing his Kingdom

among his Children; he immediately posted away, but ere he could arrive, Masanissa had given up the ghost, having laid his Commands on his children to obey Scipio, in what manner soever he should divide the succession amongst them. Those were the last words of this great man happy in all things, for by divine favor he reconquered his own King∣dom, which Syphax and the Carthaginians had seized on, and enlarged it in such manner, that from Mauritania which lies upon the Ocean he ex∣tended the bounds of his Dominion into the Continent, as far as Cyrene, giving Laws to an infinite number of people, and teaching them a sweeter manner of living (for before the Numidians lived only on herbs, and de∣spised tillage.) He left great store of Silver in his Coffers, and many war∣like Troops, whom himself had exercised in revenging himself of his ene∣mies. He took Syphax with his own hand, and brought the Carthaginians so low that the Romans had not afterwards so much difficulty to destroy them. He was tall of Stature, and very strong, so that though far ad∣vanced in years he would be present at all occasions so long as he lived, and ever mounted on horseback without a saddle, but the greatest sign of his vigorous constitution was that though he had many Children died before him, yet he never had less then then ten living at a time after once he had arrived that number, and being now fourscore and ten years old, he left his youngest only four years old. That great age had he advanced to, and bore it out well, but at length of force he must die. Scipio did with honor cause the liberality of their father to be given to the bastard Children; divided the mony among the legitimate Children, together with the Revenues, and willed that they should all bear the title of King: As for the charges of State he distributed them, to every one ac∣cording to their capacity and inclination. He gave as by priviledge of birth-right to Micipsa the Eldest who loved Peace the City of Cirtha the ancient residence of the Kings, to Gulussa the second, who was a Soldier, the Command of the Armies, and to Mastaball the third who was a Scholar, the charge of Justice. Having made this division of the Goods and Kingdom of Masanissa. Scipio forthwith brought Gulussa along with him to assistance of the Romans, who having presently discovered the place where Phameas concealed himself, and from whence he issued out to sur∣prise them, soon rid them of that inconvenience.

[ XLIV] One day Scipio and Phameas met in a place where there was only a water∣course between, that was impassible. Scipio who was doubtful of some am∣buscades, advanced only with three of his people, to make discovery, and Phameas came forward on the other side accompanied only with one, which made Scipio, judging he had a desire to speak with him, advance likewise only with one to attend him, when they were nigh enough to hear each other, he spake thus to the African, Why do not you labour for your particular safety, since you can do nothing for your Country? to which the other answered, and what safety can I expect, in the Estate to which Carthage is reduced, after having done you so much mischief. Assuredly replyed Scipio, if you believe I have any power, and that I am a man of Faith and Honor, I dare promise you in the name of the Romans not only grace and pardon but acknowledgements. The African thanked him that had more confidence in him than in all others, and told him, I will think of it, and if I believe it may be done I will give you notice, and with that they parted. Now Manlius to wipe away the stain of his first expedition to Nucera, re∣turned thither, and having taken provisions for fifteen days, encamped,

and fortified himself, as Scipio had counselled him to do the first time, but he was a long time without doing any thing, which blasted his fame the more, besides the hazard he ran the Army into of being beaten by Asdrubal upon their return to Carthage. Whilst he lay thus in an incertainty what to do, one of Gulussa's people brought a packet to Scipio, who keep∣ing it sealed till he came to the full Council of War, there broke it open and found writ in it, to this effect, Such a day I will come to such a place, meet me there with what force you please, and give Order to those who are upon the Guard, to receive me if I come by night. To this purpose were the contents of the Letters which had no name subscribed, but Scipio perceived well that it was an invention of Phameas. Though Manlius was fearful lest Scipio might be deceived by that politick man, yet seeing he had a good opinion of him, he permitted him to go to the place assigned, with Orders to receive an Oath of Fidelity from Phameas, without assuring him any set reward, but only promising that the Senate would recompence him, according to his deservings. But there was no need of these promi∣ses, for as soon as Phameas was come to the place appointed, he said that he put his own safety into the hands of Scipio, and for recompence he referred himself to the judgment of the Senate and people of Rome, and the morrow after having given his parol, he drew up all his Troops in battalia, and being advanced to the head of them with the Officers, as if he were about to consult of something of importance, he spoke to them in this manner.

If there remained any hopes to relieve our Country, I should be ready to die with you: but seeing it in the Condition in which you all know it, I am resolved to take Order for my own affairs: I have assurance given me for my self and those that will follow me: Now you are to think what you have to do.

Having thus spoken, the Captains and those who were under their com∣mand, to the Number of two thousand two hundred Horse, declared for the Romans, the rest stood firm by vertue of the authority and perswasion of Hanno surnamed the White. As Scipio returned to the Camp, accompanied with Phameas, all the Army came forth to meet him, receiving him with a general acclamation as in a Triumph. But Manlius above all expressed ex∣traordinary joy, and no longer fearing his retreat might be shame∣ful, because he believed Asdrubal, startled at the Revolt of Phameas, durst not follow him, he discamped for want of Provisions, not the fifteenth day after his departure, but the seventeenth. And because he had yet three days march through troublesome ways, Scipio took Phameas and Gulussa with their Horse, and made an inroad into the Country which the inhabitants of the place call the Great Abyss from whence they returned at night to their quarters, with a great booty, and good store of Provisions. Manlius having advice that Calphurnius Piso came to succeed him, sent Scipio be∣fore to Rome, together with Phameas, whom all the Army conducted to the very Ships, beseeching the Gods to grant them the favor, that they might see Scipio return into Africa in the quality of Consul, as if it had been decreed by the destinies, that Scipio only could take Carthage, and in truth many of the Army wrote as much to Rome. The Senate gave pub∣lick praises to Scipio, honored Phameas with the Purple-robe, and chain of Gold, presented him with a Horse barded with Gold, and a Suit of Arms of the same gave him, besides six thousand Sesterces; and one hundred and fifty Marks of wrought Silver, together with a Tent furnished with all

necessary moveables, and gave him hopes of much more if he applyed himself heartily to the service of the Republick: he promised it, and after∣wards returned into Africa, to joyn with the Roman Camp.

[ XLV] In the beginning of the Spring Calphurnius Piso Consul, and his Collegue L. Mancinus Admiral embarked for Africa, whither being come, they made no attempt at all neither against Carthage nor against Asdrubal, but contented themselves to make War upon the little Cities round about, they besieged Aspida by Sea and Land, but were forced to raise their Siege. 'Tis true Piso took another Town which he sack't, though the inhabitants com∣plained they had surrendred upon composition: From thence he passed to Hippone which is a great City, considerable for it's Walls, it's Castle, it's Gates, and it's Haven, and which had been thus fortified by Agathocles Tyrant of Sicily. It being Situate near to Utica and Carthage, the inhabi∣tants plundered the Convoys of Victuals that were carrying to the Ro∣mans, with which they were in some measure accommodated; where∣fore Calphurnius designed not only to chastise them, but likewise to make them restore the Prizes they had taken. He therefore laid siege to it, which continued all the Summer, but in vain, for the inhabitants made two ••allies, wherein being assisted by those of Carthage, they burnt all the besiegers Engines. Thus Summer being spent without doing any thing, the Consul went to take up his Winter quarters at Utica.

[ XLVI] But the Carthaginians, who had yet all Asdrubal's Army entire, proud of the success of Hippone, where they had beaten Piso, and strengthned besides with eight hundred Numidian Horse, which had revolted from Gulussa to them under the conduct of Bythias, enlarged their hopes, be∣sides they perceived that though Micypsa and Mavastabal, the other sons of Masanissa, promised Arms and Mony to the Romans, yet they only temporized in expectation to see what course these affairs would take. They began therefore to spread themselves throughout all Africa, and without fear to fortifie places in the Country, declaiming every where against the cowardise of the Romans, and to perswade the people, they loudly pro∣claimed the two expeditions of Nucera, which had redounded to their shame, the last occasion of Hippone, where they had been so ill handled, and at last having besieged Carthage it self though disarmed, though un∣provided of all things, yet they had been forced to raise the siege. They sent likewise to Micypsa, to Mavastabal, and to the free Moors, to advise them to take care left if the Romans took Carthage, they should after∣wards invade and subdue them. They deputed some likewise into Ma∣cedonia, where one who called himself the Son of Perseus made War against the Romans, to exhort him to continue it, with promises that Car∣thage would not let him want either Mony or Shipping. In short, now they saw themselves armed, they entertained no other but exalted thoughts, and their courage and their resolution daily increased, as they beheld themselves in a better condition of defence. Asdrubal their General abroad was no less resolute, after having twice successfully dealt with Manlius, which had raised his thoughts to that degree that he grew ambi∣tious of having likewise the command of the Forces within the City, which to compass he caused Asdrubal the Nephew of Gulussa, who at that time commanded, to be falsely accused in full Senate, of holding intelligence with his Uncle. At which he being so surprised that he could answer no∣thing for himself, was knockt on the head with stools.

But when the cowardise of Piso, and the preparations made by the [ XLVII] Carthaginians came to be known at Rome, the people were extreamly moved, out of an apprehension they had, left this War, undertaken against a neighboring Nation, and from all time enemy to the Roman name; should grow upon them. For they having been first deficient in their word, as to what they ordained the Carthaginians, there was no more hopes left of an accommodation. The memory of those Noble Actions done by Scipio, in Africa, whilst he was yet but Tribune, was yet very fresh, and the comparison of present affairs, with what he had done, rai∣sed so much the more the glory of his reputation, and as in all meetings every one told what was writ from the Army, all the world wish't his re∣turn in quality of Consul; the day of the Assembly for the Election of Ma∣gistrates drew nigh, but his not being of the age admitted by Law to pos∣sess that dignity forbid his pretending to it, for he demanded only the charge of Edile, when the people offered him the Consulate. The Con∣suls stood against it, and opposed the Law contrary to this Election, but the multitude persisted the more, alleaging that by the Laws of Tullus and Romulus, the people were Judges of the Assembly, and so it belonged to them to approve or cancel all Laws that concerned the Assembly. At last one of the Tribunes threatned the Consuls to take away their power of pre∣siding if they agreed not to the will of the people, whereupon they per∣mitted the Tribunes to abrogate that Law for a year, provided it were then re-established. The Lacedemonians it seems did the same, when be∣ing forced to make the Laws yield to necessity, to secure from infamy those taken Prisoners at Piles, they cryed out, Let us this day give the Laws leave to sleep. Thus Scipio demanding the Edility, obtained the Consulate, and when Drusus that was likewise named Consul, required that the Go∣vernment of the Provinces should be drawn by Lot, one of the Tribunes assembled the people and speaking of the War with Carthage, demanded to which of the Consuls they would give their Commission. So the people gave to Scipio the Government of that Province, permitting him to raise recruits to compleat the old Troops and to form new ones, to receive from the Allies all those volunteers would follow him, and to write in the name of the people of Rome, to what Kings and Cities he thought con∣venient, and indeed some Kings, and some Estates did assist him with forces.

Things thus disposed, he passed into Sicily, and from thence forthwith to Utica, mean while Piso besieged some Inland Towns, and Mancinus lay constantly before Carthage, where having observed a certain place in the wall neglected, because it was almost inaccessible by reason of the rocks that surrounded it, he thought he might secretly gain it, and having made provision of ladders prepared for the storm; some Soldiers mounted bravely, but the Carthaginians despising their slender Number opened a gate by the side of the rocks, and made a Sally upon the Romans, who so briskly repulsed them, that many Soldiers entred Pelmel with them into the City, and shouted amain, as if they had already been Masters of it. Mancinus ra∣vished with joy (rash and heady as he was) with all those that remained in the Ships came forth half Armed, and ran to the walls to second their companions, but night coming on forced the Admiral to lodge in a cer∣tain Post near the the Walls where he kept without doing any thing, and because he had neither Arms nor Victuals, he sent messengers to Piso to give him notice to come to his relief, and to the Magistrates of Utica, that

they should forthwith dispatch away Provisions; for he ran the hazard of being assaulted as soon as it was day, by the Carthaginians, and thrown headlong from the top of the Rocks. Scipio, who landed the same Even∣ing at Utica, having seen Mancinus his Letter, presently caused the Trum∣pets to sound, to give warning to those were already landed to get forth∣with aboard, giving orders to all the Youth of Utica to be in a readiness to follow him, and to the old men to bring Provisions on board the Gal∣leys, and releasing some Carthaginian Prisoners, he sent them unto the City to let them understand that Scipio was arrived with a mighty Fleet. He dispatched likewise several Messengers one after another to Piso, to command him to come to him with all speed. About the last Watch he went to Sea, giving order to the Soldiers, that as soon as they ap∣proached the Town, they should all stand upright on the Hatches, that the Enemy might believe them the greater number. Towards the Break of Day, Mancinus being charged on all sides by the Carthaginians, had form∣ed a round Battalia, encompassed by all the armed men he had, in the midst of which were inclosed above three thousand without Armour, but at last the Showers of Darts, and multitudes of Wounds had reduced them to the point of seeking their safety down the Precipices, when they saw Scipio's Ships appear full of Soldiers, which surprized not the Carthaginians, who had already received advice of it by their Prisoners, but saved the lives of the Romans, who were almost hopeless; for at the approach of this Fleet, the Carthaginians gave ground, and the Romans withdrawn from the dan∣ger wherein they were, got aboard their Ships.

[ XLVIII] Scipio sent back Mancinus to Rome (for Serranus his Successor was al∣ready come to command the Fleet) and went himself and encamped near Carthage. The Carthaginians on their part went and encamped directly opposite unto him, whither came to them Asdrubal that commanded the Field-Army, and Bythias Colonel of the Horse, with six thousand old Foot, and a thousand chosen Horse. But Scipio finding the Military Discipline much corrupted; that under Piso the Soldiers had been accustomed to I∣dleness, Rapine and Avarice; that in the Camp there was an infinite num∣ber of those Sutlers and Pedlars, whom only the hopes of prey made follow the Army, who debauched the best Soldiers to straggle with them, only to pillage and plunder, though by the Rules of War, he that went so far from the Camp, that he could not hear the Sound of the Trumpet, was to be proceeded against as a Run-away, and that all the mischief these peo∣ple did was imputed to the Army, and all the plunder taken begot only matter of quarrel and dissention; for it often happened, that for a trifle Comrades fell together by the ears, and killed one another. Scipio, I say, having observed this, and knowing well he should never compass his ends on the Enemy, unless he first made himself Master of his own Troops, as∣sembled his Army, and taking his Seat on the Tribunal, spoke in this manner:

The Oration of Scipio.

YOu are Witnesses, Fellow Soldiers, that whilst I bore Arms here under Manlius, I gave you an example of that Obedience which I desire you should pay me now, that I have a right to command: I could as well at this instant have punished your disobedience, but I thought it convenient first to advise you of

your duty. You know what actions you do, I am ashamed to tell you of them in full a••••embly. You live rather like Robbers than Soldiers, and are more used to Traffick, than to Assaults: you leave the Camp to scour the Country; and in the midst of War you are greedy after Delights, without labouring at all for Victo∣ry. This is the reason, why in that little time. I have been absent, the Cartha∣ginian Affairs are so well recovered: so that being now come to command you, I find that the reforming your evil orders will be the greatest part of trouble. If I certainly knew it were your own fault, I would not fail to punish you, but be∣cause I attribute it to another, I forget what's past. For my part I came not hi∣ther to plunder, but to conquer. I ask no Money from the Enemy before the Victory, and will patiently wait till they be fully defeated. 'Tis therefore my pleasure, that all those people in the Camp, who hear not Arms, depart, from this very day, except only some few whom I shall give leave to stay; and I forbid any, whoever he be, to return, unless it be to bring Provisions, and such Pro∣visions too as are proper for Soldiers. I will give the Victuallers a limited time to expose their Commodities in, on which my Quaestor and I will take care to set a reasonable price. So much for what concerns those who are not inlisted. For you my Fellow Soldiers, whatever we attempt, I have but one order to give you, that is, that you take example by me, whether it be for manners or diligence▪ and if you do it indeed, be assured, that your Endeavours will never want Success, nor your Actions Recompence: we must act now that the occasion requires it; let us adjourn profit and pleasure to their Season. This is what I demand from you, what I desire, Discipline: and then be assured, that as obedience shall be amply rewarded, so disobedience shall be severely punished.

After having spoken thus, he forthwith caused all useless persons to be [ XLIX] driven out of the Camp, and with them sent away all that was rather de∣licious than necessary. Having thus purged his Army, and disposed his Soldiers to obedience, he designed one night secretly to make an Assault by two several ways upon a certain great place against the Walls of the City, called Megara, and having sent those about, who were to make the Attaque on the one side, he took his march towards the other, causing to be brought along Axes, Croes and Ladders, he had already advanced a pretty way in the dark, without making any noise, when those that were upon the Wall perceived him, which they signified by their Cries, to which he answered first, and after him all the Assailants in like manner. There was likewise a great Cry raised on the other side, which gave the first terrour to the Car∣thaginians, astonished to be two several ways assaulted by so many Ene∣mies, and by night. Scipio however, notwithstanding all the endeavours he used, could not gain the Wall; but having observed, that on the out∣side, and near the Walls there was a void Tower of the same heighth, which belonged to a private person, he caused some resolute young men to mount up into it, who having with force of Darts made those who defended the Wall, dislodge, laid Planks and Joysts over, and so passed to the Parapet, and thence leaped down into the place, and having broken open the Gate, gave entrance to Scipio with four thousand Men, forcing the Inhabitants to retreat into the Fortress, as if all the rest of the City had been taken. In this Alarm and confused Tumult they took some Prisoners; and those who were encamped without, forsaking their Camp, fled hastily to shelter themselves with the rest in the Cittadel: but Scipio perceiving this place of Megara was full of Gardens planted with Fruit-trees, and consisted of many little Inclosures of Mud-walls, Quick-set Hedges, Bushes, and some little Streams, fearing left the Soldiers among so many Turnings and Wind∣ings

which they were unacquainted with, might pursue the Enemypunc; and so give them the opportunity of laying an ambush for them, caused the Retreat to be sounded. Day appearing, Asdrubal enraged at Scipio's boldness, caused all the Roman Prisoners he had to be brought upon the Wall, and be∣fore their Countrymen, with Pinchers or Hooks of Iron caused their Eyes or Tongues to be pulled out•• or their Nerves or Privy Members torn off, some had the Soles of their Feet cut off, and others their Fingers; some he caused to be flead alive; and then tumbled down those high Rocks. This he did to the end▪ that taking away from the Carthaginians all hopes of Peace with the Romans, and sharpening their courages to the utmost, they should expect no safety but from their Arms: yet his design succeeded quite otherwise; for the Carthaginians, who found themselves made Com∣plices of such horrible Crimes, became rather more timerous than hardy▪ and began to hate Asdrubal, who had cut off from them all hopes of par∣don, especially the Senators, who loudly declared, that such cruelty and insolence were unseasonable in the publick Calamities, by which discourse they incensed him to that degree, that he took some of them, and slew them with his own hands. Thus he made himself terrible, living hence∣forth more like a Tyrant than a Governour, and making his security consist in his being feared, believing that sufficient to warrant him against all at∣tempts might be made against his person.

[ L] Scipio ••et on fire that Camp the Carthaginians had de••erted the night be∣fore, when they ran to save themselves in the Cittadel, and being become absolute Master of the Peninsula, he caused a Trench to be dug from one Sea to the other, not above a Darts cast from the Enemies, who used their utmost endeavours to hinder the work, which made it extreme painful to the Soldiers: however, what by working, and what by fighting, they per∣fected it at length, though it were five and twenty Furlongs long. This being finished; he caused such another to be made towards the Inland, not far distant from the other, and after that two Traverses; so that it was a kind of a square Fortification, which he caused to be palisadoed with sharp Stakes, behind which he likewise caused a Ditch to be made; but that he might fortifie himself the better towards Carthage, he inclosed it with a Wall five and twenty Furlongs long, twelve Foot high, and six Foot broad, in which he placed Redoubts and Towers at equal distances. In the midst of the Fort he caused to be erected a very high Tower, on which he placed a square Platform, from whence he might discover all that was done in the City. These works having been finished in four and twenty days, and as many nights (by the continual labour of all the Soldiers, who by turns stood to their Arms, or wrought with their working Tools) Scipio lodg∣ed his Army. Yet he had not built this Fortification only for that use, but likewise to serve as a Circumvallation to hinder the bringing Provisions to the Besieged, which before came to them by land; for besides this Neck of the Peninsula which he now possessed, all the rest was encompas∣sed by the Sea. This therefore was the first and principal cause of the Be∣sieged's misery, which soon brought a Famine into the City; for an infi∣nte number of people being fled out of the Country into Carthage, durst not go out again for fear of the Besiegers; the Merchants came no more be∣cause of the War; there was no Corn brought by Sea from Lybia, but rarely, and then when it was calm; so that the greatest part of their Pro∣visions came ordinarily by land, and that passage being stopped, the City presently became afflicted with Famine. Bythias, who commanded the

Carthaginian Horse, was now abroad, whither he had been sent to make Provisions of Corn, but he durst not come near Scipio's Entrenchments; much less attempt to force them: so that now no Corn could come into Carth••ge, but by Ships which were laden afar•• off, and which hardly got in, because of the Roman Fleet which lay at Anchor not far from the Port. However, they being forced•• to keep at a good distance, because of the dan∣ger of the Shore, which lay open to all Storms; and likewise could not come nearer into the Port without being subject to inconveniencies from the Carthaginians Engines upon the Walls, or of being by the violence of the Wave•• dashed•• against the Rocks, which lie there very thick: some Ships of Burthen sent from Bythias▪ and some Merchant•• Ships that despised the danger, out of hopes of the gain, took their time when it blew a fresh gale into the Port, and with all Sails spread, made such way, that the Ro∣man Galleys could not reach them; but these opportunities offered but sel∣dom; and besides, that little Provision that came by Sea was at Asdrubal's dispose, who distributed it only to those thirty thousand Men he had cho∣sen for the War, and gave no part thereof to the rest of the people, though perishing for hunger.

Scipio having observed this, dontrived how to block up the Entrance of [ LI] the Port which opened to the West, very near to the Sea Shore; and to this purpose he caused to be raised along Dam, which advanced from ••hat point of Land that separated the Marish from the Sea very far into the Wa∣ter, towards the Mouth of the Port, which he did by casting in, and ce∣menting together mighty Stones▪ that the Waves might not remove them; it's Breadth was in the Super••icies four and twenty Foot, and four times as deep. The Carthaginians laughed at first, and mocked at the Underta∣king, as if in a long time, or perhaps never Scipio could have brought it to perfection; but the whole Army laboured in it with an emulation of each other, without resting day or night; insomuch, that at last the Be∣sieged affrighted, resolved to make another entrance on the farther side of the Port, where the Peninsula extends it self more into the Sea▪ where a Dam could not be made, both by reason of the depth of the Water, and violence of the Winds. All the people therefore set themselves to digging, so much as the very Women and Children, and beginning from within, and continuing their work without telling their design; and at the same time mustering up all the old Materials they had, they fell to make Galleys of divers sorts, following their business with much courage and diligence, but so secretly, that the Prisoners themselves could give no other account to Scipio, save that they continually heard a great noise in the Port, but knew not what it meant. Having at last completed every thing, they sud∣denly opened the Mouth of the Port, and about break of day came forth with fifty Galleys, and great quantity of Barques, Brigantines, and other smaller Vessels, in so good order, that they were very capable to strike. This new Mouth so unexpectedly opened, and the unthought of coming out of such a Fleet, so startled the Romans, that had the Carthaginians immediately fell upon their Fleet, unfurnished both of Mariners and Slaves, all hands being employed in the Works to advance the Siege, they might easily have made themselves Masters of it. But because it was decreed by the Destinies, that Carthage should be razed, they contented themselves with this vain Shew, and proud Bravado, retreating into their Port with∣out doing any thing else.

[ LII] Three days afterwards they came forth again to Sea, with design to engage the Romans in good earnest, whose Fleet being now in a readi∣ness set forward to meet them, they began the fight with great shouts on both sides, the Seamen, Souldiers and Commanders equally shewing their Courage, the one party fighting for their safety, the other to compleat their Victory, so that there was a furious fight on both parts, nothing be∣ing to be seen but wounds and death. In the fight the Carthaginian Bri∣gantines gliding along under the banks of the great Roman Galleys broke them, sometimes in the Poop, sometime struck of their Rudders, and sometime burst a sunder their Oars, so that they damaged them extreamly, and when they found themselves overcharged, they rowed off with a won∣derful Nimbleness, and as nimbly returned to the Charge. At last the two Fleets having fought till Sun setting with equal advantage▪ the Cartha∣ginians thought it convenient to retire, not that they confessed themselves overcome, but that they might next morning return to the fight in better order. In this retreat their smaller Vessels, being lighter and swifter, got the Van, and entring in a huddle into the Port, so stopt the entrance of the great Vessels, that they were forced to retire to a very spacious key built against the City-wall for the unlading of which they had during this War, raised a little rampart, for fear left the enemies should possess it. There they stood firm with their Prows twined towards their enemies, all the Soldiers standing in a fighting posture, some upon the Ships, others on the Key, and others on the Rampart. The Romans who followed them had no great difficulty to assail them, for tis not hard to fight with Ships that lie still; but when they were again to draw of, because of their length, not being able to turn nimbly, they received as much damage in the re∣treat as they had given in the Charge, for as they turned about, they were forced to receive all the blows of the shot from the Carthaginian Engines on their broad sides. At last five Ships which the City of Sidon, allies of the people of Rome, had sent to Scipio, went and dropt their Anchors out at Sea, at a good distance from the Carthaginian, and giving scope of Cable enough advanced by force of Oars, and after having gi∣ven their charge, warped back again by their Cables, which they had brought in at their poop, and then again returned to the Charge, and in like manner retreated. All the Fleet followed the Example of those of Sidon, whereby the Carthaginians were much damaged till such time as the fight having continued a good part of the night, the remainder of their Ships ••heltred themselves in the Haven.

[ LIII] Morning being come, Scipio attempted the Key, because he thought the gaining of it would make the mouth of the Port useless, he therefore cau∣sed Rams, and other batteries to be planted against the Rampart, with which he beat down a part of it. But the Carthaginians though oppres∣sed with hunger, and many other inconveniences, forbore not by night to assault the Roman Engines, not by Land, for there was no passage, nor upon Ships, for the Sea was too shallow, but naked and without light (for fear they should be discovered far of) they entred the Sea, where none kept guard, and passing, some wading with the water up to their brests, and others swimning till they came very near the batteries, where when they could no longer couceal themselves, because they had lighted their fires, naked as they were, they received an infinite of wounds; yet not without revenge, for their fury carried them to strange resolutions,

and all gored as they were with Arrows and Darts in their Brests, & in their Faces, yet they abated nothing of their violence, but like fierce beasts pres∣sed forward to meet the strokes, till having set fire to the Engines, they so dismayed those that defended them, that they took their flight towards the Camp, where never before was seen such an alarm, as this, caused by naked enraged people. Scipio astonished at the disorder came forth of the Camp, with some Horsemen, whom he commanded to kill those that would not stand, and with his own hands he killed some, and by that means obliged the rest, who else had been all lost, to keep their post, where they stood all the night in Arms. As soon as it was day, the Car∣thaginians delivered from the trouble of the Engines, labored to repair that part of the Rampier that was broken down, adding towers at certain intervals. On the other side the Romans made other Engines, and planted them on platforms, which raised them as high as the towers of the ene∣mies, and from thence cast burning torches, brimstone and pots full of flaming pitch, with which they burnt some of them, which put the Carthaginians to flight, and opened the Romans a way to the Key to pursue them, but because the ground on which they ran was slip∣pery by reason of the blood shed there, they could not overtake them. Scipio being become Master of the Key, lodged on it, fortified it, and caused a wall of brick to be built to the Cityward, very near the City walls, and of equal height. When it was finished he caused four thousand Men to get upon it with Orders to ply the enemy conti∣nually with Darts and Arrows, which extreamly afflicted them, for the two walls being of an equal height, there was scarce a Dart thrown in vain, thus ended the Summer.

In the beginning of the Winter, Scipio determined to clear the Country [ LIV] of those Forces the Carthaginians had yet abroad, and to possess himself of all those places from whence they might convey provisions. He there∣fore sent his Captains, some one way and some another, and himself embarking went towards Nephera along the Marish, after having given Order to C. Lelius to march by Land to the intent that he might force Diogenes one of Asdrubals party from an advantagious post. As soon as he arrived, he encamped within two hundred and fifty paces of Diogenes, and having left Gulussa in the Camp, to prosecute the War with him, re∣turned to Carthage. He continued often to go and return from one place to the other, to see how things passed, till such time as two towers of the Fort in which Diogenes was posted being thrown down, Scipi•• sends be∣hind the Fort a thousand chosen Soldiers, while himself assaulted the fore∣part with three thousand others, choice men likewise, who marched upon the ruines, not in confusion but in a body, the Soldiers having orders to fight so close lockt together that they could not be repulsed, those in the first rank being susteined by the others that followed. At the noise made by the Assailants the Africans ran to defend themselves, but whilst they were all imployed there, the thousand Soldiers behind, according to the Or∣der given them, forced the Camp, and having pulled out or cut the Pali∣sadoes, violently rushed in with a wonderful boldness whilst none were aware of it, or so much as doubted of such an Assault. The enemies per∣ceiving them, betook themselves to flight, for they believed them a far greater Number then what they saw, and Gulussa who pursued them with his Numidians, and Elephants, made a strange and bloody

slaughter, for there perished threescore and ten thousand men, accounting the Country people, ten thousand were taken Prisoners, and not above four thousand in all saved themselves. Afterwards Scipio took the City of Nephera with great labor, the siege lasting two and twenty days in a cold season and incommodious place. This victory contributed much to the taking of Carthage, for the Army at Nephera furnished the besieged with provisions, and that Fort hardned the Africans in their obstinacy, but after it was taken, all the other garrisons in the Country voluntarily surrendred to Scipio's Captains. Thus all the Country about Carthage being under the Roman obedience, and it being impossible to have any thing by Sea by reason of the War and Winter, Victuals grew very scarce in the City.

[ LV] As soon as Spring came on, Scipio assaulted the Citadel called Byrsa, and and the gate called Coton at the same time, which caused Asdrubal to set on fire that part of the gate which was square, but whilst he expected Scipio should make a new attempt on that side, and stood firm with the in∣habitants; Lelius mounted privately by the other side of the gate which was of a round figure, and making himself Master of it, the shouts of those that were already got up, so dismayd the enemies, that the other Soldiers now contemning the besieged, and having filled all the places dif∣ficult to pass with Beams, Engines and Planks▪ they leapt in on all sides, in spite of all the resistance of the guards oppressed with hunger, and lost to all courage: Scipio thus possest of the wall that encompassed the gate called Coton, got thence into the great place of the City which was nigh unto it, where night coming on, and not suffering him to go farther; he kept there in Arms with those Soldiers he had with him, and as soon as day broke, caused four thousand fresh men to come thither, who being got into Apollo's Temple, plundered his Statue, which was all of Gold, and all the inside of the Temple, which was covered with Plates of Gold, of a thou∣sand Talents weight. They cut in pieces the Plates with their Swords, do what their Captains could to hinder them, till such time as having got what they could, they pursued their enterprize. Mean while Scipio's chief design was against the place called Byrsa, for that was the strongest of all the City, and a world of people were retreated thither. The way from the great place thither, was up hill, through three Streets, on each side of which there was a continuance of very high houses, whose upper stories jetting somewhat over into the Street, whole showers of Darts flew from thence upon the Romans, who were constrained before they passed farther, to force the first houses, and there post themselves, that from thence they might drive out those that fought in the neighboring houses, and after they had driven them out, they laid Beams and Planks from one side of the Street to the other, on which, as on Bridges they pas∣sed cross the Streets, thus they maintained War in the Chambers, whilst as fast as they met, they fought more cruelly below in the Streets. All places were filled with crys and groans, people dying a thousand different sorts of Deaths, some at Swords-point, some thrown headlong down from the tops of the houses, upon the pavement, others falling upon Javelins, Pikes and Swords, presented against them, however none durst yet set fire, because of those who maintained the fight in the losts; but when Scipio had gained the foot of the Fortress, all the three Streets were imme∣diately on a flame, and the Soldiers had charge to hinder the ruines of the houses caused by the fire, from falling into the Street, that the whole Army

might have the more convenient passage: And now were new spectacles of calamity to be seen, the fire devouring, and overturning the houses, and the Roman Soldiers all about, so far from hindring it, that they endeavored to involve the rest in the same ruine. The miserable Carthaginians in despair falling confusedly with the Stones and Bricks on the Pavement, dead bodies, nay people yet living, and especially old Men, Women and Children, who had hid themselves in the most secret places of the houses, some laden with wounds others half burnt, and all crying out in a deplo∣rable manner, others tumbling headlong from the upper stories of the houses, among the Mass of Stones and Wood, were in their falls torn in pieces. Nor was this the end of their miseries, for the Pioneers who to make way for the Soldiers removed the Rubbish out of the middle of the Streets, tossed with their Hooks and Forks, the bodies, as well of the dead as living into the vaults, turning them with their Iron Instruments, as if they had been pieces of Wood or Stones, so that there might be seen holes full of heaps of men, of which some having been headlong thrown in, yet breathed a long time, and lay with their legs above ground, and others interred up to the neck, were exposed to the cruelty of the Masons and Pioneers, who took pleasure to see their heads, and brains crushed un∣der the horses feet, for these sort of people placed not those wretches, so by chance, but of set purpose. As for the Men of War their being enga∣ged in the fight, with the hopes of approaching victory, the eagerness of the Soldiers, heightned by the sounds of the Trumpets, the noise made by the Majors and Captains in giving their Orders, made them even like fu∣ries and hindred them from amusing themselves at these Spectacles. In this bloody toil they continued six days and six nights without respit, save only that the Soldiers were from time to time relieved by other fresh ones, lest the continual watchings, labor, slaughter and horror should make their hearts fail them. Scipio only bore out all this time without sleeping, he was continually in action, continually running from one place to an∣other, and taking no food, but what offered it self by chance as he was passing, till such time as quite tyred out he sat down in an eminent place, that he might see what passed. Mean while strange havock was made on all sides, and this calamity seemed likely to continue much longer, when on the seventh day they had recourse to his clemency and came to him bringing in their hand the Vervein of Aesculapius, whose Temple is the most considerable in all the Fortress, desiring no other composition, but that he would please to give their lives, to all that would come forth, which he granted to them, except only to the Runaways. There came forth fifty thousand as well Men as Women, whom he caused to pass out of the little Gate towards the Fields, with a good guard. The Runaways who were about nine hundred, seeing there was no mercy for them withdrew into the Temple with Asdrubal his Wife and Children, where though they were but a small Number they might defend themselves, because of the height of the place situated upon Rocks, and to which in times of peace they ascended by sixty steps, but at length oppressed with famine, watch∣ings and fear, and seeing their destruction so nigh, Impatience siesed them, and quitting the lower part of the Temple they fled to the highest story. Asdrubal mean while privately withdrew himself, and went to Scipio with a branch of Olive in his hand: Scipio having commanded him to come up, and prostrate himself at his feet, shewed him to the Runaways, who seeing him, demanded silence, which being granted after having vomited forth an infinite number of revilings and reproaches against Asdrubal, they set

fire to the Temple, and buried themselves in the flame. It is said that whilst the fire was kindling, Asdrubals Wife decking her self in the best manner she could, and placing her self in the sight of Scipio, spake to him with a loud voice in this manner.

The Oration of Asdrubals Wife.

I Wish nothing to thee, O Roman, but all prosperity, for thou dost act only according to the rights of War. But I beseech the Gods of Carthage▪ and thou thy self to punish, as he deserves, that Asdrubal, who has betray'd his Country, his Gods, his Wife and his Children, and then addressing her Speech to Asdrubal. Perfidious Wretch (said she) thou most wicked of all mankind! This fire is about to devour me and my Children: but thou, Great Captain of Carthage, for what Triumph art not thou reserved, or what Punishment will not he make thee suffer, at whose feet I now see thee.

After these reproaches she cut her Childrens throats and cast them into the fire, and then threw her self headlong in; such, as is reported, was the end of this Woman, but this death had certainly better become her Husband.

[ LVI] As for Scipio, seeing that City which had flourished for seven hundred years since it was first built, comparable to any Empire whatsoever for Ex∣tent of Dominion by Sea and Land, for its Arms, for its Fleets, for its Ele∣phants, for its Riches, and preferable even to all Nations on the Earth for Generosity and Resolution, since after their Arms and Ships were taken away, they had supported themselves against Famine and War for three years together. Seeing it, I say, now absolutely ruined, tis said that he shed tears and publickly deplored the hard fortune of his enemies. He consi∣dered that Cities, People and Empires are subject to Revolutions, as well as the conditions of private Men, that the same disgrace had happened to Troy that powerful City, and afterwards to the Assyrians, Medes and Persians, whose Dominion extended so far, and lately to the Macedonians, whose Em∣pire was so great and flourishing, which was the reason that unawares, and as it were without thinking of it, that Distich of Homers escaped him.

Priam's and Troy's time come, they Fates obey, And must to Fire and Sword be made a prey.

And Polybius who had been his Tutor, demanding of him in familiar dis∣course, what he meant by those words, he ingeniously answered, That the consideration of the Vicissitude of Humane Affairs, had put him in mind of his Country, whose Fate he likewise feared; as the same Polybius reports in his Histories.

Carthage thus taken, Scipio gave the Plunder to the Soldiers for some days, except only the Gold and Silver, and Offerings, which were found in the Temples. After which he distributed several Military recompenses to all his Soldiers, except only to those who had pillaged Apollo's Temple. And having caused a very light Ship to be loaden with the spoil of the Enemy, he

sent it to Rome to carry news of the Victory, and caused it be signified throughout all Sicily, that those who would come, and claim the offerings made to their Temples, which had been carried away by the Carthaginians when they had made War in that Island, should have them restored. Thus giving testimonies of his goodness in all that he could, he gained the good will of all people. And at last having sold what remained of the spoil, he caused all the Bucklers, Engins and useless Ships, to be piled together, and being girt after the manner of the Romans, set fire to them as a sacrifice to Mars and Minerva.

The Ship that went from Carthage, happened to arrive at Rome in an Evening, where as soon as the news was known of the taking of that Ci∣ty, all the people flock'd to the publick places, and the Night was spent in rejoycings and imbracing each other, as if this Victory (the greatest that ever the Romans had gained) had confirmed the Publick Repose, which they before thought unsecure. They knew well, that they and their Predecessors had done great things against the Macedonians, the Spaniards, and lately against the Great Antiochus, as likewise in Italy; but they confessed they never had a War so much to be feared as this, by reason of the generosity, prudence and hardiness of their Enemies; nor so perillous, by reason of their infidelity: They likewise remembred the miseries they had suffered by the Carthaginians in Sicily, in Spain, and likewise in Italy, for sixteen whole years together, during which Hannibal had sackt four hundred Cities, and destroyed in divers encounters three hundred thousand men, and being several times come to the very Gates of their City, had reduced them to the last extremities. These things consi∣dered, made them with difficulty believe, what was tole of the victory, and they often demanded of one another if it were certain that Carthage was destroyed. Thus they past the night in recounting one to another, how after having disarmed the Carthaginians, they had presently made themselves new Arms, beyond the judgment of all the World. How having taken away their Ships, they had built others of old stuff; and how having stopt the en∣trance of their Port, they had in a few days dug a new one, on the other side. They spoke likewise of the unmeasurable height of their Walls▪ the vast stones they were built with, the fire which they had several times put to the Engines. In short they represented to the eyes of the Auditors the whole figure of this War; insomuch that giving life to their discourse by their ge∣sture they seemed to see Scipio on the Ladders, on the Ships, in the Gates, and in the Streets, running from one side to the other.

The people having thus spent the night, on the morrow solemn sacrifices were made to the Gods, and Publick Prayers, wherein every Tribe assisted separately: after which Plays and Spectacles were exhibited to publick view, and then the Senate sent ten Commissioners, of the Number of the Fathers, to settle joyntly with Scipio, such Orders as were most necessary for that Province and for the Romans best advantage. As soon as they were arrived they Ordered Scipio to demolish what remained of Carthage; hence∣forth forbidding any to inhabit there, with horrible imprecations against those, who in prejudice of this Interdict, should attempt to Rebuild any thing, especially the Fort called Byrsa, and the place called Megara, to the rest they defended no mans entrance. They decreed likewise, that all the Cities which in that War had held on the Enemies party should be razed, and gave their Territories Conquered by the Roman Arms, to the Roman Allies, particularly gratifying those of Utica, with all the Country extend∣ing from Carthage to Hippone, they made all the rest of the Province Tri∣butary,

from which neither Men nor Women were exempt, resolving that every year there should a Praetor sent form the City, and having given these Orders they returned to Rome. Scipio having Executed them, and be∣holding himself at the height of his wishes, made sacrifices, and set forth Plays in Honour of the Gods, and after setling all things in a good condi∣tion returned to Rome, whither he entred in Triumph. Never was any thing beheld more glorious, for there was nothing to be seen but Statues and Rarities, and curious pieces of an inestimable price, which the Carthagi∣nians had for so long a time been bringing into Africa, from all parts of the World, where they had gained an infinite of Victories. This hapned near the same time that Mummius Triumphed the third time over the Macedonians, and the first time over the Greeks, after having overcome Andriscus, who gave himself out to be Philip, about the hundred and six∣teenth Olympiad. Some time after there arising several seditions in the City because of the poverty of the people, under the Tribuneship of Gracchus, it was advised to send six thousand people to inhabit in Africa; but when set∣ting forth the foundations of this Colony, in the place where formerly stood Carthage, it was found the Wolves had removed the marks, the Senate for∣bad their further proceeding. Long time after, when Caesar who was created Dictator, after his Victory over Pompey, pursued him into Egypt, and from thence came into Africa to prosecute the War, against the friends of his dead Enemy, 'tis said that he saw in a dream a great Army, which shedding of tears called to him, and that moved with this dream, he set down in his Table Book, the design he had to Rebuild Carthage and Corinth; but being soon after kill'd by his Enemies in the Senate, Caesar Augustus his Son finding by chance that Memorial, caused Carthage to be Rebuilt, which we may now behold near the place where the Ancient Carthage stood, for he took care not to fall under the Execrations fulminated when it was demolished. I find it on Record that they sent near three thousand in∣habitants from Rome, and that the neighboring Cities compleated the peopling of it. Thus was Africa reduced into the form of a Province, and Carthage ruined by the Romans was Rebuilt by themselves, and Re∣peopled one hundred and one years after it was demolished.

The End of the Roman Wars in Lybia.

APPIAN OF ALEXANDRIA, HIS HISTORY OF THE Roman Wars IN SYRIA.

Book II.

The Argument of this Book.

I. ANtiochus undertakes to make War against the Romans, without any just cause. II. His preparations; Hannibal comes to him, adviseth him to carry the War into Italy, and sends Ariston the Tyrian to Car∣thage, to stir up the people. III. A Conference between Scipio the Afri∣can and Hannibal. IV. Antiochus, on the promises of the Etolians, be∣gins the War. V. Hannibal's Speech to divert the King from prosecuting

the War, till his Forces were come out of Asia. VI. The Romans pre∣pare for War, mean while Antiochus besieges Larissa, but raises his Siege, and goes to winter at Chalcedon, where he Marries, though above fifty years old. VII. Manius, General of the Romans; pursues Antiochus, who stays for him at the straits of Thermopylae, where they engage, and Antio∣chus is defeated. VIII. Publick Prayers for Manius Victory, which is fol∣lowed by the surrendry of many places; Antiochus causes his Forces to come from Asia. IX. L. Scipio Consul prepares to come and command the Ar∣my after Manius; mean while Livius, Admiral of the Romans, and Po∣lexenidas, Commander of Antiochus's Fleet, engage, where Livius gets the better. X. L. Scipio, and his Brother the African pass into Etolia, and thence into Thrace; whilst Livius, Successor of Attilius, takes many Towns; and Polexenidas deceives Pausimachus, General of the Rhodian Fleet. XI. Seleucus, the Son of Antiochus, invades Eumenes his King∣dom, and besieges Pergamus, whence he raises his Siege, mean while the Roman Fleet defeats that of Antiochus. XII. He quits all he held in Eu∣rope, which the Scipio's possess themselves of; then follow that King, and overtake him at Sardis, where conditions of Peace are proposed, which he will not accept. XIII. He is forced to come to a Battel, wherein he is ut∣terly defeated. XIV. The Scipio's grant him Peace, on conditions which the Senate confirm; for which the African is accused of corruption, and defends himself in an extraordinary manner. XV. Manius, Successor of Scipio, gives Order to the rest of the Affairs of Asia, and brings back the Army into Italy, where he dismisses them, and the Senate rewards the Rho∣dians and Eumenes. XVI. An account of the Successors of Antiochus their actions; and how the Romans reduced Syria, to the form of a Province. XVII. The State of the Affairs of Syria from Alexander the Great, till Seleucus Nicanor came to be King. XVIII. His Life and Actions. XIX. The History of the Marriage of Antiochus with Stratonice, and the death of Seleucus. XX. Continuation of the Descendants of Seleucus to Antiochus the Great, and a short recapitulation of his Successors.

ANtiochus, King of Syria, Babylon, and of many other Coun∣tries, was the Son of Seleucus, Grand-child of Antiochus, and the sixteenth Successor from that Seleucus, who after the Death of Alexander, reigned in that part of Asia, con∣fining on the Euphrates. This Prince made the first proof of his Arms against the Medes, the Parthians and other people revolted from his Predecessors, where he signaliz'd himself by so many Heroick Actions, that he gained the sirname of Great. Afterwards the success of his first Enterprizes, and that glorious Title raising his cou∣rage, he despoiled Ptolemy Philopator, King of Egypt, yet but an Infant, of the lower Syria, and part of Cilicia; and after that, setting no bound to his designs, he transported the War towards the Hellespont into Etolia and Ionia, where he claimed a right, by virtue of his being King of A∣sia, because formerly those Countries had been under the Dominion of the Kings of Asia. From thence passing into Europe, he became Master of Thrace, constraining those who offered to resist to pay him obedience. He likewise fortified the Chersonesus, and rebuilt Lysimachia, which Lysi∣machus, King of Thrace, after Alexander had built as a Cittadel to keep the people in subjection; and which after his death, the Thracians had demolished. Antiochus undertook to repeople it, making those Inhabi∣tants,

which went out of it return, redeeming those that were in slave∣ry, and drawing thither many new ones, giving them Sheep and Oxen, and Iron to Till the Ground. He was very desirous with all possible ex∣pedition to put this City in a condition, and to make it the seat of that War he had resolved on, because he believed that in all Thrace there was no place more proper to be made a Magazine of Corn, and other Pro∣visions. A great number of people had already surrendred unto him, aud received the Garrisons for fear of his Arms, when those of Smyrna, Lamp∣sacus, and many others, who would not submit to his Yoke, sent their De∣puties to Flaminius the Roman General, who a little before had in a great Battel defeated Philip of Macedon in Thessaly; for in those times and be∣fore, the Affairs of Greece and Macedon were exremely embroiled, as we have related in the Greek Histories. There were many deputations on one part and the other, between Antiochus and Flaminius, but without any effect; for the Romans and Antiochus had for a long time been di∣strustful of one another. The Romans were of opinion, that this King grown now so powerful, would not, after so many happy successes, consent to Peace and Repose; and that Prince saw that the Romans only could oppose his designs, there being small likelyhood they would ever suffer him to establish a Dominion in Europe: Yet hitherto there was no occa∣sion given of a breach, when the Ambassadors of Ptolemy Philopater came to Rome to complain that Antiochus had dispoiled him of Syria and Cilicia. The Senate and people of Rome were very glad that this occasion present∣ed, and presently sent their Ambassadors to Antiochus, under pretence of reconciling the two Kings: but indeed to observe the designs of Antiochus, and oppose them as much as they could possible. Cneus, chief of this Embassie, required of the King, That he would not hinder Ptolemy, who was a friend of the people of Rome, from enjoying what had been left by his Fathers: and that he should leave in liberty those Cities, which formerly belonged to Philip of Macedon, saying it was not reasonable, that he should take to him∣self what the people of Rome had conquered. To this he added, That they were astonished he should come from Medea to the Sea-costs of Asia, with so great a Fleet, and so powerful an Army, and already begin to trouble Europe by building of Cities, and making himself Master of Thrace, and that there was great appearance all these were but preparations to another War. The King made answer, That his Predecessors had formerly possessed Thrace, but being busied elsewhere, it had been usurped from them, and that now, that he had lei∣sure, he would recover the Possession, and had rebuilt Lysimachia for the Resi∣dence of his Son Seleucus. For the rest, he would leave the Cities of Asia in liberty, provided they would own the Obligation from him, and not from the people of Rome. But for what respects Ptolemy, (said he) I am his Kinsman, and shall suddenly be his Father-in-law, and then shall take care to act in such a manner, as he shall give you thanks for the good office you have done him: but let me in my turn be astonished too, not being able to comprehend by what right the people of Rome meddle with the Affairs of Asia, since I meddle not with those of Italy. Thus they parted, without doing any thing save threatning one another. Some time after a report was spread, that Ptolemy Philopater was dead, which made Antiochus to take his way to∣wards Egypt, with design to seize that Kingdom, which the death of that King might make an easie Conquest. Being at Ephesus, Hannibal driven from Carthage by the calumnies of his Enemies, who had accused him to the Romans, as factious and likely to trouble the Peace now between them, came to salute him, and offer him his service; and as he had the Repu∣tation

of a great Captain, the King received him with much•• kindness, and kept him near his person. Being gone as far as Lycia, he understood that Ptolemy was yet living, whereupon he quitted the design of Egypt, out of hopes that he might easily seize Cyprus, and to that intent, he em∣barqued for that Island; but was surprized with so furious a Tempest near the River Sara, that he lost a great number of his Ships, and many of his Friends, Mariners and Soldiers; and the rest of his Fleet being carried by the Storm to Seleucia in Syria, he there caused his Ships to be repaired, which were much out of order, and celebrated the Nuptials of his Chil∣dren, Antiochus and Laodice, whom he had before made enter into con∣tract of Marriage.

[ II] At length having absolutely resolved on a War with the Romans, he endeavoured to ally himself to the Kings his Neighbours by Marriage. He sent Cleopatra, sirnamed Syra to Ptolemy in Egypt, and gave her in Dower the lower Syria, which he had formerly usurped from him, hoping thus to appease that young man, that he might attempt nothing on that side during the War. He sent likewise Antiochida to Ariarathes, King of Cap∣padocia, and the last to Eumenes, King of Pergamus: But that King know∣ing the design he had of making War upon the Romans, and that it was only for that end that he sought his Alliance, excused himself; and when his Brother Attalus and Phileter wondred that he despised the Alliance of so great a King his Neigbour, who offered it of himself; he laid before them the importance of this War, in which possibly in the beginning they might fight with equal Forces, but that in the end the Romans would prove vi∣ctorious, by reason of that courage and generosity, which rendred them undefatigable. In which case, said he, I shall remain free and secure in my Kingdom; but if Antiochus overcome, 'tis possible so powerful a Neighbo••r may deprive me of my Estates; or if he l••t me keep them, 'twill be only on conditions of submission to his Empire. These were the Reasons why he would not accept the Match.

Now Antiochus being returned to the Hellespont, and passed over into Chersonesus, took many places in Thrace, either by force or surrender, set at liberty all the Greeks that were under the Dominion of the Thracians, and was extremely liberal to those of Bizantium, because their City be∣ing seated at the mouth of the Sea, was very commodious for War; he likewise by his bounty, and the terror of his Arms, drew the Galatians to his party, judging those great Bodies were very proper to oppose the Ro∣mans in a Battel. After this he came to Ephesus, whence he Deputed Lysias, Eginetes and Menippus to Rome, in effect to pry into the intentions of the Senate, but in appearance to tell the Fathers: That always hitherto he had been affectionate to the Roma•• Name, and likewise that he had been de∣sired to have been received into their Alliance, if they had thought him worthy. However, he could not but wonder that they should order him to quit the Cities of Ionia, to release to some of them the Tribute they ought him, not to meddle with the Affairs of Asia, and to abandon the Possession of Thrace, which he held of his Ancestors; for that such kind of commands were usually given to the Conquered, and not to Friends. The Senate knowing well that these Ambassadors were only come to sound them, answered in few words, If Antiochus leave the Asiatique Greeks at liberty, and touches nothing in Eu∣rope, he may be, if he pleases, friend of the people of Rome. This was all they said, without giving any farther reason to the Ambassadors. Anti∣ochus thereupon designing as soon as he could to seize upon Greece, that

from thence he might begin the War against the Romans, thought good to communicate his intentions to Hannibal, who told him, That Greece having for a long time been afflicted with War, he thought there would be no great difficulty in seizing upon it. But that it was hard for a Prince to make War in his own Country, because of the scarcity of Provisions that might hap∣pen, but much more easie to maintain it in his Enemies Country: That An∣tiochus would never attain his desires upon the Romans in Greece, considering the conveniencies they had of supplying themselves with Provisions, and the faculty of raising Men: He therefore counselled him to si••se on some part of Italy, and make that the seat of the War, whereby the Roman Affairs would, as well at home as abroad be weakned. I know, said he, Italy perfectly well; and if you will give me but ten tho••sand men, dare promise my self to land and post my self in some place convenient for your designs, from thence I will write to my Friends in Carthage, to engage them to stir up the people to re∣volt, who already of themselves weary of the present Government, preserve no great fidelity for the Romans, and who out of hopes of a better Fortune, will attempt any thing as soon as they hear of my return to Italy. The King with pleasure listned to this advice; and considering (as true it was) that the Engagement of the Carthaginians in this War, was of no small importance, gave him charge to write forthwith to his Friends. However he writ not, for he could not do it with safety, the Romans having their Spies every where, and the War not being yet declared: Besides there were many envious persons in Carthage, and that Republick was troubled with those Divisions, which not long after were the cause of its ruine. Howbeit, he sent to his Friends a certain Tyrian Merchant, called Ariston, who came to Carthage, under pretence of Trade, and by him he desired them, that as soon as they heard he was entred Italy, they should move the people to revenge the outrages they had received; he acquitted him∣self very well of his Commission: for Hannibal's Enemies knowing of the coming of this Ariston, began to make a great noise, as if he had the ma∣nagement of some contrivance to the prejudice of the Publick, so that search was made for the Tyrian, and he, that he might not only engage the Friends of Hannibal, fixed up by Night in the Place a certain Wri∣ting, by which that Captain exhorted all the Senate to joyn with Antiochus for the defence of the Country, and that done, gets him to Sea. Morn∣ing being come, and the Writing read, the Friends of Hannibal found them∣selves by this invention discharged of any suspicion could be had of them, because it was believed the whole Senate had part in this advertisement. However the people knew not what to resolve on, they affected not the Roman Rule, but they had neither the power, nor the boldness to attempt any thing.

Mean while the Romans to cry quits with Antiochus, sent him likewise [ III] Embassadors to sound him, and spy into his Forces, of the number of which was Scipio the African. They came to Ephesus, where under∣standing that he was gone into Pisidia, they staid for him, and during his absence, had several conferences with Hannibal. They expostulated with him, that whilst Carthage was in Peace, and Antiochus upon the point of being declared Enemy of the people of Rome, he had left his Country, though since the League, neither he nor any other Carthaginian had any cause of complaint. This was a policy in the Ambassadors, who believed by these familiarities with Hannibal, they might bring him under suspici∣on with the King, of which, as great a Polititian as he was, he was not at all

aware: But the King being advertised of it, grew jealous of him, and con∣fided not in him, as he had done before: but besides his jealousie, Antio∣chus grew envious of this great Commander, fearing left, if his Affairs had success, all the Glory would be attributed to Hannibal. One day (as 'tis said) these two excellent men, holding a conference before a nume∣rous Auditory, fell upon a discourse of great Captains; and Scipio having asked Hannibal, who of them all he esteemed to be the greatest? He replied, Alexander of Macedon: To which Scipio agreed, because he yielded to A∣lexander: And thereupon asking again, to whom he gave the second place, he named Pyrrhus King of Epire, because in his Judgement, Boldness and Courage were the principal Virtues of a General of an Army, and of all Kings he had ever heard speak of, he had known none more hardy. Sci∣pio approved not this so well, yet he asked him again, To whom he gave the third place? To my self, said he, for scarce crept out of my Infancy, I made my self Master of Spain; I am the first, after Hercules, that hath passed the Alps with an Army; and being entred into Italy, have struck a terrour through all places: I have taken and sack'd four hundred Cities, and all this without any assistance, either of Men or Money from the Carthaginians. Here Scipio interrupting these Bravadoes, told him smiling; And in what degree would you have placed youy self, if I had not overcome you? I would have then ranked my self, said he, before Alexander. Thus without diminishing any thing of his own Glory, he obliged Scipio with an ingenious praise, telling him he had vanquished a Captain greater than Alexander. Their confe∣rence ended: Hannibal prayed Scipio to go and lye at his Apartment; which Scipio answered, he would freely have done, had he not been with Antiochus, whom the Romans had a present distrust of. Thus did these great Captains, by a Generosity worthy of themselves, measure their en∣mities only by the Wars in which they were ingaged. Flaminius did not so, for finding, after the defeat of Antiochus, Hannibal, who fled to have saved himself in Bithynia, in the Court of King Prusias, where that Roman was in Embassie upon other Affairs, though he had never received any particluar offence, nor had any order from the Senate, there being now no reason to fear him, Carthage being subdued; yet he constrained him to end his days by Poyson. 'Tis said this death had been foretold him by the Oracle in these terms.

In the Libyssan land shall Hannibal dye.

But he himself was deceived, for he hoped to dye in Libya, never think∣ing that in Bithynia, there was a River called Libyssa, which gave name to the adjacent Country. I have related these Examples, as well of the Generosity of Scipio and Hannibal, as of the contrary baseness of Flamini∣us, because I thought them not unworthy to find a place in this Hi∣story.

[ IV] To proceed, Antiochus upon his return from Pisidia, after having given Audience to the Deputies of the Rhodians, promised to leave in liber∣ty both them, the Byzantines, and all the other Greeks, bordering up∣on Asia, in case he came to an agreement with the Romans; but would not grant the same conditions to the Etolians and Ionians, because they had already been accustomed to the Dominion of the Kings of Asia, as bar∣barous,

as they were. As for the Roman Ambassadors, they returned with∣out doing any thing; nor indeed came they for any other intent, but to gain knowledge of the Estate of Antiochus his Affairs. After their de∣parture, came the Deputies of Etolia, of whom Thoas was the Chief, who offered the King all the Forces they had, advising him to pass forthwith into Greece, as to an easie Conquest: Telling him, There was no necessity he should stay for those Forces that were to come out of the midst of Asia, for the Etolian Powers were more than sufficient, and besides the Lacedemonians▪ and Philip of Macedon, sworn Enemy of the Romans, would joyn with him as soon as he should be entred into Greece, but that he could not use too much diligence, Antiochus presently took fire, nor could the news brought him of his Sons being dead in Syria hinder his embarquing, but with ten thou∣sand men only, he went and landed in the Island of Euboea, which he so ter∣rified, that they yielded to pay him Obedience. Micithion, one of his Cap∣tains, began likewise prosperously enough; for having found some Romans in the Island of Delos, which is consecrated to Apollo, he cut part of them in pieces, and took the rest Prisoners. Amynander, King of the Athama∣nians, joyned himself likewise to Antiochus, and that for the reason we are about to relate. A certain Macedonian, called Alexander, bred at Mega∣lopolis, to whom the Inhabitants had granted the freedom of becoming a Burgess of their City, had perswaded them by extravagant lyes, that he was of the Race of Alexander, the Son of Philip; and to gain the more credit to his knavery, he called his Children, the one Philip, and the other Alexander, and the last, which was a Daughter, Apamia, whom he gave in Marriage to Amynander, Philip, Brother to the Maid, and who had con∣ducted her to her Husband, seeing his weakness and ignorance in Affairs, had staid with this his Brother-in-law to Govern his Estates, in favour of the Alliance. Antiochus took hold of this occasion, putting this Philip in hopes that he would re-establish him in the Kingdom of Macedon, which belonged to him by Succession from his Ancestors; and by this means he drew the Athamanians to his party, as he did likewise the Thebans by go∣ing to Thebes, where he made an Oration to the people.

Thus having rashly enough undertook a War of such great impor∣tance, [ V] founded on the assistance of Anynander, the Thebans and the Eto∣lians, he held a Council concerning Thessaly, whether he should present∣ly siese it, or stay till Winter were past. Hannibal being at this Assem∣bly, where he had kept silence till the King desired his advice, then gave it in these terms.

The Oration of Hannibal

I Am of the opinion it is indifferent, whether you siese upon Thes∣saly before Winter or after: but know, that people broken by a long train of misfortunes, though they may at present testifie an incli∣nation to you, will not stick to range themselves on the Roman party, if there happen to you the least disgrace: Besides we are come hither without any Forces of our own, perswaded by the Etolians, that the La∣cedemonians and Philip will joyn with us; and yet I fear the Lacede∣monians are no less our Enemies than the Achaians: For Philip, though he should declare for you, I cannot perceive in the condition, wherein

things stand, that it would be of much importance which party he takes, but I am firm in this judgement, that you forthwith cause your Troops to come out of Asia, without placing your hopes, either upon the Etolians or Amynander, and that as soon as they are come, you enter Italy, that the Romans thereby sufficiently pestered to find remedies for Domestick mischiefs, may attempt nothing against your Dominions, nor, fearing to leave home defenceless, permit their Forces to range abroad. To this purpose you must divide your Fleet into two parts, one of which may waste the Coasts of Italy, whilst the other is kept in readiness, ex∣pecting some favourable conjuncture. In the mean time you are to post your self with your Land Army on the Frontiers of Greece, near unto Italy, both to hold them always in terrour, and to make an irruption as soon as you can possibly. Then it will be to some purpose to use all sorts of means to engage Philip to your interests, for which part soe∣ver he takes, he will be of no small consequence. And if you cannot gain him, you must send your Son Seleucus to enter his Country with an Army on the Thracian side, that seeing himself embroiled in a Domestick War, the Enemy may draw no assistance from him.

This was Hannibal's opinion, which certainly was not ill, nor indeed was there any better proposed in the Assembly. But the envy born to this great Man, joyned with a fear, the King and Councellors had, le•••• he should appear more understanding in the mystery of War than they, or that if things succeeded, all the Glory would be attributed to him, hindred its be∣ing followed, save only that Polexenidas was dispatch'd into Asia, to cause the Army advance.

[ VI] The Senate receiving advice of this irruption in Greece, and of the de∣feat of the Romans in Delos, declared Antiochus Enemy to the Roman people: And thus after the distrust so long time had on one part and the other, they came to an open War. But because the King was Possessor of vast Territories in the Continent, and of almost all the Sea-coasts, that he was entred into Europe, where he had begot a fear of him, as well be∣cause of his mighty preparations, as of the Glory of those brave Actions had gained him the title of Great, the Romans believed that this War would be of a long continuance; and besides, they were distrustful of Phi∣lip of Macedon, whom they had lately vanquished, and doubtful lest the Carthaginians should violate the League, because of Hannibal, who was with Antiochus, they had moreover in suspicion some Provinces newly conquered, and fearful lest they should make some insurrection, when they saw Antiochus in Arms, wherefore they sent Forces to bridle them with Garrisons, and with Propretors, who had each of them carried be∣fore them six Axes, and to whom they gave one half of the Authority attributed to the Consuls, as they bore half their Ensigns: And because in this great danger, they were likewise doubtful lest Italy should not prove altogether faithful, or stand stedfast with them against Antiochus, they sent a powerful Army unto Tarentum, to hinder the Enemies en∣trance, whilst their Fleet coasted round the Country, so much did Antio∣chus at first terrifie them. After they thought they had sufficiently se∣cured Affairs within; they set themselves to levy Soldiers, of whom they raised twenty thousand in the City, and twice as many in the Cities of their Allies, with design in the Spring to pass into Ionia. Thus they spent the

Winter in making their preparations. In the mean time Antiochus took his march towards Thessaly, and being come to the place called Cynocephalos or Dogshead, he Magnificently buried the bodies of those that had been slain, which had hitherto lain without Sepulchre, gaining by this means the good will of the Macedonians, and loading Philip with the hatred of his people, incensed that he had not taken the care to bury the bodies of those had been slain in his service. Philip was yet uncertain what party he should take, but hearing this news, he streightway preferred the Ro∣mans, and sending for Bebius, that commanded the Army, that lay hard by, took between his hands the Oath of Alliance against Antiochus. Be∣bius praysed him, and henceforward trusted in him, so far that sending Appius Claudius with two thousand Men into Thessaly, he made not any difficulty of causing him to march through the midst of Macedonia. Claudius being come to Tempe, nigh Antiochus his Camp that besieged Larissa, kindled great fires that he might make the Enemy believe he was come with a powerful Army. The King did believe it, and perswading him∣self it was Bebius and Philip him; Fear made him raise the Siege of Larnissa, and making the season his pretence which began to grow cold, he went to take up his Winter-quarters at Chalcis. Here he fell in love with a beautiful Virgin, though he were above fifty years old, and Married her with Great Pomp and Magnificence, without considering he had upon his hands a War, wherein all his Glory lay at stake. He spent the whole Winter in pleasure and divertisement, and suffered his Army to do the like, but having in the first of the Spring made an inroad into Acarnania, he too well perceived that Soldiers accustomed to Idleness were difficultly retrived, and began to repent of his Marriage, and the delights to which he had abandoned himself. Not but that he did somewhat in this Country; Some places submitted to him, and others he took by force, but having intelligence that the Romans passed the Ionian Sea, he returned to Chalcis.

Their Army was composed of two thousand Horse, and twenty thou∣sand [ VII] Foot, they had likewise some Elephants. It was commanded by Manius Acilius Glabrio, who being passed from Brundusium into Apolonia took his march towards Thessaly, raising in his way, the sieges from before such Cities as the Enemy had invested, and driving out the Garrisons from those who had received them, he reduced likewise, that Philip of Megalopolis, who had the forementioned pretensions on the Kingdom of Macedon, and took Prisoners about three thousand of An∣tiochus Souldiers. Mean while Philip of Macedon made an Irruption into Athamania, and drove thence Amynander, who fled, and sheltred himself in Ambracia. Antiochus having intelligence hereof, and seeing so sudden a change of affairs, began to be afraid of the diligence of his enemies, and perceived at last that Hannibals advice was the best, Wherefore he dispatched many Messengers one after another to Polexenidas, to cause him to advance, and in the mean while with all expedition possible he drew together all the force he could make, which amounted to ten thou∣sand Foot and fifteen hundred Horse, with some Auxiliary Troops of his Allies, and with these went to siese upon the pass of Thermopylae, that he might stop the Enemies passage whilst he expected his Army out of Asia. Now the strait of Thermopylae is a long and narrow passage, bounded on one side with a troublesome and inaccessible Sea, and on the other with a deep and broad Marish. It hath on both sides two mighty steep Rocks, of

which one is called Tichiontes, and the other Callidromos, where are found hot Springs whence the place had the Name of Thermopylae. Here An∣tiochus caused to be raised, two walls, and erected Engins upon them, committing the guard of the tops of the mountains to the Etolians, lest the Enemy should surprize him by the same windings Xerxes had found out to assault the Lacedemonians and Leonidas, because they had left them unguarded. Having therefore placed a thousand Men, on each top, he went and encamped with the rest of the Army near Heraclea. Manius ha∣ving intelligence of the Enemies Posture, caused publication of the bat∣tel to be made for the morrow, and at the same time sent away two of his Tribunes M. Cato and L. Valerius to whom he gave as many chosen Men as they desired, with Orders in the night to make a turn about the moun∣tains and if it were possible to drive the Aetolians from their Posts. Vale∣rius having assaulted those which had the Guard of Tichiontes, was re∣pulsed, for they defended themselves couragiously. But Cato having post∣ed himself near the Callidromos, about the last watch advanced, and sur∣prized the Enemies, yet asleep; however he had a sharp scuffle, by reason of the incommodiousness of the place, where the Soldiers were forced to Scramble up the Rocks, and Precipices to come at the Etolians. Mean while Manius marched directly towards Antiochus, having drawn off his Army into several bodies for he could not fight otherwise in these straits where the King expected him, having placed his Targets, and light Armed Foot in the Front of his Phalanx, which he had embatteled before his Camp, on the right hand stood the Slingers and Archers, who guarded the Foot of the Mountain, On the left the Elephants, and on the Sea-side, those Companies appointed for the Guard of his Person. When they were engaged, Manius found himself rudely intreated on all sides, by the light Armed Soldiers: But bravely sustaining the Shock, and sometimes giving ground, sometimes returning fiercely to the charge, he harassed them in such manner, that he put them to the Rout. The Phalanx open∣ed to give them passage, and closing again presented the Romans with an infinite of sharp long Pikes; (By this Invention it was that Alexander of Macedon and Philip did principally make themselves terrible, for no Man was so hardy as to press upon this thick and affrightful forrest of Pikes.) Hereupon on a sudden, might be perceived the Etolians with great crys flying from the Callidromos, and sheltring themselves in Antiochus Camp; which at the instant struck fear into both parties, who knew not what it meant; but when they knew Cato who with loud shouts pursued the Flyers, and saw him already nigh the Camp, the Kings Soldiers, who had heard the Roman Courage and Valor largely spoken of, and were sensible of their own defects and faintness, occasioned by their having spent the Winter in Pleasures and Idleness, began to be afraid, and their fear blinded them, so that they could not observe the numbers commanded by Cato, but imagining them far greater then they were, and apprehensive lest they should Plunder their Camp, they ran thither in disorder, followed so close by the Romans, that they entred Pelmel with them, and forced them to a second flight. Manius pursued them as far as Scarphi••, and made a hor∣rible slaughter, took a great number of Prisoners, and at his return from the chase of the Enemy gave their camp in spoil to his Soldiers. Mean while the Etolians had siesed the Roman camp, which they found abandoned, but as soon as they saw Manius return they quitted it. It is said that of the Roman Army there were about two hundred Men slain, either in the fight or the pursuit, Antiochus lost ten thousand reck•••••••••• the Prisoners, and he

as soon as he saw his Army give way, saved himself with five hundred Horse, and at one carriere reached Elatia. From thence he got to Chalcis, where his Fleet lay, on which he Embarqued with his new Spouse Eubia (for so she was called) and fled to Ephesus. Yet he took not with him all his Ships, for some that were laden with Provision fell into the hands of the Roman Admiral who sunk them.

News of this Victory being brought to Rome, publick Prayers were [ VIII] made, all the City rejoycing at the happy beginnings of this War, and in acknowledgment of Philips fidelity they sent back to him his Son Demetrius, who was yet a Hostage in the City. Whilst at Rome they were giving Demostrations of their joy for this happy success, the Phocians, Chalci∣dians and many other people, who had been of the Kings party, came to ask pardon of Manius, who forgave them. After which he went with Philip to spoil Etolia, took all their Cities together with Damocrites General of that Nation (the same Damocritus who had threatned Flaminius, he would encamp on the banks of Tiber.) After this he took his March towards Callipolis, over Mount Corax, which is of a great height, and very difficult to pass by reason of the Rocks especially for an Army, laden with bag∣gage, and the spoils of the Enemy as this was, for in passing this cragged way many Soldiers with their Arms and Equipage, were lost among the Precipices, besides they stood in fear of the Etolians, who might have troubled them, but they appeared not, being busied in sending 〈◊〉〈◊〉 to Rome to desire peace. Antiochus in the mean while drew towards the Sea side with all Expedition possible, all the forces that had been levied in the Lands under his obedience. He caused likewise a Fleet to be fitted out, the command of which he gave to Polexenidas, who had been banished from Rhodes, and not long after passed into Chersonesus, which he forti∣fied a second time, he placed Garrisons in Sestos and Abidos, by which the Romans might pass into Asia. And having designed Lysimachia for his Principal Magazine, he caused to be brought thither great store of Ammu∣nition and Provision, believing the Romans would soon draw towards him with great forces both by Sea and Land.

The Senate and People of Rome sent as Successor to Manius, L. S••ipio [ IX] now Consul, and because he was not over expert in the Art of War, they gave him for Lieutenant Publius his brother, who having overcome the Carthaginians, had brought away the surname of African as a spoil. Whilst these two brothers were laboring in their preparations, Livius who before had Commission to hinder the Enemy, from making any de∣scent in Italy, having been sent Successor to Attilius, who commanded the Romans Naval Forces, Embarqued on those Ships he had for the De∣fence of the Coasts, together with some sent by the Carthaginians, and other Allies, and came to the Port of Pyrae••m, where Attilius having deli∣vered up to him, the command of the Fleet, he took the Sea with four∣score and one Ships, all Armed for War followed by Eumenes, with fifty more, the better half of which were likewise Armed. They first made a descent in Phocida, which yet held for the King, but now for fear recei∣ving them, they the day following went forth to fight. For Polexenidas who commanded Antiochus his Fleet was coming to meet them with two hundred Ships much lighter then theirs, which was a great advantage, for the Romans were not yet perfectly skilled in Sea Affairs. This Cap∣tain seeing that two Carthaginian Ships, advanced in the head of the Fleet,

sent out three of his against them, which took them both, but empty, for the Africans had cast themselves into the Sea. Livius angry at this affront, makes a head, and goes to charge the Admiral, they stay for him, and grapple with him, so that the Ships being now fast to one another, they fought as if on firm Land; but the Romans being most daring leaped into the Enemies Ships, and making themselves Masters of them, brought them into the body of their Fleet, together with the two Carthaginian Ships had been taken at first. After this Prologue to a Battel, when the two Fleets came to joyn, the Romans far surpassed their enemies in bra∣very and strength, but because their Ships were heavier, they could not reach those of Antiochus, when they made their retreat; however they forced them to fly and save themselves in Ephesus, and they themselves went to Chios, where joyned with them seven and twenty Auxiliary Ships of Rhodes; The King having heard what passed in this Sea-fight, sent Hannibal into Syria, to cause other Ships to come from Phaenicia and Cilicia, but at his return the Rhodians gave him chase, and forced him to retreat into Pamphilia, and having taken some of his Ships, kept the rest for a while blocked up in the Port.

[ X] Mean while Publius Scipio, being come into Etolia with the Consul Manius, who had delivered up to him the Army, he would not carry the War from City to City, judging it scarce worth the time, and therefore permitted the Etolians to send again their Deputies to Rome, whilst he chose rather to go directly to Antiochus, before his brothers Consulate was expired. To which end he caused his Army to march by Macedon and Thrace, to gain the Hellespont, but this way had been very difficult and troublesome, had not Philip of Macedon, taken order that the Markets should all the way be supplyed and built Bridges, and brought in Provi∣sions as he did. This piece of Service was the occasion that the Scipio's, released him of the rest of the Mony, that he ought, and indeed they had Orders to that purpose from the Senate in case he served the Common∣wealth faithfully in that War. They wrote likewise to Prusias King of Bythinia, Letters by which they gave him to understand, that the people of Rome had enlarged the Dominions of a great many Kings, their Friends and Allies, and that though they had overcome Philip King of Macedon, yet they had left to him his Kingdom, sent back his Son that was in Ho∣stage, and released him the Mony he was still obliged to pay them; with which things Prusias was so much wrought upon, that he presently en∣tred into Alliance with the Romans against Antiochus. Now the Ad∣miral Livius understanding that the Scipio's were upon their way, left Pausimachus the Rhodian in Etolia, with the Rhodian Ships, and a part of the Roman, and himself with the rest sailed towards the Hellespont, to receive them. In his way Sestos and Rhetia, and two Ports of the Acheans, and some other little Towns yielded to him, and because Abydos would not do the same, he layd Siege to it. After Livius departure, Pausimachus lying at Anchor near Samos, exercised his people, in trying many inven∣tions of his own, and framing new kinds of Engins, and among the rest making Iron Pots, filled with combustible stuff, and fastned to the end of long booms, thrust from the Ships, so that if in time of Service the Enemies Ships came near them, they might burn them, by letting fall into them, those flaming Pots. Whilst he busied himself in these sorts of Employ∣ments, Polexenidas who was likewise of Rhodes, but had been banished thence, was contriving how he might intrap him. He promised him to

deliver up to him the Kings Fleet, on condition he would prevail that he might be recalled from Banishment: Pausimachus was jealous of the cheat, and for a good while stood upon his Guard; but after he had received on the part of Polexenidas, Letters written with his own hand, and had ad∣vice that he was gone from Ephesus, having sent most of his Mariners to seek for Provisions, he thought there was no probability, that a man like him would run the hazard of giving testimony under his own hand against himself, and began too lightly to give faith to him, and grew negligent of his Guards; he likewise sent his Seamen to Victual after the others Exam∣ples. Polexenidas seeing his plot took, suddenly caused his men to return, and privately sent Nicander, a famous Pyrate, with some armed Soldiers into Samos, to charge the Enemy behind on the Land side; and he im∣barquing about midnight, came before day break, and fell upon the Rho∣dian, and his Companians, who were yet asleep. Pausimachus frighted at this unexpected assault, commanded his Soldiers to dismount from the Ships, and defend themselves on the Beak: but when Nicander came to charge him behind (perswaded by an errour ordinary in the night) he be∣lieved the greatest Force had possest themselves of the Shore, and regain∣ing his Vessels in great disorder, he was the first that made head against the Enemies, and the first that valiantly fighting was slain; almost all the rest were slain or cut in pieces: Only seven Ships which carried the Fire∣pots, and which the Enemies durst not approach were saved; the other twenty were towed, by so many Boats to Ephesus. The noise of the Vi∣ctory made Phocea, Samos and Cuma declare for Antiochus, and obliged Li∣vius, who feared lest the Ships he had left in Aeolida, might be involved in the same misfortunes, speedily to return. Eumenes came thither also; and the Rhodians having sent twenty other Ships, in a short time all men re∣gained courage. To revenge this affront, they presented themselves before Ephesus in order of Battel; but no person coming out to them, they left one half of their Fleet at anchor, in sight of the City; and with the o∣ther part, went and made a descent into the Enemies Country, spoiling the Sea Coasts: but Nicander coming suddenly upon them, made them quit their prize, and flee to their Ships, so that the time of Livius com∣mand being expired, they came and disembarqued at Samos.

At the same time Seleucus, Son of Antiochus, forraged the Lands of Eu∣menes, and held Pergamus so closely besieged, that no person could get out, so that Eumenes was constrained to make all haste possible to Elea, which is the border of his Kingdom, together with L. Emilius Regulus, the Suc∣cessor of Livius. There came likewise from Achaia a thousand Auxiliary Foot, and a hundred chosen Horse, under the Command of Diophanes, who being entred into Pergamus, and perceiving from the Walls the people of Seleucus feasting and making merry, and careless of their Guards, would have perswaded the Inhabitants to make a Salley upon the Enemies; but they not having courage enough to adventure it, he drew out what Horse and Foot they had, and placed them in battalia before the Walls, with di∣rections not to move till they had Orders. The Enemy scoffed at the smal∣ness of their number, and their fearfulness: but when he saw them busie at Dinner, he fell on, and giving the Alarm to their Corps de Guard, forced them to turn their backs, and flee in disorder; some were killed taking up their Arms, others bridling their Horses, others in running after their Horses that were got loose, and others, as they strove in vain, to mount them. Thus Diophanes gained a noble Victory in the sight of the Inha∣bitants, who incouraged him from the Walls, but yet durst not come

forth to second him; and after having slain as many as he could over∣take in so sudden an eruption, he returned into the City with Men and Horses taken from the Enemy. On the morrow he posted himself in the same station, without being followed by those of Pergamus any more than the day before. Seleucus faced him with some Bodies of Horse, offering him Battel; but he moved not thereat, kept firm his ground near the Walls, waiting an opportunity; and when he perceived about noon Se∣leucus Horsemen were returning to the Camp quite tyred, he furiously charged them in the Rear, and after having put them to the rout, and slain some of them, he retreated into the City, he made many such like attempts, for they could neither go out to Forrage, nor to cut Wood, but he was still at the backs of them; till at last he harrassed them in such manner, that Seleucus was forced to withdraw his Camp out of the Ter∣ritories of Pergamus, and at last was quite driven out of Eumenes's King∣dom. Sometimes after happened a Sea fight between Polexenidas and the Romans near Myonesa. Polexenidas having fourscore and ten Ships of War, and Regulus the Roman Admiral fourscore and three, of which five and twenty were Rhodians commanded by Eudorus. He was appointed to fight on the left hand; but perceiving that Polexenidas was stronger on the right, and ready to encompass the Romans, he made head with all his Ships, which were very nimble, and forthwith opposed him, with those which carried Firebals, so that he durst advance no further for fear of burning; but as he tack'd, he exposed the broadsides of his Ships to the Rhodians, who charging upon them, sunk some of them, till such time as one of the Rhodian Ships having run his Beakhead with such vio∣lence against a Sidonian, that the Anchor fell into the Rhodian, they were grappled fast together, and now they began a Fight as on firm Land, and a great number of Vessels thronging in both of one side and the other to the assistance of these grappled Ships, the Fight was very bloody; but one half of the Kings Ships being divided from the rest of their Compa∣nions, were oppressed by the Romans before the others perceived it, and as soon as they saw it, they betook themselves to flight. The King lost nine and twenty Ships, of which thirteen were taken with all their crew. The Romans lost only two besides one of Rhodes, which Polexenidas car∣ried with him to Ephesus. Thus ended the Sea Fight which was fought near Myonesa.

[ XII] Mean while the King strengthened the Chersonesus, and fortified Lysima∣chia, judging well, as true it was, that the Romans would find it difficult to pass into Thrace, without having a firm alliance with Philip. But be∣ing of an inconstant Spirit, and variable on matters of no moment, as soon as he heard of this loss, near Myonesa, he began to fear, and believed he had some God to his Enemy, since all things succeded so ill, that the Romans were become Masters of the Sea, where he thought he had the greatest advantage; that Hannibal was blocked up in Pamphilia; and that Philip, who he thought should have remembred the injuries he had received, did himself conduct the Enemy through ways inaccessible. Frighted with all these disorders; and God blinding his judgement, as it happens in weighty calamities, he most imprudently abandons the Chersonesus, with∣out staying so much as for a sight of the Romans, or without either trans∣porting or burning all those Provisions and Munitions he had heaped to∣gether, whether of Corn, Arms, Engines or Money, but leaving them in∣tire to the service of his Enemies. Nay, so senceless he was, that when

those of Lysimachia went to him weeping with their Wives and Children, he took no notice of it. He had now no other thoughts but how to hinder the Romans from entring into Abidos, on which he hence forward placed all his hopes; and yet, as if the Gods had more and more blinded him, he never took care to guard that passage, nor so much as placed a Gar∣rison in it, but made a swift retreat into the Inland, designing there to ex∣pect the Enemy. The Scipio's having intelligence of his departure, made haste to possess themselves of Lysimachia; and having siesed on all the Treasure and Provisions the King had left in Chersonesus, they forthwith passed the Hellespont, which they found defenceless, and overtook Antio∣chus at Sardis, before he any thing doubted it. This diligence of theirs so much astonished him, that beginning to torment himself, and making Fortune a party in the faults he had committed, he presently dispatched away H••raclides the Bizantine to the Scipio's to treat of Peace, offering them Smyrna, Alexandria upon the Granick, Lampsacus, which had been the cause of their difference, with half the charge of the War. He had likewise Orders to grant them all the Cities of Ionia, and Aeolia, which had held of their party, and in short, whatever they demanded. These Conditions he was to propose publickly; but in private he had Commissi∣on to offer to Publius Scipio a great sum of Money, with promise to restore him his Son without Ransom, for the King had taken him prisoner in Greece, as he passed from Chalcis to Demetriade. This is that Scipio, who afterwards took and demolished Carthage, and was the second that bore the sirname of African. He was the Son of that Paulus, who took Perseus of Macedon, Grand-child to Scipio by the Mother side, she being his Daughter, and afterwards became his Son by Adoption. The Scipio's made answer to Heraclides in full assembly, That if Antiochus desired Peace, he must not only quit all Ionique and Eolique Cities, but likewise all Asia on that side Mount Taurus; and besides that, pay all the Expence of this War, which had been begun through his fault; And in particular Publius told the Byzantine, That if the King had offered these Conditions, whilst he held Lysimachia and the Chersonesus; nay, it's possible before he had passed the Hellespont, the Romans might have accepted them; but seeing he had suffered them to pass, and that now they beheld themselves Masters, not only of the Bridle, but of the Horseman, they knew not what else to say to him. However, he was high∣ly obliged to him for his kindness, and should be more when he sent him his Son, but as Affairs at present stood, he advised him, as his friend, to receive these Conditions e'er something worse befel him. After this he was carried sick to Aelea, leaving Cn. Domitius, Lieutenant to his Brother. As for An∣tiochus, he was of the same opinion Philip of Macedon had formerly in the like case been, that though he were absolutely defeated, they could not demand more, and therefore applied himself to rally his Forces in the Country of Thyatira, very near the Enemy. However, he sent Scipio his Son to Aelea, in acknowledgement of which Scipio sent him word, by those which brought him his Son, that he advised him not to give Bat∣tel till he was returned to the Army.

The King perswaded by the Authority of that great Man, went and in∣camped [ XIII] near Mount Sipyle, where he fortified his Camp with a strong Wall, and was besides defended by the River Phrygia, which parted the two Armies. This Post he made choice of, that he might not be obliged to fight against his will. But Domitius, covetous of Glory, had a great desire to fight, whilst he had the Command. He therefore couragiously

passed the River, and came and encamped within twenty furlongs of the Enemy, doing all he could for four days together to draw him to a Bat∣tel, he every day drew out his Army before his Trenches, and the other did the like; but neither the one nor the other would begin the engage∣ment. The fifth day Domitius drew forth his Army, and took the Field, hoping Antiochus would come to meet him; but seeing he moved not, he came and encamped close by him, and having let pass one day more, he caused it to be published throughout his Army, so loud that the Enemy might hear it, that on the morrow he would fight, whether Antiochus would or no: This King committed another mighty fault upon this occa∣sion, for he might have stood upon the Ditch of his Camp, or have kept himself within his Trenches, till Publius had been recovered: but he thought it a shame for him to refuse Battel, when he was the strongest; he therefore prepared himself, and about the last Watch, both Armies took the Field, and drew up in Array. They were Marshalled in this Order: Domitius placed his right wing, composed of about ten thousand Roman Foot on the Bank of the River; on the side of them were ten thousand other Italian Foot, both parties divided into Vanguard, Battel and Rear. Next the Italians stood Eumenes his Army, and three thousand Acheans armed with Bucklers. The right Wing composed of the Latin, Roman and Eu∣menes his Cavalry, which amounted to about three thousand Horse; be∣tween whose Ranks there were placed some light armed Foot and Archers, and besides there were four Squadrons, which Domitius kept near his per∣son, and all these made not above thirty thousand Men; the right Wing was commanded by Domitius, the Battel by the Consul, and the left Wing by Eumenes. They had likewise some Elephants, which were come to them from Lybia; but they believed they should not be able to make use of them, because they were too few; and besides being small, as all the Lybian Elephants are, they would be apt to be frightned, when they saw greater, wherefore they placed them behind in the Rearguard: Such was the order of the Roman Army.

Antiochus had an Army of seventy thousand Men, whose main strength consisted in the Macedonian Phalanx, composed of sixteen thousand Foot∣men, which according to the institution of the Ancient Kings, Philip and Alexander, were divided into ten Battalia's, each of fifty Ranks, and in each Rank two and thirty Men: Their Front represented the Walls of a City, because between every Body stood an Elephant like a lofty Tower; it was covered on the Flanks with two bodies of Horse, the one of Galati∣ans armed at all points, and the other of these chosen Macedonians, whom they call Agenia: In the right Wing were the light armed Soldiers, the Argyraspides, and two hundred Archers on Horse-back. In the left Wing were the Gallograecian Foot, the Tectosages, the Trocmes, the To∣lostiboges, some Cappidocians, whom Ariarathes had send to the King, and a great multitude of Mercenaries, which were sustained by other Ca∣valry, armed Back and Brest, and by the Band called Soccale lightly armed. Thus had Antiochus ordered his Forces, placing his principal confidence, according to all appearance, in his Cavalry, which in part covered the Front of his Battel: but he had committed an irreparable fault by having too closely lock'd up his Phalanx, on which he should have placed his chief reliance, being all old Soldiers. He had besides all these another Body com∣posed of Slingers, Archers, and Men with Darts and Targets of divers Nations, Phrygians, Lydians, Pamphylians, Cretans, Triballians, Cili∣cians, armed after the manner of Crete, together with Archers on Horse∣back,

Dacians, Mysians, Elymans and Arabes, who mounted on Dromeda∣ries extremely swift, vexed the Enemy from above with the shot of their Arrows, and when they were to fight nigh at hand, made use of long and narrow Swords. There were some Chariots armed with Scythes, which were placed in the head of this multitude with Orders to retire, after having made the first charge. Antiochus Army appeared upon a view of it, to be, as it were, two, the one to assail the Enemy, and the other to stand their ground, as if they had been an Ambuscade, and certainly both the one and the other were capable of striking terrour, both for their num∣ber and their order. The King was upon the right hand, he gave the left to his Son, and Mendis, Zeuxis and Philip; Master of the Elephants, had the charge of the middle Battel. The day was very misty, so that the obscurity hindred the Enemies from discovering their Forces; and besides the moistness slackned the Bow-strings, and made limber and slippery the Thongs, with which they lanced their Darts; which Eumenes having ob∣served, found nothing else to be concerned at, his only care was now for the Chariots, which he extremely feared. He therefore command the Slin∣gers, Darters, and other light armed Soldiers to charge them, and on e∣very side to throw their Darts and Javelins only at the Horse; for they be∣ing once beaten down, the Chariot was useless, or would serve rather to break the Ranks of their own party, than hurt the Enemy. And indeed it happened so, for the Chariot-horses being wounded, turned towards their own Cavalry, so that the Dromedaries that followed the Chariots were the first broken, then the armed Horsemen who could not shun the Encounters of the Scythes, by reason of the weight of their Armour: And thus was the whole Army put into a greater disorder, then there was any rea∣son for, or the occasion merited; for it having begun in the middle of the Field of Battel, spread it self to both ends, and the extent thereof being large amidst the confu••ion of different Voices, and a general fear, those which were near the danger, sooner felt the blow than foresaw it; and all the rest were terrified with the expectation of some great mishap. Eu∣menes seeing his first onset had succeeded so well, and that the place where the Chariots and Dromedaries had stood was void, he pressed forward his Horse, and those of Italy against the Galatians, Cappadocians, and other Mercenaries, crying aloud to his people, that they should go fall upon those unskilful people, whom their Protectors had forsaken. They obeyed and charged with so much violence, that they put to flight both them and the Men of Arms that were behind them, whom the defeat of the Chariots had already put in disorder, and because the weight of their Arms hin∣dred their saving themselves, they were almost all cut in pieces. Whilst Eumenes thus bore down the Horse in this Wing, Antiochus having broke and put to rout the Legions, gave them chase. Mean while the Macedo∣nian Phalanx, which stood lock'd up together upon four Fronts in the midst of the Cavalry, finding themselves opened on all sides, by the flight of the Wings, opened to receive in the midst of them, some Companies of light armed Men, who fought at the head of them, and presently closed a∣gain. And now Domitius easily encompassed the Macedonians, thus clu∣stred together, with his Horse and light armed Foot, and shrewdly annoy∣ed them, for they could neither come to the charge, nor enlarge themselves, and their experience stood them in no stead at this close order, but rather exposed them to the Darts of their Enemies: All they could do was to pre∣sent their Pike heads to the Romans, provoking them to come to the push, otherwise threatning they would come to them; but being on foot, and

heavily armed, they durst not go to assault Horsemen, for fear of break∣ing the Order of their Phalanx, which they could very hardly recover. The Romans pressed not too close upon these old Soldiers, thus lock'd together, and exasperated by despair; but wheeling about them, they charged them at distance with Arrows and Darts, of which not any fell without execu∣tion, because they being so hudled together, could not shun them: seeing themselves harassed in this manner, and not knowing what course to take, they gave ground, but still retreating, and not breaking their Order, in∣somuch that the Romans durst not yet draw near, but were satisfied to charge them at distance, till such time as the Elephants, which they had placed between the Battalia's, began to break their Ranks, and refusing any more to obey their Rulers, caused the whole multitude to betake them∣selves to flight in disorder. Domitius having routed the Phalanx, attempt∣ed to force Antiochus his Camp, whilst he continued driving the Legions that were opposed to him unto their very Camp, they not being support∣ed by any Horse, nor any Darters, nor Slings; for Domitius had placed none in this Wing, believing it sufficiently defended by the River. But the King being repulsed by the Tribune, that had the charge of the Guard of the Camp, who sallied out with some fresh Forces, and caused those that fled to return to the charge, turned head, puffed up with an opinion of the Victory, because he knew not what had passed elsewhere. At∣talus, Brother to Eumenes, advanced to encounter him with a Body of Horse, of which the King made so light off, that he charged through and through, without receiving any great damage. But when he came to have knowledge of the defeat, by the slaughter of his people, with whom all the Field of Battel was covered, seeing the vast heaps of Bodies, Men, Horses and Elephants, confusedly mixed together, and that even his Camp was in the Enemies power; he likewise betook himself to flight, and all upon the spur made for Sardis, whither he reached about midnight. From Sardis he presently took the way towards Celenes, which men call Apa∣mia, whither he had understood his Son was escaped. On the morrow he departed from Celenes towards Syria, leaving his Captains to rally the ruines of his Army; and in the mean time sent Ambassadors into the Field of Battel, to demand peace of the Consul, who was then burying the Bo∣dies of his dead, spoiling those of the Enemy, and gathering together the Prisoners. Among the Dead, there were found about four and twenty Roman Knights, and about three hundred Footmen, who had been slain by Antiochus, and of Eumenes Soldiers only fifteen Horsemen: As for the Enemy, they lost fifty thousand men, comprizing the Prisoners, for the number of the dead was so great, it could scarcely be counted. All the Elephants fell upon the place, save only fifteen, which were taken alive. After this Victory so great, that many could scarce believe it; for they could not imagine that a handful of men fighting in an Enemies Country could possibly defeat such a prodigious Army of the Kings, and especiall of the Macedonian Phalanx, composed all of old Soldiers, now stronger in men than ever, and believed invincible; after this Victory, I say, Antio∣chus his Friends blamed his rashness for having undertaken this War a∣gainst the Romans, and said that from the beginning he had made it ap∣pear, that he was no great Captain, having so inconsiderately abandoned Lysimachia, and the Chersonesus; and besides that, withdrawn the Garri∣sons from the Hellespont, by means of which he might have hindred the Scipio's from passing into Asia: And at last they condemned his impru∣dence for imprisoning, as it were, the choice Forces of his Army, there∣by

rendring them useless, and placing his hopes in a heap, and multitude of new leavied Soldiers, rather then in men accustomed by long exercise to the toils of War, and whose bodies and courages were both invincible. Whilst all the world talked in this manner of Antiochus, the Romans grown more resolute then before, now began to think nothing impossible, founding their thoughts, as well upon their native valor, as upon the assistance of the Gods, and not being able sufficiently to admire their own good for∣tune, when they considered how being so infinitely unequal in number, and in a strange Country, they had in one only battel, and in one day sub∣dued so many Nations, made prize of so great Riches, overcome so many Mercenary Troops, quell'd the glory of the Macedonians, and in short ruined Antiochus, King of so many Kingdoms, and reduced him that had gained the Surname of Great, to a by-word, and a Proverb of Antiochus the Great has been.

Whilst the Romans entertained themselves, with these pleasant thoughts, [ XIV] Publius brother to the Consul, finding himself in a condition to under∣take a journey, came to the Camp, where the Kings Deputies had Audi∣ence. They now only desired to know what Antiochus must do, that he might be received into the friendship of the Senate and People of Rome, to which Publius answered. That this War was not begun, but through the fault and covetousness of Antiochus, who possessing a great Empire, of which the Romans were not at all jealous, not therewith content, had despoiled Ptolemy his kinsman, and friend to the people of Rome, of the lower Syria, had invaded Europe without any right, subdued Thrace, fortified the Chersonesus, and built Lysimachia. In conclusion having brought an Army into Greece, had endeavored to reduce under servitude the Greeks whom the Roman People had lately set at liberty and continued his enterprizes, till such time as he was defeated at Thermopylae, That though he had been forced to save himself by flight, he had abated nothing of his Ambition: but had renewed the War by Sea, where he had been beaten in several Engagements, and had never made any Overture of Peace till the Roman Army was come over into Asia. That even then he had proudly refused their conditions, and setting on Foot a mightier Army to make yet greater attempts was fallen into an Extremity of Disgrace. But (said he) though with reason we may impose on him a greater penalty, after so much obstinacy, we will not use our good fortune in∣solently, nor insult on others calamities. We offer you therefore the same con∣ditions we did before, adding only some small matter advantagious to both, and of importance to the common security. Renounce Europe, Quit to us all Asia as far as Mount Taurus, Deliver into our hands all your Elephants, and as many Ships as we shall order you to furnish. You shall henceforth keep no Elephants, and only such a Number of Ships as we shall prescribe. You shall give up twenty Hostages, such as the Consul shall choose, and to∣wards the Expence of the War you shall pay fifty Talents ready Mony, and two thousand five hundred after the Senate shall have ratified the Peace, with a thousand Talents to be for twelve years to come, yearly sent to Rome. You shall likewise deliver to us all Prisoners and Runaways, and pay unto Eumenes the Remainder of what was due to his Father. If Antiochus presently per∣form these Articles, we will grant him Peace, and promise him the Friend∣ship of the Roman People; Provided the Senate approve it. The Deputies having accepted these conditions, part of the mony was soon brought, and the Hostages delivered, among which was the Kings youngest Son called Antiochus, which done the Scipio's and Antiochus sent their Deputies to

Rome. The Senate ratified the Treaty, and the Articles were signed ac∣cording to Scipio's intentions, however somethings were added not before expressed. That the bounds of Antiochus his Dominion should be the two Promontories, called Calecadnon and Sarpedonion, beyond which he was not to bear Arms. That he should have only twelve Ships of War to keep his Sub∣jects in awe, but that if he happened to have any War, he might then have more, that he should not leavy any Mercenary Soldiers in the Lands under the Roman obedience, nor receive any Runaways, and that from three years to three years he should exchange the Hostages save only Antiochus his Son. This League was Engraven on a Table of Copper, and set up in the Capitol as other Articles of Peace with any Nation were used to be: an extract of which was sent to Manius Volson, who being at Apamia a City of Phrygia took before Antiochus Deputies the Oath of Alliance, as Antiochus on his part swore to observe it in the presence of the Tribune Thermus, sent to him for that purpose. Thus ended the War between Antiochus the Great, and the People of Rome.

Some were of opinion it proceeded no farther, because of the favour shewed by the King to Scipio's Son, and indeed at his return to Rome, they endeavored to trouble him about it, and the two Tribunes of the People accused him of having been corrupted by presents to betray the Common∣wealth. But he made slight of his accusers, and his Tryal happening to be assigned on the same day, that he had gained his Victory over the Car∣thaginians, he sent before hand to the Capitol, all things necessary for a Pompous Sacrifice, and presented himself before the Judgment Seat, ma∣gnificently habited, and not in Mourning like others accused of any crime, to move their Judges to compassion. This brave Man secured by the Testimony of his own Conscience, amazed all the world by this man∣ner of Conduct, for when he began his Discourse, he made no mention of any crime, he spoke only of the Carriage of his Life past, the mighty things he had done for the Commonwealth, and the many Victories he had gained, and he uttered it with so good a grace as delighted the whole Auditory, but when he came to speak of Carthage, which he had subdued, he amplified the matter with so much heat, that he not only moved, but warmed the People, by telling them, This is the day, Gentlemen, whereon I defeated the Carthaginians whom once you so much feared: Wherefore I am going from this place to sacrifice at the Capitol, whoever loves his Country, let him follow, and go with me to return thanks to the Gods. Having said these words he mounted to the Capitol, without concerning himself at the Judgment. All the People followed him, and the Judges themselves ap∣plauded him, beseeching the Gods that his Sacrifice might prove accepta∣ble. This proceedure left his accusers in a deep perplexity; for they durst no more call to judgment or accuse of ambition or corruption a Man whose whole behaviour was exempt from suspicion and above calumny. Thus nobly did he scorn an accusation, had no agreement with his past life; In which in my opinion he acted more prudently then Aristides accused of Theft, or Socrates when imprisoned for the matters objected against them, who suffered under the infamy without making defence for themselves. It is true, Plato attributes a certain Plea to Socrates, which he had framed ac∣cording to his own fansie. In my Judgment likewise he repelled Calumny with more generosity then Epaminondas the Sovereign Magistrate of the Boeotians with Pelopidas and another, his Colleagues. The Thebans ha∣ving sentthese Captains with their Forces to assist the Arcadians and Messe∣nians

against those of Lacedemon, and the War not being yet finished as they would have had it, they recalled them because of some Calumnies: but they kept for six Months more the Command of the Army, refusing to surrender it into their hands were sent to succeed them, till such time as they had driven out the Lacedemonian Garrisons, from the Cities they held, and placed Arcadians in them. Epaminondas had been the sole cause of this, having promised his Colleagues, that they should fall into no danger. But as soon as they were returned to the City, their accusers un∣dertook them each apart to have them condemned to death; for by their Laws it was a Capital Crime to hold by force the Command of the Army, when another was sent to be General. The other two were discharged not so much out of any compassion the Judges had for them, as because they laid the whole fault upon Epaminondas who had advised them so to do, and did consent to what they had said. He therefore being last of all called in Judgement, I confess (said he) that I have kept the Command of the Army beyond the time prescribed by the Law's, and have constrained my Col∣leagues, whom you have absolved to do the same, I therefore beg no favor from you: I only desire that for my past services it may be writ upon my Tomb. Here lies he who having gained the Victory at Leuctra, led to the very Walls of Sparta his fellow Citizens, in whom before the only sight of the Lacedemo∣nian Hats struck a terror: His Country condemned him to death, because he had less consideration for the Laws then for the Publick good. After ha∣ving said these words, he descended from the Tribunal offering his body to any that would lead him to Execution, but the Judges touched with this reproach, and admiring this manner of defence, changed their de∣sign of condemning him as Criminal into Respect, and without putting it to Vote withdrew from the Assembly. Let every Man judge of these Exam∣ples as he pleases.

To proceed; Manius Successor to Scipio, visiting those Lands quitted [ XV] by Antioc••us to the Romans to settle them in good Order. The Tolis∣bologes a people of Galatia, who had assisted the King in this War, refu∣sed to submit. They gathered together upon Olympus a Mountain of My∣sia, whither he followed them with great labor, and having overtaken them, put them to the Rout, kill'd an infinite number, and drove others down the precipices insomuch that the slaughter was so great it was im∣possible to reckon the dead, because of their Numbers: he took forty thou∣sand Prisoners, whose Arms he caused to be burnt, and because he could not carry along with them so great a Number of Captives, he sold them to the Neighboring Nations. The Tectosages, and the Trocmes to revenge their Nation, laid an Ambush for him, and charged him so furiously that with great difficulty he saved himself, but soon after finding them lying as it were heaped upon one another, by reason of their great Numbers, he caused them to be encompassed by his light Armed Soldiers, who at a di∣stance discharging at them a shower of Arrows, not one fell without Exe∣cution, which made so horrible a Butchery, that after the death of eight thousand Men they drove the rest fighting past the River Halys; and be∣cause Ariarathes King of Cappadocia, who had taken part with Antiochus, sent to Manius two hundred Talents, demanding Pardon, for he was fear∣ful of the War, the Roman entred not into his Territories, but turned head towards the Hellespout with vast Riches, innumerable sums of Mony, an infinite of Spoils and Plunder, and an Army loaden with great quantity of Baggage. But now he committed a great fault, that he would not, be∣ing

it was Summer time, take his passage by Sea, not considering the vast weight of their Equipage; For it was not now his business to harden the Soldiers by labor, since he was not going to War, but returning home loaden with spoils. And yet he chose rather to lead his Army by the way of Thrace which is long, crooked and craggy, and that in the violent heat of Summer, and without giving any advice thereof to Philip, that he might have come out to meet and be his Conductor, nor did he divide his Forces into many Bodies, for the more commodiousness of the March, and better supply of things necessary, nor distributed the baggage by the com∣panies that it might have been the better guarded, but he made all his Army file off, in the midst of which came the Carriages, which neither the Van∣guard nor Rear could relieve, because the way was long and narrow, by which means the Thracians falling in on all sides, and charging them un∣expectedly he lost a great part of his Prey, Mony and Soldiers, and hardly saved the rest in Macedon, which made appear of what importance Phi∣lips care in conducting them, was to the Scipio's, and how great Antio∣chus his fault was in abandoning the Chersonesus. Manius having caused the remainder of his people to march through Macedon into Thessaly, and from thence into Epire, imbarqued them, and landing at Brundusium dis∣missed there his Forces, and returned to Rome. Those of Rhodes and Eumenes King of Pergamus were well satisfied with having taken part with the people of Rome against Antiochus, and the Rhodians having sent their Ambassadors to Rome, and Eumenes being come in person thither, the Se∣nate gave to the inhabitants of that Island Lycia and Caria, which they had taken from them some time before, for having favored the party of Perseus King of Macedon Enemy to the Roman people. As for Eumenes they gave him all that they had taken from Antiochus save only the Greek Cities of Asia, to so many of which as had been tributary to Attalus Father of Eume∣nes they ordered to pay tribute to Eumenes, and for those which had before paid tribute to Antiochus they were declared free, and permitted to live ac∣cording to their Laws.

[ XVI] Antiochus the Great being dead, his Son Seleucus succeeded, who re∣deemed his brother Antiochus from being Hostage at Rome by sending in his place Demetrius his Son. Antiochus was already come as far as Athens, when Seleucus was trayterously murdered by one of the Officers of his houshold called Heliodorus, who had designed to siese on the Kingdom, but Eumenes and Attalus drove him out and re-established Antiochus that they might gain his friendship: For there had already past some things between the Romans and them which obliged them to stand on their guard. Thus Antiochus the Son of Antiochus the Great entred into Possession of the Realm of Syria. The Syrians called him Epiphanes, that is to say Illustri∣ous, because when strangers would have usurped his Kingdom he had de∣fended it, and restored the Family of his Ancestors. Having therefore entred into Friendship and Alliance with Eumenes, he remained peaceable possessor of the Kingdom of Syria, and of the Neighboring Nations, gi∣ving the Government of Babylon to Timarchus, and the Superintendancy of his Revenues to Heraclides two brothers, whom he had abused. He undertook likewise a War against Artaxias King of Armenia, and having taken him Prisoner, died, leaving for his Successor his Son Antiochus but nine years old, to whom the Syrians gave the name of Eupator, because of the Vertue of his Father, and appointed Lysias for his Tutor or Governor. The Senate received with great satisfaction, the news, that Antiochus,

who had resigned some years gloriously, was so soon dead; and when De∣metrius, the Son of Seleucus, Brother to Antiochus Epiphanes, Grandchild to Antiochus the Great, and Cousin to the Infant, represented at Rome, (where he yet remained as Hostage, being about twenty three years of age) that he was next Heir to the Crown, they refused to let him go, because they believed it more advantagious to the people of Rome to have Syria governed by a Child than a Man. And having understood likewise, that there were some Elephants in that King∣dom, and some Ships above the number agreed on with Antiochus; they sent Commissioners to cause the Elephants to be killed, and the Ships to be burnt; the sight of this Execution begot compassion in all the World, who thought it cruelty to kill Beasts so tame and so rare, and to burn such Ships, and so much spleen did it raise up in one Leptines, that meeting C••. Octavius in a place of Exercises, as he was causing himself to be a∣nointed, he killed that Commissioner, whom Lysias caused to be interred. Demetrius having advice hereof, went to the Senate, and demanded that at least they would discharge him from the conditions of a Hostage, since he had been exchanged for Antiochus, who was dead; but not being able to obtain any thing, he secretly escaped by a small Vessel into Syria, where he was received with a general approbation of all the World. He present∣ly put Lysias to death, and soon after the Infant, forced Heraclidos to flee, and executed Timarchus as a Rebel, having accused him for ill manage∣ment in the Government of Babylon. Wherefore he was called Demetrius Soter, a name given him by the Babylonians. After this, seeing him∣self setled in the Kingdom, he sent to Rome a Crown of Gold worth ten thousand Crowns, as an acknowledgement of his having been civily treat∣ed in quality of a Hostage; and moreover, delivered to them Leptines, who had slain Octavius. The Senate accepted the Crown, but as if the crime had concerned all the Syrians, they would not content themselves with the punishment of Leptines. After this, Demetrius drove Ariarathes out of the Kingdom of Cappadocia, and received a thousand Talents for setling in it Holophernes, said to be his Brother, though it were the Romans inten∣tion, that both Brothers should be Kings alike: but sometime after they were both expelled, and Ariobarzanes, likewise by the Forces of Mithri∣dates, King of Pontus, upon which cause with some others began the War with Mithridates. Never was there a greater, nor in which there were so many strange revolutions, or so many Nations concerned; besides that it lasted forty years, during which time, the Palace of the Kings of Syria oft-times changed its Master, though they were still of the same Race. There happened likewise during that time, many broils and mu∣tations in divers Kingdoms. The Parthians, who for a long time had been revolted from the Family of the Seleucides▪ added to their Estates Mesa∣potamia, which they cut off from the Kingdom of Syria▪ Tigranes, Son of Tigranes, having subdued the neighbouring Nations, which had eve∣ry one their King, and causing himself to be called King of Kings, made War upon the Seleucides, who would not submit. And Antiochus, sir∣named the Pious, being not able to resist him, he became Master of all the Provinces of Syria on this side Euphrates, as far as Egypt, and of Cilicia besides, which was likewise under the Dominion of the Seleucides. Ma∣gabates commanded in the name of the King his Master in all their Estates newly conquered, with a powerful Army for fourteen years together; but after that Mithridates overcome by Lucullus, sought refuge in the Court of Tigranes. Magabates went with his Army to the assistance of his King,

and in the mean time Antiochus, Son of the Pious, retook Possession of his Kingdom, with applause of all Syria. Lucullus, who waged the first War with Tigranes, and drove him out of his new Conquests, disturbed not the King of Syria, in the Possession of the Kingdom of his Fathers; but Pompey, Successor to Lucullus, after having defeated Mithridates, suf∣fred Tigranes to remain King of Armenia; but for Antiochus, though he had never disobliged the Romans, yet he despoiled him of his Kingdom, and indeed it was easie for a great Army to oppose a King unarmed: not but that he had another pretence, for 'twas alledged, that it was not just that Syria, whose Kings of the Seleucian Race were expelled by the Arms of Tigranes, should rather return to them again, than to the Romans, who were Conquerers of the same Tigranes himself. Thus were Cilicia, Syria as well the higher as lower, Phaenicia and Palestine added to the Roman Em∣pire without fighting, and with them all the Countries between Eu∣phrates and Egypt. There remained only the Jews to be subdued by force, and Pompey performed it, sent their King Aristobulus Prisoner to Rome, and rased the Walls of Ierusalem, a very great and a holy City in that Country. Ptolemy the first King of Egypt had before done the same: Ve∣spasian likewise took and pillaged it; and the last time it was taken, was by Adrian in our days, wherefore the Jews pay more Tribute by the Pole, than for the Goods which they posses, and for the Syrians and Cilicians they pay the hundredth part Pompey having conquered all the Nations that had been formerly under the Seleucides, gave to some particular Kings, as also to the Gallogreeks of Asia; and for the others, he confirmed in their Tetrarchies the Ancient Kings that had faithfully served the Romans in the War against Mithridates. Some years after all these Estates were reunited to the Roman Empire, every one in his time, but the principal part under the Empire of Augustus Caesar. Now Pompey being departed from Syria, left his Government to his Quaestor Scaurus, to whom the Se∣nate sent Marcus Philippius for Successor, and after him Marcellinus Lentu∣lus, both these Praetors, who during the two years that each had the govern∣ment of this Province, were obliged several times to come to blows with the neighbouring Arabs, who made incursions into the Province, wherefore afterwards there were Proconsuls sent into Syria, who had the same power with the Consuls in matters of War. Gabinius was the first that came with an Army, when Mithridates King of Parthia, driven from his Kingdom by Orodes his Brother, was re-established by the assistance of the Arabs. At the same time Ptolemy, the Eleventh King of Egypt, being expelled like∣wise by his Subjects, by force of Money prevailed with Gabinius to reset∣tl•• him in Alexandria, and suspend the War with Parthia. He did it, and by force constrained the Alexandrians to return to the obedience of their King. But Gabinius was by the Senate condemned to banishment; for having without express Orders passed into Egypt, and having undertaken a War which was thought to be unfortunate, being forbid by the Sybills Verses. To Gabinius succeeded (as I think) Crassus, who going to make War with the Parthians was defeated by the loss of his whole Army. Af∣ter him L. Bibulus had this Government, during whose time the Parthians made an irruption into this Province, and in the time of Saxa, who was his Successor, extended their Arms as far as Ionia, the Romans being then diverted by the Civil Wars. But we shall more amply treat of all these Matters in the Book of the Wars against the Parthians, this being only designed for the Wars in Syria. What therefore I have said, is only to make known in what manner Syria came under the Roman Dominion, and how it

was reduced under the form of a Province. Nor will it be much from the purpose to insert something of what passed from the time of the Macedo∣nians, till it was brought under the Roman Rule.

Alexander having overcome the Persians, was King of Syria▪ and not [ XVII] only of Syria, but also of all the Countries, whither he carried his Arms. After the death of Alexander, who left two Sons, the one yet a little Infant, and the other in the belly of his Mother. The Macedonians pressed for∣ward, by the love they bore to the Blood of Philip, chose for their King A∣ridaeus the Brother of Alexander, who yet was not esteemed over wise, changing the name of Aridaeus into that of Philip; but that only for the that Alexanders Children were in their minority, for they gave Guards to the Mother, whilst she was great with Child. Mean while the Captains of the Macedonians, and principally Perdiccas, under the authority of this Philip, divided the conquered Nations into Satrapies or Governments, and the Brother and Children of Alexander, being sometime after dead, the Sa∣trapes or Governours, became Kings. Laomedon was the first that was placed in the Government of Syria, by the favour of Perdiccas, and of Antipater, who after Perdiccas had the Government of the Kingdom. As soon as he had taken possession, Ptolemy, who was Governour of Egypt came into Syria with a Fleet, and offered this Governour a great sum of Money to put it into his hands, that it might serve as a Rampier to Egypt, and that from thence he might invade Cyprus. But not able to obtain any thing that way, he took Laomedon himself Prisoner, who afterwards corrupting his Guards, fled to Alcetas in Caria. Thus Ptolemy siesed upon Syria, where having staid for some time, he left Garrisons, and returned into Egypt: As for Antigonus, he was Governour of Phrygia, Lycia and Pamphilia; and besides, when Antipater went into Europe, he left him superintendent General of all Asia: So that Eumenes, Governour of Cappadocia, being de∣clared Enemy of the Macedonians, he went and besieged him, and under∣standing that he had made a private escape from the place, pursued him, and slew him in the way to Media, whither he had designed to flee for re∣fuge: from whence returning to Babylon, he was magnificently received by Seleucus, then Governour there. But Seleucus having condemned to death one of his Captains, without acquainting him with it, he demand∣ed of him an account of the Publick Moneys, which so much perplexed Se∣leucus, that not able to resist Antigonus, he retired to Ptolemy into Egypt. Antigonus hereupon deposed Blitor, Lieutenant Governour of Mesopotamia, from his charge, because he had assisted Seleucus in his retreat. Soon af∣ter he reduced under his obedience the Province of Babylon, Mesapotamia, and all the Nations from Media to the Hellespont; insomuch, that the o∣ther Governours not enduring he should siese on so many Countries to their prejudice, entred into a League against him. Seleucus was the prin∣cipal Author of it; and Ptolemy; Lysimachus, Governour of Thrace, and Cassander, who commanded in Macedon after the death of his Father, signed to it. They forthwith sent Deputies to Antigonus to demand the restoration of those Lands he had siesed on, and to produce the publick Moneys to be divided amongst them: He made a mock of the Deputati∣on, whereupon the Confederates declared War against him. This no∣thing daunted him; but on the contrary, he beat out those Garrisons Ptolemy had placed in Syria, and made himself Master of Phaenicia, and lower Syria, till then under the obedience of Egypt. Thence he went to the Cicilian Ports, leaving Demetrius his Son, only two and twenty years

of age, in Gaza, with an Army to oppose the designs of Ptolemy: but Ptolemy defeated him in a great Battel, and forced him to flee to his Fa∣ther. Seleucus was presently sent by the Confederates to Babylon, to re∣posses himself of his Government: Ptolemy having to this effect given him a thousand Foot, and three hundred Horse; this was a Body utterly uncapable of forcing so great a City, but the inclinations the Babylonians had for him, made him be received, and his Forces soon increased prodi∣giously. Antigonus incensed against Ptolemy, overcame him in a Sea Fight, which was fought near the Island of Cyprus, where his Son Demetrius commanding, the Army were so puft up with this Victory, that they proclaimed both Father and Son Kings. It is true, there was no person left of the Blood Royal, Aridaeus, the Son of Philip being dead, as were like∣wise Olympia's, and the Children of Alexander. Ptolemy's Army here∣upon gave him likewise the Title of King, lest his loss should make him seem to yield to the Victor. Thus different success occasioned the like e∣vent. The others presently followed the Example, and of Governours made themselves Kings. Thus Seleucus became King of Babylon and Me∣dia, killing afterwards with his own hand in combat, Nicator, whom An∣tigonus had placed in the Government of that Province; he had afterwards many Wars, as well against the Macedonians as the Barbarians, and a∣mong the others two against the Macedonians. The last of which was against Lysimachus, King of Thrace; and the first against Antiochus, then fourscore years old, when the Battel was fought near Ipsa, a City of Phrygia, where that brave old Man discharging the part of a General and Soldier together, lost his life.

[ XVIII] After his death the Confederate Kings divided amongst them his Estates, of which Seleucus had for his share all those Lands that lie between Eu∣phrates and the Sea, and from the Sea as far as Phrygia in the main Land, which vastly augmented his Dominion. And he moreover losing no op∣portunity of making himself greater, being equally powerful in Elo∣quence and Arms, conquered Mesopotamia, Armenia, and Cappadocia, sir∣named Seleucidia; and besides those became Master of the Persians, Par∣thians, Bactrians, Arabs, Tapyrians, Sogdiens, Arachoses, Hyrcanians, and other Nations, fronting upon the River Indus, which had been subdued by Alexander. So that, except that King, no Prince ever possessed so great a Country in Asia; for all the Lands, from the confines of Phrygia to the River Indus, were under his obedience. He went likewise to make War with Androcotes, King of the Indians, that inhabit beyond the River, and re∣turned not till an Alliance was contracted between them, which was follow∣ed by Peace. True it is, that whilst Antigonus lived, he possessed but some part of this, for the greatest share came to him after his death. They say that being in Alexander's Army, in his expedition into Asia, and yet but a private Soldier, he consulted the Oracle of Didymea, concerning his return, to which he was answered, Take leave of Europe and possess Asia. That in Macedon, there of a sudden appeared on his Fathers Hearth a great flame, which no body was seen to kindle, and that his Mother was advertised in a Dream, to give the first Ring she should find to Seleucus to wear; for that he should Reign in that place, where by chance he let it fall, and that she found one of Iron, with an Anchor engraven thereon, which was lost about Euphrates. 'Tis said likewise, that as he walked a∣bout Babylon, he stumbled upon a stone, which having caused to be taken up, there was found an Anchor underneath, which troubled much the

Southsayers, who would have had this Prodigy to be a presage of delay: But Ptolemy, the Son of Lagus, who accompanied him, said it was ra∣ther a sign of stedfastness, wherefore when Seleucus attained to the Roy∣alty, he bore an Anchor engraven in his Ring. Some likewise have as∣sured us that whilst Alexander was yet living, and in his presence there happened another presage of the future greatness of Seleucus; for after he was returned from the Indies, being embarqued upon the Euphrates to go visit the Marshes of Babylon, with intent to make Channels to water the Champion of Syria; his Diadem was by the wind carried of his Head, and set upon a heap of Reeds, near the the Sepulcher of an Ancient King, by a fatal presage of the death of that Prince, which happened soon after. Whereupon a Mariner casting himself into the Water, and having taken up the Diadem, put it on his Head, and brought it drie to Alexan∣der, who for a reward gave him a Talent of Silver. The Divines told him he should put this man to death, some say he did it, others deny it; and others again say, it was not at all a Mariner, but Seleucus himself, who cast himself into the Water, and put the Diadem on his Head for fear of wetting it, and that the presage was fulfilled in the persons of them both: Alexander dying at Babylon, and Seleucus succeeding in the greatest part of his Empire. These are the signs I have met with, pre∣saging his greatness. To proceed, after the death of Alexander, he was Captain of the Guards of the Kings Houshold, a command, which whilst the King lived, had been possessed by Ephestion, and after him by Perdic∣cas; from thence rising by degrees, he came to the Government of Baby∣lon, and at last mounted the Throne; and because he had gained many Victories, he was called Nicator, for I think that more probable than to imagine that because he slew Nicator, he bore away that name as a preci∣ous spoil. He was tall of Stature, and so strong, that when Alexander once sacrified, a Bull in fury breaking from its Cords, and escaping, he alone stop'd it, laying fast hold on his Horns, which is the reason why they place Horns with his Statues. He beautified the Country under his Dominion with many fair Cities, which he built from one end to the other, of which sixteen he caused to be called by the name of his Father Antiochia's, six af∣ter his Mothers name Laodicea's, nine after his own name Seleucia's, four after his Wives names, three after the first Apamia's, and one after the last Stratonicea, the fairest remaining to this day are five, two Seleucia's, one on the Sea side, the other on the Tigris. Laodicea in Phaenicia, Antiochia in Mount Libanus, and Apamia in Syria: He likewise gave names to others, either Grecian or Macedonian names, as Beraea, Edessa, Maronea, Perinta, Callipolis, Achaia, Polla, Orope, Amphipolis, Arethusa, Astachia, Tegaea, Chalcis, Larissa, Heraea, Apolonia, and in Parthia it self, Sotera, Calliope, Charis, Hecatonpolis, Achaia, in India, Alexandropolis; and in Scythia, A∣lexandrescatta: His Victories gave a name to Nicepborea in Mesopotamia, and to Nicopolis in Armenia, which confines on Cappadocia. 'Tis said like∣wise, that when he was about to build Seleucia on the Sea side: It was marked out by the Thunder, wherefore the Thunder is there adored as a God, and to this day they sing Hymns to it, and use many particular Ce∣remonies. And when he designed to lay the Foundations of that, which is upon the River Tygris; the Magi or Southsayers, who had Orders to set out the day and hour, when the Work was to begin, to the end it might be built under a fortunate Constellation, pitched upon an unhappy hour, because they were not well pleased, that a great City should be built there to awe themselves. And that as the King in his Tent waited for

the fatal hour, and all the Army stood ready to lay their hands to the Work, as soon as the Signal should be given them. The hour of good Augury being come, the Soldiers on a sudden, thinking they heard the Command given, fell to the Work with so much alacrity, that no forbid∣ding whatsoever could stay them: at which Seleucus was much cast down; but the Magicians seeing him disquieted about the fate of the City, de∣manding only safety for their persons, and having obtained it, spoke to him in this manner.

The Oration of the Magicians.

SIr, neither Men nor Cities can change their Fate be it good or bad, for every City has its Destiny, as well as every Man; now it hath pleased the Gods that this here shall endure many ages, being begun at this present hour. True it is, that because we feared that when once built it would be∣come a Fortress against our selves, we have endeaoured to divert the Destinies, but they will still be Mistresses, both of the cunning of Magicians, and inanimad∣vertency of a King. Wherefore Fate it self commanded your Army to do what was most advantagious. 'Tis a truth we assure you of, and that you may believe we deceive you not again; You were here in person, you commanded they should stay for the signal, and your Army, which in other occasions, where they were to throw themselves into dangers, and to endure toil and labour, has always been perfectly obedient to you, could not now stand still, though you commanded it; but all on a sudden with its Officers ran to the work, as if it had been commanded; and so indeed it was, and therefore could not be staid at your commands; but who in humane affairs can have more power than a King, but a God? God, which this day grants you the full of your desires. God, who a more faithful Counsellor than we, is the Author of the Foundati∣on of this City. God, enemy of our Nation and Allies, since now we have no more strength left, having neighbours more powerful than we so near us. In short, rest assured, this City is founded under a fortunate Constellation, and shall flourish a long time. And now we hope as our fault proceeded only from the fear we had of the decay of our felicity, you will not repent your self of the pardon you have granted us. The King mightily pleased with the Magi's discourse, forgave them: And this is what I have found concern∣ing Seleucia.

[ XIX] Now Seleucus willing, that whilst he was yet living, his Son might be King, gave to him the greatest part of his Territory in the main Land: but though this were an action worthy the magnanimity of a mighty Prince; in my judgement, what he did in favour of this Son's love, and of that modesty he strugled with in his sickness, declared more courage and prudence. For this young Prince was passionately in love with Stratonice his Fathers Wife, by whom Seleucus had already had a Child; yet knowing his passion to be criminal, he never discovered it, nor gave the least symptom of it to any person: but smothering his grief, lan∣guished in his bed, and desired death. Erasistratus himself, that famous Physician, to whom the King gave such large allowance, could not at all conjecture whence his distemper sprung, till such time as observing that he had no corrupt humours in his body, he concluded the seat of his malady must be in the mind, the contagion of which had past into the

Body. He knew his Grief, Anger, and other disturbances of Man's Spirit, could not well be concealed, but that a Modest Person might well conceal his Love; and founding himself upon this, he privately discoursed it with Antiochus, and conjured him to tell him the cause of his Distem∣per: But not being able to draw any thing from him, he kept near his Bed, had diligently observed those Changes happened to him, when any Woman entred his Chamber, and having taken notice that when others came about him; his Body continued without any alte∣ration; but at all times, when the Queen came to visit him, his spirit seemed strangely moved, and shame and remorse of Conscience seem'd written in his Face, though he said never a word; but that as soon as she was gone, his Body resumed a more lively colour, and with a fresh heat returned to its former Estate. Upon which he told Seleucus, that his Sons distemper was incurable; whereat the King sur∣prised, let his Grief break out with a Shriek; and the Physician added, 'Tis for Love, Sir, that he dies, and the Love of a Woman he can never enjoy. Seleucus was astonished, that there should be a Woman in the World, that would not let her self be perswaded by a King of Asia, when he proposed to her the Marriage of his Son, and thereto added Prayers, Gifts and Money; nay, a great Kingdom, to which the Prince was Heir, and which he would be ready to part with presently in re∣compence of his cure, if any one demanded it, and thereupon pressing the Physician to tell him, who this Woman was: He replyed, 'Tis my wife, Sir. To which the King returned: And how good man, you that are our Friend, and tyed to our House, by so many reciprocal Testimonies of kind∣ness, and besides all that, a wise and honest man; will not you save the life of this young Prince, the Son of a King, your Friend, fallen unhappily in Love, and who out of Modesty has concealed his Grief, even unto Death? Can you make so little account, not only of Antiochus, but of Seleucus him∣self? He feigning to be moved with these Arguments, turned them thus upon the Father. And if he were (said he) in love with the Queen, would you quit her to him? Hereupon Seleucus began to swear by all the Gods, Protectors of his Crown, that he would give her him freeely, and with all his heart, that he might leave to Posterity a Noble Example of Paternal Goodness towards a Modest Son, who in his Affliction had not made the least Complaint, and was absolutely unworthy of this Misfortune. In conclusi∣on, after much Discourse of this Nature he declared, he was extremely troubled, that he himself could not be the Physician of his Unfortunate Son, without being beholding to Erasistratus: Who seeing now the King was in earnest, discovered to him the whole matter, and how he came to know it, notwithstanding all his Sons resistance. Seleucus seemed o∣verjoyed at what he heard, and now there remained only the difficul∣ty of perswading his Son and the Queen; which he did, and after having gained their Consent to his Proposition, he assembled his Ar∣my, who perhaps had already some inkling of the Matter, and begin∣ning to make an enumeration of the great Actions he had done, by which he had extended the Bound of his Empire farther, than any of the Successors of Alexander, he then remonstrated to them, how being grown old, it was hard for him to govern so vast a Kingdom. Where∣fore (said he) I will divide this mighty Mass, and that I may provide for your security for the future, I am resolved to discharge my self at pre∣sent of one half of this burthen on him that I esteem most dear. I be∣lieve that you will obey me in all things, it being but just you should do so.

You, I say, that since the death of Alexander, fighting under my Au∣spices, are mounted to so high a degree of Power. Now that which I e∣steem most dear, and most worthy of this Empire is this young Prince, the Elect of my Children, and this Princess, who being in a flourishing age, will soon give you Children to be the stay and support of this great Empire. I marry them therefore together in your presence, and I give them all those Kingdoms I possess in the main Land. As for the thing it self, do not you consider in it, so much the Custom of the Persians, and other Nations, as the general Law, common to all men, which requires that Subjects should believe whatever their King Decrees is just. As soon as he had uttered these words, the Army began to make their Acclamations, proclaim∣ing him the greatest King since Alexander, and the best of all Fathers. Thus Seleucus married his Wife with his Son, and sent them to take possession of their Kingdom. And surely this Action gained him more Reputation than all the Victories he had won; for he conquered him∣self. He had seventy two Governments, under his Dominton, so vast it was, of which he gave the greatest part to his Son, receiving to himself only the Country, lying between Euphrates and the Sea. After this, having War with Lysimachus (which was the last he had) he gave him Battel on the confines of Phrygia, near the Hellespont, where Lysimachus was slain. And as he had passed the Strait to siese upon Lysimachia, he was himself slain by Ptolemy, sirnamed Serranus, who was one of his Train. He was the Son of Ptolemy Soter, and of Euridice, the Daughter, of Antipater, and fear having driven him from Egypt, because his Father had resolved to give the Kindom to his younger Brother; Seleucus took pitty on him, received him, as the Son of his Friend, entertained him at his Table, and carried him still along with him, in recompence of which he became his Murderer. Such was Seleucus his end, who dyed in the seventy third year of his Age, and fortieth of his Reign; for my part, I be∣lieve we may likewise refer to his death the answer of the Oracle: Take leave of Europe, and possess Asia; for Lysimachia is in Europe; and this was the first time he had repassed into Europe: After having followed Alexander to the Conquest of Asia: 'Tis said, demanding a Magician where he should dye, he received this Answer.

Keep far from Argos to prolong the date Of Life, for else thou hastnest on thy Fate.

After which he made an exact search of all places, called Argos, and took special care not to go near the Argos of Peloponnesus, of Amphilochia, of Orestiade, from whence some Macedonians are called Argeades, or so much as to a City of that name, which Diomedes, during his banish∣ment, had caused to be built beyond the Ionian Sea; but that as he was going from the Hellespont to Lysimachia, he saw an Alter built upon an Eminence, and having demanded the name of the place, they told him it was called Argos, and that whilst he was informing himself of the cause of that name, whether the Argonauts passing that way had not given it, whether the Inhabitants of the Country had not called it so, because of the Argians, that went to the Wars of Troy; or at last, whe∣ther it might bear that name in memory of the Country of the Atrides. Ptolemy thrust him with his Sword through the Body. Phileterus, Go∣nour

of Pergamus, redeemed his Body from Serranus, with a great sum of Money; and when he had burnt it, sent the Ashes to Antiochus, who caused a magnificent Monument to be raised for him in Seleucia on the Sea, and built a Temple in Honour of him, which was called Nicatorion. As for Lysimachus, 'tis said that he was one of Alexanders Guard of the Body; and that one day having a long time followed the King on foot, who was on Horse-back, he grew so weary, that to ease himself, he laid hand on the Horse tail, and by chance was pricked in a Vein of his Fore∣head, by the point of Alexanders Javelin, which hung behind the Crup∣per, from whence there issued so much Blood, that that Prince having nothing else, bound it up with his Diadem, which being afterwards re∣stored to that Prince all bloody, Aristander, the South-sayer foretold, that the wounded person should be a King, but should always Reign in Wars and Troubles. And indeed he ruled forty years, comprising the time, when he assumed but the quality of Governour, and at last was slain at the age of seventy years, with his Arms in his Hand, his Van∣quisher Seleucus not long out living him. Lysimachus being slain, a Dog he had loved, staid a long time by the Body, and defended it from the Birds and Beasts, till such time as Thorax of Pharsalia finding it, gave it Buri∣al. Though some there be that say, that he was buried by a Son of his, called Alexander, whom fear had made seek a refuge with Seleucus, when Lysimachus put to death Agathocles his other Son; and that his Bo∣dy having a long time been sought after, was at length found by means of a Dog, quite putrefied, and was buried by the Inhabitants of Ly∣simachia in a Temple, which was afterwards called Lysimachion. Thus dyed also at the same time two Kings of equal stature, and of an extraordinary strength of Body, one at the age of seventy years, and the other three more, fighting in person to their very death.

After Seleucus his death, his Sons succeeded in his Kingdom of Syria, the first of which was Antiochus, sirnamed Soter, who fell in love with his Mother-in-Law, and afterwards repulsed the Gauls, who had made an irruption out of Europe into Asia. The second was another Antio∣chus, born of the same Woman, he whom the Milesians called God, be∣cause he had delivered them from Timarchus their Tyrant, but this God dy∣ed of Poison, given him by his Wife. He had married two, whom he equally loved, Laodice and Berenice, Daughters of Ptolemeus Phila∣delphus, one of which two, to wit, Laodice gave him his death, as she did soon after to her Sister Berenice, and her Child. Ptolemy, the Son of Philadelphus revenged this crime by the death of Laodice, and march∣ed into Syria, as far as Babylon, which gave occasion to the Parthians, seeing the House of the Seleucides in trouble, to shake off the Yoke of their Dominion. To this Man, sirnamed God, succeeded in the King∣dom of Syria, Seleucus his Son by Laodice, who was called Callinicus, and after Callinicus his two Sons, Seleucus and Antiochus, one after the other: the Eldest of which having neither health nor strength enough to keep his Army in awe, was poisoned by his Domesticks, having reign∣ed only two years; and for Antiochus, who was sirnamed the Great, it was he who had War with the Romans, the History of which we have now wrote. We have likewise spoke of his two Sons, who reigned both one after the other, Seleucus twelve years, without doing any thing considerable, (nor indeed had the power, by reason of his Fathers for∣mer losses) and Antiochus only two years, during which he took pri∣soner Artaxias, King of Armenia, and undertook an expedition into E∣gypt

against Ptolemy the Sixth, one of those two Sons, whom their Father lately dead, had left for his Successors. As he lay encamp∣ed near Alexandria, Popilius the Roman Deputy came into his Camp with Letters, whereby he was commanded to depart the Kingdom of the Ptolemies. After he had read them, and said he would consider of them, Popilius made a Circle upon the Ground about him with a Rod he had in his hand, bidding him, consider before he went out thence, which so terrified him, that he presently departed the Realm; and because in his way, he plundered the Temple of Venus in Elymais, he dyed of a rottenness of the Lungs: He left a Son nine years old, called Antiochus Eupator, of whom we have spoken, as also of Demetrius his Successor, who being Hostage in Rome, escaped into Syria, where having taken possession of the Kingdom, the Syrians gave him the name of Soter, which the Sons of Nicator had before born. There was one Alexander raised Arms against him falsely, saying he was of the Race of the Seleucides; and being supported by Ptolemy, King of Egypt, out of the hate he bore to Demetrius, he drove him out of his Kingdom; he dying in Exile, his Son, called likewise Demetrius, reconquered it, and because he had Van∣quished this Seleucus, who was not of the Family of the Seleucides, he was called by the Syrians Nicator, like the first Seleucus, from whom the Kings of Syria were descended. And endeavouring to follow his Exam∣ple, he undertook an expedition against the Parthians, where being ta∣ken Prisomer, he lived a long time in the Court of Phraates, and mar∣ried Rhodogune, that Kings Sister. Mean while a Domestick of the for∣mer King's, called Diodotus, seeing the Throne of Syria without a King, siesed on it to advance therein a Child, named Alexander, the Son of that bastard Alexander, and a Daughter of Ptolemyes; and soon af∣ter having made away his Pupil, had the boldness to make himself King, changing the name of Diodotus into that of Tryphon. Antiochus, Brother of the Prisoner Demetrius, hearing at Rhodes of his Brothers Cap∣tivity, and all the disorders succeeding it, returned into his Country, where with much labour he reduced this Tryphon; and having put him to death, advanced with his Army against Phraates, to oblige him to re∣lease his Brother, whom he presently sent to him out of a fear, the Par∣thian, at that time, had of War, yet this stopt him not from pursuing his design, and engaging in Battel with the Parthian, wherein being o∣vercome, he slew himself. Demetrius returned to his Kingdom was mur∣dered by his Wife Cleopatra, enraged at the second Marriage with Rho∣dogune, the news of which had before been the cause, that during the Captivity of her Husband, she had married with her Brother Antiochus, she had two Sons by Demetrius, Seleucus and Antiochus, sirnamed Grypus; and by Antiochus, another Antiochus called the Cyzycenian, of whom Grypus she caused to be brought up at Athens, and the Cyzycenian at Cyzica. As for Seleucus, who had caused himself to be crowned immedi∣ately after the death of his Father, she killed him her self with an Ar∣row, whether it were she were fearful, he should revenge his Fathers death, or that she had conceived a hate against the whole Family. Se∣leucus being dead, the Kingdom descended to Grypus, who forced his Mother to drink a Poison she had prepared for him. Thus she at last was punished, and for him he degenerated nothing from Cleopatra, for he having advice of it, declared War against his Brother, drove him out of his Kingdom, and made himself King of Syria, he enjoyed it no long time, being himself expelled by the Arms of Seleucus, Son to An∣tiochus

Grypus, who respected not in him the Quality of Uncle; but he became so violent, and lived with so much Tyranny, that being at Mopsa, a City of Cilicia, he was burnt alive in the place of publick Exercise. His Successor was Antiochus, the Son of the Cyzycenian, whom the Syri∣ans believed had escaped his Uncles traps, only for his Piety, wherefore they sirnamed him the Pious; and yet he was only saved by a Curtezan fell in love with him, because of his Beauty, which makes me think the Syrians gave him that name, only out of a jeer; for this Pious man married Selene, who had before been married to his Father the Cyzyoeni∣an, and to his Uncle Grypus. Therefore Divine Justice suffered him in punishment of his Crime to be driven out of his Kingdom by Tigranes; and the Son he had by Selene, who being bred in Asia was called Asia∣tick, to be deprived of his Kingdom by Pompey, as we have before re∣lated, having reigned only one year, during which that General was elsewhere employ'd. He was the seventeenth King after Seleucus, with∣out reckoning Alexander the Bastard, or his Son, who were not of the Race, nor their Domestick Diodotus. To conclude, the Race of the Se∣leucides Reigned two hundred and seventy years, and if we account from the time of Alexander the Great, till this Kingdom was reduced into the form of a Province, we must likewise add those fourteen years which Ti∣granes Reigned. Thus much I thought good to say, by the way, concern∣ing the Macedonians, that were Kings of Syria, though the Subject be somewhat separate from our History.

The End of the Syrian War.

APPIAN OF ALEXANDRIA, HIS HISTORY OF THE Roman Wars IN PARTHIA.

PART I.

BOOK III.

The Argument of this Book.

I. THE Introduction to the History. II. Crassus chosen Consul leaves Rome to go against the Parthians. III. Crassus first Expedition wherein he do's nothing memorable. IV. Crassus preparations for his se∣cond Expedition and the presages of his misfortune. V. His march, and the treachery of Agbarus. VI. Upon Intelligence that the enemy is not

far off, he draws up his Army in Battel. VII. Description of the Battel. VIII. Success of the Battel, and the death of Crassus Son. IX. The end of the Battel wherein the Romans are worsted. X. Crassus decamps by by night. XI. The Parthians pursue their Victory, and Crassus is slain▪ XII. The Parthians rejoyce at Crassus death. XIII. The beginning of Anthony's War against the Parthians, in which Ventidius makes great progress. XIV. Anthony's Preparations. XV. Some fights between Anthony and the Parthians. XVI. Anthony's retreat. XVII. The rashness of Flavius Gallus who had nigh lost the Army. XVIII. Famine in the Army. XIX. Continuation of Anthony's retreat, and the end of the War.

AFter Pompey (and those who as we have already said, suc∣ceeded [ I] him in the Government of Syria) Gabinius was sent to Command in that Province, whither (as he was di∣sposing himself to make War against the Arabs) Mithri∣dates King of Parthia driven out of his Kingdom by his brother Orodes) came to him to request him to suspend his Expedition against the Arabs, and march against the Parthians. But Ptolemy the Ele∣venth, King of Egypt had more prevalency over the Spirit of the Pro∣con••ul, and by the power of Mony wrought so far with him, that in stead of going against the Parthians he led his Army to Alexandria. After ha∣ving reestablished that King, he was condemned to Banishment, for ha∣ving without the Senates Order undertook a War in Egypt, forbid by the Oracles, and particularly by the Sibyls verses. Crassus succeeded him, who going to make War upon the Parthians perished with his whole Army. After his death, when L. Bibulus was governor of Syria, the same Parthians made an irruption into the Province, and afterwards un∣der the Government of Saxa, who succeeded him over-run all as far as Ionia, the Romans being imbroiled in Civil Wars: yet did they nothing memorable, besides spoiling the Country, rather like thieves then Men of War, and all that was but the consequence of Crassus overthrow, which had given them a boldness that Anthony was at last to give check to, but to write the History of this Expedition we must begin our discourse farther of.

The day of Assembly for Election of Consuls being come. C. Caesar, [ II] Pompey the Great, and Marcus Crassus being found Competitors, the two last (notwithstanding all the endeavors of Cicero, Cato and those of the Contrary Faction) obtained the Consulate by force, and prolonged to Caesar the Government of Gaul for five other years. Having drawn by lot the Governments of Syria and Spain. Syria fell to Crassus, and Spain to Pompey, with which all Men were well satisfied. For the people were pleased that Pompey should not go far from the City, and there was great likelyhood because he extreamly loved his Wife, that he would not wil∣lingly absent himself for any long time. On the other side Crassus as soon as he saw himself Governor of Syria, dissembled not his satisfaction. He thought no greater happiness could have arrived him, and so far did his Excess of Joy transport him, as to make him in his familiar conversation with his friends, utter a thousand extravagancies, which savored of the young Man, and seemed contrary to his nature, who had never been taken for a Proud Man or a Boaster; but now exalting his thoughts above their due

level, his judgment was perverted, insomuch that he not only promised himself to subdue the Syrians and the Parthians, but as if the Victories gained by Lucullus against Tigranes, and by Pompey against Mithridates had been but sports, his depraved imaginations carried him as far as the Bactrians, the Indians, and the Oriental Ocean. Though in his Commis∣sion there was not any mention made of a War against the Parthians, yet no Man doubted but he was resolved to undertake it. Caesar himself wri∣ting to him from Gaul commended his design, and exhorted him to pursue it, but many good and understanding Men, thought it strange he should go to make War against innocent people who only demanded peace. Where∣fore Crassus, having intelligence that Atteius Tribune of the people had a design to hinder his going out of the City, was afraid, and intreated Pompey who had a great power over the spirits of the people, to be his Conductor, they found in the Street a great number of Persons disposed to Arrest him, but Pompey observing them, went to meet them, and with a smiling coun∣tenance appeased them; so that they held their peace, and gave him pas∣sage. Atteius only made opposition, first by forbidding Crassus to pass any farther, and then by commanding the Usher to sieze his person, but the other Tribunes not thinking it convenient, let him pass. Then At∣teius ran to the Gate, and filling a chafing dish with fire, as Crassus past by made efusions thereon, pronouncing Execrations against the Consul, and invoking Gods, whose names were new and dreadful. This manner of cursing is very Ancient, and the Romans are of Opinion that these Im∣precations are so powerful, that whoever they are pronounced against cannot escape, nor can any good happen to him that pronounces them, wherefore they never use them rashly, and now many persons blamed Alteius, in that by declaring himself Enemy to Crassus though in favor of the Commonwealth, he had filled the minds of the whole City with fear and Superstition. Yet all this hindered not the Consul from setting forward to Brundusium, and though the Winter which was not yet near past might have diverted him from adventuring to Sea, yet he would stay no longer, so that he lost many of his Ships by Storm, and having rallied the remainder of his forces, took his way by Land through Galatia, where he found King Deiotarus, who was of a great age, building a New City to whom he said in raillery. You begin to build at twelve a clock, to which the other replyed smiling, and you I perceive go not against the Parthians very early. For Crassus had already past sixty years of age, and look'd much Elder then he was.

[ III] Being arrived in the Province, the first success of his affairs answer∣ed very well to his hopes, for having caused a Bridge to be built, he with ease and security passed his Army over the Euphrates, and received under his obedience many Cities of Mesopotamia which surrendred to him; One he besieged called by the Greeks Zenodocia, which was defended by a Ty∣rant named Apollonius, and because he had lost before it one hundred of his Soldiers, he stormed it with his whole Army, took it, razed it, and sold all the Inhabitants he could find by Outcry. After this he permitted his Army to call him Emperor by which he lost much of his Reputation, as if having gained this Victory, his hopes had reached no higher. In con∣clusion he placed Garrisons in all the Cities had surrendred, whose num∣bers amounted to seven thousand Foot, and a thousand Horse, and with the rest of his Army, came to take up his Winter-quarters in Syria, whi∣ther his Son who had born Arms in Gaul under Caesar, from whom he had

received many Military rewards, came to him with a thousand chosen Horse. This was in my opinion the second fault Crassus committed, after having rashly undertaken this Enterprise, for whilst he ought to have ad∣vanced as far as Babylon and Seleucia, Cities in all times Enemy to the Par∣thians, by keeping at this distance he gave the Enemy time to make pre∣parations. The stay he made in Syria gained him not more glory, for he lived rather like a Tax-gatherer then a General. The time which should have been employed in making provision of Arms, and exercising the Soldiers, was spent in reckoning up the Revenue of the Cities, and in weighing and measuring the Gold and Silver consecrated to the Goddess of Hierapolis. And when he had Ordered the Lords and Commonalty of the Country to set out a certain Number of Soldiers, he presently dispen∣sed with them for Mony, whereby he drew upon himself the scorn of all the World. It was at the Temple of the forementioned Goddess, whom some will have to be Venus, others Iuno, others Nature, which contains in her the seed of all things, there it was I say that he received the first presage of his ill fortune. For as the Father and Son came out thence, the young Man stumbled, and fell before the Gate of the Temple, and the old Man fell upon his Son.

Whilst he was drawing his Forces out of the Garrisons there came to him Ambassadors from Arsaces who said but little to him, the sense of which was this. That if the People of Rome had sent that Army, the War would not end, but by the absolute ruine of one of the parties, but if it were true (as was reported) that Crassus without his Countries consent, and for his own particular interests had undertaken it, Arsaces would not then do his utmost, but having compassion on the Consuls age, would let the Romans go, whom he considered rather as men besieged then Conquerors, To which Cras∣sus having arrogantly replyed that he would give them an answer at Se∣leucia, Vagises chief of the deputation in a fit of laughter showing the Palm of his hand; Crassus said he, there shall hair grow here before thou see Seleucia, and therewith the Ambassadors departed to give advice to Orodes their King that he must resolve for War. Immediately after, some of those who had been placed in Garrison in the Cities of Mesopo∣tamia, having escaped through all the difficulties in the World, came to the Camp, where they bred no small disturbance. They gave account of the vast number of Enemies they had seen, the labors they had undergone in defence of the Cities from whence they were driven, and aggravating every thing, as is usual in such cases, they assured their fellows that it was impossible to escape from the Parthians when they pursued, nor to over∣take them when they fled, that their Arrows wounded before they could be perceived, and that nothing was proof against them, whilst they were Armed with such strong Curasses that nothing could offend them. The Roman Soldiers hearing these discourses were appalled, for being perswaded that the Enemies differed nothing from the Armenians, and Cappadocians whom Lucullus had beaten till he was weary, and believing that the most of their labor would be the length of the way, and the trouble to pursue Enemies that durst not stay for them, they saw that quite contrary to the opinion they had entertained, this War would be both doubtful and dan∣gerous; Insomuch that the Chief Officers of the Army were of opinion to hinder Crassus from proceeding farther, till he had considered more ma∣turely of an affair, which concerned the safety or loss of so many Men. Moreover the Augures gave private notice that the Entrails of the Beasts promised no good, and that Crassus his Sacrifices were not pleasing to the

Gods. But he would hearken to nothing from them or any other but those who encouraged him generously to pursue his design; among which the counsel of Artabasus King of Armenia made great impression on his Spirit, for he came to the Roman Camp, with six thousand Horse which they call the Kings guards with promise to furnish ten thousand Horse more, and thirty thousand Foot at his own expence, perswading to assault the Parthians, by the way of Armenia, and he would take care to guide the Army a commodious way, and to furnish them with all neces∣saries, and that thus Crassus would have continual Mountains to March through, and places difficult for Horse Service, in which the Par∣thian strength chiefly consisted. The Consul highly applauded the Kings good will, and praised the Magnificence of his Troops, but told him he would take the way of Mesopotamia, where he had left a great quantity of Valiant Men of the Roman name. After this conference the Armenian returned into his Kingdom. As for Crassus, as he caused his Army to pass over a Bridge, great Claps of Thunder began to make a dreadful noise, and continual flashes of lightning darted in the Soldiers eyes, besides all on the sudden an impetuous storm, raged against the Bridge, and carried away a part of it. It happened likewise that the lightning fell twice in the place whereon they were to encamp, and one of the Consuls Horses in his most stately Trappings carried the Esquire that rode him, into the River notwithstanding all endeavors to stop him, nor were either Horse or Man ever seen afterwards; They say likewise that the Eagle that was first taken up by the Standard-bearer, of it self sell backward, and that when the Army having past the River sat down to eat, they by chance gave the Soldiers nothing but Lentils and Broath, which is counted doleful meat, because only served at Funerals. Afterwards as Crassus made an Oration to his Army, there escaped from him a word which struck a strange terror into the minds of the Soldiers. For he told them he had caused the Bridge over the River to be broke down, that not one of them might return; and though that absurdity might have been repaired by explaining the words, and that the Consul ought to have interpreted it, that he might not leave upon their Spirits an Impression of ill Presage, yet he would not do it out of Stubbornness. After this having mustered his Army, he offered a Sacrifice, and as the Priest put the Entrails of the beast into his hands, he let them fall, at which the assistants being scandalized, he laughing said, These are the inconveniences of old age, but our Armswill never fall out of our hands. He then found that the Army which passed the River consisted of seven Legions, about four thousand Horse, and as many light Armed Foot.

[ V] Sometime after the Scouts brought in word that the whole Region was desert, and that they had only discovered the track of a great Number of Horses which seemed to fly before them, upon which intelligence Crassus conceived some good hopes, and the Soldiers began to despise the Par∣thians, believing they would never stand to fight them. However Crassus, and some of the Consuls Friends, advised him to retire into some one of those places he held in that Country, till such time as he had received more certain advice of the Enemy, or at least that he would march them towards Seleucia, along the Banks of the River, for so greater plenty of pro∣visions might be brought him by water, and in case the Enemy came to assail him, the River might serve as a Rampire, so that they could not en∣compass him about, and by that means he might fight them with equal

Forces. As Crassus was consulting about the importance of this Counsel, there arrived in the Camp an Arabian Gentleman called Agbarus, cunning but treacherous, whom Fortune made use of as the Principal Instrument, for destruction of the Army; some who had born Arms under Pompey, knew him, and remembring that Great General had obliged him, thought he might have an affection for the Romans. But indeed he was sent to Crassus by those who Commanded the Kings Army, to draw him if pos∣sible from the River, and Foot of the Mountains, and make him take into the Plain, where the Horse had more advantage. For they were resolved on nothing less then to come to a pitcht battel with the Romans in that place. Agbarus therefore coming to salute Crassus, and being well spo∣ken, began his discourse with the praises of Pompey, and the kindnesses he had received from him, then he sell to discourse of the mighty power of Crassus, setting forth that he wrong'd himself in spending time in consul∣tation, when he was but more than too strong, for there was not any need of Arms, but only of nimble Feet and Hands, to deal with a People; who had a long time been prepared to pack up their Mony and Choicest Riches, and fly into Scythia or Hyrcania, But if you will fight, said he, you must make hast lest the King resuming Courage Rally up likewise his Forces, for at present you have only to deal with Surena who is the Rear-guard of those Forces that make their Retreat, for as for the King, they know not where he is. Now all this was false, for Orodes had upon the first of the War divided his Forces into two Armies, with one of which he had invaded Armenia, where he made strange Havock to Revenge himself of Artabasus, and had given the other in charge to Surena to oppose the Romans. Not out of scorn as some say, for there is no likelyhood that he should disdain to deal with Crassus a Roman Consul or that he could think it more Honorable to wage War with Artabasus or Plunder the Villages of Armenia, but for my part I am of the opinion he retired thither for fear of the danger, or as into an Ambuscado, to expect the success of the War. For Surena was no Com∣mon Man, being both for Riches, Birth and Quality, the second to the King, and for Valor and Vigor of Body, the Chief among all the Parthi∣ans, besides he was large of Stature, and of as Noble an Aspect as any Man living could be. He had continually in his train a thousand Camels for burthen, two hundred Coaches for his Women, and for his Guard a thou∣sand Men at Arms, besides a greater Number of Light Horse, so that the Ordinary Train of his Houshold, was ten thousand Horse, reckoning his Vassals and Slaves, and by an Ancient Hereditary Right of his Family he had the Honor first to set the Crown on the head of the new King of the Parthians: He had brought back this same Orodes from Exile, and restored him to the Throne, he had by Storm taken the Great Seleucia, being the first that mounted on the walls, from whence himself drove the Guards that defended them, and though he were not now above thirty years of age, he was esteemed one of the most Politick Men of the time he lived in, which he shewed by entrapping Crassus, who yet in truth was easie to be deceived, first by reason of his pride and daring, and at last because of his fear, and the distress to which he saw himself reduced. Agbarus therefore having by fair words perswaded him to leave the River, caused him to take his march through the midst of vast plains, naked of trees, un∣till'd, and of which they saw no end, so that the Soldiers grew faint∣hearted, not only for thirst, and the tediousness of the way, but because they found no refreshment in their travel, they saw neither River nor Mountain, nor any green thing, but as if they had been in the wide Sea,

they beheld nothing on all sides but an affrightful solitude. All this al∣ready gave them some suspition of Treason which was confirmed, when Ambassadors from Artabasus came to acquaint the Consul that their King being engaged in a War against Orodes, who had invaded his Country could not send him any assistance, but that he advised him to turn his Arms that way, and to joyn with the Armenians to give battel to the Par∣thians, or if that were not his judgment, at least so to order his march that he took care not to engage in the plains, where the Horse should have too much advantage, but that he should as much as he could draw towards the Mountains. To all which Crassus who would not write a word in Answer to the king, brutishly and like a Man in Choler made Answer, That he was not now at leisure to think of the affairs of Armenin, but that at his return he would Chastise Artabasus for his treachery. Where∣upon Cassius and those that were of his mind grew angry, but without say∣ing a word to Crassus, who would not listen to any good counsel given him, they fell to reviling Agbarus with a thousand reproachful words. What niischievous Devil brought thee hither, thou most villanous of all man∣kind (said they to him) by what Witchcraft or Inchantments hast thou been able to perswade Crassus, to take his march through these vast Solitudes, a road more proper for a Numidian Robber then a Roman General? But he being cunning entertained them still with fair words, exhorting them to have a little patience, and encourageing the tired Soldiers to march, and with flattering smiles telling them: What do you think you are marching now through Campania, or do you hope to find here Fountains, Rivers, Shades, Baths, and continual Inns? Remember, pray remember that you pass now by the confines of Arabia and Syria. Thus Agbarus treated the Romans as if he had been their Paedagogue, and before his Treason was discovered he left them, not by stealth but by consent of the Consul, whom he made be∣lieve he went to give Orders about things necessary, and to create some disorder in the Enemies Camp. 'Tis said that that day Crassus came forth not in a Purple Robe, according to the manner of the Roman Generals, but cloathed in Black, which yet he went and changed as soon as he per∣ceived it, and that some Ensigns pitcht in the ground stuck so fast, that those who were to carry them, could scarcely pull them out, at all which Crassus did but laugh.

[ VI] He Commanded presently to March, and earnestly urged the Legions to follow the Horse, when some of his Scouts coming in, brought word that others of their fellows had been slain by the Enemy, and they had hardly escaped, and that there was a dreadful multitude following them at the heels with resolution to fight. This news amazed the whole Army, but especially Crassus, who began to draw his Army into Battel, but with a great deal of Irresolution. First, according to Cassius advice, he drew up his Legions at length, extending them as far as ever he could, that the Enemy might not surround them, and placing his Horse on the wings, but afterwards changing his mind, he formed his Legions into a Battel of four Fronts, each of which he covered with twelve Cohorts, each Cohorts strengthened by a squadron of Horse, that all four might be equally de∣fended by the Horse. One of the wings he gave in charge to Cassius, the other to his Son, and kept himself in the main battel. Marching in this Order they gained a River called Balissa, which though neither deep nor large was very welcome to the Soldiers, who had had so toilsome a March

through heat and dust, most of the Officers advised not only the refresh∣ing the Soldiers, but resting that night there, to the intent, that making the best discovery they possibly could of the number and posture of the Enemy, they might be the better able to encounter the next Morning: but young Crassus, and his Horsemen, calling out for the Battel, the Con∣sul again re-incouraged, commanded that those, who had a mind to take any repast, should eat without stirring from their Ranks; and scarcely had he allowed them to take what Food was necessary, but he marched forward the Army, not slowly and often halting, as is usually done by those, who would preserve their Men for the Fight; but upon the gal∣lop, and all in a breath, till such time as the Enemy appeared sooner than they looked for them; but neither in any great numbers, nor in a posture to give any terrour to the Romans; for the main Body of the Ar∣my was hid by these Vant-curriers, who by Surena's order had with loose Coats covered their Armour.

But when they drew nearer, and that the Enemies had given Signal of [ VII] Battel, there was heard throughout the whole Plain a dreadful noise, for the Parthians use in War neither Horns or Trumpets; but knowing well that of all the Senses, the Ear is most capable of affecting the Mind; and stirring up the Passions, they beat all at once through the whole Ar∣my, certain Drums, whose hollowness makes dreadful roaring, which in some measure imitates Thunder. This noise having begun to terrifie the Romans, the Parthians threw off their loose Coats, and shewed their Ar∣mour of polished Steel, whose brightness dazled the eyes, and they were discovered to be mounted on Horses, barbed and covered with plates of Iron and Copper. Surena made a show above all the rest, the Magnifi∣cence of whose habit seemed somewhat effeminate, and disagreeable to the high Reputation he had gained: but in this he followed the Custom of the Medes, who go to Battel painted and curled, whereas the Par∣thians tuck up their Hair on their Foreheads, to make them appear more formidable. At first they charged on the Spur with Lances in their Rests against the Front of the Roman Battel, to try to break it: but having ob∣served the Legionary Bucklers joyned so close, and their Ranks fast locked together, they retired, and as if they had disbanded, and quitting their Ranks, wheeled about the Roman Army: Crassus sent against them his light armed Men, who went not far; for the Soldiers soon finding them∣selves overwhelmed, and beaten down with showrs of Arrows, ran to save themselves among the Ranks of the Legions, bringing amongst them great confusion and disorder; especially when it was perceived, that those were discharged with such a violence, that they equally wounded those that were armed, and those that were not. And now the Parthians began to fight at a distance with Flights of Arrows from all sides, which were never shot in vain; for the Romans were so closed together, that though the Parthians would, they could not well have mist them; and their Bows being great and strong, and managed by vigorous Arms, made no slight Wounds: Insomuch that the Romans were already hard put to it. If they stood firm without quitting Ranks, they were wounded; and if they pressed to assault the Enemy, they could not reach them, and yet were wounded still; for the Parthians discharged their Arrows, as they fled; and next the Scythians are certainly the most skilful Nation in the World in this Exercise, invented doubtless to defend at once, both from the Enemy, and from the shame of flight.

[ VIII] However, the Romans had patience so long as they hoped, that the E∣nemy having once drained their Quivers, would either retire, or come to fight hand to hand: but when they understood that they had in their Army great numbers of Camels laden with Arrows, whither they went by turns to fill again their Quivers, as fast as they had emptied, they were utterly dismayed; Crassus seeing no end of this kind of fight, be∣gan to afflict himself, and sent to tell his Son, that he should advance to charge the Enemy, before they were inclosed; for they pressed hard upon him, and wheeled about the Wing, which he commanded to fall on in the Rear. This young Man having therefore taken thirteen hundred Horse, of which Caesar had given him a thousand, and eight Cohorts of Foot armed with Bucklers, which stood next him, drew off, and went fu∣riously to charge the gross of the Enemy; but they (whether that place were miry, as some say, or that by this stratagem, they had a mind to draw the Consuls Son, as far as was possible, from the rest of the Army) turned tail and fled. He presently with loud cryes declared the Enemies flight, and addressed himself to pursue them, accompanied by Censorinus and Megabachus; this last famous for strength of Body, and height of Courage; the other a Senator, and besides a great Orator, both of the same age with young Crassus, and his familiar Friends. The Horse fol∣lowed, and the Foot after them, all filled with joy and hope, believing they gave chase to a Vanquished Enemy; but they had not gone far e're they discovered the cheat, beholding those return to the charge, who had made a show of flight, supported now and strengthned with great num∣bers: Whereupon those who were at the Head of the Romans stood still, believing, because of their small number, the Enemies would come and assault them at hand: but they opposed them only with their Lan∣ciers, whilst the rest scouting up and down the Plain, with their Horse∣hoofs broke the surface of the Earth, from whence arose such clouds of Sand and Dust, that the Romans could neither see nor speak: So that be∣ing thus lock'd up close together in a croud, they were wounded, and dy∣ed not of a quick and easie death, but with strange pains and convulsions caused by the Arrows sticking in their Bodies, which not being able to en∣dure, they rolled themselves upon the ground to break them in their wounds, or else striving to pull them out with the barbed heads, which had pierced into the Veins and Nerves, they grievously tore themselves, and added fresh anguish to the former. Thus most of all those Cohorts that followed the Horse being slain, the rest remained useless, because of their wounds; and when their Captains commanded them to go charge the Parthian Men at Arms, they showed their hands nailed to their Buck∣lers, or their Feet struck through and fastned to the ground; so that they could neither fight nor flee. Hereupon young Crassus resolved to make one brisk attempt with his Horse, but the strokes they gave with their weak and slender Javelins, having but small effects on the others Cur∣rasses of boild Leather, guarded with bands of Iron; whilst on the con∣trary their steel-headed Lances piercing through and through the Gauls lightly armed, and almost naked, made the march very unequal. He had great confidence in these Gauls, and indeed they did act wonders, they siesed on these Lances with their naked hands, and in endeavouring to wrest them away, tumbled the Men at Arms from off their Horses; who being over-laden with Iron, could very hardly mount again: There were likewise some of them, who quitting their own Horses, went and thrust

their Swords in the bellies of those of the Enemy, who mounting at the smart of the wound, tumbled back with their Riders, so that many were by this means trampled to death under the Horse Feet, as well of the Ro∣mans as the Parthians: but nothing was more insufferable to the Gauls than the heat and drowth, to which they were not accustomed; and be∣sides, many had lost their Horses, which had been slain by the Pikes or Lances. Wherefore they resolved to recover the Legions, having in the midst of them the young Crassus, already tortured with many wounds: but seeing nigh unto them a Hillock of Sand, which formed a kind of E∣minence, they retired thither, and tying in the midst those Horses they had left; fortified themselves with their Bucklers, which they ranked round about them, thinking by this means to defend themselves from the Barbarians: but it fell out quite contrary; for though in a Level those before do in some measure cover those behind, yet here, by reason of the declining ground, one standing above another, no person could be in security. They were all wounded alike, and dyed with the more vexati∣on, that they could not revenge themselves, but must all perish without Glory. There were along with the young Crassus two Greeks, Citizens of of Carres, called Hierom and Nicomachus, who would have perswaded him to have saved himself with them in the City of Ichnes, which took part with the Romans: but▪ he made answer, There were no death so cruel, that for fear of it. Publius would forsake his Companions, who had not in∣gaged themselves in that danger, but for his sake. And at the same in∣stant gave leave to them, exhorting them to take care of themselves; but for his own part, not being able to make use of his hand, because of a wound he had received by an Arrow, he presented his brest to his Es∣quire, commanding him to run him through. Some say Censorinus dyed in the same manner, and that Megabachus, and most of the Nobility slew themselves. The rest assailed by the Parthians, dyed generously defending themselves, and 'tis reported five hundred only were taken alive. The E∣nemy forthwith cut off the Heads of young Crassus, and his Companions, and returned to seek out his Father, who in the mean time had acted, as we shall now relate.

After the Command given to his Son to charge, and that some came [ IX] and told him, that the Enemy fled, and that he likewise found himself not so hardly pressed upon, for indeed they had left him; he took a lit∣tle courage, and caused his Army to March into the lower Ground, hoping his Son would soon return from the pursuit of the Enemy. Mean while young Crassus perceiving himself in danger, dispatch'd away seve∣ral Messengers to his Father, to give him notice of it, of whom the first were slain by the Enemies; and the next, who hardly escaped brought word, that Publius was certainly lost, if not suddenly relieved. Upon this news the Consul found himself tossed with sundry passions which blinded his reason, so that he knew not what to resolve on: He was fear∣ful of loosing all, if he went to the succour of his Son; yet he loved him, and therefore was in doubt whether he should go to his relief, or endea∣vour to save the rest. At last he caused the Army to March towards the Enemy, who presently appeared to meet them; witnessing by their loud and terrible shouts that they had gained the Victory; and letting the Ro∣mans know, by the confused noise of their Drums, that they must again prepare to fight. Thus they made their approach, bearing the Head of Publius upon the end of a Lance, and asking by way of derision, who

were the Parents of that young Man, and of what Family he was? for they could not believe that Crassus the basest of all men could beget a Son so Brave and Valiant. This sight cast down the spirits of the Romans more than all the Calamities they had suffered; and instead of stirring up in them that indignation and desire of revenge, which it ought, over∣whelmed them with horror and fear. However, Crassus Valour appeared upon this occasion extraordinarily, he cryed out, as he marched on Horse back through the Ranks:

The Oration of Crassus.

THis Misfortune concerns me only, fellow Soldiers, the glory and felicity of our Country remains yet intire, whilst you are in a condition to defend it. And if you have any compassion upon me, for having lost a Son of that Value, discharge your anger on your Enemies, and deprive them of their joy by punishing their cruelty. Loose not your Courage, for the mis∣fortune happened to me, whoever pretends to great recompences is subject to like disgraces. Lucullus did not Vanquish Tigranes, nor Scipio Antiochus, without the expence of blood. Our Fathers lost a thousand Ships in the Con∣quest of Sicily; and in Italy it self many Generals and Captains have pe∣rished, whose loss hath not hindred their party from gaining the Victory; for the Roman Empire is not mounted to this Greatness and Power by the good For∣tune of the Romans, but by their Patience and height of Courage in Adversity.

After these words Crassus, perceiving that most of the Soldiers received them but coldly, commanded to give a great shout all together, which made but their inward grief the more known; for they shouted with weak and discordant Voices, whilst the Barbarians answered them in a Tone high and Harmonious. The Fight presently began, wherein the Enemies light Horse wheeling about the Romans, galled them in Flank with showrs of Arrows, whilst the Lanciers, who assailed them in Front, made them recoyl and croud close together. However, some out of fear of the Arrows, drew off from the gross to charge nearer at hand: but they did their Enemies little••hurt, and were presently killed by their Lances, whose Iron head entring the Body, was followed by a thick Staff, thrust forward with so great violence, that often times it went through and through both Horse and Man. After the Battel had thus lasted till night, the Parthians retreated, saying, That they gave that night to Crassus to bewail his Son, unless he made choice of the better way, and had rather go and present himself to Arsaces than be carried: And having said these words, they went and lodged in a place hard by, with full hopes the next Morning to put an absolute end the Victory.

[ X] The Romans on the contrary had but an ill night of it, they had no thoughts either of burying their dead, or dressing their wounded, of which some lay dying, every one bewailed his own self, for there was no hopes of safety, whether they staid in that place till day, or whether, whilst it was dark, they set forward, cross those vast Plains; for the wounded, if they carried them, would hinder their flight; and if they forsook them, the cryes of those miserable Creatures would give notice

to the Enemy of their departure: And though they imputed all their mis∣fortune to Crassus, they wished, notwithstanding, they might either see or hear him; but he had withdrawn himself, and with his head bound up, had cast himself on the ground in the dark. Whereby he became a great Example of the inconstancy of Fortune to the Vulgar, and of rashness and ambition to the Learned; having suffered himself to be so far transport∣ed by those two failings, that he could not content himself to be one of the Prime among so many thousands of Citizens, but believed himself miserable, because he was accounted but the third Man in Rome. Octa∣vius his Lieutenant, and Cassius his Quaestor, having found him in this po∣sture, roused him up, and entreated him to take courage; but seeing he was in utter despair, by advice of the Tribunes and Centurions, they themselves published the Deaf March, and began to discamp with∣out noise: but when the sick and wounded perceived that they were a∣bout to forsake them, with their cryes and roarings they spread a gene∣ral trouble throughout the Army, even those who were already got into the Plain, took the Alarm, as if the Enemy had been ready to fall on: wherefore they made many halts, putting themselves in order to fight, and perplexed with the great numbers of the wounded that followed them, of which they took up some, and left others, they made but little way, save only three hundred Horse that fled away by themselves, with whom Ignatius arrived about Midnight at Carres, where having called in Latin to those were upon the Guards of the Walls, he bid them go and tell Coponius, the Governour of the place, that there had been a great Fight between Crassus and the Parthians; and without explaining himself farther, or so much as telling his name, advanced towards the Bridge; the truth is, he saved those Horse, but he was blamed by all the World for forsaking his General, not but that Crassus had some benefit by Coponi∣us, having this advice; for the Governour conjecturing by the ambigui∣ty of his words, and by the suddenness of his departure, that the Mes∣senger brought no good news, immediately drew to Arms what Force he had; and when he had advice that the General was upon the way, went out to meet him, and gathering up as many of the Soldiers as he could, conducted them to the City.

As for the Parthians, though they knew well that the Romans were [ XI] dislodged, yet they would not pursue them by night; but as soon as it was day, they run to their Camp, and cut the throats of all those they had left, which amounted to no less than four thousand, and then pursued the rest, of whom they took great numbers, whom they found dispersed in the plain; besides four Cohorts, under the conduct of the Lieutenant Vargonteius, who having stragled in the March by night, fell into their hands enclosed in a strait, where having valiantly defended themselves, they were all cut in pieces, except only twenty Soldiers, who with their Swords in their hands opened themselves a passage through the midst of their Enemies; and whose courage the Enemies themselves admiring, suffered them to pass at an easie rate to Carres, without pursuing them. Mean while false intelligence was brought to Surena, that Crassus was escaped with all the considerable Persons in the Army, and that those who were retired into Carres, were only a company of wretches not worth any consideration. Which was the reason that not thinking his Victory per∣fect, and desiring to have more certain news, he quitted his design of pur∣suing Crassus, and sent one of his people, who understood both Languages,

before the Walls of Carres, to ask in Latin either for Crassus himself, or Cassius, as if Surena desired a conference with them, which being heard, and told to Crassus and his Friends, displeased them not. A little while after, came on the part of the Barbarians certain Arabs, who knew the faces of Crassus and Cassius, having frequented their Camp before Battel. These knowing Cassius upon the Wall, told him that Surena would grant Peace to the Romans, provided they would be friends to the King, and depart out of Mesopotamia, and that they believed they had better accept of that condition, than reduce things to the last extremities; whereup∣on Cassius demanded a time and place for a Conference betwixt the Gene∣rals, and they promising to let Surena know it, went their way; Surena rejoying that he had now these two Men now shut up, sent next Morni∣ing under the City Walls some Parthians, who injuriously reviling Cras∣sus and Cassius, demanded them to be delivered up, if the Romans had a mind to Peace. And now the Chiefs of the Roman Army knowing that they were betrayed, fell into despair; but yet consulting what was best to do, they resolved on a sudden flight, beseeching the Consul to give over those vain and distant hopes he placed in the assistance of the Armenians. This design was not to have been communicated to any of the Inhabitants of Carres, before the time of its execution, and Crassus dis∣covered it to the most per••idious of them all, called Andromachus, to whose Faith he committed himself, taking him for the Guide of the Army: So that by the means of this Traytor, all the Roman designs were presently known to the Parthians. And because these were not accustomed to fight in the dark, as not easie for them to do, Andromachus to retard the Ro∣mans March, and by that means give the Enemy time to overtake them, placed himself at the Head of them, going sometimes on one side, and sometimes on another, till such time as he had engaged them in deep Ma∣rishes, and places full of Ditches, whose high Banks sorely perplexed the Army, who yet followed this Traytor; insomuch, that they were often forced to go a great way about to find a passage. This begat a distrust in some, who imagining by the many twinings and windings, that Andro∣machus had an ill intention, refused to follow him, of which number was Cassius, who returned to Carres: And when his Guides, who were Arabs, urged him to advance before the Moon had passed Scorpio: For my part, said he to them, I am much more afraid of Sagittary. However, part∣ing from Carres, he took the way towards Syria, with five hundred Horse; and having found faithful Guides, gained the Mountains, called Synaces, where before day, there rallied together about five thousand Soldiers, conducted by Octavius, an excellent Man. As for Crassus, day surprised him, as he followed Andromachus with incredible labour. He was accompanied with four Cohorts with Bucklers; some few Horse, and five Lictors or Serjeants, with whom having with all the pain and labour imaginable, overcome the difficulty of the way; the Enemies now drawing near, he went and possessed himself of an Eminence, distant about twelve Furlongs from that, to which Octavius was retired, but nothing so strong of situation, nor of so difficult approach for the Horse, but it lay under the Synbaces, to which it was joyned with a long neck, that crossed the Plain. So that Octavius could not be ignorant of the danger in which the Consul was; wherefore himself ran first to his assistance with a few peo∣ple, and soon after the rest of his Forces, reproaching each other with cowardise, followed. They altogether drove the Enemy from the Hill, and drawing up round about. Crassus, and lining their whole Body with

their Bucklers, bravely protested, that no Arrow of the Parthians should reach their General's Body, so long as one of them remained alive. Wherefore Surena, who saw the Parthians gave ground, and that if night came on, the Romans, who had already gained the Mountains, would escape him, assaulted Crassus with cunning, he let go some Prisoners, who had heard some of the Barbarians of purpose saying, That the King would not be dissatisfied to have Peace with the Romans, but desired their Friend∣ship, and that if he might obtain it by Crassus means, he would treat him favourably. In the mean time, causing the fight to cease, he after by lit∣tle and little drew near to the Hill, and unbending his Bow, presented his hand to Crassus, desiring him to consent to an accommodation, he told him that the King having taken up Arms much against his will, the Ro∣mans had made tryal of his Strength and Power, and that now he would make them taste of his Goodness and Clemency, by showing them his Favour, and granting security for their Retreat. Not only the soldiers, but the Leaders glad to hear these fine words of Surena's, easily believed them. Crassus was the only man was not deceived. Indeed he saw no reason for so sudden a change, wherefore he would not presently con∣sent, but stood thinking what answer to return, when the Soldiers be∣gan to cry out with one voice, that they would have Peace, and withal to revile him, for exposing them to men, he durst not himself approach disarmed, as they were; he endeavoured first to perswade them by en∣treaties and reasons to have patience the rest of that day, since at night they might easily make their retreat, by gaining the Mountains, he showed them the way they should take, begging them not to loose all hopes of safety, which was now so nigh; but when he saw that the Sol∣diers enraged, threatned him, and smote upon their Bucklers, he was a∣fraid of them, and at parting said only these words to those about him:

The Oration of Crassus.

OCtavius, and you Petronius, and all you Gentlemen of Quality here present, you see how I am forced to go, you are witnesses of the vio∣lence done me; yet tell all the World, when you have gained a place of safe∣ty, that Crassus lost his life deceived by his Enemies, but not delivered up to them by his Citizens.

However, Octavius and the rest staid not upon the Hill, but went down with the Consul, who would not suffer the Lictors to follow him. As they were going down, two Mongrels or half Greeks came to meet him, and alighting, made their Reverence to Crassus, intreating him to send some of his people before to view Surena and his Train, and espie if they were not armed. To which the Consul made answer, That if he had yet the least desire to live, he would not have come to put himself into their hands. However, he sent the Riscones Brothers to spie into their designs, and discover their number; but Surena caused them to be arrested; and forthwith advancing with the Chief Men of his Army all mounted on Horse-back towards Crassus: And how (said he, coming near him) A Roman General on Foot, and we on Horse-back; and at the same

instant commanded a Horse to be brought him. Crassus having answer∣ed, That neither one nor the other did amiss in that, since each came to the Conference, after the manner of his Country. Surena said, That the Peace was already concluded between Orodes and the people of Rome, and that there wanted nothing but putting the Articles in Writing▪ which they would do on the River side: For you Romans (said he) do not usual∣ly remember your Treaties very well; and at the same instant he gave him his hand: Thereupon the Roman called out to bring his Horse: To which Surena said, there was no need of it: For see, added he, one which the King has sent you; and forthwith one was brought ready Bridled with a Bitt of Gold, upon which the Footmen mounted him, and placed themselves on both sides to make him advance forward: whereupon Octavius first of all laid hands upon the Horse Bridle to stop him, and one of the Tri∣bunes called Petronius, and after him all the rest placed themselves about the Consul, to hinder his going farther, and to pull away from about him those that would have led him forward: Insomuch, that thus pushing and shoving one another, they came at last to blows, Octavius drawing his Sword, slew one of the Barbarian Horsemen, but another slew him with a blow behind. Petronius had no offensive Arms, but having received on his Cuirass the thrusts made at him, withdrew himself from the bustle without any wound. As for Crassus, he was slain by one Maxarthes a Parthian, though some say it was done by another, and that Maxarthes, as soon as he was down, cut off his head and his right hand: but all these are conjectures, for of all those that were present, some were slain upon the place, and the rest nimbly regained the Hill, before which the Parthians appeared, and called out on the part of Surena, that since Cras∣sus was punished, all the rest might come down in safety: Some yielded themselves, others fled away by night, of which few escaped, being most taken and slain by the Arabs. 'Tis said that in this expedition there were twenty thousand Soldiers slain, and ten thousand taken Pri∣soners.

[ XII] Surena sent Crassus Head and Hand to Orodes into Armenia; and him∣self having beforehand caused a Rumour to be spread abroad at Seleucia that he brought Crassus alive, he prepared a certain ridiculous Entry, which in Mockery he called a Triumph. To this purpose he took one of the Prisoners, called Caius, who much resembled Crassus, and having cloathed him in a Womans Robe, and taught him to answer to those, who called him either Crassus or Emperour, made him enter on Horse∣back into the City, before him marched, mounted on Camels, Trumpets and Lictors carried Rods with Purses fastned to them; and Axes, to which were tyed the Heads of Romans newly cut off: He was followed by the Curtisans of Seleucia, playing on Instruments, and singing infamous and ridiculous Songs of the faintheartedness and cowardise of Crassus more becoming a Woman than a Man. Such was the publick Spectacle: but having in particular assembled the Senate of Seleucia; he exposed to them the lascivious Fable of Aristides the Milesian, which indeed had been found among Rustius his Baggage, from whence he took an ample Sub∣ject to declaim against the Romans, who even in time of War could not abstain from uncleaness, but brought their Books along with them. The Seleucians upon this took occasion to admire the Wisdom of Aesop in his Fable of the Wallet, seeing that Surena carried open in the Pouch be∣fore the Sensualities of the Milesians, and kept shup up in that behind

the Sybaritick or Effeminate Wantonness of the Parthians, bringing a∣long himself in his Train, multitudes of Coaches full of Concubines; and his first appearance being like that of Hydra, dreadful and terrible▪ where nothing was to be seen but Horses, and Lances, and Bows, whilst his tail ended in Cimbals, and Songs, and continual Debauches of Women; not but that Rustius was to be condemned: but the Parthians are in the wrong to blame what comes from Miletum; since most of the Family of the Arsacides, who have been their Kings, were born of Milesian and Ionian Curtisans. Whilst these things passed, Orodes was reconciled with Artabasus, having married his Son Pacorus to the Armenians Daughter▪ which was followed by Feastings, Rejoycing, and Debauches. They act∣ed likewise Greek Comedies, for Orodes was not ignorant of the Greek Tongue, nor of Letters; and for Artabasus, he composed both Trage∣dies, Orations and Histories, part of which have been preserved to our times. When Crassus Head was brought to the entrance of the Court, they were at Table, and a Comedian, called Iason the Tr••llian was re∣citing some Verses of the part of Agave in the Bacchides of Euripides▪ which much delighted the Company. At the same instant Sillaces entred the Room, where they were at Meat; and making a profound Reve∣rence, threw down the Head in the middle of the Hall, which being ta∣ken up by the Parthians with shouts and general rejoycing: the King com∣manded the Officers they should make room for Sillaces at the Table, which they did: then Iason giving one of the Players upon the Flute his part to play the Funerals of Pentheus; and himself taking the Head of Crassus, as if he had entred in a fury, began as loud as his voice would reach to sing these Verses:

From the Chase we bring to you, Tender Venison fat and good, Which was taken in this Wood.

All the Company were pleased at this Spectacle, but one accident pleased them more; for when at every Couple the Choire answered singing

'Tis to me the Honour's due.

and that one of the Actors danced to it; Maxarthes (for he likewise was at the Feast) leaped from the Table, and took the Head out of his hands that held it, as having more right to it than any other. Where∣upon the King made him Presents according to the Custom of the Coun∣try, and gave Iason a Talent. Thus Crassus his Expedition ended in a Tragedy. However, Orodes received soon after a punishment equal to his cruelty, as Surena did first, what his so many violated Oaths de∣served; for the King soon after made him away out of the Envy he bore to his Glory: and for Orodes, being fallen sick of the Dropsie, after that his Son Pacorus had been slain in fight against the Romans, Phraates his other Son gave him Poyson, which the force of the Di∣stemper expelled, so that the King grew better upon it, whereupon Phraates would no more trust to Poyson, but taking a shorter way strangled his Father.

Sometime after the Parthian Army marched into Mesopotamia whither [ XIII]

their Captains sent for Labienus, and chose him General, resolved under his conduct to invade Syria; and carry their Arms as far as Alexandria. He accepted the Dignity, and at the head of that Army had already pillaged and spoiled all that part of Asia, lying between Euphrates and the Ionian Sea, when complaints thereof came to Anthony, who thereupon took a resolu∣tion to make War upon the Parthians. But being recalled by the prayers and tears of his Fulvia, he returned into Italy, where having made an Al∣liance with Caesar and Pompey, who was in Sicily, he sent Ventidius before in∣to Asia to oppose the Parthians, and hinder their further Progress, and ha∣ving for himself by the favor of his Friends, obtained the Dignity of high Priest, which was held by the defunct Caesar, he stayed sometime in Rome, managing in fellowship with them the Publick affairs with great Concord. There was at this this time in Anthony's train an Egyptian Astrologer who (whether it were to gratifie Cleopatra, or that it were so indeed) took the boldness to tell him, that his fortune was indeed very great and splendid, but that it was obscured by Caesars, counselling him to keep as far off that young Man as he could; for said he to him your Genius is over awed by his. This discourse displeased Anthony, however he followed the Egyptians Counsel, and having recommended his affairs to Caesar, came into Greece, and stayd that Winter at Athens, where having advice of the first success of Ventidius Arms, that not only Labienus but Phraates the greatest of Oro∣des Captains were slain, he made a Solemn Feast for the Greeks, and gave them the Divertisement of Plays and Exercises. And afterward being ready to set forward to the War, he took a Crown of Sacred Olive, and to satisfie a certain Oracle, carried along with him a Jar full of the Water of the Fountain Clepsydra. Mean while Pacorus the Kings Son, being newly entred Syria with a powerful Army, Ventidius defeated him at Cyrista. The slaughter here was very great, and Pacorus himself was slain fighting in the head of his Army, so that this great Victory revenged the loss the Romans had suffered under Crassus, and the Parthians after having been thrice more beaten, were forced to keep within the bounds of Media and Meso∣potamia. Ventidius would not pursue them farther, lest he should contract Anthony's envy, yet whilst he expected him, he reduced to obedience those Cities, had revolted and held Antiochus Commagenes besieged in Samosata so closely, that he offered a thousand Talents, and to refer himself to Anthony's discretion. He was not now far off, wherefore Ventidius thought it best that he should send Deputies to him that he himself might conclude the peace, being well content that Anthony should have the preheminence in this affair, lest he should think Ventidius assumed to himself all the Autho∣rity, but the Siege having lasted long, and the besieged out of despair re∣suming Courage, Anthony was satisfied to take up with three hundred Ta∣lents, and granted peace to Antiochus. Afterward having taken some order in the Syrian affairs, he returned to Athens, giving Ventidius all those testimonies of his Esteem, his Services had merited, and sent him to Rome to receive the Honor of Triumph, and he is the only Roman, who till these our times ever Triumphed over the Parthians. He was but of mean Birth, and mounted not to that high degree of Glory, but by the Friendship of Anthony, which he made such good use of, that he confirmed the opinion, that Anthony and Caesar succeeded more happily by their Lieutenants then by themselves, for Sosius one of Anthony's Captains had done Worthy Acti∣ons in Syria, so had likewise Canidius in his Station on the Confines of Ar∣menia, having overcome the Kings of Armenia, Iberia, Albania, made his way as far as Caucasus, and gained to the name of Anthony, Fame and Honor among the Barbarians.

Phraates having possessed himself of the Estates of his Father Crodes [ XIV] by the Parricide before spoken of, many Parthians left the Kingdom, one of which called Moneses, a Man of Esteem, and Power, addressed himself to Anthony, who comparing the Fortune of this Fugitive with that of Themi∣stocles, and equalling himself to the Persian Kings both for Riches and Largness of Mind, gave him three Cities, Larissa, Arethusa and Hierapolis, formerly called Bambice. Afterwards the King having recalled and given him security for his return; Anthony freely dismissed him, that he might flatter Phraates with hopes of peace; whilst himself out of a passionate de∣sire he had to recover the Ensigns Crassus had lost, and the Captives that were yet living, sends back Cleopatra into Egypt, and by the way of Ara∣bia, sets forward towards Armenia where he had appointed the Rendevouz of his Forces and those the Kings were to bring him, for there were many Friends and Allies of the Romans of whom Artabasus King of Armenia, the most considerable, furnished him with sixteen thousand Horse and seven thousand Foot, so that at the Muster taken when his Army was drawn to∣gether, the Roman and Italian Foot, amounted to sixty thousand Men, the Spanish and Gaul Horse to ten thousand, and the Auxiliary Forces to thirty thousand, accounting the Light-armed Horse and Foot. 'Tis said that all this great preparation, and all these Forces, which struck terror into the Bactrians and farthest distant Indians, proved invalid, by the means of Cleopatra only, That Anthony, that he might the sooner see her, began the War without staying for a season proper for the Execution of his designs, that having as it were his understanding infatuated, he did all things incon∣siderately, and was so deeply in love with this Woman that he thought not so much of overcoming as of returning speedily to her. For whereas he ought to have let his Army Winter in Armenia, the better to refresh it, tyred as it was with a march of eight thousand furlongs, and in the Spring have fallen into Media, before the Parthians were in the Field, he could not brook this delay, but setting forward with his Troops, and leaving Arme∣nia on the left hand, and entring into Atropacena, spoiled that whole Country, besides having in his Train three hundred Waggons laden with Engines for Sieges, among which there was one Ram of seventy Foot long, which could by no means be repaired if once it were broken, because in those Countries no Materials were to be found, there neither growing any trees long enough, nor Wood hard enough: to the end he might march the swifter, he left behind all these carriages under the Guard of one Officer with some Forces. After which besieging a great City called Phraates in which was the Wife of the King of the Medes, with his Children, he was soon sensible what a fault he had committed in leaving behind those Engines; yet he attempted to take the City by raising Tarasses against the Wall, but this was a work of labor and advanced but slowly.

Mean while Phraates took the Field with a powerful Army to come [ XV] against the Romans, and having intelligence that they had left behind the Waggons and Engines, he sent a great Body of Horse, who cut in pieces Stratianus and ten thousand Foot that he Commanded. And after having taken the Engines slew a great quantity of others of which number was the King Polemon, which disheartned, and not without reason, those who had engaged in Anthony's party, dismayed at so mournful a beginning; Insomuch that Artabasus King of Armenia, who had been the Principal cause of this War giving over all those hopes he had conceived of the Ro∣mans

retired with his Army into his own Country. And now the Par∣thians having sent relief into the City with a thousand injurious threats re∣viled the Romans, so that Anthony, that he might not let the courages of his Men cool in the Idleness of a Siege, took with him ten Legions, three Praetorian Cohorts and all his Cavalry to go and gather in Provisions and Forrage, hoping the Enemy would come to oppose him, and so he might gain an opportunity to Fight. After his first days march the Parthians ap∣peared, and he seeing that they began to enlarge their Battail round about the Roman Camp with design to cut off his way of return, he Commanded to Sound a March, and to pack up the Tents, as if he were preparing to discamp, and not to Fight, which done he caused his Army to March be∣fore the Enemies in form of a Crescent with Orders to the Cavalry to charge as soon as the Vanguard was advanced, that so the Legions at the same time might come to the Charge. The Parthians mean while admi∣red the Excellent Order of the Roman Army, seeing the Soldiers pass along, keeping their Ranks, and Brandishing their Piles without making the least noise, but as soon as the Signal was given, and the first shout made, the Roman Horse pressed forward to Charge the Parthians, and came in so close to them, that they could no more make use of their Arrows. Yet they stood their ground for some time till the Legionary Soldiers run∣ing in with their shouts, and the noise of their Bucklers, so horribly af∣frighted the Horses of the Enemy, that they turned Tail without striking blow. Anthony hoping that this battel would end the War, or at least give a good stroke towards Victory, pursued them hard. But when the In∣fantry had driven them before them fifty furlongs, and the Horse had followed them, thrice as far▪ and that they found but thirty Prisoners, and not above fourscore slain, their courages fell at the consideration of how few they had destroyed in this victory in comparison of the Numbers they had lost at the defence of the Carriages. Next Morning they advan∣ced to go and force Phraates his Camp, but meeting in their march at first with a few Parthians, after that with a greater Number, and at last with the whole Army, who as if they had not been beaten the day before, came to the charge and assailed them on all sides, they with much pains and dif∣ficulty recovered their Camp, where the Medes whom they besieged, ha∣ving stormed the Palisado, and driven off those that defended it, Anthony fell into such a passion that he decimated all those had quitted their Posts, he drew them off by Decuries or Tens, and making them draw Lots, con∣demned the unfortunate to death, and instead of Wheat gave only Barley Bread to the rest. This War was troublesome to both parties, and each feared more grievous consequences. For Anthony could no longer go abroad to seek Provision or Forrage without having some of his People slain or wounded, and Phraates who knew well that the Parthians would rather endure any thing than to keep the Field all Winter out of their own Country, was afraid left if the Romans continued the War his People would forsake him, the Air already growing cold by reason of the Au∣tumnal Equinox. Wherefore he made use of this Artifice. Some Parthians known to the Romans, meeting them forraging treated them kindly, letting them go away with their burthens and praising their valor which their King himself admired, and that with reason, for indeed they were the most valiant Men in the World, and then by degrees drawing nearer they bla∣med Anthony, that he would not make peace with the King, and spare the lives of so many brave people, whom he only suffered to lose time, and without giving them opportunity of Fighting made them wait for two

cruel Enemies, Famine and Winter, and that in such places as their March would be difficult, though the Parthians themselves were their Guides. This being several times reported to Anthony, he began to be more tractable; yet he would not send to the Parthian, till he had caused inquiry to be made of these honest Barbarians, whether it were by their Kings Order they had spoke to the Roman Soldiers: which when they had as∣sured it was, conjuring them not to have the least fear or jealousie, he dis∣patched one of his Friends to the King, to demand the Ensigns and the Captives, that he might not seem to be content with an honourable Re∣treat only; to which answer was returned, That he should not speak of that, but that Peace, and a safe Retreat should be granted him, on condi∣tion he would speedily depart, which he did few days after.

Though he were very Eloquent in all Assemblies, whether Civil or [ XVI] Military, yet shame and sadness would not let him now speak to his Ar∣my himself. He gave Commission to Domitius Aenobarbus to take his place, and to exhort the Soldiers to be couragious; some took it ill, think∣ing he did it in scorn; but the greater part knowing the cause, the easilier composed themselves to his thoughts. As he was designing with him∣self to return the way he came through the naked Deserts, a certain Mar∣dian, of whose Courage and Fidelity the Romans had trial in the Fight for defence of the Engines, and who knew the manner of the Par∣thians living, came to him, and advised him to take his March by the Foot of the Mountains, which lay on the right hand, and not to expose his Army loaden with Arms, to such infinite numbers of Archers on Horse-back in Plains so vast, and without any covert; for that Phraates had no other design, but to fall upon him, when by fair words he had made him leave his Trenches; and therefore he offered himself, both to lead them a shorter way, and in which they should find abundance of whatever was necessary for the Soldiers. Anthony proposed this in Council, not seeming to distrust the Peace agreed on by the Parthians, but telling them he should be well satisfied to take a shorter way, by which they should find good Villages, and that nothing else was to be done, but to take good se∣curity of the Mardian: And he of himself desired he might be bound till they had reached Armenia; and thus bound, put himself at the Head of the Army, and led them two days without any alarm: but on the third, whilst Anthony thought of nothing less than the Parthians; and that up∣on the assurance of the Peace, the Army marched without standing on their Guard, the Mardian espying the Bank of a River newly broken, and the way, by which they were to pass, full of Water; he judged the Par∣thians had done it to put a stop to the Romans, by making difficult the passage, and showing it to Anthony, advised him to prepare to receive the Enemy. The Roman General presently Martialled his Army, leaving between the Ranks spaces for the Darters and Slingers to make their dis∣charges. At the same time the Parthians appeared, perswading them∣selves they should now compass in the Army, and defeat them; but the light-armed Foot drawing off to receive them, charged them so briskly, that after many wounds given and taken they retreated; yet for several times they renewed the skirmish, till the Gaul Horse marched against them in a Body, and treated them so severely, that the remainder of that day they durst attempt them no more. Anthony, by this assault, know∣ing what he had to do hereafter, made the Army March in Battalia on four Fronts, linining not only the Rear, but likewise the Flanks with

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

Darters and Slingers, and giving Order to the Horse to repulse the Enemy, if they came to attack them, but not to pursue them too far, after they had chased them back; so that the Parthians, after having thus followed them four days with equal loss, began to give it over, and making the ground of their departure to be the approaching Winter, disposed themselves on the morrow to leave off the pursuit.

[ XVII] The day before they were to be gone, one of Anthonies Captains, called Flavius Gallus, a Valiant and Worthy Man, requested a greater number of the Light-armed Foot, for defence of the Rearguard, and some part of the Calvalry from the Wings, as if he had some brave exploit to put in execution. Having obtained his desire, he set himself to chase back the Enemies, that came to skirmish, not as before, retreating in his Bo∣dy, as soon as he had made them give ground; but charging them home, and obstinately maintaining the Fight, which being observed by those who maintained the Rearguard, they recalled him for fear lest being divided from the Army, the Enemy should encompass him. 'Tis said farther, that Titius the Questor staid the Ensigns to make him return, reproving him for loosing so many brave Men; but that Gallus quarrelling with him, and bidding him meddle with his own Affairs, he left him, and joyned with the main Body. Gallus charging forward on the Enemy, with two much heat, found himself beset in the Rear, and on all sides oppressed with Showers of Arrows, so that he was forced to send for aid; in which the Colonels of the Legions, and among the rest Canidius, who had much power with Anthony, seem to have committed a great fault; for where∣as they ought to have marched with all their Force thither, they sent only some few Cohorts; and as those were defeated, others, not observing that by this means the Army would by little and little be put to the rout, and had been so, if Anthony himself had not speedily made in with all the Vanguard; but now the third Legion advancing athwart the Fly∣ers, and standing the shock of the Enemy, stop'd them short, and hindred their passing farther. There were no less than three thousand men slain in this Engagement, and five thousand brought off wounded, among whom was Gallus thrust through and through with four Arrows, of which he dyed not long after. Anthony went among the Tents to visit the o∣thers, comforting them, and weeping himself out of grief and compas∣sion; but they rejoycing to see him, took him by the hand, and pray'd him to take care of his own health, and not afflict himself any more. They called him their Emperour, and told him their wounds were all healed, whilst they saw him well. And indeed, there appears not in all that Age to have been any General that had an Army so vigorous, so brave, and so patient; and if we have regard to the respect and obedi∣ence they bore him, as well great as small, Officers as Soldiers, and the high account they made of his favour, preferring it before their own safety, or their very lives; certainly he yielded to none of the Ancient Ro∣mans, and surely they were disposed to it by many Motives, by his Noble∣ness, his Eloquence, his Uprightness, his Liberality both frequent and great; and by the sweetness of his familiar Conversation: but above all his tenderness and compassion for the afflicted, and the care he took to see them furnished with all things necessary, made the sick and wound∣ed almost as well satisfied, as if they had been well. Now this Victo∣ry had so raised the Enemies hearts, before almost tired and despairing, that they passed that night near the Camp in hopes e'er long to be plun∣dring

the Publick Treasure and find the Tents deserted. On the morrow they assembled in far greater Numbers, so that it is thought they could not be less then forty thousand Horse; for the King sent those of his own train one after another, as to an evident and assured victory (for as for himself he never engaged in person.) In the mean time Anthony designing to make an Oration to his Soldiers would have put on a sad coloured habit to move the more Compassion, but his Friends diswading him from it, he came to the Assembly in the Habit of General, he praised those had behaved them∣selves well, and declaimed against those that fled, of whom the first de∣sired him to be of good Courage, and the last having given reasons for their flight offered themselves to be decimated or what other punishment he pleased, so that he would forbear to afflict himself, and to look ill upon them. Thereupon lifting up his eyes to heaven, he besought the Gods, that if any Divinity were jealous of his past happiness, they they would let all the miseries wherewith he was threatned to fall upon his own head, and give Victory to the rest of the Army. The next day they again set forward in better Order, so that the hopes of the Parthians who a••••ailed them be∣gan to decay, for they thought they were come to Pillage and Plunder and not to fight; but finding themselves stiffly beat back by the Roman Piles, which the Soldiers now discharged with a wonderful Alacrity, they once again were forced to give ground. Yet ceased they not from following the Roman Army, and one day as they galled them with their Arrows, whilst they were descending a little Hill, the Targetiers faced about, and after having received the light Armed Foot into the Ranks, set their Knees to the ground, and Ranging their Bucklers one above another, formed a Testudo, where the Bucklers rising by degrees Resembled in some mea∣sure the Seats of a Theater. And indeed this was an Excellent Rampire against the Arrows for they slid away on both sides the Testudo. The Par∣thians thinking the Romans were thus set down out of weariness, giving over their Bow's came to charge them at Push of Pike, but they Rising all at once and giving a great shout, with their Piles broke the foremost Ranks, and forced the rest to Flight.

But in the mean time Famine began sorely to oppress the Army, for the [ XVIII] Soldiers being continually in Fight, could not range abroad for Provisions, besides there wanted Mills, the greatest part being left behind because either Beasts of Carriage were dead, or imployed to carry the sick and wound∣ed, so that 'tis said a Bushel of Wheat, Athens Measure, was sold for fifty Drams, and Barly Bread for its weight in Silver, they were forced at last to eat Roots and Herbs, and because they found but few that were known they were necessitated to make experiment of all they met with, and un∣happily fell upon an Herb that caused Madness, and in the conclusion proved death, for as soon as any had eaten of it, they lost their Understand∣ing and Memory, and fell to turning upside down, and removing all the Stones they met with, believing they were at work upon some very serious matter, so that all the Camp was filled with People rooting up, and remo∣ving Stones from one place to another, who at last died vomiting of Cholor. Wine was the Cure for this Distemper, but it was not to be had, insomuch that 'tis said Anthony seeing so many of his People die, and the Parthians still at his heels, often cryed out, Oh the ten thousand! Ad∣miring those ten thousand Men who under the Conduct of Xenophon march∣ed a much longer way making their retreat from the Plains of Babylon to the Sea without loosing so much as one Man though in their way they

were often assaulted by far greater Numbers of Enemies. The Parthians seeing they could not hinder the Romans March, nor engage them to di∣vide one from the other, and that they had been often beaten, began again to talk civilly to those, went abroad for Corn and Forrage, showing them their unbent Bows and telling them that now they might freely go, and in∣deed there appeared only some Medes, who passed a day or two's march farther, without committing any Act of Hostility, but only under pretence to secure the Towns distant from the great Road. After these Civilities and Fair words, the Romans were somewhat more hearty. Anthony him∣self grew a little pleasant and began to have some inclination for the way of the plain, because it was told him, that there was greater conveniency of Water then in the Mountains. As he had resolved it, one of the Enemies called Mithridates, Cousin to that Moneses who had fled for refuge to Anthony, and to whom he had given three Cities, came to the Camp, and asked for any one that could talk with him, either in the Syrian or Parthian Tongue. Alexander of the City of Antioch a trusty Friend of Anthonies presenting himself, the Parthian after having told him, that what he did was for Moneses, sake, asked him if he saw far afore those high Mountains that touched one another. He making Answer he saw them well. The Parthians (said the other) lie there in Ambush with all their Forces (for this Plain extends it self as far as those Mountains) and there they wait for you out of hopes that giving credit to their fair words, you will leave your Road to Cross the Plain. In the other way you have nothing to suffer but Labor and Thirst to which you are already accustomed, but if you en∣gage in this, Anthony will scarce come better off then Crassus. And ha∣ving said thus much he departed. This being reported to Anthony he was afraid, and conferred with his Friends, and with the Mardian, whom he found of the same judgment, for he knew that the way of the Plain though there were no Enemy to be feared, was hard to find, and many difficult passes whilst all the inconvenience of the other was want of water only for one days march. Determining therefore to take the way of the Moun∣tains and to depart the same night, Orders were given to the Soldiers to furnish themselves with water, and because the most part wanted Vessels, they filled their Head-pieces and certain skins sewed together. The Army was already set forward, when the Parthians having intelligence of it, contrary to their custom followed them by night. About break of day they came up with the Rearguard, and fell upon them, tired as they were with Travel and want of sleep, for that night the Romans had marched two hundred and forty Furlongs, and did not believe the Enemy could be so soon upon them, which made them almost loose their Courage, besides their thirst encreased with their Fight, being forced to fight and march together. Mean while the Vanguard met with a River clear and cool, but whose salt and venemous waters, ulcerated the bowels as soon as they were drunk, and provoked an intolerable thirst. The Mardian had gi∣ven notice to the Soldiers of it, but that could not hinder them, though he forbad it never so much from drinking. Anthony himself came amongst them, and conjured them to have yet a little patience, shewing them that they were not far from another River where they might drink, and that henceforward the way was craggy and unaccessible for Horse, and therefore the Enemy must of necessity retire; at the same time he caused the Retreat to be Sounded, that at least the Soldiers might a little refresh themselves in the shade.

As they pitch'd their Tents, and that the Parth••ans were retired, ac∣cording [ XIX] to their Custom. Mithridates came again, and Alexander going out to meet him, he advised him to raise the Camp, after the Army had never so little refreshed themselves, and to march with all the speed they could past the other River, for that was the bounds of the Parthians, be∣yond which they wo••ld not go. This advice being brought to Anthony, he sent to the Parthians by Alexander Cups and Vessels of Gold, of which he took as much as his Coat would cover. The rest of this days March was without any Alarm, but the night following was troubled by the Romans themselves, who made it both hurtful and dangerous; for they killed those who had any Gold or Silver to rob them, plundered the pub∣lick Treasury loaden on the Beasts of Carriage, and at last, Anthony's ow•• Equipage, even to his necessary Vessels and Tables of inestimable price, which the Thieves broke in pieces, and divided amongst them, that occasioned so great a tumult, and so strange an affright (for they thought the Enemy already master of the Baggages) that Anthony having called to him one of his Guards, named Ramnus, who was his freed Man, he forced him to promise him upon Oath to run him through with his Sword, as soon as he should command it, and to cut off his Head, lest he should fall into the power of the Enemy, or be known when he was dead. This discourse having drawn tears from Anthony's Friends: The Mardian came to intreat him to take Courage, by telling him, that by a certain moist and fresh Wind very pleasant to the Nostrils, he knew well they were not for from the River, which he guessed besides by the length of the way they had gone; and the time (for the night was far spent) At the same time they brought him word, that all the Tumult was occasioned by the ava∣rice of the Soldiers, who had plundered one another; wherefore that he might put in order this troubled and dispersed multitude, he made a halt; about break of day, the Tumult being quite calmed, every one began to fall into his Rank, when on a sudden the Rearguard felt the Parthian Ar∣rows; the Light-armed Foot was presently commanded out, and the Tar∣getiers, as before, formed a Testudo against the Enemies shot, who durst not approach them too nigh. At last, having fought in this manner for some little way, the Vanguard perceived the River, where being arrived, the Horse was sent out against the Parthians, and they began to pass over the sick. The Fight by little and little grew colder, for the Parthians at the sight of the River unbent their Bows, telling the Romans they might pass without any fear, and highly commending their Courage: When they were got on the other side, they reposed themselves at leisure, then set forward on their March, not confiding too much in the words of the Parthians; and six days after their last Fight, they arrived on the Banks of Araxis, a River which divides Media from Armenia, they thought it both deep and rapid; and there was a rumour spread, that the Enemy was coming to encounter them at their passage: but after they had happi∣ly crossed it, and saw themselves in security, in the Territories of Armenia, as if they had gained a Port after a Storm; they adored the Earth, em∣bracing one another, and weeping for joy; yet it happened, that coming into a Country abundant in all things, after so long a scarcity, they so overcharged their Stomachs, that many of them fell sick, either of the Dropsie or Colick. Anthony, out of danger, took a Muster of his Ar∣my, and found that he had lost in this Expedition twenty thousand Foot, and four thousand Horse, of which more than half dyed of sickness. Since

his departure from about Phraates till this time, he had made seven and twenty days March without resting, during which he had fought eighteen times against the Parthians with advantage: But these Victories were to no purpose; for not being able to pursue the Enemies far after he had routed them, they remained imperfect. Now it is firmly believed, that Artabasus, King of Armenia, was the cause that Anthony gained not an ab∣solute Victory; for had he had with him the sixteen thousand Horse armed after the manner of the Parthians, and accustomed to fight with them, which that King led back out of Media, the Parthians so many times overcome, could never have rallied, because that after the Romans had routed them, the Armenians following the chase, had made it a perfect Victory. Wherefore all men advised Anthony to punish Artabasus; but he thought he did more prudently, not to reproach him with his perfidi∣ousness. On the contrary, he remitted nothing of the Honour and Civi∣ty he usually shewed him, because he saw his Army weak, and in a tyred condition: but making another Voyage into Armenia, he obliged him by fair words to come and meet him; and having arrested him, led him Captive to Alexandria, whither he entred in Triumph, which much dis∣pleased the Romans, who were vexed that he communicated the Honours of their Cities to the Egyptians: but this happened in the time of the Declination of the Republick. After this, the Kings of the Medes and Parthians quarrelled about the Roman Spoils; wherefore the Median see∣ing himself the weakest, and fearing to loose his Kingdom, sent to An∣thony to engage him to begin the War afresh, offering him to that effect his Forces, and his Alliance. Upon these offers the Roman conceived great hopes, because he believed that to have subdued the Parthians, he wanted nothing but Archers and Horsemen, which now offered of them∣selves: he was therefore resolved to pass into Armenia, with design to make•• a conjunction of his Forces, with those of the Mede on the Banks of Araxes; and ••o go together to make War upon the Parthians; but be∣ing prevented by the dissentions of Octavius and Cleopatra, he referred this Expedition to another Season, though 'tis said the Parthians were at this time divided among themselves. He notwithstanding once afterwards re∣turned to Media, where having contracted an Alliance and Friendship with that King, he demanded one of his Daughters, whom he married to one of his Sons he had by Cleopatra; and that done, he returned, because of the Civil Wars, which now began to break out into a flame.

The End of the Parthian War.

APPIAN OF ALEXANDRIA, HIS HISTORY OF THE Roman Wars WITH MITHRIDATES.

PART I.

BOOK IV.

The Argument of this Book.

I. THe importance of this War, and the Power of Mithridates. II. The Foundation of the Kingdom of Bithynia. III. Foundation of the Kingdom of Cappadocia, and the cause or pretence of the Roman Wars against Mithridates. IV. Mithridates sends Pelopidas to the Roman Commissaries to complain of Nicomedes. V. Mithridates sieses on Cap∣padocia

for his Son, and Pelopidas in vain remonstrates the State of Matters to the Roman Commissaries. VI. The beginning of the War by the first Battel between Nicomedes, and the Lieutenants of Mithri∣dates, wherein Nicomedes is defeated. VII. Sundry successes of Mi∣thridates Arms. VIII. The Commission of this War given to Sylla, and the Massacre of the Italians in Asia. IX. The Siege of Rhodes by Mithridates, who is forced to raise it. X. The Siege of the Port of Pirae∣um, and of Athens by Sylla. XI. The City of Athens taken and sack'd, and after it the Port of Piraeum. XII. The Battel between Sylla and Arche∣laus, near Cheronea, where Sylla defeats Archelaus. XIII. Mithridates cruelty to the Tetrarchs of Asia, and Inhabitants of the Island of Chios. XIV. The fight between Sylla and Archelaus near Orchomene, where Archelaus is beaten. XV. The Actions of Fimbria, and the second sacking of Troy. XVI. The first accommodation betwixt Mithridates and the Ro∣mans. XVII. The death of Fimbria; Sylla's settlement of Asia, and re∣turn to Rome. XVIII. The second War with Mithridates by Muraena, which soon ends with a second Peace. XIX. The beginning of the third War of the Romans against Mithridates, wherein he at first hath the ad∣vantage. XX. Lucullus being Consul, hath Commission for this War, raises the Siege of Cysica, and besieges Mithridates, to the loss of his whole Army. XXI. Many Fights between Lucullus and Mithridates, who is at last forced to retire to Tigranes. XXII. Lucullus makes War on Tigra∣nes, and Mithridates together, and after many Victories is revoked. XXIII. Pompey's War against the Pirates. XXIV. Pompey's actions a∣gainst Mithridates, who forsakes his Kingdom. XXV. Pompey's Con∣quests in Asia. XXVI. Mithridates returns with new Forces, and pre∣pares to renew the War. XXVII. His Son Pharnaces conspires against him: his Death and Elogy. XXVIII. Pompey settles the Asian Affairs, re∣turns to Rome, and enters in Triumph.

[ I] MIthridates being dead, after having maintained War against the Romans for two and forty years; they added to their Em∣pire Bithynia, Caappdocia, and all the Neighbouring Nations bordering on the Euxine Sea: and as the putting an end to this War, raised their Courage; so they subdued, as a con∣fequence to it, all the rest of Cilicia; the Provinces of Syria, which are Phoenicia, Coelosyria and Palestine, with all the Upland nigh the Euphrates, which were never possessed by Mithridates: They imposed Tributes pre∣sently on some of these people, but subjected not others to it, till some time after. As for Paphlagonia, Galatia, Phrygia, the Mysia contiguous to it, together with Lydia, Ionia, Caria, and other parts of Asia, which depend∣ed on the Kingdom of Pergamus, with the old Greece and Macedon, of which Mithridates was seised, they reduced them under their obedience, and imposed Tributes on several Nations, that had never before paid them any. 'Tis for these Reasons (as I imagine) they esteemed this War of such importance to them, that they termed this Victory so Magnificent; and that they gave (which remains to this our age) that General, under whose Conduct they had performed all these brave Actions, the sirname of Great, because of the great numbers of Provinces, he either restored to their Empire, or added by Conquest: besides, also for the length of this War, and the Gene∣rosity of Mithridates, who was both powerful and indefatigable, (as he suf∣ficiently made appear) for he had more than four hundred Ships of his own,

and hath somteimes had in Arms fifty thousand Horse, and two hundred and fifty thousand Foot, with all Engines of War, and Arms necessary for so great a Multitude. He was likewise supported by the Kings and So∣veraigns of Armenia, Scythia, and all those Nations inhabiting from Pon∣tus, and the Palus Maeotis to the Thracian Bosphorus. He was sent likewise to make Alliance with some of the principal men of Rome, who were then engaged in a troublesome Civil War, and some of which had siesed on Spain, he treated with the Gauls, that on that side he might de∣sturb Italy. He likewise filled the Sea from Gallicia to the Pillars of Her∣cules with Pyrates, who disturbing Navigation, and hindring Traffick be∣tween the Cities, caused for a long time great scarcity of Provisions. In short, he did and attempted all that was possible. Insomuch, that all the people, from the East to the West, found themselves, or sent Auxilia∣ry Troops, or were tormented by the Corsaires, or by their Neighbours, or else for their Neighbours sakes: So many different interests there were in this War. The Romans alone gain'd advantage by it: For after it was finished, they extended their Empire from the West, as far as Euphrates. I could not possibly divide by Provinces what passed in each, be∣cause the most considerable Actions were done at the same time, and are link'd one within another: But I have treated of them apart where ever they would admit of a separation.

The Greeks are of opinion, that the Thracians, who went to the Wars [ II] of Troy under Rhaesus (their Captain being by night slain by Diomedes, as Homer says) retired themselves to the Mouth of the Euxine Sea, where there is but a small strait to pass over into Thrace; but for want of Ship∣ing, a part of them staid there, and called the Country Bebrycia; and the rest pass'd over above Byzantium, to the place where the Bithynian Thra∣cians inhabit, near the River Bithyas; from whence being forced by Fa∣mine, they returned to Bebricia, whose name they changed, and called it Bithynia, from the name of the River they had left, and that name did perpetuate in their Descendants, there not being very great difference be∣tween Bithynia and Bebricia. This is the opinion of some: Others say that Bithys, the Son of Iupiter and Thrace, was the first King of Thrace and Bithynia, who gave names to these Regions. I was willing to say thus much of Bithynia, by way of Preface; and I believe it likewise ne∣cessary, being writing the Roman History, to say somewhat of the nine and forty Kings that Reigned in this Kingdom, before the Romans became Masters of it. Prusias, sirnamed the Hunter, had married the Sister of Perseus, King of Macedon. However, when the War happened between the Romans, and his Wives Brother, he remained Neuter; and yet after Per∣seus was taken Prisoner, he went and presented himself before the Roman Captains, (in his Gown and Slippers, with a Hat on, and his Head shaven, just like those Slaves, to whom their Masters had given liberty by will; and to all this ridiculous dress, he had a villanous aspect, and was very low of stature) when he came near the Captains, he told them in Latin, I am the freed man of the people of Rome: at which they burst out in a laughter, and sent him to the City, and he appearing the same ridiculous Creature at Rome, obtained favour. Not long after, being fallen at variance with Attalus, King of that part of Asia, which lyes about Pergamus, he in ho∣stile manner invaded his Country; which being come to the Senates knowledge, Deputies were sent to him, forbidding him to proceed any

farther in a War against Attalus, Friend and Allie of the people of Rome; and when he seemed somewhat unwilling to obey the Deputies, vigorously charged him, either to comply with the Orders of the Senate, or come only with a thousand Horse upon the Frontier, where Attalus expected him with a like number to decide the difference by Combat; he despising the small numbers that were with Attalus, and hoping by this means easily to defeat him, sent some of his before to give notice, that he would be suddenly at the place appointed with his thousand Horse: but he came with his whole Army, as if he were to give Battel. Attalus, and the Ro∣man Commissaries, who had intelligence of it, escaping several ways, he came and took their Baggage, which they were forced to leave behind, and went and besieged a City, called Nicephoria, took it, rased it, and set fire on their Temples. After which he pursued Attalus so close, that he block'd him up in Pergamus. Hereupon the Senate sent other Commis∣saries, who ordered him to pay all the damages Attalus had sustained in this War, which so terrified him, that he obeyed, retired, and for interest delivered up immediately to Attalus twenty Ships with Decks, and agreed to pay him at a certain day, five hundred Talents of Silver, according to the Order of the Commissaries. He was very cruel, and therefore hated by his Subjects; but his Son Nicomede was extremely beloved, where∣fore his Father growing jealous, sent him to sojourn at Rome; from whence, hearing that he was there likewise in good esteem, he gave him Commission to demand of the Senate a release of the money he still owed to Attalus. He had sent Menas to assist him in the soliciting the Affair, with private Order to say nothing to his Son, if it were granted; but if it were denyed, to kill him in the City; and to favour his retreat, after the Murder, he caused to lye ready near unto Rome some Ships with two thousand Soldiers. Menas seeing the release would not be granted, (be∣cause Andronicus sent by Attalus to oppose the Demand, had made it ap∣pear that the sum adjudged came far short of the damages he had sustain∣ed) and that on the other side Nicomedes was much esteemed at Rome, knew not what to resolve on. He durst neither undertake to kill him, nor to return into Bithynia. In short, he staying at Rome after his Com∣mission was expired, the young Prince came to see him, at which he was not at all displeased. They conspired against Prusias, and associated in the conspiracy Andronicus, the Envoy of Attalus, to the end he might perswade his Master to assist Nicomedes, and to put him in possession of the Kingdom of Bithynia. They came to this end together to Bernice, a little City of Epire, where meeting together on board by night to consult what they had to do, after the Conference they parted every one to his own Ship. Morning being come, Nicomede appeared on the Hatches, in a Purple Robe, with a Diadem round his Head, after the manner of Kings. Androni••ns goes to him, and salutes him in the Quality of King, and with five hundred Soldiers he had there, joyns himself to his Train. Menas seems surprised, as if he had not known of Nicomedes being there, and conferring with his two thousand Soldiers, seems at first extremely en∣raged; but after some discourse, Of two Kings which we have (said he) the one is at home, the other is abroad, wherefore consider what you are to do for the future, and consider well, since on this opportunity depends your safety. I am of the opinion we ought to stick to him, who is likeliest to become Master; one is old, the other young; one is hated by the Bithynians, they desire the other; the most considerable persons of Rome love the young Man; Andronicus, who has joyned with him, promises the assistance of King Attalus, the next Neigh∣bour

to Bithynia, a powerful and ancient Enemy of Prusias. To this he added the cruelty of the old King, the violence he had committed, the indignities he had done to an infinite number of people: and in short, the publick hatred. And perceiving that the Soldiers did, as well as himself, abhorr his Crimes, he led them to Nicomedes, and was the next after An∣dronicus that saluted him King, and submitted to him with his two thou∣sand Men. Attalus gladly received this young Prince, who went forth∣with to him, and sent to summon Prusias to give his Son some Cities for his Residence, and some Lands for his Maintenance. He made answer, That he would e'er long give him all Attalus his Kingdom, to the Con∣quest of which, he was already come into Asia: And therewithal sends to Rome, to make complaint of Nicomedes and Attalus, and to cite them to judgement. But Attalus entred immediately into Bithynia, with those Forces he had in readiness, where by little and little, all the people de∣clared for Nicomedes. As for Prusias, not trusting in any person, and hoping the Romans would disingage him of this Affair, he obtained from Digilles the Thracian, his Father-in-law, five hundred Soldiers, with whom he confided the guard of his person, and shut himself up in the Fortress of Nicea. The Deputies of Prusias being come to Rome, the Pretor of the City, for some time, delay'd their Audience, because he fa∣voured Attalus his concerns. At length having introduced them into the Senate, he had Orders to make choice of three Commissioners to put an end to this War. He chose three, of which one having formerly received a blow on the Head with a Stone, the Scars still remained, which made his Visage deformed; the second was lame of his Feet; and the third was lit∣tle better than a Fool; which made Cato, scoffing at this Deputation, say, That it had neither Head, Feet, nor Soul. The Commissaries being gone to Bithynia, ordered the Kings to lay down their Arms, upon which Ni∣comedes and Attalus made a shew of yielding to the Authority of the Se∣nate: but the Bithynians, whom they had suborned, loudly declared, That they should never be able to undergo the cruelty of Prusias, especially now he had known their aversion to him: wherefore, because the Senate had yet heard nothing of these complaints, and so the Commissaries could have no Orders concerning them, they returned without doing any thing. Prusias seeing himself frustrated of the Romans assistance, on the reliance of which he had made no preparations, retired to Nicomedia, a very strong place, where he resolved to sustain a Siege; but the Inhabitants be∣trayed their King, opening the Gates, and letting in Nicomedes and his Army; and Prusias taking Sanctuary in the Temple of Iupiter, was slain by orders of his Son. Thus Nicomedes began to Reign in Bithynia, in∣stead of his Father. After him his Son Nicomedes, sirnamed Philopator succeeded, and was confirmed in his Kingdom by Decree of the Senate. Such was the State of Affairs in Bithynia; and if any desire to know more, the Grand-child of this last, called likewise Nicomedes, by his last Will and Testament, appointed the people of Rome Heir to this Kingdom.

As for what concerns Cappadocia, I cannot certainly say upon whom [ III] it depended before the time of the Macedonians, whether it had particu∣lar Kings, or were a Province of Darius his Kingdom: But it is like∣ly that Alexander, going to War against Darius, left these people Tri∣butary under their own Princes, because we find that he restored Amisa, a City which had been a Colony of the Athenians, to a popular admini∣stration,

according to the Custom of the Ancestors. The Historian Hie∣ronymus says, He did not so much as come near these Nations; and that to encounter Darius, he took his March nearer the Sea by Pamphilia and Cilicia. Perdiccas, who commanded the Macedonians after Alexander, took Ariarathes, Governour of Cappadocia, and hanged him; whether it were for revolting, or to reduce that Country under the Macedonian Dominion, I know not. He gave to Eumenes of Crdis the Government of the Province, who having been slain for shaking off the Macedonian Yoke; Antipater, who had the Administration of the Affairs of Macedon af∣ter Perdiccas, sent Nicanor Satrapas into Cappadocia. Some time after dissension happening among the Macedonians themselves, Antigonus drove Laomedon out of his Government of Syria, and seised it. Now he had for his particular Friend, Mithridates of the Blood Royal of Persia, and once sleeping, he dream'd that he sowed Gold in a Field, and Mithrida∣tes gathered it, and carryed it to Pontus, upon which he made him Prisoner, and would have put him to death, but he escaped, accompani∣ed only with six Horsemen, and fortifying himself in a certain Village of Cap∣padocia, many others came in to him, and whilst the Macedonians were en∣gaged in other Affairs, made himself Master of Cappadocia, and all the Nati∣ons neighbouring on Pontus. At length having mightily extended his Do∣minion, he left to his Children a great scope of Country, over which they Reigned one after another, till this Mithridates, who had War with the Romans. But both the Kingdoms of Pontus and Cappadocia, having been joyntly possessed by the Successors of the first Mithridates; it is of im∣portance to know how they came divided, and who were Kings of Pon∣tus, and who of Cappadocia. The first, under whom the change began, was Mithridates Euergetes, who only stiled himself King of Pontus, hating the Cappadocians, and treating them like a conquered Country. He had made an Alliance with the people of Rome, and did effectually send them Auxiliary Shipping against the Carthaginians. There succeeded him his Son of the same name, with two sirnames, Eupator and Dionysius, whom the Romans commanded to quit Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes, who had put himself under the protection of the people of Rome, and seemed to have more right to that Kingdom than the other. It's possible too, that being jealous of the greatness of Mithridates Monarchy, they were glad of this pretence to divide it. However it were, the King obey'd. But Socrates, sirnamed Chrestus (Brother of Nicomedes, the Son of the first Nicomedes, and Grandchild to Prusias, the same that had been confirmed in his King∣dom of Bithynia by the Decree of the Senate) having some controver∣sie with his Brother, was assisted by Mithridates, who sent him with an Army into Bithynia, where he seised on the Kingdom, and at the same time Mithraas and Bagoas, having driven Ariobarzanes out of the King∣dom of Cappadocia, wherein the Romans had established him, placed A∣riarathes in his stead. So that the Romans found themselves obliged to restore Nicomedes and Ariobarzanes each to his Kingdom. To this pur∣pose they sent their Commissaries, of whom Manius Aquilius was the Chief, and gave Orders to L. Cassius, who commanded in that part of Asia, with a little Army to assist them; and likewise gave the same commands to Eupator himself: but he, who had still a pretence to Cappadocia, and re∣membred that not long since the Romans had despoiled him of Phrygia (as we have said in our History of the Affairs of Greece) would not concern himself. However, Cassius and Manius with those Forces Cassius had, and what they could raise in Phrygia, re-established Nicomedes in Bithynia, and

Ariobarzanes in Cappadocia, and afterwards counselled them both to make in∣cursions into Mithridates his Country, and to pick with him any occasi∣on of War, assuring them that the Romans assistance should not be want∣ing; yet neither of them durst attempt so powerful an Enemy: but when the Commissaries again pressed them to it; Nicomedes, who owed a great sum of Money to the Commissaries, and the Captains, by the agreement made for his re-establishment; and had likewise formerly taken up great sums at interest from the Romans setled in Asia, who now called them in, in∣vaded (as it were whether he would or no) the Territories of Mithridates, pillaging all as far as the Gates of the City of Amestris, without any op∣position. For though the King of Pontus had very good Forces rea∣dy, yet he still gave ground, that he might make his tale the better.

But Nicomedes being returned with a booty of inestimable value, Mi∣thridates [ IV] sent Pelopidas to the Roman Captains and Commissaries, and though he knew they wished for the War, and had been the cause of this invasion, he took no notice of it, expecting greater and more worthy causes of the War that was preparing. He gave him in charge only to speak of that Friendship and Alliance he and his Father had with the Peo∣ple of Rome. But (said Pelopidas) instead of Protecting him, you have taken from him Phrygia and Cappadocia, of which this last was the inheri∣tance of his predecessors, and left to him by succession from his Father; and the other the recompense of his Victory over Aristonicus, a recompense he received from your General, or rather which he bought with his mony; and now you suffer Nicomedes to stop up his passage from Pontus, and spoil all his Country as far as the Gates of Amestris. Not but that the King was as you know suf∣ficiently powerful, and too well prepared to resist him, but he would have you eye witnesses of what has passed. And now you have seen it, Mithridates your Friend and Allie, begs you in quality of his Friends and Allies (for those are the Terms of the Treaty) to succour those Nicomedes thus wrongs, or at least impeach his farther violence. To this the Deputies from Nicomedes made Answer. That it was not at this instant only, that Mithridates had laid Ambushes for him, that he had made Socrates his Brother to enter in Hostile manner into his Kingdom, who but for him had been quiet, and yielded to the right of Primogeniture in his Elder Brother. 'Tis most true Gentlemen (said the Chief of this deputation) Mithridates alone stirr'd up that young Man to make War against him, whom the Senate and People of Rome had made King of Bithynia; To whom do you think this injury was meant more than to you? and though by your Edict the Kings of Asia are forbid to meddle with Europe, he with the same injustice has seised several places in the Cher∣sonesus; all these Actions are but Signals of the violence he intends to you. You may if you please wait for the effects; for what mean his great preparations as if the War were already Declared? Why so many Auxiliary Troops of Thracians, Scythians, and so many other Neighboring Nations? He allies himself with the King of Armenia, sends Agents into Egypt and Syria to so∣licite the Alliance of those Kings, has already three hundred Ships of War fitted, and is still building more, having fetcht from Phoenicia and Egypt Mariners and Pilots; such mighty preparations are never made against Nicomede, but against you. He is exceeding angry too, that having bought Phrygia of one of your Generals, that suffered himself to be over-reacht, you have commanded him to restore it as goods unjustly got. And as much vexed he is that you have given Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes, and fearing lest your power should encrease from day to day, the complaints he makes to you, serve

him only for a pretence to Arm, and assault you as soon as he shall find an occa∣sion, but it will be your wisdom not to stay till he openly declares himself your Enemy. Consider more his actions, than his words; and for pretences of feigned friendship, do not forsake your true friends, nor suffer those ordinances you have made concerning our Kingdoms to be scorned, and made invalid by one that is a common Enemy to us both.

After the Deputy had thus spoken, Pelopidas again desired the Romans to be judges of the complaints made by Nicomedes. And for what remains (said he) you see the present State of Affairs, how Mithridates Dominion is lessened, the entrance of the Sea stopt against him, infinite Spoils carried off his Lands. But we intreat you a second time Gentlemen, either hinder Mi∣thridates from being thus wrong'd, either defend him from oppression, or suffer him to defend himself without perplexing your affairs. Pelopidas spoke this so sternly, that though before they had resolved to support Nicomedes, yet now they would heark to them both as Judges, and because they had some respect for Pelopidas words, and could not reproach Mithridates with any breach of Alliance, they stuck at it a little, but after long Consul∣tation they at last Answered in these terms; We will neither have Nicomedes to offend Mithridates, nor suffer any to make War upon Nico∣medes, for we judge it the interest of the Commonwealth not to suffer him to be wronged.

[ V] After they had pronounced this sentence, Pelopidas would have rejoyned, as not thinking it reasonable; but they made him depart the Assembly. Wherefore Mithridates manifestly wrong'd by the Romans sent his Son Ariarathes with a Powerful Army to seise upon the Kingdom of Cappadocia, who presently drove thence Ariobarzanes, and setled himself in his place. Whereupon Pelopidas going once more to the Commissaries, spoke to them in this manner.

The Oration of Pelopidas.

YOU have lately been told, Gentlemen, with what patience Mithri∣dates suffered Phrygia and Cappadocia to be taken from him contrary to all Reason: You made no account of the injuries done by Nicomedes, even in your sight; and when we had recourse to your Friendship and Alliance, you An∣swered us rather like Men accused than Accusers, That your Republique would not have any injury done to Nicomedes, as if any one had done it. You then are the cause, if there hath lately passed any thing in Cappadocia to the pre∣judice of your Republique; for the disdain wherewith you treated us, and your scornful Answers obliged Mithridates to what he has done, and he is now send∣ing Deputies to your Senate to complain of you. Therefore if you please, find some body to plead your cause; but he conjures you not to attempt any thing which is not resolved on by the common consent of the Senate and People of Rome, and to think of the importance of this War. Consider that the King∣dom he holds by Succession from his Father, is twenty thousand Furlongs in length, and that he hath added to it, many Neighboring Nations, and among other Colchis full of Warlike People, of Greeks that inhabit on the Euxine Sea, and of Barbarians confining on them. That he has Friends ready at his Service, Scythians, Taures, Basternes, Thracians, Sarmatians, and in short

all the people near Tanais, Ister, and the Palus Maeotis; that Tigranes King of Armenia is his Son in Law, and Arsaces King of the Parthians, his Friend: in conclusion, that he has a mighty power of Shipping, all either fitted or al∣most ready with all their Gang. Besides, the Bithynians told you no lie in what they said of the Kings of Egypt and Syria, for it's very likely if the War once begin, they will declare for us, and not only they, but your Provinces of Asia, Greece and Africa. As for Italy, the most part of it not able to suffer your boundless Avarice is already revolted: and certainly it is matter of amaze∣ment to all the World, that not being yet able to suppress that War, you un∣dertake Mithridates by setting on Foot intrigues, sometimes with Nicomedes, sometimes with Ariobarzanes, whilst yet you make profession to be our Friends and Allies; but it is only in appearance you are so, for in effect you treat us like Enemies. And if what has past displease you, give better Orders for the fu∣ture, prevent Nicomedes from farther offending your Friends; which if you do, I promise you on the behalf of King Mithridates, his Arms and Assistance against your Allies in Italy which have revolted. If not, break off that speci∣ous and vain Friendship, or let us go to Rome and plead our Cause.

After Pelopidas had finished this Discourse, the Romans thinking it too insolent, Replyed, That they forbad Mithridates from attempting any thing against Nicomedes, and ordained him to quit Cappadocia in which they would take care to reestablish Ariobarzanes. As for Pelopidas, they enjoyned him a speedy departure, no more to return unless the King disposed himself to do what they desired.

With this Answer he was sent away, but under a good guard, that by the way he might not corrupt any Person; and forthwith without expecting from the Senate and People of Rome, their advice upon a War of such Importance, the Romans assembled all the Forces they could draw toge∣ther in Bithynia, Cappadocia, Paphlagonia, and Gallogrecia of Asia. The Army which P. Crassus commanded and designed for the guard of Asia being in a readiness, and all the Auxiliary Troops drawn to a head, they divided themselves into three bodies. Cassius went and encamped on the Confines of Bithynia and Galatia; Manius in the passage by which Mi∣thridates might enter Bithynia; and Q. Oppius on the Frontiers of Cappado∣cia: being all together about forty thousand Men Foot and Horse. They had likewise a Fleet commanded by Minucius Rufus and C. Populius to guard the mouth of the Pontus. Besides, Nicomedes was likewise in Arms, to second them with fifty thousand Foot, and six thousand Horse, all in good order. As for Mithridates, his Army alone consisted of two hundred and fifty thousand Foot, and forty thousand Horse. He had three hundred Ships of War, and three hundred Gallies, with all Stores, and Ammuni∣tion necessary for so great a Fleet and Army. Two brothers called Ne∣optolemus and Archelaus had the Command of all these Forces in quality of his Lieutenant Generals, but the King had his eye upon all, and did many things himself. As for the Auxiliary Troops, Archathias his Son brought him ten thousand Horse out of Armenia the Less. Dorilaus Commanded the Phalanxes, and Craterus one hundred and thirty Chariots armed with Scythes. Such were the preparations on both sides, when at first Mithri∣dates and the Romans Armed against each other, which was about the hundred sixty sixth Olympiad. The first Engagement was near the River Amniae, in a spacious plain, where Nicomedes, and Mithridates Generals

met. As soon as they discovered one the other, they drew into Battalia. Nicomedes had all his Forces; but Neoptolemus and Archelaus had only their light Armed Souldiers, and Arcathias Horse, with some Chariots: for the gross of the Army was a great way distant, wherefore they espying a Rock in the middle of the plain, sent to possess it, that they might not be inclosed by the Bithynians, who were much the greater number. Those they sent being driven back, Neoptolemus was more then ever in fear of being encompassed; wherefore he posted in with all speed possible making Arcathias do the like. Nicomedes who knew him came to meet him, and now began a bloody battel, wherein the Bithynians proved the stronger, and put their Enemies to the Rout; but as they pressed home upon them, Archelaus wheeling about from the left Wing, came and charged those in the Rear, who thought they had been Victorious, and as soon as he had made them face about, gave ground, that Neoptolemus might have time to Rally, as soon as he knew he was again in a Posture, he renewed the charge, and the Chariots Armed with Scythes being violently driven in∣to the Enemies squadrons, caused a strange disorder, some they cut through the middle of the body, and tore others in quarters, which extreamly ter∣rified the Bithynians: for they saw the one half of Men still breathing, the trunks of bodies and other members hooked fast, and drawn along by the Chariots, so that the horrour of these spectacles daunting them more then the fight it self, fear siesed them, and begot a wonderful hurly-burly in the Ranks. However though Archelaus pressed upon them on one side, and Neoptolemus and Arcathias were rallied on the other, they took heart, and facing both ways defended themselves generously for a good space, till such time as Nicomedes after a dreadful slaughter of his Men fled with the rest to Paphlagonia. After this Victory (in which Mithridates Phala••••x was not concern'd) Nicomedes Camp fell into the Victors power who found therein good store of Silver, and took a great Number of Prisoners, whom the King treated kindly, sending them home to their houses, and giving them Money to bear their charges that he might make his Clemency known to his Enemies themselves. But if Mithridates rejoyced at this first success, the Roman Generals were no less startled at it. They began to perceive they had kindled this important War without the Senates Or∣ders, with more Rashness then Prudence; They observed how great Num∣bers of their had been defeated by a handful of Men, who had neither assistance from any advantage of ground, or any miscarriage in the Bithynians, but only by the vertue of the Leaders and Valour of the Soldiers.

[ VII] After this, Nicomedes retired into Manius Camp; and Mithridates en∣camped on Mount Scoroba, which separates Pontus and Bithynia. One day his Scouts which were a hundred Sarmatian Horse, met with eight hun∣dred of Nicomedes Men, of whom they took many Prisoners, whom Mithri∣dates sent likewise into their Country, after furnishing them with where∣withal to live by the way. Another time as Manius retreated, Nicomedes being gone to find out Cassius, Neoptolemus and Nemanes the Armenian pursued him, and about the seventh hour overtook him at a Village called Pachia, and forced him to fight: he had four thousand Horse, and ten times as many Foot of whom they killed ten thousand, and took three hun∣dred prisoners whom Mithridates, caused to be brought before him, and then dismissed as he had done the others, that he might gain the hearts of his Enemies. Manius lost all his Baggage, and flying along the side of the

River Sangara passed over it by night, and escaped to Pergamus. Cassius, Nicomedes, and all the Roman Commissaries, seeing themselves every where thus ill-handled, went and posted themselves at Leontecephalus the strongest place in Phrygia, where they began to make new Levies of Souldiers, they Enrolled the Artificers, Laborers and Plough-men, and all Men of what sort soever that could be found in Phrygïa capable to bear Arms, whom for a while they began to exercise, but finding them so un∣handy and improper for War, that they could never be made serviceable, they forbore any longer tormenting those poor People, and after having dismissed them, retired, Cassius to Apamea, Nicomedes to Pergamus, and Manius towards Rhodes. Those who had the Guard of the mouth of Pontus, hearing this News, not only quitted their Station, but likewise Nicomedes his Ships as a prey to Mithridates. Thus the King of Pontus be∣ing by one only blow become Master of all Bithynia went through all the Cities setling necessary Orders; from thence he passed into Phrygia, where lodging his Army in the same place where Alexander had lodged; he took it for a happy presage, to have spent one night in the place where that Great Conqueror had once encamped. Proceeding forward he overrun the rest of Phrygia, Mysia, and all the Provinces which the Romans had newly Conquered in Asia, and sending abroad his Captains several ways he subdued Lycia, Pamphilia, and all that stood in his way as far as Ionia▪ There was only Laodicea near the River Licus that opposed him, because that Q. Oppius was retired thither with his Horse, and the Mercenary Soldiers. But when a Herald sent from the King told the inhabitants that the King promised Indempnity to all those of Laodicea, provided they would deliver Oppius into his hands, they sent away the Mercenary Sol∣diers, and carried Oppius to Mithridates with Lictors marching before him in derision. The King did him no injury, but causing him to be unbound, carried him every where along with him, well pleased to see a Roman Ge∣neral his Prisoner. Sometime after Manius Aquilius, Chief of the Com∣mission and Principal Author of the War, was taken, but he was not treat∣ed so kindly, they carried him about mounted on an Ass, from City to City, and forced him to proclaim aloud as he went that he was Manius, and at last at Pergamus, poured melted Gold into his mouth to reproach the Romans of Corruption and Covetousness. Mithridates having placed Governors in all places, as he went, passed along to Magnesia, Ephesus and Mitylene, where he was received with so great applause, that the Ephesi∣ans threw down the Roman Statues that were in their City, for which they were not long after chastized. Then returning into Ionia he took Stra∣tonicea, where he made the inhabitants pay a great Sum of Money, and placed a Garrison. Here he fell in love with a very beauteous Virgin whom he took into the Number of his Wives, if any desire to know her name, she was called Monima the Daughter of Philopoemen, he likewise by his Lieu∣tenants made War against the Magnesians, Paphlagonians and Lycians who would not yet wholly submit.

Whilst Mithridates was doing these things, the Senate and People of [ VIII] Rome having intelligence of the first Irruption into Asia, decreed that an Army should be sent against him, though they were embroiled with in∣testine seditions, and had then a War with their Allies, which lay heavy up∣on them by reason that almost all the People of Italy revolted against them one after another. The Consuls drawing the Provinces by lot; Asia fell to Cornelius Sylla, together with the Commission of the War against Mithri∣dates,

and because there was no Mony in the Treasury, it was Decreed by the Senate that all which Numa Pompilius had consecrated to the Gods to make Publick Sacrifices, should be sold. So much was the publick ho∣nour considered in this necessity. However they sold but a part, from which they raised nine thousand pound weight of Gold, which sufficed for the expence of this War, for as great as it was they made use of no more. Sylla was detained a long time by the seditious, as we have related in the History of the Civil War. Mean while Mithridates slept not. He made ready a great Number of Ships to send against those of Rhodes. He wrote private Letters to all the Governours of his Provinces, and the Magistrates of all his Cities, by which he ordained that on the thirtieth day from the date the whole multitude should fall upon all the Italians they could find, with their Wives, Children and Houshold-servants that were Italians, and after having cut their throats, throw them out upon the Dunghils without Burial, Confiscating their goods, one half for the King, and the other for those that slew them. He likewise commanded at the same time to publish by sound of Trumpet, strict prohibitions to all per∣sons, under the penalty of a great fine, either to bury the dead or conceal the living, with a recompence to such as should discover any that were hid, that the slave who slew his Master should be free, and the Debtor that slew his Creditor released of one half of his Debt. This Private Order being di∣spatched to all parts, and the day appointed come, all Asia was filled with infinite Examples of horrible Cruelty, some of which we will relate, The Ephesians after having pulled by force from the Statues on which they hung those that had fled for Sanctuary into the Temple of Diana, slew them upon the very Altars. Those of Pergamus when they could not make those wretches, fled into the Temple of Esculapius, quit the place, shot them with Arrows as they hung upon the Statues. The Adrumetans pursued in∣to the Sea, those who thought to save themselves by Swimming, and sent those miserable people with their Children to the Bottom. The Caunians, whom the Romans after having vanquished Antiochus had put under the Dominion of Rhodes, and whom the Senate soon after had released and made free, pluckt from the Altars those Italians which had fled for refuge into the Sacred Palace of their City, first cut the Childrens throats before their Mothers Faces, then Massacred the Mothers in the sight of their Hus∣bands, and threw the Mens dead bodies upon those of their Wives and Children. Those of Tralles that they might not defile themselves with the blood of their Guests, employed a certain cruel fellow a Paphlagonian called Theophilus, whom they hired to that purpose, who having shut up the Ita∣lians in the Temple of Concord, made so cruel, and horrible a Butchery, that he cut of the hands of those that hung upon the Images. In short, all the Romans and Italians that could be found in Asia, Men, Women and Children, even to the very Freedmen and Slaves were all involved in this General Massacre; which was sufficient evidence that the People of Asia were transported to these Cruelties, not out of fear of Mithridates, but out of hate to the Romans; But however, they were doubly chasti∣sed, first by Mithridates, who treated them with all sorts of indigni∣ties, and afterwards by Cornelius Sylla, who put them to exemplary punishment.

[ IX] After this the King went into the Isle of Coos, where being willingly received he found there the Son of that Alexander, who had reigned in Egypt, him he took and caused to be Royally brought up, sending to the

Kingdom of Pontus, vast Riches taken out of the Treasures of Cleopatra's precious moveables, Jewels and magnificent Habits, together with great store of Silver Money. Mean while the Rhodians repaired their Walls and Gates, fortifying them with Engines, by the Assistance of some Tel∣missians, Lycians, and all the Italians, who escaping out of Asia, had fled for refuge to Rhodes, among whom was L. Cassius Proconsul of Asia. Mithri∣dates being come to besiege them, they destroyed their Suburbs for fear the Enemy should possess them, they likewise drew up their Ships in Or∣der of Battel, one part to Fight in Front, and the other to defend the Flanks. Whereupon Mithridates Rowing round his Fleet in a Galley of five Banks gave Orders to his Fleet to extend themselves as much as they could in form of a Crescent, that so by force of Oars they might encom∣pass in their Enemies Ships, who were much fewer in Number. The Rhodians who were fearful of it, began by little and little to give way, and at length turning their Prows fled and got into their Port, whose Booms having shut, so that the King could not enter, he was forced to retreat because of the Shot made at him from the Walls. He came to an Anchor hard by, and after having several times in vain attempted the Port, resol∣ved to stay till his Army came out of Asia. Mean while they were perpe∣tually skirmishing, in which the Rhodians always had the better, which much heightned their Courage. On a time as all their Ships were in a readiness, and they wanted but an opportunity to go and charge the Ene∣my, a loaden Ship of the Kings passing by the Port was Boarded by a Rho∣dian Gally of two Banks, which being on each side assisted by those of their party who Rowed in, in great Numbers, there happened a consider∣able Engagement, Mithridates transported with anger, and pestered with too great a Number of Ships, could not give Orders Necessary. But the Rhodians more experienced in Sea affairs, made nimble turns about the Kings Ships, whom charging on the broad-side, they bilg'd many of them, and took and brought into the Port a Galley of three banks (boarded on the quarter by one of theirs) with all the Gang, and great quantity of Arms and Plunder. However they mist one of their Gallies of five Banks, and not knowing any thing of it's being taken by the Enemies, they sent their Admiral Demagoras with six of their nimblest Vessels out to Sea in search of it. Mithridates sent five and twenty after him, Demagoras got into the open Sea without their being able to reach him, but when night drew on, seeing the Kings Galley's were about to make their re∣treat, he fell on and sinking two pursued two others into Lycia, and after having spent that night at Sea, came and joyned the rest of the Fleet. This was the success to that Sea-fight, as much unhoped for by the Rhodi∣ans by reason of their few Ships, as unlooked for by Mithridates, because of his great Numbers, and indeed it was all but a confusion. In the heat of the Engagement, an Auxiliary Ship of the Isle of Chios, run so full on Board the Ship the King Commanded, that it broke her to pieces, at which he was so offended that he put the Pilot and the Mate to death, and ever after bore a secret Malice to the Inhabitants of that Island. Sometime after as Mithridates Land Army came upon Loaden Ships and Gallies, a sudden Storm arose which brought all the Fleet towards Rhodes. The Rhodians presently came out with their whole Force, and finding the Ene∣mies Ships, still in disorder, sunk some, burnt others, and brought in four hundred Prisoners. Wherefore the King prepared once again to Fight them by Sea, and withal to storm their City: causing to that intent a Harpe to be built, which is a great Engine, raised upon two Ships. And

having understood by the Runaways that it was easie to take the Town on that side where stood the Temple of Iupiter Tabyri••s by Scaling the Wall, which was in that part very low, he caused some of his Soldiers to Embarque on the Ships, and giving Scaling Ladders to others, ordered them all to keep silence, till they saw a signal of fire given them from the place, and that then raising as great a shout as they could, some should fall in at the Port, others at the Wall. As they were going to put this design in execution, without making the least noise, the Guards of the City who had notice of it, shewed a fire, which they taking for the signal to be given from the place called Tabyria broke silence; and both Soldiers and Mariners began to make the Air ring with Shouts of Joy; but being answered with the same Notes, by those of the City that stood upon the Walls, the Royalists attempted nothing all that Night, and in the Morn∣ing were forced to retreat; It is true that the Harpe which they drew nigh unto the Wall opposite to the Temple of Isis, extreamly terrified the in∣habitants, for it cast at the same time mighty quantities of Darts and Ar∣rows, there were likewise upon it Rams which battered the Walls, and besides multitudes of Soldiers ran out of the Ships with their Scaling Lad∣ders to mount the Walls, but the Rhodians made a resolute resistance, till the Engine broke with its own weight, and the Statue of the Goddess Isis, was seen to dart flames of fire against it. Whereupon the King after this last trial, losing all hopes of taking the Town, raised his Siege. After this he went and besieged Patoria, where as he was about to cut down a Forest (consecrated to Latona) for building of Machines, he was frightned by a dream from touching those sacred trees. Whereupon leaving Pelopidas in Lycia, to continue the War, he sent Archelaus into Greece, to draw what Cities he could to his side either by good will or constraint. And henceforward easing himself of the Labors and Toils of War, which he committed to his Generals, he did nothing but leavy Soldiers, and make provision of Arms, passing away his time with that Woman of Strato∣ni••ea, and in giving judgment upon those who were accused of having plotted against his life, done any thing against his Service, or favored in any kind whatsoever the Roman party. Whilst he busied himself in these matters, affairs in Greece passed in this manner. Archelaus going with a Fleet, well appointed took by force the Island of Delos, which had revolted from the Athenians, together with some places which he gave to that Republick, after the slaughter of twenty thousand Men the most part Ita∣lians, and rendring by these Actions the Power of Mithridates formidable in those parts, he gained him the Friendship and Alliance of that People; he sent to them, likewise the consecrated Treasure at Delo••s by Aristion one of their C••••y, to whom he gave two thousand Men for a Guard of that Mony; but he imploy'd them to another purpose, for seeing two thou∣sand Men at his Command he lived like a Tyrant in his Country, putting to death many of his Fellow Citizens, and delivering up others to Mithri∣dates, under pretence they were of the Roman Faction. Yet he made Profession of being a Philosopher of the Sect of Epicurus, but he was not the only Philosopher that has tyrannized in Athens, Critias and his Com∣panions who professed the same Philosophy, plaid the Tyrants before him. The followers of Pythagaras did the same in Italy. Nor were there any of those who were called the seven Wise-men of Greece, and had any hand in the Government of the Commonwealth but exercised their Au∣thority with more Tyranny then an unlearned Man would have done. So that it is not without reason that some have doubted whether the other

Philosophers followed the Study of Wisdom so much, out of the pure Love of Virtue, as to be a comfort to their Poverty, and an excuse for their Sloath▪ Since even to this Day we see many leading a close and necessitous Life, who cloak their Poverty under a pretence of Wisdom, furious by railing at all rich men and Magistrates, which they do not so much out of contempt of Riches, as out of envy to those which possess them, wherefore I think those much wiser then, who know how to slight and contemn their Inve∣ctives. Thus much by the way against Aristion, who gave occasion to this short digression. To proceed, Archelaus drew to his Party the Acheans, La∣cedemonians, and Beotians, all but the City of Thespia, to which he laid Siege. At the same time as Metrophanes whom Mithridates had likewise sent into Greece with another Army, made havock in the Isle of Eubea, Demetriada and Magnesia, who had refused to declare for the King, Brittius came out of Ma∣cedon and falling upon his Fleet, with a very small force beat them, sunk a great Ship and a Foist, and slew all the Mariners, and this in the very face of Metrophanes, which put him in such a fear that he fled. Brittius when he could not overtake him, went and besieged Sciatha a nest of barbarous Py∣rates, and having taken it hanged the Slave, and cut of the Masters hands, from thence he went to Boeotia, whither a recruit of a Thousand men, as well Horse as Foot being come to him out of Macedon, he gave Battel to Aristion and Archelaus, which lasted three days without knowing which had the better, till such time as the Lacedemonians and Acheans having sent relief to the Enemy finding himself then two weak he went and encamped neer Pyraeum, which Archelaus coming afterwards with his Fleet to seise, took him there Prisoner.

Sylla, to whom the Senate had given the Commission for the War a∣gainst [ X] Mithridates, not able before to leave Italy, now passed over into Greece, with five Legions, some Cohorts, and a few Horse; whither Money being sent him, and Auxiliary Troops come together, with Provi∣sions of Victuals out of Etolia and Thessaly, finding himself sufficiently pre∣pared, he advanced into Attica against Archelaus. He took his march through Boeotia, which almost all yielded to him, not the great City of Thebes which out of giddiness of temper had before preferred Mithridates to the Romans, durst now make Tryal of his Arms, but in its turn desert∣ing Archelaus and his Party, declared for the Romans. The Consul being arrived in Attica, divided his Forces into two Bodies, one he sent to Be∣siege Aristion in the City, and with the other marched directly to the Port of Pyraeum where Archelaus had engarrisoned himself, confident in the strength of the place, the Walls of which were near forty Cubits high and all of hewn stone. It was indeed a mighty work which had been raised by Pericles in the time of the War of Peloponnesus; who when all the hopes of Victory consisted only in this Port, had fortifyed all he could. Yet the height of the Walls amused not Sylla, who presently clapt to his scaling Ladders; but the Cappadocians bravely defending themselves, after giving and receiving many Wounds he gave over and retreated to Eleusina and Megara, where he fell to building Engines, resolved to take the Pyraeum by raising Platforms or Terrases higher then the Walls. Thebes furnished him with Workmen and Materials, as Iron Instruments for Battery and such like things, he cut down Timber in the Academy to frame his great Engines, and beat down all those long Walls which joyned the Port with the City, that their Ruins might serve to raise his Platforms. There were in Pyraeum two Athenian Slaves, who whether they were affectionate to the Romans or

to provide for their own security, in case they succeeded, writ on Bullets of Lead what passed within, and threw then with Slings into the Roman Camp. Sylla observing that they continually slung them, and examining the mat∣ter more narrowly, found writ one of the Bullets. Tomorrow the foot will sally out on the Labourers in Front, while the Horse charge the Roman Army in Flank. Whereupon he laid an Ambush for them and when they thought to surprize the Romans they were themselves surprized by the Romans, who after a great Slaughter drove the rest into the very Sea. Archelaus seeing the Platforms advanced in height, caused towers to be erected directly oppo∣site to them, from whence with Darts he sorely vexed the Workmen, and having caused Forces to come from Chalcis and other Isles, he arrived not on∣ly the Marriners but the Galley-Slaves, seeing himself in such an extremity of danger. Thus he who before much exceeded the Besiegers in Numbers, seeing his Forces encreased by these new Recruits, made the Night follow∣ing about the second Watch a vigorous Sally, wherein carrying lighted Torches he burnt one of the Testudo's with all its Engines. The Consul soon repaired the loss, and in ten day's rebuilt and planted others in their stead, against which Archelaus opposed a Tower he erected on the Wall. After this Dromichetes whom Mithridates had sent with new Recruits being arrived, Archelaus drew out the Kings Army in Battel, intermixing the Slingers and Archers and drawing them all up so close under the Wall, that those who had Guard might from thence annoy the Enemies at distance with their Bows and Slings, whilst a Party he had placed near the Gates sal∣lyed out upon a signal given, with Torches in their hands, to set fire on the Machins. The Fight was fierce and continued a long time doubtful, some∣times one giving Ground, and sometimes the other, the Barbarians were the first that turned their Backs, but Archelaus soon forced them to stay and return to the Charge, which so startled the Romans that they themselves fled, till Murena coming to the head of them forced them to turn again up∣on the Enemy. At length some Companies of Souldiers returning from the Wood (to whom those who had been branded with Infamy for their flight joyned themselves) and arriving in the heat of the Fight, they char∣ged so furiously upon Mithridates Battel, that after having slain two thousand, they forced the rest to save themselves in the Port, in spite of all the resist∣ance of Archelaus, who did all he could to stop them, and was so obstinate in it, that the Gates being shut before he could get in, they were forced to draw him up the Walls with Ropes. Thus Sylla had the honour of keep∣ing the Field, who discharged of the Infamy those had been noted for it, because of their good service upon this occasion, and honoured the other with military Recompences. And because Winter was coming on, he went and encamped near Eleusina, and that he might not be annoyed by the Ex∣cursions of the Enemys Horse, he caused a deep Trench to be dug from the Mountains to the Sea. Whilst they wrought at it, there happened daily Skirmishes, some or other continually either going from the Trench or co∣ming from the Wall, and throwing Darts or shooting Arrows, Stones or Bullets of Led. This Work finished, Sylla who stood in need of Shipping, sent to Rhodes to furnish himself, but the Rhodians who could not pass the Seas, which were covered with Mithridates his Fleets, advised Lucullus a man very considerable among the Romans and one of Sylla's Lieutenants, to embarque privately for Syria and Alexandria, to demand of the Kings and the Maritime Cities Ships to joyn with the Rhodian Fleet. He took their advice, and fearless of any thing embarqued himself on a pittiful passage Boat, and often changing Boats that he might not be known, came to Alex∣andria.

About this time the two Slaves cast from the Walls Bullets of Lead on which they had written, that the next Night Arc••elaus sent to Athens (where the people were very much oppressed with Famine) some Souldi∣ers laden with Corn, upon which advice Sylla laying an Ambush for them, took both the men and the Corn. The same day Munatius engaging with Neoptolemus the other of Mithridates his Generals, wounded him, killed him fifteen hundred of his men and took a far greater number Prisoners: Some time after, whilst the Guards of the Port yet slept, some Romans cast Lad∣ders from their Engines upon the Walls, and being got up slew the first they met with, which so surprised the Barbarians, that some believing all was taken by the Enemy, leaped from the Top of the Walls, but others more re∣solute put themselves upon their defence, slew the Captain of those were got up, and threw the rest headlong down. And some of them were so bold as to sally out of the Gate with Torches in their hands, with intent to set fire to one of the Romans Towers; And they had done it, had they not been prevented by Sylla who after a Fight which lasted all Night and next Day, forced them to retreat within their Walls. After this, Archelaus caused to be raised on the Wall a great Tower opposite to the greatest of the Ro∣mans, where they fought without intermission with shot from their Arba∣lists or Cross-bow's, till such time as Sylla discharging from his greatest Cross∣bow's twenty large leaden Blluets at a time against the Enemies, slew a great Number of them, and shook the Tower in such manner, that it cleaving al∣most asunder, they were forced to draw it under their Walls, that they might not have the discouragement to see it tumble down in pieces. Mean while Famine from day to day increasing in Athens, Archelaus was design∣ing to send them Provisions by night, of which the leaden Bullets soon gave notice. But that General doubting that some one advertised the Ro∣mans of his designs gave order that at the time when the Corn was to be sent, there should be a Party ready at the Gates to Sally out with Torches in their hands upon the Romans at the same instant that Sylla assaulted those which carried it, and indeed it happened that Sylla took the Souldiers that carried the Corn, and Archelaus burnt some Engines. Whilst these things passed Arcathias the Son of Mithridates being entred Macedon with another Army defeated some Roman Forces, left for the Guard of that Province, became Master of all Macedon, dividing it into Satrapies, and being on his March towards Sylla, to cause him raise his Siege, dyed of Sickness near Tidea. The news of his death being come to the Consuls he caused Forts to be rai∣sed quite round the City of Athens, which was heavily oppressed with Fa∣mine, to the end that no person being able to get out, the Famine should encrease so much the more among so vast a Multitude. That done, he be∣gan to batter the Walls of Pyraeum with his Engines, raised on the Plat∣forms, but Archelaus had with long labour privately undermined them, so that they beginning to sink; the Romans discovering the Mine, readily drew off their Engines, and filled up the Hollows with Earth and other Rubbish. Then in imitation of the Barbarians they began to undermine the Wall, till their Mines coming to meet, there happened a Skirmish between the Mi∣ners underground, such a one as could be maintained in the Dark. All this while they battered the Wall more then ever with their Rams planted on the Terrasses, till such time as one part being beaten down, Sylla caused fire to be cast into a Tower hard by, with intent to burn it, at the same time commanding all the brave men he had to storm the place, both Parties fought valiantly, but the Tower was at last burnt, and the Romans be∣came Masters of one part of the Wall upon which they lodged themselves.

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

Almost at the same instant, another part of the Wall undermined by the Romans, the Foundations of which they had underpropped as they went, after that the stanchions which they had set on fire with store of Pitch, Flax, and Brimstone, were burnt, began to tumble with all those that de∣fended it, making the Crash the more terrible, because so unexpected. In∣somuch that those who had the Guard of the Walls were utterly daunted, every one trembling for himself, as if he were presently to be ••rushed in pie∣ces by a like ruine, wherefore those who where planted in any suspected places, ran fearfully down in Crouds, taking more care to preserve their own lives, then repulse the Enemy. Sylla the more fiercely pursued the assault, relieving his wearied Souldiers with fresh men, continually encouraging them and mingling Threats with Prayes, assuring them that upon this Brunt which could not last long, depended the whole Victory. Archelaus showed no less courage: He opposed Sylla with fresh men in the place of those whose fears had made them useless, renewed the heat of the fight, pressing forward and heartning all his people; by telling them they had but this shock to sustain, and after it there was nothing to be feared. Thus both Partyes returned to the Charge with wonderful Alacrity, they fought and slew on both sides, with equal loss. Yet at last Sylla taking Compassion of his Soldiers, so tyred that they were able to do no more, and admiring their bravery caused the retreat to be sounded. The night fol∣lowing Archelaus set to work to repair the two ruined places, making re∣trenchments within in form of a half Moon. Sylla thinking these fortifi∣cations yet moist would easily be beaten down, went presently to assault them with all his Forces, but he was soon forced to give it over, for being look'd up in that half Circle very close together, his men could not fight, but were both in Front and Flank exposed to the Enemys shot, which indeed annoyed them on all sides.

[ XI] Therefore he resolved no more to attempt Pyraeum by storm, hoping at last to reduce the besieged by Famine. But first understanding that the City was at the last gasp, that they had eaten all their Horses, and after having boyl∣ed the very Hides for sustenance, had been forced at last feed on dead Car∣cases, he caused a Trench to be drawn round about it, to the end that none might previly escape. And having f••nished that work, he raised his Bat∣teries and planted his ••calnig Ladders, upon which the Souldiers mounted with such a furious violence that those weak and feeble people betaking themselves presently to flight he became master of the Walls. The whole City was presently filled with Slaughter, for there was none had strength enough to escape, and no quarter was given, nor either Sex or Age spared. For Sylla incensed that so readily and without any cause they had taken part with the Barbarians, and so obstinately defended themselves against him, had given Orders to put all to the Sword, which made many who had heard his voice, that proclaimed this Ordinance, come and offer themselves vo∣luntarily to death. As many as could, made their retreat into the Castle, among whom was Aristion, having first of all set on fire the Theatre for Musick, for fear least Sylla should make use of the Wood, in the assault of the Fortress. The Consul having taken the City, would not let it be set on fire, but he gave the Plunder to the Souldiers, who ransaking every where, found in many Houses Humane Flesh ready drest to eat. On the mor∣row he sold all the Slaves at outcry, and declared that he left at liberty all the free people, who had escaped the nights slaughter, of whom but few were found, yet those he deprived of any••suffrage or jurisdiction, as be∣being

Enemies, but promised to restore it to their posterity. This done Sylla besieged the Fortress, wherein Aristion and those fled for Refuge with him, were so sore oppressed with hunger and thirst that they were constrained to surrender, of whom he put to death Aristion with his Guards, and all that had born Commission under him during his Tyranny, or in any manner whatsoever had acted contrary to the Ordinances left them by the Romans since they first became Masters of Greece; He par∣doned all the rest, and left them under almost the same Laws they had received from the Romans, and in conclusion carried out of the Citadel forty pound weight of Gold, and six hundred of Silver. The City thus taken, Sylla believed that holding only the Port of Pyraeum invested, it would be a long time before he should starve the Barbarians. Wherefore he again applied himself to his Batteries and Engines, and caused to be made Galleries and Mantelets, to go under Covert up to the Walls, and undermine them. But Archelaus had made provision against him, for he had raised many Walls, one behind another, all after the same manner, so that Sylla saw no end of his labor, having no sooner taken in one Wall, but he found another of the same Fabrick, yet he indefatigably attempted all the Walls he met with, causing his Soldiers to relieve each other by turns, and going sometimes to one party, and sometimes to another en∣couraging them to labor, and assuring them of the great recompences pre∣pared for them, when they had overcome these difficulties. And indeed the Soldiers promised themselves an end of their labors, after this Victory, and hoped to gain so much the more praise, the more they incountred with danger and difficulty, wherefore they did all they could to gain these last Walls, till such time as Archelaus astonished at their obstinacy deserting them, retired into the strongest part of the Pyraeum, which being on all sides begirt with the Sea, the Consul who had no Ships could attempt no∣thing against him. From thence he took his march by Boeotia to go into Thessaly, and being got to Thermopylae, he rallyed the remains as well of those Troops which himself had brought into Greece, as of those which came under the Conduct of Dromicheses, He sent likewise for all that Army which had followed Arcathias the Kings Son into Macedon, which were all fresh Men that wanted nothing, and besides all these Mithridates had sent him some new Recruits, for he was continually sending. Sylla in the mean time burnt the Pyraeum which had given him so much more trouble then the City, sparing neither Arsenal nor Dock, nor in short any thing that was considerable.

This done he took the Field to follow Archelaus, taking as well as he [ XII] the Road of Boeotia. As he was upon his March, those Troops lately assem∣bled at Thermopylae came forward to meet him as far as Phocida; Thraci∣ans, Pontique Scythians, Cappadocians, Bithynians, Galatians, Phry∣gians and others came from the Provinces, newly Conquered by Mi∣thridates, amounting in all to sixscore thousand Men, under several Gene∣rals, over whom Archelaus was Generalissimo. Sylla's Forces were com∣posed of Romans and Italian Allies, together with such Greeks and Mace∣donians as had come over from Archelaus to him: And possibly some Auxiliary Troops of the Neighboring Countries, but all these amounted not to a third of his Enemies; when they were encamped close by each other; Archelaus every day drew out his Army to invite Sylla to a battel, but he considering the Nature of the place, and the great Number of his Enemies, thought it best to temporize; At length they retreated towards

Chalcis, whither he followed them waiting for a favorable opportunity, and a convenient place. And at last perceiving that near to Cheronea, they were encamped in a place environed with Cragged Rocks, which were very difficult to pass, he posted himself hard by in a spacious plain, and drawing up his Army resolved to force Archelaus to a Battel, whether he would or no: He found the place was advantagious for him, either to charge or retreat in, whereas Archelaus was shut up among the Rocks, which would not permit him to fight with all his Forces together, nor could he well form his Bodies or draw in Battel among those uneven Crag∣ged Stones, where if any misfortune happened, those Rocks themselves would hinder his Escape. In short having according to his desire met him in a place where Numbers would be useless, he advanced to engage him; He who thought of nothing less then Fighting had fortified his Camp with Negligence enough, nor had he taken notice of the disadvantage of the place till the Romans furiously advanced to the Charge. He then com∣manded a party of his Horse to make head against them, but they being defeated and driven into the Precipices, he sent next sixty Chariots to endeavor to break the Ranks of the Legions, who opening to the Right and Left, gave them way quite through, till they had past the Rearguard, where before they could turn, the Horses and Drives were all slain by the Darts thrown at them from all sides. Archelaus defended as he was by the Rocks, might have staid in his Post, but receiving Intelligence that Sylla was at hand, he chose rather with all speed possible to draw up those vast Multitudes into Battel in those straits: and then pressing forward with the Horse of his Vanguard he broke quite through the Battel of the Romans, dividing it into two, and then easily surrounding each part because of their small Number, these two half-bodies seeing themselves inclosed cast them∣selves into an Orb and bravely defended themselves, but that where Galba and Hortensius commanded was sorely put to it, because Archelaus himself being at the head of his Men pressed on them extreamly, and all the Bar∣barians Fighting in his presence strove to show their General some signal Marks of their Valor. At last Sylla coming with a Gross of Horse, Arche∣laus who guessed by the Cornets, and by the dust arising from the Horse∣feet, that it was he, gave over this manner of Fighting to regain his Or∣der of Battel, but the Roman Charging home (with all the Flower of his Cavalry and two Regiments of Foot, which he had laid in Ambush) amongst the thickest of the Enemies, yet astonished, and not able to re∣cover any Order, over-pressed them, broke them, put them to the Rout, and gave them Chase. The Victory thus begun on this part, Murena did wonders to advance it on the Left, for after having pricked forward those about him by reproaches, he violently led them on upon the Enemy, and put them likewise to the Rout, Thus Archelaus two Wings being defeated his Main Body stood not long, but all equally took their Flight, nor was Sylla deceived in the Judgment made of the Success of this Enterprize, for the Enemies intangled in those streits, could not fly, or if they did, threw one another down the Precipices, and if they turned head fell into the hands of the Romans, wherefore the wisest of them returned to their Camp, but Archelaus who could not believe the discomfiture so great, stopt their entrance, and sent them back upon the Enemy, which they obeyed though they had no Captains to put them in order, nor saw no Ensigns, which every one in the Rout had thrown here and there, and be∣sides they had neither Room to Fight, nor to Retreat. Thus in this ex∣tremity they were slaughtred like Sheep, either by their Enemies, on whom

they could not revenge themselves, being too close crouded, or by their own Comerades, as it often happens in a too close and disordered Battle, wherefore they returned in throngs to the Gates of the Camp, complain∣ing to those had shut them out and reviling them, that adoring the same Gods, and being tyed by so many bonds one to the other they contribu∣ted more to their destruction, then the Enemies themselves. At last Arche∣laus opened the Gates, but too late. They entred in confusion and disor∣der, and the Romans encouraging one another threw themselves Pell Mell among the Flyers▪ where they gave the last push to the Victory. Arche∣laus and all those that escaped from the Slaughter met together at Chalcis, where of one hundred and twenty thousand Men, they found but ten thou∣sand. The Romans believed they had lost fifteen Men, but two of them afterwards returned. Thus ended this battel fought between Sylla and Archelaus General under Mithridates near to Cheronea, the Success whereof was as well deserving of the Prudence of Sylla, as of the foolish rashness of Archelaus.

Sylla seeing himself Master of a great Number of Prisoners, of great [ XIII] Booty and vast quantity of Spoils, caused to be heaped together, all that was useless in one place, and having made due preparation according to the Custom of the Romans, offered them in Sacrifice to those Divinities that preside ore War, he himself first kindling the fire. Soon after, ha∣ving refreshed his Forces with a little rest, he marched with his Light Armed Foot towards Euripus, hoping, he might there meet with Arche∣laus; But he had made no stay there, but because the Romans had no Fleet at Sea, went about overrunning the Islands and plundring the Sea-coasts. He was likewise so bold as to land upon Zant, and to besiege the City, but some Romans that came against him, having set upon him in an Ambush by Night, he hastily reembarked his Men, got out to Sea, and returned to Chalcis, doing things all along rather becoming a Pyrate then a Man of War. Mithridates hearing of this great defeat was ama∣zed as indeed he had reason, however he began to make new Levies of Soldiers in all the Countries under his obedience, and growing jealous, that after his being thus beaten, there would be some People, that either at present, or as soon as they had opportunity would make attempt upon his Person, before he would renew the War he assembled all that he had the least suspicion of, such were the Tetrarchs of Galatia, and all those who attended on his Person as Friends, but yet owned him not as Sub∣jects. All these he put to death with their Wives and Children, some by surprize, others at a feast by night, only three escaped and fled, for he thought that if Sylla came nearer, none of them would continue faithful to him. After this he siesed upon their goods, placed Garrisons in their Cities, and sent Eumachus Satrap or Governor into Galatia, whom the Tetrarchs that had escaped, assisted with some Forces of their Vassals raised in the Country, drove thence with his Garrisons; so that of all the Goods of that Nation, Mithridates enjoyed only the Mony. Having like∣wise born a secret hate to the Inhabitants of Chios, since one of their Gal∣lies unawares ran aboard the Admiral at the Fight of Rhodes, he first con∣fiscated all their Estates, who were gone into Sylla's Army, then he sent Commissioners to inform themselves of all those who were of the Ro∣man Faction, and at last Zenobius landing there as it were in his passage for Greece siesed by night on the Walls, and most advantagious places of the City, and after having placed Guards at the Gates he caused Procla∣mation

to be made that all the Guests and Inmates should take their re∣pose, and that all the Inhabitants should assemble themselves to know the Kings Pleasure. That done, he told them that the King was Jealous of their City, because some of their Inhabitants took part with the Romans, and that there was no way to remove that suspicion, but by surrendring up their Arms and delivering such Children, as should be chosen out of their best Families for Hostages. They see••ng their City in his hands, yielded both to one and the other, whom ••enobius sent immediately to Erythrea, telling them, that as to what was farther to be done the King would write. And indeed his Letter came containing matters to this purpose.

Mithridates Letter to the Inhabitants of Chios.

YOU Favor the Romans, many of your Citi zens being at this present in their Army, and your selves enjoy Lands they have given you in Fee, without paying any Tribute to us. Your Galley likewise ran on Board mine in the Fight at Rhodes, which fault I had only imputed to those had the Go∣vernment of it, could my Clemency have made you wise, but you have pri∣vately sent the Chief Men of your City to Sylla, and have not discovered to me any of those who without the consent of the whole City were guilty of this crime, which you ought to have done, had you not all been complices. I might according to the advice of my Friends punish you with death as Enemies to my self and my Estates. However I have chosen rather in reparation of these crimes to condemn you in a Fine of two thousand Talents.

After having heard this Letter read, they desired Zenobius's permission to send Deputies to the King, which being refused them, disarmed as they were, and tyed up by those Hostages they had given, and besides seeing a great Army of Barbarians, ready to cut them in pieces, they be∣gan to weep, and were forced to sell the Ornaments of their Temples, and their Wives Jewels to raise the two thousand Talents. When they had paid it in, Zenobius under pretence that it wanted weight, caused them to Assemble in the Theater, and there encompassing them with Soldiers, and lining the Streets leading to the Sea-side with Guards, all with drawn Swords, he caused them to be led out of the Theater, one after another, and put them on Shipboard, the Men on one side, and the Women and Children, on the other, whilst the Barbarians, as they past affronted them with a thousand indignities; thus he took them all out of their Country, and sent them to Mithridates in the Euxine Sea. Those of Chios being treated in this manner, Zenobius came before Ephesus with all his Forces, but the Ephesians made him leave his Arms at the Port, and would not let him enter the City but with a very small train. He submitted to it, and went and lodged at Philopoemens (Father of Monima, Mithridates Mi∣stress, to whom the King had given the Government of that place) and soon after proclaimed an Assembly off the City, but the Ephesians, who expected nothing but mischief from him, put off the business till next morning. Mean while they assembled in the night, and mutually encoura∣ging

each other, clapt Zenobius in Prison, where they put him to death. At the same time they planted good Guards on their Walls, armed the people, made Provision of Victuals, and became Masters of their Ci••ty. Those of Trulles, Hypapa and Mesopolis and others, whom the Calamity of the Inhabitants of Chios had terrifyed, hearing the news, follow the Example of the Ephesians: So that Mithridates was forced to send an Army against these Rebels, severely punishing those who returned not to their obedience till they were forced. And to hinder others from revolting, he declared all the Grecian Cities free, and all Debtors released from their Creditors, and gave the Inmates freedom of Burgesses in all places where they inhabited, and set the Slaves at liberty. Hoping (as it happened) that the Debtors, Inmates and Slaves engaged by these benefits, would employ all their force to maintain the Royal Power. Mean while Mini•• and Philotirous, Natives of Smyrna, and Clysthenes, and Asclepiodorus of Lesbos, all well known to the King, Asclepiodorus himself having some∣time commanded his Mercenary Troops, conspired against him, but the conspiracy being discovered by Asclepiodorus, (who to give a manifest Proof of it ordered matters, so that the King hid behind a bed heard it from Minio's one mouth) the conspirators ended their lives in torments. Many were afterwards suspected of the same crime, fourscore of the In∣habitants of Pergamus, being thereupon arrested, besides many others in other Cities, the King sending Spies into all parts, under his obedience, to find out the Criminals, every one of which making discovery of his Enemy, there perished about sixteen hundred men; but the Accusers soon received their Chastisement: for of them, some were punished by Sylla, others slew themselves, and others fled with Mithridates, to the Kingdom of Pontus.

Whilst these things passed in Asia, the King had raised an Army of [ XIV] fourscore thousand men, which Dorilaus carried into Greece to Archelaus, who had still ten thousand men, the remainder of his former Forces. When Sylla who now lay encamped within sight of him, near to Orchome∣ne beheld so vast a Multitude of Horse arrive, he caused several Ditches to be dug through the Plain, ten foot wide, and when Archelaus advanced towards him, put his Army in a posture to receive him, but perceiving the Romans fought but coldly, against such numbers of Horsemen, he rid him∣self through the Ranks, stirred them up, threatned them, and at length not being able to provoke them, leaps from his Horse, takes a Colours in his hands, and advancing with his Guards in the midst between two Battels, cryes out. If any asked you fellow Soldiers, where you left your General Syl∣la, tell them it was fighting near Orchomene. Hereupon the Officers mo∣ved by the danger in which they saw him, advanced from their standing, and ran to his assistance, the Soldiers urged with shame followed, and all together made the Enemy give ground who before put them hard to it: Syl∣la perceiving this entrance towards Victory, mounts again on Horse back, shows himself every where, prayses his Soldiers, encourages them, and at last remains Master of the Field; After having slain fifteen thousand men, the most part Horsemen (among whom was Diogenes, the Son of Arche∣laus,) and driven the Foot into the very Camp of the Barbarians: At the same instant for fear left Archelaus should save himself at Chalcis, as he had done the time before, he disposed Guards throughout the whole Plain, to keep Watch that night, and in the morning caused to be drawn before the Camp a Trench not above a Furlong distant from it. Archelaus in the

mean time kept within his Trenches, but Sylla after having exhorted his Soldiers to make an end of the remain of this War, since the Enemies durst not appear, undertook to force them, and marched directly to the As∣sault. Upon this great change, and in this pressing necessity, the Ene∣mies began by Speeches, to encourage their Troops: Each Captain show∣ed his Solders the danger they were in, if they did not defend themselves, representing to them how cowardly a thing it would be, if they should not have Heart enough, to drive from their Trenches an Enemy, they far sur∣passed in number. Whereupon there presently arose a great noise, on both sides, each Party was set on fire, and did actions wonderful. At last the Romans leaped into the Ditch and stormed an Angle of the Camp, out of which they plucked the Palisado's. The Barbarians who perceived it, lined the Angle close, with their Swords drawn ready to fight nearer at hand, in∣so much that no person durst enter, till Basilius the first Tribune of a Legi∣on, leaped up and overturning him he first encountred with, the whole Army thereupon followed, and made a mighty slaughter of the Barbari∣ans. Some they slew in the Chase, others they drove into a Lake hard by, and some who could not swim, cryed out for Quarter, but in vain, for their Language not being understood, they were cut in pieces, Archelaus hid himself in a certain Marsh, and having there found a little Boat, escaped to Chalcis, where he speedily drew together all the remains of Mithridates Forces. Next Morning Sylla gave a Crown to the Tribune, and distribu∣ted Military Recompences to the others. After which he went and spoil∣ed Boeotia, because those people were perpetually changing Parties, and from thence passed into Thessaly where he took up his Winter Quarters, expecting Lucullus with the Shipping, of whom receiving no certain intelli∣gence, he set to building of others.

[ XV] Whilst he was doing all these things, Cornelius Cinna, and Cajus Marius his particular Enemies declared him at Rome Enemy of the Common-Wealth, pulled down his Houses, seised his Lands, and put to death his Friends. Yet ceased not he to do all he could, having a most obedient Ar∣my, composed all of valiant Soldiers. Now Cinna having drawn to his Party, his Collegue Flaccus sent him into Asia, with two Legions, to Command in the Province, and make War on Mithridates, in the place of Sylla, who was declared Enemy, and because he was not very expert in War, Fimbria one of the Senate in good esteem with the Soldiers, went along with him. They embarked at Brundusium, to cross the Sea, a good part of their Ships were lost by Storm, and those who gained the other side were taken and burnt by the new Army, sent by Mithridates. Flaccus was proud, covetous, cruel in punishing, and therefore hated by the Soldiers, which made some Troops that were sent before into Thessaly, to go over into Sylla's Camp, and it was only Fimbria, (whom they esteem∣ed the better Captain, and more merciful then Flaccus) that prevented the others from doing the like. There happened by chance some difference be∣tween the Questor and he about encamping, wherein Flaccus who was Judge, not having duly considered the Quality of Fimbria, he threatned him to return to the City. Flaccus presently named a successor in his charge, and forthwith embarked for Chalcedon: Whereupon Fimbria tak∣ing the opportunity of his absence, took away the Rods from Therinus, whom he had made Propretor, saying the Army had given him that Digni∣ty, and Flaccus thereat offended, returning to punish him, he put him to flight, and forced him to hide himself in a private House, from whence

escaping by night over the Walls, he got to Chalcedon, and from thence to Nicomedia where he caused the Gates to be shut. But Fimbria was pre∣sently there, and drawing him out of a Well where he had hid himself, slew him though a Roman Consul, and more then that his General, whilst he was but a private man, who had followed his friend of greater Quality then he, at his coming into the Province. He cut of his Head, which he threw into the Sea, leaving the rest of the Body unburied, and having made himself General of the Army, fought afterwards successfully, in se∣veral Engagements with Mithridates Son. At length having to deal with the King himself, he drove him to the very Gates of Pergamus, whence he flying to Pisane, had been there besieged had he not taken shipping and es∣caped to Mitylene. After this Fimbria going through the Province, ill in∣treated those who favoured the Party of the Cappadocians, and spoiled their Lands, who refused to open their Gates to him. The City of Ilium he be∣sieged, whose Inhabitants having recourse to Sylla he promised to come, and sent to Fimbria not to do any injury to those who had yielded to him, prai∣sing them for being returned into the friendship and alliance of the Roman people. Notwithstanding he required to be likewise received into their City, being likewise of Rome, and telling them I know not what of that ancient Kindred of which the Ilians boast. At last he entred by force, slew all he met with, set on fire the City, and particularly put to several sorts of death, those who went to Sylla, on the behalf of the City. He had neither respect to the sacred places nor to those had fled thither for re∣fuge, but burnt the Temple of Minerva, with a great multitude of people, who had retired thither, as to a Sanctuary. He rased the very Walls, which he went round about next day, to see if any part were left standing. Thus was that City worse treated, by a Man who took thence his Original, then it had formerly been, by Agamemnon, for he left not a house, nor a Tem∣ple, nor a Statue standing. Some there are that believe, that the Image of the Goddess, which is called Palladium, was now found whole, after the re∣moval of the Rubbish, wherewith it was covered, but there is more reason to believe it was taken away by Diomedes and Ulysses in the time of the Tro∣jan War. This Massacre of the Ilians, happened about the end of the hun∣dred and third Olympaid, and it is thought to be about one thousand and fifty Years between this sack of Troy and that of Agamemnon.

Now Mithridates receiving advice of the defeat at Orchomene, and con∣sidering [ XVI] that, since his first sending an Army into Greece, he had lost such vast Multitudes in so short a time, wrote to Archelaus, that he should conclude a Peace, upon the fairest terms he could get. He therefore demanded a conference with Sylla, which being granted, he told him; Sylla, the King Mithridates your Fathers friend, and yours, was forced by the avarice of those who had the Command before you, to make the War: But having now experienced your Valour, he demands a Peace, provided what you shall desire of him, be just. Whereupon Sylla, who had neither Fleet nor Money, receiving nothing from Rome, since his Enemies had declared him Enemy of the State, and having already spent all the Silver of the Temples of Pythia, Olympia and Epidaurum, for which he had engaged half the Lands confiscated from the Thebans, be••ause of their continual Rebellions, and who besides all this, was impatient, to transport that Ar∣my fresh and every way compleat to Rome against his Enemies, consented to his Peace, by telling him; Archelaus, Mithridates should have sent Ambassadors to Rome, to complain of the injuries he had received, but in∣stead

of that he himself injured others, entring in hostile manner into their Territories, plundring their Treasures as well Publick as Sacred, seising on the Goods of those he had put to death, and showing no more faith nor goodness to his own friends then to us, destroying many of them, and murdering the Te∣trarchs, his familiars who had all their throats cut in one night, with their Wives and Children, though they were not guilty so much as of a design. As for what regards us, he rather made appear his inveterate hatred, then any ne∣cessity he had to make War, when he let loose his rage against the Italians in Asia, by a thousand sorts of Torments, sparing neither Age, Sex nor Quality. So much hate does this man bear to the Latin Name, who calls himself my Fathers Friend, but never remembred that friendship till I had slain him a hundred and sixty thousand men. Wherefore we have no reason to trust you any more. How∣ever for your sake I promise he shall obtain favour from the Senate and People of Rome, if it be in good earnest that he ask it, but if he still feign, I advise you Archelaus, to consider the present estate of his affairs and your own, how he treats his Friends, and how we have dealt with Eumenes and Massa∣nissa. At these words Archelaus interrupted him, angry that he should tempt him, and telling him he was not a man to betray Forces intrusted to his charge, but that he really hoped for peace if Sylla demanded only just things. Whereupon Sylla, after some moments Silence: Provided (said he) Archelaus, that Mithridates put into our hands all the Fleet he has, restore the Generals Deputies, and other Prisoners, deliver up the Runaway's and fu∣gitive Slaves, send back to their Cities those of Chios, and others transported to the Euxine Sea, withdraw his Garrisons from all places where he has planted them, save only those he had before the Peace was broke, pay the Expence of this War, which he has been the cause of, and content himself with the Kingdom of his Ancestors. I hope to prevail so far that the Roman people shall forget the Offences they have received. Archelaus hearing these conditions, began presently to withdraw his Garrisons, and about the rest wrote to the King. Sylla, that he might not in the mean while loose any time; went and spoil∣ed the Countries of the Henetians, Dardanians, and other Neighbouring Nations, who made delay incursions into Macedon, by that means exerci∣sing his Soldiers. Mithridates Deputies returning some time after, agreed to all, save only about Paphlagonia, but added that they could have had better terms from the other General Fimbria. Whereupon Sylla offended at that comparison, made answer, that that word should cost Fimbria dear, and that as soon as he came into Asia, he would see whether Mithridates stood in need of Peace or War. Whereupon he caused his Army to take their March through Thrace, that he might bring them to Cypsela, having sent Lucullus before to Abydos, for he was now returned, having often very narrowly escaped falling into the hands of Pyrates. However he had brought with him a kind of Fleet of Ships, which he had been furnished with at Cyprus, Phoenicia, Rhodes, and in Pamphilia, with which he had pillaged all the Coast as he came along, and skirmished with Mithridates his Fleet: Sylla therefore parting from Cypsela, and Mithridates from Perga∣mus, met together, and began a new conference, being drawn out into the Field, with few followers in the sight of both Armies. Mithridates began his discourse with the alliance which he and his Father had with the people of Rome, complained of the injuries he had received from the Roman Ge∣nerals and Commissaries, who had established Ariobarzanes in Cappadocia, taken from him Phrigia, and favored by their dissimulation the Violences of Nicomedes. And all this (said he) for Money which they received sometimes from me, and sometimes from my Enemies, for there is nothing, you Gentle∣men

of Rome may so justly be reproached with as love of Money. In short, your Generals being come to make War against me, whatever I have done in my own defence, ought rather to be attributed to necessity then to any deliberate pur∣pose. Mithridates having only said thus much, Sylla answered in this man∣ner. Though this be not the business, we are met for, but only to conclude a Peace on the conditions by me already proposed, yet I will likewise in few words satisfy you in what you reproach us with. When I commanded in Cilicia, I reestablished Ariobarzanes in Cappadocia, by the Senates order, and I did it be∣cause you yielded to the Authority of the People, for you ought either to have opposed it and shewed your reasons in Iudgments, or after having suffered it, acquiesce in the Decree of the Senate. As for Phrygia, Manius gave it you, corrupted by your gifts, which made it a common crime betwixt you, and by say∣ing you got it by corruption, you own the possession unlawful, and indeed Mani∣us being convicted of having done many things of like nature for Money, the Senate declared them all null. Wherefore Phrygia being granted to you un∣justly, they would not make it tributary to Rome, but set it at liberty. And when we dispense with our dominion, over a Country which by right of War be∣longed to us, as Conquerours of it, what reason have you to siese on it? As for Nicomedes, he complains that by your perswasion Alexander who designed to kill him, wounded him, and Socrates Chrestus invaded his Kingdom. He confesses that thus injured, he entered armed into your Territories, but if you thought your self injured without cause you should have sent your Deputies to Rome, and expected the answer of the Senate. Yet granting that in the assault of Nicomede, you only repelled force by force, what had Ariobarzanes done, that you should drive him out of his Estates? Therefore the Roman Generals that were upon the place, were obliged to reestablish him, and by resisting them, you kindled a War long time premeditated, and to begin which, you sought only an opportunity, out of the hopes to become Masters of all the World, if you could overcome the Romans. We have manifest Proofs of this, since before any War was begun, you entred into alliance with the Thracians, Scythians, and Sarmatians, solicited the Kings your Neighbours by your Embassadors, caused Shipping to be built, provided your self with Pilots and men of War; but above all, the Time you chose for the Execution of your Designs is your conviction, for as soon as you knew that our Allies in Italy were resolved against us, you made use of that opportunity while we thus were embroyled to assail Nicomedes, and Ariobarzanes, and one after another, Galatia, Paphlagonia, and our own province of Asia. What cruelties have you not acted? Whether to the Ci∣ties which you have submitted to Slaves and Debtors, the first of which you freed from Servitude, and the last from the Power of their Creditors: Whether to the Greeks of whom you put to death sixteen hundred for one sole crime. Whether to the Tetrarchs of Gallogrecia, whom you murdered eating at your table. Or whether to the Italians, whom in the same day you put all to the Sword, or drowned them in Water with their Wives and Children, without respect to the sacred places, or the Temples, whither they had fled for Sanctuary. What Inhumanity did you not manifest in this occasion? What Impiety, what furious hate against us? In conclusion, after having seised the Treasures of all these people, you sent over great Armies into Europe, contrary to our Edict, by which it is expresly forbid all Kings of Asia, to enter there. That done you for∣raged Macedonia, one of our Provinces, deprived the Greeks of their liber∣ty, and never repented of all this, nor made any use of the Intercession of Ar∣chelaus till after I had recovered Macedonia, and delivered the Greeks from your violence by slaying one hundred and sixty thousand of your men, and taking two of your Camps, with all their Munition. And now I cannot but wonder,

that you should excuse your self of the same matters for which you asked par∣don by Archelaus, unless it be that when I was far off, you were afraid of me, and now seeing me near, you think I am come to plead; but pleadings are in vain when Arms are once taken in hand. We do make War upon you, and have defended our selves bravely hitherto, and will defend our selves to the end.

Sylla pronouncing these words in Anger, the King was afraid, accepted the conditions proposed to Archelaus, and after having surrendred up his Shipping, and executed all that was contained in the Articles of Peace, he returned into Pontus, reduced to the Kingdoms of his Father only. Thus was the first War against Mithridates appeased.

[ XVII] Sylla after this went and encamped within two Furlongs of Fimbria, and sent to summon him to deliver into his hands, the Army which he com∣manded contrary to the Laws, to which he in raillery returned answer, that Sylla himself had no very legitimate command. Sylla thereupon besieged him in his Trenches, and many publickly forsaking him, he assembled the rest to beseech them to stay, but they told him they would not fight a∣gainst Roman Citizens: He thereupon rent his Robe, addresses himself to every one in particular, begging with Tears in his eyes, but they having an aversion for such a meanness of Spirit, the greatest part went over into Sylla's Army. Then he ran from Tent to Tent to solicite the Tribunes, part of whom having gained by Money, he once again assembles the Soldiers to renew the Oath. Upon which the Henetians crying out all with one voice, that the Soldiers should be called out and sworn man by man, he gave Or∣ders first to call out those who had received kindnesses from him, and parti∣cularly Nonius the Companion of all his Crimes, who refused to swear, he drew his Sword, and had thrust it into his belly, had not a great shout sud∣denly raised throughout the whole Army, stopt his proceeding farther. Af∣ter this he suborned a Slave with Money and promises, to go into Sylla's Camp as a Runaway and to kill him, but he not having been able to bear up with constancy enough, his trembling made him suspected, so that being taken, he confessed the whole matter. This attempt inflamed all Sylla's Ar∣my with just anger, and made Fimbria so despisable, that the Soldiers going to the Ditch of his Camp, reviled him, calling him Aristion, after the name of one of those fugitive Slaves in Sicily, who for a few daies was King. Wherefore Fimbria ••ost to all hopes, advanced to his Rampart, and demanded to speak with Sylla, who sending Rutilius in his stead, put Fim∣bria quite in despair, seeing a conference would not be granted to him, which had not usually been denied even to Enemies. Yet he spoke to Ru∣tilius, and told him he desired pardon for the faults he might have commit∣ted, through the imprudence of his Age. To which Rutilius answered, that if he would depart out of Asia, where Sylla was Proconsul, he would give him pass-port as far as the Sea, he replied he knew a way more conve∣nient, and at the same time returning to Pergamus, and entring the Tem∣ple of Aesculapius, he thrust himself quite through the body with his Sword, but the wound not being mortal, he desired the assistance of one of his Slaves, who dispatched him, and afterward slew himself. Thus ended Fimbria, the second Plague of Asia, next to Mithridates. Sylla gave his body to his freed men to bury it, saying he would not imitate Cinna and Marius, who had deprived many in the City, not only of life, but Buri∣als; he received likewise the Army of the defunct, which came to yield themselves up to him, and joyned them with his own. After this he com∣manded Curio to reconduct Nicomedes and Ariobarzanes into their King∣doms,

and wrote to the Senate of all that he had done, without taking the least notice of his having heard that he was declared Enemy of the State, then he proceeded to settle Necessary Orders in the Province, he enfranchized and placed in the Number of the Allies of the people of Rome those of Ilion, Chios, Lycia, Rhodes, Magnesia, and some other people in acknowledgement of the good services they had done the Common-wealth of Rome, or the better to comfort them for the miseries they had under∣gone for taking part with the Romans. And after having sent Parties of Soldiers to all the other Cities, he caused an Ordinance to be proclaimed by which all Slaves were enjoyned to return under the Power of their Ma∣sters, but because that many would not obey, and that many Cities like∣wise revolted, the publishing of this ordinance caused a multitude of disor∣ders, and was followed by strange Slaughters, as well of Slaves, as free people, besides the ruine of several Cities whose Inhabitants were sold at outcry. He likewise severely chastised all those who had taken part with the Cappadocian as well in general as particular, especially the Ephesians, who out of a base complacence for Mithridates, had shamefully taken out of their Temple, the gifts presented by the Romans. After this Heralds were sent to all the Cities, to give notice to the principal Inhabitans, to appear upon a certain day before Sylla at Ephesus. Where being assem∣bled he took his seat on the Tribunal, and spoke to them in this man∣ner.

The Oration of Sylla.

THe first time we passed with an Army into Asia was when Antiochus King of Syria spoiled your Province, whom we drove beyond the Tanais and Mount Taurus, and though after that we might have kept you under our Do∣minion, we left all at liberty, save some few people, whom we gave to Eumenes and the Rhodians, our Allies, rather as Subjects then as Tributaries, which is manifest because when the Lycians complained against those of Rhodes, we freed them from their obedience. These benefits we have done, you observe now your acknowledgment. After that Attalus Philometor had left us his Kingdom by Will and Testament, you assisted Aristonicus against us for the space of four Years, till such time as he being taken Prisoner, some of you returned to your duty either through necessity or fear. After which remaining in Peace four and t••enty Years together, you in that time became so prodigiously rich, as well Co∣monalties at private persons, that the repose and delights which you enjoyed re∣vived in your Spirits your animosities and aversion against us, and taking oc∣casion from the differences we had with our Allies, some invited Mithridates to make War against us, and others joyned with him, as soon as they saw him in the Field. But that which is most heynous, you conceived no horror to murder, by his order on the same day all the Italians with their Wives and Children, not sparing those who had fled for refuge into the Temples, consecrated to your Gods. 'Tis true you have in some measure been chastised by Mithridates him∣self, who violating the Promises he had made you, gave you over to the Plun∣der of his Soldiers, and filling your Province with Blood and Slaughter, des∣poiled you of your Lands, discharged your Creditors of the Money they ought you, gave liberty to your Slaves, and set Tyrants in many places over you, and encouraged the Retreats of Thieves, and Pyrates in all places, both by Sea and

Land. So that it was longere you made tryal of the difference between the Protectors you had cast off, and those you had chosen; We have likewise in∣flicted some punishment on the Persons of the Authors of these disorders, but that is not enough; It is but just to impose some publick penalty that may be agreeable to your crime; But fear not from the Roman Clemency Massacres, rash confiscations, insurrections of slaves, or other barbarous actions of that Nature. We allow something to the Graecian Name, to the glory of Asia, and to our Ancient Friendship. I therefore condemn you only in the advance of five years tribute which you owe, together with the mony expended in this War, and a certain Sum to be imployed in the affairs of the Province. I my self will appoint the contribution of each City, and the time of payment; and take notice whoever will not obey I shall treat them as Enemies.

Having said these words he Assessed the several Sums, sent the Rolls to the Deputies, and appointed Commissioners for Collecting of the Moneys. Now they being Poor and already very much in Debt, and be∣sides sorely oppressed with the quartering of Soldiers, were constrained to Mortgage to the Usurers, some their Theaters, others their places for Excercises, others their Forts or Gates or some Publick Building; Thus great Sums of Mony were brought in to Sylla, and Asia groaned under its Calamities; for besides all this the Pyrates kept the Sea with such great Fleets, that they might almost compose so many perfect Armies, with which they publickly pillaged the Sea Coasts. Mithridates sent them first to spoil those places, the Dominion of which he was like to loose, but they were extreamly increased and grown formidable, not only to those that sailed on the Sea, but likewise to the Ports, Castles and Mari∣time Cities. So that Iassos, Samos, Clazomene and Samothracia were ta∣ken and sackt before Sylla's face, and 'tis said they took out of the Temple of Samothrace, Riches to the value of a thousand Talents. He would not re∣lieve them, whether he thought them unworthy because of their infideli∣ty, or because he hastned his return to Rome, by reason of the seditious, wherefore he passed into Greece, and from thence into Italy, with the greatest part of his Army. We have writ what he did there in the Hi∣story of the Civil Wars, proceed we now to set forth how the second War began between Mithridates and the Romans.

[ XVIII] Murena whom Sylla had left with Fimbrias two Legions to settle the re∣maining orders necessary in the province, sought only some occasion of war, out of a Passion to obtain the Honor of Triumph, and Mithridates being re∣turned into his Kingdom made War upon the Colches, and the Bospho∣rans who had revolted against him. As for the Colches they only demand∣ed Mithridates Son for their King, and having obtained it returned to their obedience. But the King having a suspicion that what they had done was by his Sons solicitation, sent for him, fettered him in chains of Gold, and soon after made him away, though he had served him well in Asia against Fimbria. As for those of Bosphorus, Mithridates set forth a Fleet and raised so powerful an Army, that such great preparations gave occasion to believe they were not made against the Bosphorans but against the Romans. For the King had not yet so absolutely quitted the possession of Cappadocia to Ariobarzanes, but that it was with the reserve of some places. He had moreover entertained a suspicion that Archelaus, when he was in Greece had granted to Sylla conditions beyond what was reasonable

which that Captain perceiving was afraid, and fled to Murena for pro∣tection. He animated him so far against Mithridates that he presently took the field to be beforehand with him, and entring his Country by the way of Cappadocia, forraged as far as the Gates of Comanes the greatest City of the Kingdom, Celebrated for a famous and rich Temple, where having defeated some Horse of the Kings, the Deputies on his behalf came to him, remonstrating that by this Action he broke the Articles of Peace, to which he answered that he saw no Articles, and indeed, Sylla had drawn no writings, but only contenting himself with the Execution of the conditions, was departed out of the Province. Murena giving only this short Answer, pursued his Enterprise, and after having pillaged even the Consecrated Monies, returned to take his Winter quarters in Cappadocia. The King sent Ambassadors to the Senate, and to Sylla to make his com∣plaint of Murena, who in the mean time forbore not crossing the River Halis (though very broad, and at that time extreamly swoln by reason of the Rains) and sacking four hundred Villages of Mithridates Kingdom, with∣out receiving any opposition from the King, who expected the return of his Ambassadors. So that the Roman General returned into Phrygia▪ and Galatia with a great booty, where Callidius sent from Rome because of Mithridates complaints, came to meet him. He showed him no Ordi∣nance of the Senate, but only told him before a great company there pre∣sent that the Senate forbad him to do any injury to a King, with whom they had contracted a Peace, and after having said those words in pub∣lick, he entertained him a good while in private. Murena forbore no∣thing of his former Violence, but on the contrary presently caused his Army to March towards the Frontiers of Mithridates Kingdom, who seeing now it must of force come to an open War, commanded Gordius to possess himself of the Neighboring Villages. That General forthwith made pro∣visions of beasts for burthen and munitions, and gathering together all the Country, and as many Soldiers as he could, went and encamped on the River, directly opposite to Murena, but neither one nor the other put themselves in a posture to fight, till such time as the King being come with a more powerful Army, there hapned a great Engagement: For the King having passed the River, notwithstanding all the Resistance of the Enemy forced Murena to give ground, and to secure himself on an eminence na∣turally fortified, from whence taking the byways of the Mountains, he re∣covered Phrygia, after having lost many of his people, either in the flight or in the Battel. The Fame of this great Victory, gained so suddenly, and as it were in passing, being soon spread abroad in all places drew Multi∣tudes of people to Mithridates. And he to return his thanks to Iupiter Militaris, after having driven out all the Garrisons Murena had left in Cappadocia, sacrificed to him according to the custom of the Country. The place where this Sacrifice is made is on a high mountain, on the top of which they raise a mighty pile for the Victims, to which the Kings bring the first Wood, then they raise another smaller Pile on the top of that, whereon they pour Milk, Hony, Oyl and Wine, and all sorts of Odori∣ferous Drugs. At the foot of the Pile is a Feast made for the Assistants, like to those the Kings of Persia were accustomed to make at Pasargada, and after all they set fire to the Pile, the flame of which rises so high that it is ordinarily seen a thousand Furlongs, and the fire so heats the Air thereabout, that the place is not to be approached for some days after. Thus Sacrificed Mithridates. But Sylla judging that it was a blemish to his Honor to have the War still continued against a King, with whom he

himself had concluded a peace, prevailed to have Gabinius sent to Murena, to order him positively to give over this War, and to reconcile Mithridates with Ariobarzanes. They met therefore together in a place where Mithri∣dates delivered to Ariobarzanes in Hostage one of his Sons of four years old, to the end, that part of Cappadocia where he had placed Garrisons, might remain to him with some augmentation, and that being agreed he made a feast for all the company, where he proposed a reward for those who excelled either in Drinking, Eating, Jesting or Singing, and in short all sorts of Divertisements, from which only Gabinius excused himself. Thus ended the second War between Mithridates and the Romans, after ha∣ving lasted three years. Sometime after the King finding himself at peace, subdued the Bosphorans. And made King of that Nation one of his Sons called Machares. After that, he invaded the Acheans, which are on the Frontiers of the Colches, and who as some say, are the remainder of those who returning from the Wars of Troy, were brought by chance to that Coast. But having lost one half of his Army partly by Ambushes, partly in set battel, or by the Extremity of the Cold, he returned into his King∣dom, from whence he sent Ambassadors to Rome, to ratifie by writing the Articles of the Peace. Ariobarzanes for his part whether of his own mo∣tion, or set on by some other, sent likewise to complain against him, that he had not restored to him Cappadocia, for Mithridates still withheld a good part. Whereupon Sylla ordained that Mithridates should absolutely quit Cappadocia, which he did, and then again sent Ambassadors to Rome to de∣mand a Ratification of the Treaties. But because Sylla being dead, no per∣son would move it in the Senate, he underhand engaged his Son in Law Tigranes to make an irruption into Cappadocia, as done of himself, which yet was not so closely carried, but the Romans had knowledge of it. The Armenian however entred violently into Cappadocia, and carried away into Armenia three hundred thousand men whom he imployed with other Country People in Tilling the Land. He had not yet taken the title of Armenia, but now he assumed it, and caused Tigranocerta to be called by his own Name, that is to say the City of Tigranes, these things passed in Asia.

[ XIX] But Sertorius having siesed upon Spain, not only made an insurrection in that Province, but among all the Neighboring People, against the Ro∣mans, and composed a kind of Senate of those of his Faction; of the Number of his Senators, there were two of the name of Lucius, the one Manius the other Fanius, who gave advice to Mithridates, that if he he made an Alliance with Sertorius, he might soon become Master of the greatest part of Asia, and the Nations thereunto confining. The King suffered himself to be perswaded, and sent Ambassadors to him, whom he caused to be brought into his Senate to receive Audience, and after ha∣ving spoken advantagiously of his own glory, the regulation of which had reached even to the Kingdom of Pontus, so that he beheld himself in a Condition to make War upon the Romans, both in the East and West, he made an Alliance with Mithridates in favor of which he gave him in Asia, Bithynia, Paphlagonia, Cappadocia, and Galatia, and sent M. Varius to be his General, and the two Lucii to serve him as Counsellors. And in∣deed they counselled him to undertake this third War, wherein he lost all his Empire, Sertorius being dead in Spain, and the Romans having sent against him two Generals, first Lucullus, who commanded the fleet under Sylla, and after him Pompey under whose Conduct all the Estates of Mi∣thridates

fell under the Roman Power, and with them all the Neighboring Nations as far as Euphrates, Pompey taking from this way opportunity to reduce them. Mithridates then who had already made trial of the Ro∣man Arms, and hoped for no favor, began this War, with great Gaiety and Courage, laboring might and main in his preparations, as one resol∣ved to overcome or perish. He employ'd the rest of that Summer, and all Winter in cutting down Materials, and building of Shipping, and forging of Arms, and sent into his Sea Ports two Millions of Mina's of Wheat; be∣sides his old Troops he had presently great Numbers of Auxiliaries. Those he raised in Asia, were composed of Chalybes, Armenians, Scythians, Taurians, Achaeans, Heniochiens, Leucosyrians and those people inhabiting on the Banks of the River Thermodoom called Amazones. Those he leavied in Europe were Sarmatians, Basilides, Jaziges, Coralles, of all the People of Thrace, near the River Ister, and the Mountains Rhodope and Haemus, and likewise the Basternes the most Valiant Nation of all. Thus compri∣zing the Europeans, his whole force was found to amount to one hundred and forty thousand Foot, and sixteen thousand Horse, besides Multitudes of Pioneers, Sutlers, and Merchants that followed the Army: Spring being come he took a review of his Fleet, sacrificed to Iupiter Militaris ac∣cording to Custom, and caused to be cast into the Sea a set of white Horses Harnassed, as an offering to Neptune, and after all that marched into Paphlagonia with his Forces, under the command of Taxiles and Eumocrates his Lieutenant Generals; being arrived there, he made an Ora∣tion to his Army, speaking proudly of his Predecessors and of himself, how from a little Kingdom he had made it a mighty Empire, without ever ha∣ving been overcome by the Romans, where himself was in Person. In conclusion he declared against their unsatiable and unlimitted ambition, which had even reduced Italy it self, their Native Country to Slavery. Then he began to speak of their Infidelity towards him, refusing to ratifie the Peace by writing, that they might be at liberty upon the first oppor∣tunity to renew the War; and then after having laid down the reasons that induced him to the War, he began to talk wonders of his own prepa∣parations, and to speak with contempt of the Roman affairs, whom Serto∣rius overpressed in Spain, and which in Italy were become deplorable by domestick Seditions. 'Tis for these reasons, said he, that though the Py∣rates have so long reigned at Sea, they have not been able to take any Course with them, for they have no Allies that assist them, nor no Subjects but those they keep in awe by force of Arms. See you not here said he (pointing to the two Lucii) their most considerable Citizens, who have declared themselves Enemies of their Country to make an Alliance with us. Having encouraged his Army by these words, he made an Irruption into Bithynia, which Ni∣comedes lately deceased without Issue had given by will to the Roman peo∣ple. Cotta was at present Governor, but being a heartless Man he fled to Chalcedon with all his Forces. Thus Bithynia fell once more under the power of Mithridates, the Romans being all retired with Cotta to Chalce∣don. The King advancing to assault that City, Cotta who was nothing of a Soldier durst not come to an incounter with him, but his Admiral cal∣led Nudus, drew into the field with one half of the Army, and posted himself in an advantagious place; yet he was driven thence, and forced to fly towards one of the Gates of the City, where every one pressing to enter, the Enemies that pursued them, threw no dart in vain upon a Multitude so crouded together, those which guarded the Walls being in fear for themselves, let down the Portcullis, and drawing up Nudus and

some other Officers by ropes, left the rest to mercy, who were slain in the midst, between Friends and Enemies, stretching out their hands in vain to one and the other. Mithridates thinking it best to pursue his good for∣tune, caused his Fleet the same day to come about to the mouth of the Port, and having broken the Iron Chain, that crossed it, burnt four of the Enemies Ships, and Tow'd out the rest, about sixty in Number, at their Sterns, whilst neither Nudus nor Cotta endeavored to prevent them, not daring to stir out of the Circuit of their Walls. There died three thousand Romans amongst whom was L. Manlius a Senator, Mithridates lost only twenty Soldiers of his Basternes, who were most forward in the assault of the Port.

[ XX] Soon after Lucius Lucullus sent to this War, brought with him one Le∣gion from the City, to which those two of Fimbria's, and two others being joyned, so that he might have about thirty thousand Foot, and six∣teen hundred Horse, he went and encamped near Mithridates, who be∣sieged Cysica, where having understood by the Runaway's that the King had about three hundred thousand Men, and that what Provisions he had were partly brought by Sea, and the remainder by those that went out on Forrage, he turned himself to his people, and said he would soon have his Enemies at discretion, bidding them remember what he now told them. He observed after this a mountain very proper to encamp on, of which if he could possess himself he might have abundance of Victuals, and on the contrary the Enemy would want. Wherefore he designed to post himself there, thinking it of infinite importance to overcome without danger. There was only one very narrow avenue to it, of which Mithridates was siesed and had placed there a strong guard, according to the advice of Taxiles, and his other Captains, but Lucius Manius, who had been Ar∣bitrator of the Alliance betwixt Mithridates and Sertorius after the last was dead, sent privately a man to Lucullus, and having got his word for him∣self perswaded the King to let the Romans pass, and incamp where they pleased, because Fimbria's Legions who had fought under Sertorius had a design to yield themselves to him, and would do it in few days, and that there was no need of the expence of blood or sweat, when they might van∣quish without fighting. Whereupon Mithridates doubting nothing, ac∣corded very imprudently to this advice, suffering the Romans to pass in all security by the strait, and fortifie against himself a high mountain, of which being once Masters, provisions might freely be brought to them from be∣hind, whilst a Lake, Mountains and Rivers hindring the bringing of any by Land to Mithridates, it soon began to grow scarce; besides he had no way left to make a retreat by, nor could he by force draw Lucullus from his post, having let go his advantage, and to all this Winter approached, when no more Provision could come by Sea. Now Lucullus remembred his friends of the promise he had made them, showing them the thing al∣most done. Not but that Mithridates possibly might, having such a Multi∣tude of Men, have forced his passage through the midst of his Enemies: but he chose rather to employ his power against Cysica, believing that the taking of that City would prove a remedy both against the difficulty of the way out, and the scarcity of Provision; And because his Army was so vastly numerous he undertook at the same time all manner of ways to storm it. He inclosed the Port where Ships were with a double Wall, drew Lines of Circumvallation about the rest of the City, raised a great Number of Platforms, Built Towers of Wood, and Batteries covered with Testudoes

and other Engins, of which one which was the greatest was called Hellepo∣lis, one hundred Cubits large, on which was a tower furnished with in∣struments to cast stones, and darts of all sorts. He likewise drew up close to the Port, two Gallies joyned together, which bore a tower from which they might lay a bridge to the wall. Things thus prepared he caused three thousand Cysicenian prisoners, to be imbarked upon Vessels, and sent un∣der the walls, who when they came near, stretched forth their hands to their fellow Citizens, beseeching them to have compassion of them in the danger wherein they were. But Pisistratus Governor of the place caused them to be told from the wall, that being now reduced under anothers power, they ought to resolve with themselves, and with constancy under∣go their misfortune. This way not succeeding, Mithridates caused to advance towards the wall, the Engine built on the two Gallies, and having presently let fall the Bridge; four Soldiers leaped upon it and gained the wall. The Cysicenians surprised at this Novelty, seemed at first to give a little ground, but seeing no more hastned to follow them, they took heart, and made those four leap from the top to the bottom. Then pouring pitch on the Gallies, and casting fire on it, they forced the besiegers to retire; and get off their Engine. Thus the assault from the Seaward proved un∣successful. The same day a third attempt was made, they brought at the same time, all the Batteries up to the Wall on the Land side, but the in∣habitants bravely defended themselves running from side to side, and from one place to another, so wherever the Assault was most violent, they crash∣ed in pieces the Engines with great Stones which they let fall upon them, or turned off their blow with Cords, wherewith they intangled them, or rendred them ineffectual by placing before them Sacks of Wool hung over the wall, quenching their flaming Darts with Water and Vinegar, and breaking off the force of the others by placing before them bundles of Cloths, and Coverlids. In short, they put in practice all that the wit of Man could invent to defend themselves; yet all the pains they took could not prevent one part of the Wall, to which the besiegers had applied fire, from falling before night, but the fury of the flame being then so great that they durst not attempt to enter, and the besieged the same night built up another Rampart from which they defended themselves, till such time as there arose a mighty tempest, which▪ utterly broke to pieces all the Kings Engins, and made them useless. 'Tis said that Iupiter gave this City in Dower to Proserpina, whom the Cysicenians adore above all other Divi∣nities, and that during the siege, her Feast day on which they used to Sa∣crifice to her a Black Cow being come, and they having none of that hair had made one of Paste to offer in Sacrifice to her, when behold at the same time a Black Cow coming from the Sea, and cutting through the waters, passed over the booms that were drawn cross the Port, and en∣tring into it, ran through the City directly to the Temple, and stopt be∣fore the Altar, on which the Inhabitants sacrificed it with hopes of Re∣lief. Mithridates Friends upon this, advised him to raise his siege from before this Sacred City, but he would not be moved. He got up to Mount Dindymus which is above the City, from whence he caused to be continued a Terrass or Platform directly to the Walls, upon which he made Towers to be erected, he likewise wrought hard to undermine the Walls, and having many useless Horses, some too lean for want of For∣rage, and others lame for want of Shoo's, he sent them back to Bithynia, Lucullus pursued them, and overtaking them at a passage of the River Rhyndace made a great slaughter, took fifteen thousand Prisoners, six thou∣sand

Horses for Service, and a great Number of Beasts for Burthen. Whilst these things passed at Cisica, Eumachus one of Mithridates Gene∣rals making inroads into Phrygia, with a flying Army, slew a great Num∣ber of Romans with their Wives and Children, subdued the Pisidians the Isaurians and Cilicia, till such time as Deiotarus one of the Tetrarchs of Galatia drawing into the Field to pursue him, at last overtook him, defeated him, and slew a great quantity of his people. Mean while Winter being come, Mithridates found himself deprived of those few Provisions that came by Sea, so that Famine surprised his Army, some dyed, and others lived on dead Carkases, after the manner of the Barbarians, others again feeding on nothing but Herbs, contracted mortal distempers, besides the stink of the Corps that lay in the Fields unburied brought the Plague a∣mongst them. Yet for all this Mithridates courage failed not, for he hoped at last to take the City by the Terrass he was raysing from Mount Dindy∣mus. But when the Inhabitants had undermined that and burnt all his En∣gines, and that knowing his Soldiers were weakned by Famine, they be∣gan to vex him with continual Sallies, he resolved to raise his Siege, he therefore embarqued by night to go with his Fleet to Para, and his Land Army took their march towards Lampsacus, but because the River Aesopus was more swoln then ordinary, Lucullus overtook them at the Passage, slew a great Number, and pursued the rest as far as that Town, to which ha∣ving laid Siege, Mithridates sent Shipping thither, and brought away both Soldiers and Inhabitants by Sea. After this he left in one part of his Ships, ten thousand chosen men, commanded by that Varius whom Sertorius had sent to him. Alexander the Paphlagonian, and Dionysius the Eunuch, and himself went towards Nicomedia, with the rest which where the greatest Number, but the greatest part of the one and other, perished by storm: Thus the Cisicenians so powerfully assailed saved themselves, by their own Valour, and by the assistance of Lucullus, who starved the Enemies Army. Wherefore to this day they exhibit solemn Plays in memory of him which they call Lucullians.

[ XXI] Now the Consul after having so well succeeded by Land, by means of the Famine, distributed those Ships he had caused to come from Asia, to his Lieutenants, of whom one called Triarius made a descent at Apamia, forced the City, and made a horrible Slaughter of the Inhabitants who had taken Sanctuary in the Temples. The other called Barba made himself Master of Nicea, and Prutiade seated on a Mountain, both deserted by Mithridates Garrisons, and then keeping the Sea, went and took thirteen of the Ene∣mies Ships out of the very port of the Achaeans. And having met near Lemnos with Varius, Alexander and Dionysius in a desert Isle, where is to be seen the Altar of Philoctetes, tyed about with a brazen Serpent, a Bow and a Cors∣let, tyed about with Bands, which are the Monuments of his misfortune. He made directly towards them, without knowing who they were, but seeing they stood firm, he sent off only two Ships to draw the Enemies to a Battel, who would not quit the road, but were content to defend them∣selves from the Land, he therefore sent other Ships about, who putting a∣shore some foot on the other side of the Island, he by that means forced them again to betake themselves to their Ships, but they not daring to ven∣ter out to Sea, for fear of Lucullus, but coasting along, were beaten both by Sea and Land, with a great slaughter, and a strange discomfiture. The three Commanders were taken, hid in a Cave. Dionysius having drunk poison he had with him dyed instantly. Varius was slain by Lucullus his

order, who thought it improper to lead a Roman Senator in Triumph, but Alexander was reserved for that Pomp. This done Lucullus gave advice to the Senate by letter, which he sent with Laurels, according to the custome of the Victorious, and took his march towards Bithynia. As for Mithri∣ddates as he sailed towards Pontus, he was twice battered by Tempest, whereby he lost ten thousand men, and sixty Ships, the rest being dispers∣ed as the Wind carried them, and he, the Admiral being split, contrary to the advice of his Friends, embarked in a Pyrates Vessel, which brought him to Sinope, from thence he went to Amisa, and there dispatched away into Armenia to his Son in law Tigranes and into Bosphorus to Machares, his Son, to leavy speedily Auxiliary Forces; and deputed Diocles to the Neigh∣bouring Scythians with presents and a great Sum of Money. But he went both with Presents and Money, and surrendred himself to Lucullus; who in the mean time pursuing his Victory still, advanced with his Army, subduing and plundring all as he went▪ so that being entred into a rich Country, and which for a long time had known no War, he found every thing so extraordinary cheap, that a Slave was sold for four Drachms, an Ox for a Drachm, and Goats, Sheep and Cloths at a proportionable rate. At length he besieged Amisa and Eupatoria, which Mithridates caused to be built near Amisa, calling it by his own Name, and designing it for the resi∣dence of the Kings. He assaulted it with Towers, Terrasses, and Mines so vast, that they oftimes fought underground, besides the besieged having met with their Works, and opened them from the City side, did with Hives of Bees drive against the Labourers, Bears, and other Wild Beasts▪ But yet he found more difficulty at the siege of Amisa, for the Inhabitants defended themselves gallantly, making frequent Sallies, and provoking the Besiegers to fight man to man. Besides Mithridates supplied them with as much Provision, Arms and Soldiers as he pleased, which he sent from Cabi∣res, where he spent the Winter, in gathering together another Army, which he soon found to amount to forty thousand foot and four thousand Horse. About the beginning of the Spring Lucullus took the Field, and took up towards the Mountains to march against the King, who to hinder the Consuls passage had placed there very good Troops, with orders to give him notice by fires of whatever passed. They were commanded by Phoenix, a man of reputation, and of the Blood Royal, who soon gave the Signal of Lucullus coming according to appointment, but went and delive∣erd up himself and his Forces to him, so that having securely passed the Mountains he descended to Cabires, where being defeated in a Battel of the Horse, he again recovered the Mountain, Pompey Colonel of his Ca∣valry was wounded and brought before the King, who asking him what he would do for him, if he gave him his life. Much (said he) provided you become a Friend to Lucullus, but as long as you are his Enemy, I have nothing to say. Upon this answer the Barbarians would have killed him: but the King prevented them saying he would never injure Valour forsaken by For∣tune. After this he several times drew up his Army in Battel in the Plain, and seeing that Lucullus would not descend, he observed on all sides how he might gain the Mountain. Mean while a certain Scythian called Olcaba, who had sometime before fled out of the Kings Army to Lucullus, and had saved a great part of his Forces in the last Battel of the Horse, and therefore eat at the Generals Table, and was of his Counsel, and had know∣ledge of his secrets, came to his Tent, as he reposed in the heat of the day, and would needs enter, having no Arms about him, but a little Dag∣ger which he usually wore; But when the Guards stopped him he grew

angry telling them that there was a necessity to wake Lucullus, but they told him again, that nothing was more necessary for Lucullus as life. Whereupon he mounted on horseback, and went and surrendred himself to Mithridates, whether it were that he believed himself suspected, or that he was angry at the injury he imagined he had received, he presently discovered to the King another Scythian called Sobadacus, who being ar∣rested, was accused of a design of going over to Lucullus, who stayed still on the Mountain; for he would not descend into the plain, because the Enemies were stronger in Horse, so that seeing no other way to go to Mithridates he found in a Cave a Huntsman, who knew all the ways, un∣der whose Conduct he came, by unknown passages just over the head of Mithridates, from whence he descended, and without entring the plain where the Enemies Horse lay, he went and pitched his Camp, behind a certain Channel full of Water; being there encamped he would soon have been in want of Provision; but he sent for Corn as far as Cappadocia, and was continually skirmishing with the Enemy, till Mithridates one day, as those of his party fled issuing out of his Camp, ran to meet them, and after having reviled them with reproachful words, forced them to turn head again, which struck such a terror into the Romans that they fled, and all in a breath run up to the Mountain, continuing their flight a long time after the Kings party had given over the chase of them, for every one took the companion of his flight for an Enemy, so much had fear distracted them. Mithridates puft up with this success sent through all the Territories un∣der his Dominion, news of that Victory, and drew off the greatest and best part of his Horse, giving them Order to Ransack Lucullus his For∣ragers, as they brought Corn from Cappadocia, hoping to reduce him to as great necessity of Victuals as himself had been at Cysica. And indeed it was a plausible Design to cut of Lucullus Provisions which could be brought to him from no other part but Cappadocia, but the Kings Horsemen meet∣ing with the Vanguard of the Forragers in certain straits, where their Hor∣ses could hardly do any service, had not the patience to stay till they were come into the open plain. The Romans presently put themselves into or∣der, and favored as they were by the advantage of the place, killed a great many of their Enemies, drove others down the Precipices, and put all the rest to the Rout. Some saved themselves by night in the Camp, and be∣lieving they only were escaped made the noise of this defeat, though truly it were great, much greater then indeed it was. And because this news came sooner to Mithridates then to Lucullus, the King judging that after the loss of his Cavalry, the Enemy would not fail to fall upon him, grew fearful, and disposed himself to remove thence, of which at the same in∣stant he gave notice to his friends, that were in his Tent; But they without staying till he published the march, sent every one out of the Camp before day, his Equipage, with such hast that at the Gate the Bag∣gage-horses overthrew one another. This being observed by the Soldiers who knew those that led the Horses, their fear increased their suspicion, and the whole Army thinking themselves wronged, that they had not all notice of it, in a fury flew to the Palisade, broke it down, and spread themselves in disorder through the Plain, every one flying what way he thought best, notwithstanding all their Generals and Officers could do to prevent it. The King himself could not appease this Tumult and Rage; for when he perceived it, he went out of his Tent to say some∣thing, but not being listned to by any one, he threw himself on the ground in the midst of the croud, from whence being taken up, and set on Horse∣back,

he fled by the way of the Mountains, with very few in his Train. Lucullus having intelligence of the Victory of the Forragers, and seeing the flight of his Enemies, sent the greatest part of his Horse to give them chase, and incompassed with his Foot those who remained in the Camp prepared to receive the assault. He had before strictly forbid the Soldiers to plunder, till the Enemy were utterly defeated: but when they beheld so many Vessels of Gold and Silver, and so much costly Rayment, they quite forgot his Orders. Mithridates himself had been taken, had they not cut open, and straw'd abroad some Males full of Gold, wherewith a Mule was loaden, which while those that followed him, busied them∣selves to gather up; he escaped to Comanes, from whence he went with two thousand Horse towards Tigranes, who would not see him, but gave him some Castles for his abode, and caused him to be treated and served like a King. Insomuch, that despairing of ever entring again into his Kingdom, he sent an Eunuch, called Bacchus, to his Seraglio, to put to death in any manner whatever, his Sisters, his Wives, and his Concu∣bines. They became their own Executioners, and either by Steel, Poy∣son or a Halter ended their Lives, of which the Governours of the Gar∣risons left by Mithridates having advice, surrendred (all but a very few) to Lucullus.

Lucullus after this seeing himself Master of the Province, went about to [ XXII] all the Cities setling his orders. And causing his Fleet to come before the maritime places, he soon took Amastris, Heraclea, and all the rest except Sinope, which for some time generously defended it self, and got the better of him in a Sea f••ight. But when the Inhabitants saw they must be taken, they set on fire their largest Ships, and going on board their lighter Vessels, fled. Sometime after he restored them their liberty, being thereto advertised by his Dream. 'Tis said that Autolycus the Companion of Hercules, in his expedition against the Amazones being driven by tempest into Sinope, reign∣ed there, and that after his death, his Statue was reverenced as a God, and uttered Oracles. Those of Sinope willing to have their God along with them, when they fled, wrapt it up in Linnen, and tyed it round with Cords, to carry it away the more secretly, but though Lucullus knew nothing of it, nor no one living had given him notice, he thought he saw that God calling to him, and on the morrow as some passed by him, carrying that Statua so bound up, he commanded them to unfold the Linnen that cove∣red it, and beheld the same Image that had appeared to him. So this Dream proved advantagious to the Cittizens of Sinope. Lucullus likewise restored to liberty the Citizens of Amisa, who like the others had escaped away by Sea. He had heard tell that in the same time when the Athe∣nians were Masters of the Sea, they had sent thither a Colony, and esta∣blished a Government of which the people had the Administration, that afterwards that City falling under the Dominion of the Kings of Persia, Alexander first restored them to that liberty which afterwards the Kings of Pontus had deprived them of. Whereupon he took pity on them and imi∣tating the goodness of Alexander, and in favour of the Attick people, he made it free, and gave order that the Inhabitants as well of Amisa as Sino∣pe, should forthwith return to their dwellings. After these two places were thus taken by Lucullus, and restored to liberty, one of the Sons of Mithri∣dates, called Machares King of the Bosphorus, having sent him a Crown of Gold, he received him into the friendship of the people of Rome. After∣ward he dispatched Messengers to Tigranes, to demand Mithridates, and

then marching towards Asia, which still owed one fourth part of their fruits of the fine adjudged by Sylla, he imposed a Tribute upon them according to the Value of their houses, and the number of their Slaves, withal sacra∣ficing to the Gods of Victory, as if his Enemies had been already totally overcome. The Sacrifices performed, he marched forward with two chosen Legions, and five hundred Horse, to make War upon Tigranes, be∣cause he would not deliver up Mithridates to him. As soon as his Army had passed the Euphrates he went on without doing any injury to the Barbari∣ans, save only making them pay contribution, for the people of these Countries were Enemies to War, and would not engage themselves in the differences between Tigranes and Lucullus. No one durst give advice to Ti∣granes of Lucullus design, for one unhappy man that adventured but to speak of it, was hanged up as a disturber of the publick Peace, but at last when he saw he came on, he sent Mithrobarzanes before with two thou∣sand Horse, to oppose his march, and gave orders to Manceus to make hast to Tigranocerta to defend that place. This King (as we have said be∣fore) had caused this City to be built for the Glory of his Name, and to the intent that he might people it with Persons of Quality and Condition, had by Edict declared that all moveables were not brought thither, should be confiscated. The Walls were fifty Cubits high, at the foot of which there were Stables quite round. He had likewise in the Suburbs built a most stately Palace, with magnificent Gardens, and a great number of Channels full of Fish, with Parks for Beasts, and some distance from thence a strong and beautiful Citadel: All these things he committed to Manceus Guards, whilst he on all sides levyed Forces to compose an Army. Mean while Lucullus meeting with Mithrobarzanes, soon defeated him, and gave him chase; and Sextilius having shut up Manceus in Tigranocerta, pillaged the Royal Palace without the Walls, besieged the City, planted his Batte∣ries, and set the Miners to work. Whilst Sextilius was busied at this siege, Tigranes had gathered together two hundred and fifty thousand Foot, and fifty thousand Horse; about six thousand of which he sent to Tigranocerta, who opening a passage through the midst of the Roman Army, rescued from thence the Kings Concubines, and carried them away with them. For his part he marched against Lucullus, with the rest of his Forces, where Mithridates came to him, and advised him not to come to a set battel with the Romans, but to keep the Field with his Horse, and wast all the Country round about their Army: so that, if possible he might serve him in the same manner, as Lucullus had done his Army before Cysica, and destroy them without fighting. But the Barbarian laughing at this advice, continued his March always in order of Battel, and seeing the small number of the Romans, said in a Jeer: If they be Ambassadors, they are a great many, but if they be Enemies they are very few. Lucullus having taken notice of a Hill behind Tigranes Ar∣my, gave order to his Cavalry to go charge the Enemy in Front, and to betake themselves to flight, as soon as they had drawn them on to a Bat∣tel, to the end, the Barbarians might break their Ranks to pursue them, whilst he with the Infantry, taking a compass, went and gained the Hill, without being perceived by the Enemy: When he saw them scattered and in disorder, in chase of his Horse, as if they had already been victo∣rious; and their Baggage remaining at the foot of the Hill, he crying out the Victory is ours fellow Soldiers, went down, and first of all charged up∣on the Train and Baggage Horses, who forthwith betaking themselves to flight, pressed upon the Foot, and the Foot did the like upon the Horse;

so that the whole Army was immediately in a rout; for on one side the Roman Horse turning head against those, who had separated themselves from the main Body to pursue them, cut them in pieces; and on the o∣ther side, the Baggage Horses, as if they had been thrust forward, over∣threw all they met with; and the whole multitude pressing one upon ano∣ther, by reason of their great number, without knowing the reason of the disorder, the Romans made a wonderful slaughter. Not a man stopt now to plunder, for Lucullus had expresly forbid it, with severe threats on the transgressors. Wherefore trampling under foot Collars and Chains of Gold, they followed the Massacre for the space of sixscore Furlongs, till night coming on, they returned back, and spoiled the dead, by per∣mission then given them by Lucullus. After this defeat, Manceus, Gover∣nour of Tigranocerta, disarmed all the Mercenary Greek Soldiers in the City, having entertained some suspicion of them: Wherefore they fear∣ing to be likewise made Prisoners, got them Clubs, and trooped together; so that they parted not one from another, either marching or standing still. And when Manceus came to charge them with some armed Barbarians, they wrapt their left Arm in their Coats instead of Bucklers; and running desperately into the midst of their Enemies, slew a great number, whose Arms they divided amongst them; when they thought they had Arms enough to serve their turn, they went and seised upon some Towers that flanked the Walls, from whence they called to the besiegers, and helping them to mount upon the Wall, made them Masters of the City. Thus Tigranocerta newly built, whither out of meer vanity Inhabitants were forced to come form all parts, became a prize, and enriched the Army with a most prodigious booty. Tigranes and Mithridates, in the mean time, gave orders to set on foot another Army, of which Mithridates had the command, because the other thought him more capable, being in∣structed by the experience of so many losses; they sent likewise to demand assistance from the Parthians; but Lucullus having likewise dispatched to that King, to request him to assist him with his Forces, rather than the others, or at least to be but a looker on; he in particular promised both parties, but kept his word neither with one nor the other. There was no City but Mithridates set on work to forge Arms, nor scarce a person in Armenia capable to bear them, but came and enrolled himself in these new Levies. But he thought it not best to employ such a multitude, he chose only seventy thousand Foot, and half as many Horse of the ablest Men, and dismissed the rest: And after having distributed them into Com∣panies and Regiments, almost according to the Italian Discipline; he gave it in charge to the old Pontick Soldiers to exercise them. They were no sooner in the Field, but Lucullus appeared resolved to fight: but Mithri∣dates kept firm upon an Eminence, where he had posted himself with all his Foot; and the greatest part of his Horse; and Tigranes being gone with the rest to charge the Romans, who were forraging abroad was de∣feated, which gave liberty to the Romans, for the future, to fetch Corn without any fear, to forrage in the very face of Mithridates, and to draw nearer to his Camp. At last the Kings were resolved to block up Lucullus in the midst between them; to this end Tigranes took the Field, but the dust discovering his March, the General, who knew their design, drew off the flower of his Horse, with Orders to go as far as they could to meet the Armenian, and to charge him before he could put his people in order. Mean while he did all he could to draw Mithridates to a battel, he at∣tempted the making a Ditch round about the Hill, but he could not oblige.

him to descend, till Famine beginning to afflict both Armies, they all re∣treated without doing any thing. Tigranes into the heart of Armenia, and Mithridates into what was left him of the Kingdom of Pontus, with four thousand Men of his own, and as many of Tigranes. Lucullus followed them in the Rear; but being himself oppressed with want of Provision, he returned back again: and Mithridates having made a swifter March than could be imagined, surprised Fabius, whom the Consul had left to command there, and forced him to betake himself to flight, after having five hundred of his Men slain; yet he returned to the charge, strengthed with the assistance of all the Slaves that followed the Army, to whom he gave their liberty, and held out the fight all that day, till such time as Mithridates wounded with the blow of a Stone on the Knee, and with an Arrow below the Eye, was suddenly carried out of the Battel. This oc∣casioned the passing away of some days without fighting, whether the Enemies were in pain for the Kings health, or whether their wounds re∣quired rest. However it were, the King was soon cured, being drest with medicaments composed of the Poyson of Serpents, by the Agbares, Scythi∣ans by Nation, who for this purpose always followed the Court. To Fa∣bius succeeded Triarius, who brought a new Army of Lucullus his Forces, with which he presently marched against Mithridates; but as they were ready to engage, both sides were forced to part, there arising such a furi∣ous Tempest, as had never being seen in the memory of man; it threw down the Tents of both Camps, carryed the Beasts of Burthen out of the way, and likewise took up some Soldiers and threw them among the Preci∣pices. Upon the Rumour of Lucullus his coming, Triarius desirous to do some memorable action whilst he commanded, went about break of day to make an assault upon Mithridates Out-guards. They sought a long time with equal Fortune, but at last the King making an onset with the Wing in which he was, began to overcome, broke the Romans and drove their in∣fantry into a miry Valley, where the Soldiers not able to stand upright, suf∣fered themselves to be killed without any resistance. After which pursu∣ing his advantage he fell into the Rear of the Cavalry, to whom he gave chase with much eagerness, when a Roman Centurion Galloping by his side as if he had been one of his Train, gave him a great wound with his Sword in the thigh, for he was doubtful if he should have struck him in the Reins he should not have pierced his Armour. The Roman was present∣ly cut in pieces by the Guards, and Mithridates carried into the Rear of his Army. However they ceased not pursuing the Victory, which had been much greater, had not those who were about the King, caused the retreat to be sounded. This surprised those who followed the Chase, and trou∣bled them strangely; for they were fearful, left some misfortune were hap∣pened elsewere, till such time as the thing being known, they came and gathered in Throngs about the wounded King, in the midst of the Plain, where Timotheus his Chirurgion having stopt the blood, showed them him standing, as Alexander was in the Indies shown to the Macedonians, who were in fear for his safety. Mithridates himself would needs be drest up∣on the Arlop of a Ship, to the end every one might see him, where being somewhat recovered, he reproved those who had caused the Retreat to be sounded, and the same day caused his Army to march towards the Roman Camp, which they for fear had already deserted, there were found among the dead, four and twenty Tribunes, and one hundred and fifty Centuri∣ons, nor ever did the Romans in one only defeat loose so many Officers. After this Victory, the King retired into Armenia called the less, carrying

along with him all Provisions that he could transport, and corrupting what he left, left if Lucullus came into that Country, he should make use of them. At the same time a certain Roman Senator called Attilius who for fear left process should be made against him, had escaped to Mithridates▪ and had by him been received with all possible demonstrations of friendship, was convict of a plot against his person. Yet he would not out of respect to his former Dignity, let him be put to the Torture, but was content to let him suffer an ordinary death: but his accomplices were cruelly torment∣ed, save only those of his freed man, to whom he had communicated his de∣sign, whom the King let go because they had only obeyed their Master. As for Lucullus he soon was come up to Mithridates, and was now upon the point to engage with him, when the Proconsul of Asia sent to proclaim through all the Province, that the Senate blamed Lucullus for having spun out the War so long and therefore dismissed the Army, injoyning the Sol∣diers not to stay any longer upon pain of confiscation of their Goods. The news of this Ordinance being come to the Camp, most began to file off, there remaining only with Lucullus some poor Wretches who having no∣thing to loose, feared no confiscations. Thus Lucullus no more then those before him, could not make an end of this War, for the Allies being revolt∣ed in Italy, and the City afflicted with Famine, by reason that the Pyrates were Masters of the Sea, it was not thought proper to embroyl themselves in so great a War, till they were delivered from the present Inconveni∣ences.

Mithridates having advice hereof entred into Cappadocia, and began to [ XXIII] reestablish himself in his own Kingdom, which the Romans dissembled till such time as the Sea was cleared of Pyrates: but after the Pyrates were de∣feated by Pompey, and that he was come into Asia, they renewed the War against Mithridates, giving that great Captain Commission to be their Ge∣neral. Wherefore what this great man acted on the Sea before he bore Arms against Mithridates, making a part of that expedition, and not re∣lating to another History, I am of the mind to make a Summary recital of it in the place. Mithridates at the beginning of his first War against the Romans having made himself Master of Asia, because Sylla was then im∣ployed in Greece about Affairs of importance, believing that his Dominion there would be of no long durance, spoiled all that Country, and continu∣ed all those Cruelties we have related. He likewise at the same time sent forth Pyrates who at first coasting up and down with a few small Barques, only got some booty, but the War growing hot, they encreased in Num∣ber, and fitted out great Ships, and afterwards finding a sweetness in the vastness of their gain, whether the King were overcome, or whether he had made Peace, or whether the were in flight, they continued their Robbe∣ries; for they said that having lost their Goods, and abandoned their Coun∣tries by reason of the War, necessity had driven them from the Land, to seek their Fortune for the future by Sea. They elected among themselves Arch-pyrates, who commanded a certain Number, as if it had been a law∣ful War. They assaulted weak Cities, and sometimes very strong ones too, whose Walls they either scaled or threw down. They pillaged them after they had taken them, carrying to their places of retreat all the rich men they took, to make them pay their ransome, and giving their Crimes ho∣nourable names they shook off the name of Pyrates, and called themselves Soldiers adventurers. They had likewise Artificers whom they kept in Fet∣ters, and continually stored up Wood, Iron, Brass, and other Materials.

For their vast booty had so heightned their courages, that preferring that kind of life before any other, they imagined themselves Soveraigns, and Kings, comparing their Power to that of Armies, and esteeming them∣selves invincible, when ever they pleased to unite together, they built Ships and forged Arms especially in Cilicia called the Rough, which was the com∣mon retreat of all these Corsairs, or as we may saw the principal Seat of War. Not but that they had in other places Castles and Forts in desart Islands and cunning Harbours, but they usually retired to that Coast of Cilicia the Rough, which was inaccessible, and bounded with Rocks reaching almost out of sight, and therefore all the World commonly called them Cilicians. This mischief which was begun in Cilicia infected likewise the Syrians, Ciprians, Pamphilians, Pontick Nations, and almost all the Oriental peo∣ple, who tyred with the length of the Mithridatick War, and choosing rather to do ill then suffer it, changed their dwellings on Land for the Sea, so that in a short time they amounted to many thousands, and not only be∣come Masters of the Sea that wets the Oriental Coasts, but spread them∣selves throughout all the Seas as far as the Pillars of Hercules, for they de∣feated some Roman Pretors in Sea Fights, and among others the Pretor of Sicily. No Ship durst appear about that Island, the very Husband-man had abandoned the Fields, because of the continual descents they made, which very much annoyed he Romans, for besides that they beheld their Provin∣ces pillaged, want of Corn brought a Famine into the Citie. Besides it was not easie to defeat such great Forces, that spread themselves over all parts both of the Sea and Land. Who were alwaies ready either to fly or fight, whilst none knew their Country or place of retreat, nor indeed had they any residence or propriety, but what fell in their hands. Wherefore these extraordinary kind of Enemies who gave themselves a dispensation against all the Laws of War, of whom nothing clear or certain could be made out, were very formidable, and few would have accepted a Commission for this War. For Murena having undertaken these Pyrates did nothing memorable, no more did after him Servilius Isauricus. They were grown so bold as to Land upon the Coasts of Brundusium and Hetruria, from whence they carried away some Women of Quality whom they found in the Country. And defeated two Bodies of an Army, whose Eagles they carried away. The Romans no longer able to suffer these Losses and Af∣fronts, by Decree of the Senate, gave to Pompey the greatest man of that time Command of their Armies for three Years, with Authority over all the Seas, as far as the Pillars of Hercules, and within all the Maritime Provinces for four hundred Furlongs from the Sea, and to Command all Kings, Governours and Cities, to furnish him with necessaries. They per∣mitted him likewise to make new Leavies, both of men and Monies, and in the mean time gave him an Army composed of standing Legions, all the Ships they had, and six thousand Attick Talents in ready Money. So difficult a thing they believed it to overcome so many Naval Armies, to pursue them in so vast an extent of Seas, and to seek them out in so many holes, having to do with Enemies, they could not get within reach of except they pleased, and who were ready to fall on, when they were least thought of. Nor indeed did ever any Roman General go to War with so large a Commission as Pompey's. Soon after they furnished him with six∣score thousand foot, four thousand Horse, and two hundred and seventy Ships, comprizing the Brigantines, and for his Lieutenants, they gave him five and twenty Senators, among whom he divided the Seas, giving them Horse and Foot and Shipping, with the Ensigns of Pretor. Every

Lieutenant had absolute power in the Quarter he Commanded, and he like a King of Kings, went from one part to another, to disperse his Or∣ders, and to see that every one kept in his Post without quitting it, or pur∣suing the Enemy far from it, if he could not gain the Victory upon the place, to the end that there being alwaies people in a readiness in all places, to take up what others had not fully done, the Pyrates might find▪ no secu∣rity in flying from place to place. After having disposed things in this manner, he gave the Commission of Spain, and the Streit to Tib. Nero and Manlius Torquatus joyntly, of the Celtrick and Ligustique Sea, to Marius Pomponius; of Affrica with Sardinia, Corsica and the Circumadia∣cent Islands to Lentulus Marcellinus, and P. Attilius; of the Coast of Italy from Sicily to Acarnania to L. Gellius and Cn. Lentulus; of the Ionian Sea to Plotius Varus and Terentius Varro; of Peloponesus, Attica, Euboea, Thes∣saly, Macedon and Boeotia to L. Cinna; of all the Aegaean Sea, and the Hel∣lespont to L. Cullius. Of Bithynia, Thrace the Propontick, and the mouth of Pontus to L. Piso, of Lycia, Pamphilia; Cyprus and Phoenicia to Metellus Nepos. These were the Quarters he assigned every Lieutenant, where they were to fight, and to give them their Chase; so that saving themselves from one, they might fall into the hands of another, forbidding them to pursue beyond their Bounds, for fear lest those long Chases might be a means to delay the War, for his own part he flew (if one may so say) from one part to another, to see what passed, and having in forty days gone the Circuit of the Western part of the Sea, he returned to Rome from whence he went to Brundusium, where again taking Shipping, and running over all those vast Oriental Seas, he brought every where a dread of his Name, by the swiftness of his motion, the greatness of his Force and Power, and the opinion had of a Captain of such high reputation. So that the Pyrates who as it was thought would have assaulted him, or at least would have found ways to have made his Victory difficult, presently raised their Siege, before those Towns they had blocked up, and out of the fear they had of him, retired into their Forts, and sheltring places. Thus Pompey cleared the Seas without fighting, and his Lieutenants every one in their Quarter took all the Corsairs that haunted there. After this he went into Cilicia with a great number of Soldiers and Workmen, and store of Engines, believing he should be put to the assaulting after sundry manners those Forts built upon such high Rocks. But the renown of his name alone and the vastness of his preparations struck such a terror into the Pyrates, that they believed they should make the better composition if they yielded without fighting. Those who were in the two largest Forts, called Crague and Anticrague were the first who submitted at discretion, and after them all those who held the Mountains of Cilicia one after another, yielded themselves with great quantities of Arms, either already furnish∣ed, or else only begun in the Shops, besides a great number of Ships, some half built, others ready to sail, with Copper, Iron, Canvas, Cordage, and divers others Materials, which they had gathered together for their use. There were found also many Captives which they kept there, some for Ransome, others to labour in their works. Pompey burnt all their unwrought Materials, carried the Ships along with him and sent the Captives home▪ many of whom found that their Funerals had been performed, their friends believing them dead. As for the Pyrates who appeared not to have enga∣ged themselves in this kind of life, but because they had lost their substance by the War, he assigned them for their dwellings, Malle, Adane, Epi∣phania and such other Cities as were but thinly inhabited in the upper Ci∣licia,

some of them likewise he sent to Dima in Achaia. Thus the War against the Pyrates, which all Men thought would have been long, was ended in a few days by Pompey. There were seventy two Ships taken, three hundred yielded up, with sixscore Towers, Forts and others places of retreat, and about ten thousand slain of those who stood out upon their Defence.

[ XXIV] After this so expeditious victory, the success of which exceeded all Mens hopes, the Senate and People of Rome, in acknowledgement of the great Service done by Pompey conferred on him signal Honors. They gave him the Commission of the War against Mithridates, continued to him the same Power to make Peace and War, and at his own Arbitrement to de∣clare Friends and Enemies to the People of Rome, those whom he should think Worthy, and over and above all this made him Generalissimo of all their Forces out of Italy. Never before had the People of Rome given so much Power to one Man at once, which possibly was the Reason, why they called him GREAT, for as to any thing else, the other Ge∣nerals had before left but little to do in this War. Pompey then having Assembled the Forces of Asia, went and encamped on the Frontiers of Mithridates Estates, who had at present a very gallant Army, composed of thirty thousand Foot, and three thousand Horse all chosen Men, raised upon his own Lands for the defence of his Kingdom. Lucullus had not long before spoiled all that Country, so that victuals were still scarce, which made many of Mithridates Soldiers run into the Roman Army, and though the King inflicted cruel punishment upon those, were surprised in the attempt, throwing some headlong down the Rocks, squeezing out others eyes, and burning some alive, so that fear kept many of them in their duty; yet did his Army by little and little wast, by reason of the scarcity. Which occasioned his sending Ambassadors to Pompey, to de∣mand upon what conditions he might have peace, to which the Roman answered; by delivering up the Runaways and yielding himself at discretion. The King having reported this answer to the Revolters, and seeing them terrified at it, swore he never would have peace with the Romans, be∣cause of their cruelty, Nor would consent to any thing but what should be for the Common good of those had done him Service. Whereupon Pom∣pey having laid a party of Horse in Ambush, sent the rest to skirmish with Mithridates Camp, with Orders to give ground after the first charge, as if they had been surprised with fear, till such time as having drawn the Enemy into the Ambush they charged them both together. And indeed the Ro∣mans put them to the Rout, and might possibly have entred the Camp in the Rear of those that fled, if Mithridates fearing the disorder had not drawn out his Foot, and placed them in Order before the Camp which forced them to a retreat. This was the first Engagement of Horse be∣tween the two parties. At length the King oppressed for want of provi∣sions returned into the heart of his Kingdom, in hopes that the Enemy could not subsist in that ruined Country, at least without much inconve∣niency. But Pompey presently discamped, and bringing in provisions along with him marched as far as the Eastern parts of the Kingdom where he caused a Line to be drawn of one hundred and fifty furlongs in length fortified with many Forts, to inclose the King and cut of his passage to fetch in Corn and Forrage. Mithridates gave no hindrance to this work, either out of fear or out of imprudence which ordinarily precedes Calamity, and soon found himself once more reduced to such want that he was forced to

kill all the beasts of burthen, to sustain his Army, keeping only the Horses of Service. With infinite trouble he made a shift to subsist thus for fifty days, and afterwards with great silence made his escape by night through difficult ways. On the morrow Pompey overtaking him fell upon his Rear∣guard, but the King notwithstanding all the Counsel of Friends, would not give Battel, but contenting himself to oppose the Romans, with some Horse to keep him off, gained towards Evening, the Forrests which ser∣ved him for Retreat. The next day he possessed himself of a Village for∣tified with Rocks on all sides, to which there was but one Avenue in which he placed four Regiments for Guard, directly opposite to which the Romans went and pitched their Camp, that so the King might have no way to escape. On the morrow the two Armies betook themselves to their Arms very early, and those which had the Guard on one Party and the other, began the skirmish. Some of the Kings Horsemen alighting from their Horses, without Command went to assist their Infantry, but seeing a great party of the Roman Cavalry, come forward to the charge, they all at once set a running towards the Camp to take their Horses, that they might return to fight against the Romans on equal terms. But those who were still above, and ready to descend in a posture of fighting, seeing these People run with great cries and in disorder, and not knowing the reason, believing that the Camp being taken on the other side, they fled; themselves likewise threw down their Arms, and betook themselves to flight, and because the way was narrow, the croud was so great, that they overthrew, and tumbled one another down the Precipices. Thus the Army of Mithridates was defeated by those who going to assist their Compa∣nions without any Orders, occasioned the Rout. It was an easiy Victory to Pompey, for he had nothing to do but to kill, or to take Prisoners those unhappy disarmed wretches, engaged among the Rocks, there were about ten thousand slain, the Camp was taken, and all Mithridates Baggage and Munitions, who escaping himself behind his Camp accompanied only with his Guards, found by chance some Mercenary Horse, and about three thousand Foot, with whom with all speed he got to the Fort of Synorega where he had abundance of Mony. And having given both a largess, and a whole years Pay to the Companions of his flight, he carried with him about six thousand talents, taking his way towards the springs of Eu∣phrates, that from thence he might get to Colchis; he made such hast that in four day march he passed the Euphrates, where he stayed three days to refresh his Men, and Arm those other Troops he had gathered together, he thence entred into the Country of Cotenea, which is a Province of Ar∣menia where he defeated the Coteneans and Iberians who would have stopt his passage, and from thence gained the River Aspara. Some say that the Asiatick Iberians, are descended from the European, that is to say, the Spaniards, others on the contrary, say the Spaniatds came from these Asiatiques, others again, that there is nothing common between the one and the other but the name, there not being the least conformity either in their Language or Manners. Now Mithridates having taken up his Win∣ter quarters at Dioscuriade (which is a City said to be founded by the Ar∣gonautes and Castors in the voyage they made) began no more to have mean thoughts, nor that savored of the fugitive, he laid a design to march along the banks of the Euxine Sea, and by the Scythians, neighboring on that Sea, and the Palus Moeotis, that so he might this way arrive at Bo∣sphorus, and after having driven thence his ingrateful Son Machares, he might thence renew the War against the Romans, and from Europe tran∣sport

his Arms into Asia, which are only divided by a strait which some believe to have taken its name from 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 because Io transformed to a Cow passed there flying from the jealous Iuno. Though these designs were ex∣traordinary and scarce credible Mithridates attempted to put them in Exe∣cution, he marched through all the Scythian Nations, whether Enemies or unknown, partly by force and partly by sufferance: He was still both re∣spected and feared, fugitive and miserable though he were. The Henio∣chians willingly gave him passage, but the Acheans endeavoring to oppose his march he forced it. It is said that these people being cast by Tempest on the Coasts of the Euxine Sea, as they returned from Troy, were ill treat∣ed by the Barbarians, because they were Greeks, and that having de∣manded some Ships from the Cities of their Country and being refused them, they conceived such an indignation or rather such a rage, that all the Greeks they could catch they made Sacrifice off, at first, without any di∣stinction, sometime after chusing out the fairest, and at last drawing them by lot. But let thus much suffice concerning the Scythian Achaeans. Now Mithridates being entred into the Country bordering upon the Palus Maeo∣tis which is divided among many petty Kings, there was not one but out of respect to the great reputation of his actions, and of his Kingdom re∣ceived him favorably, and gave him passage through their Lands, they likewise made him presents, and he ordered things so, that having drawn them into alliance with him, and given some of his Daughters in Marriage to the most powerful of them there entred into his thoughts a wonderful Ex∣pedition. He formed a design to March through Thrace and so through Macedon, and thence by the way of Pannonia to pass the Alpes, and enter into Italy. Machares his Son understanding that in so short a time he had traversed all those Salvage Nations, and those which are called the Straits of Scythia, where never Man before him had passed, sent Ambassadors to make his excuse, that out of fear he had made an accommodation with the Romans, but knowing him implacable, he fled towards the Pontique Cher∣sonesus, after having burnt all the Ships he had to hinder his Father from pursuing him, but his Father sending a Fleet after him he slew himself. As for Pompey he pursued Mithridates as far as Colchis, but never imagining that he would take the way we have spoken of, or that a fugitive Prince would attempt any thing Great, he went through all that Province well∣pleased to see the Country whither the Argonautes, and Castor and Pollux, had made their Voyage; and particularly the Rock, where they say Pro∣metheus was chained on Mount Caucasus. There are in this Mountain seve∣ral springs, that cast forth Grains of Gold, but so small, that they are scarce perceivable. Wherefore those of the Country, put into the streams skins covered with wooll, by which means they get the golden sands, which gather in the fleece. And possibly that famous golden fleece of Aaete is nothing else. As Pompey passed through the Country to see these rarities, all the neighboring Nations came to wait on him, and be his Conductors. Only Oreses and Artocus Kings of the Albanians, and Ibe∣rians laid an Ambush for him with seventy thousand men near the River Cyrus, which discharges it self into the Caspian Sea by nine Navigable Channels, and into which a Multitude of other Rivers loose themselves among which the Araxes is the greatest of all. The Roman General ha∣ving intelligence hereof caused a Bridge to be laid over the River, crossed it, and drove the Barbarians into the Wood, from whence they being accu∣stomed to fight sallying out as from a fortress, and when they were least thought of renewing the charge, Pompey having placed People round

about the wood, set fire to it, and as they came forth gave them chase, till such time as coming to give him presents and hostages, they served likewise as matter for his Triumph. He found among the Hostages and Prisoners many Women who had received no less wounds then the Men. They deemed them to be Amazons, whether the Nation of the Amazons, who are not far off, had sent assistance to those Kings, or whether the Barbarians by a ge∣neral name call all Warlike Women Amazons.

Pompey returning after this Victory marched his Army into Armenia [ XXV] against Tigranes, as the Allie of Mithridates taking the way of Artaxata the ordinary Residence of those Kings. But Tigranes was not for War. He had had three Sons by Mithridates Daughter, two of which he had slain with his own hand, one for turning his back in the fight, and the other as he was hunting, because he happening to fall, his Son had not vouch∣safed to help him up, but on the contrary had taken off his Diadem as he lay upon the ground, and put it on his own head. As for his third Son Ti∣granes, because he seemed grieved for his fathers fall, he gave him the Crown, yet he soon after raised War against Tigranes, but being defeated in a Battel escaped to Phraates King of the Parthians, who had newly succeeded in that Kingdom to his Father Syntricus. Upon Pompey's ap∣proach the Fugitive Armenian by the Advice of his Host; who for his own particular sought the favor of the General, came and submitted himself to the Romans in the posture of a Suppliant, though he were Grandchild to Mithridates, being the Son of his Daughter, but the reputation of the Justice, and uprightness of Pompey was so great among the Barbarians, that Tigranes himself relying upon it, without so much as sending a He∣rauld before came to meet him, to put his cause into his hands and to complain of his Son as to a Judge. Pompey having sent some Officers be∣fore to receive the King in Honor of him, those who accompanied him not thinking themselves in security, because he had not sent a Herauld be∣fore turned tail, but Tigranes continued on his way, and being come near unto Pompey, paid him his respects as to his Superior, after the manner of the Barbarians. Yet there are some say the Lictors brought him to Pom∣pey by his Command. However it were, he came, gave an account of his Actions, made a present to Pompey of six thousand Talents, fifty drams to every Soldier, a thousand to every Centurion, and ten thousand to every Tribune. Pompey pardoned what was past, reconciled the Son with the Father, ordained that the Son should enjoy as King the Province of Sophena and Gordiana, which are at this day comprised under the name of Arme∣nia the less, and adjudged to the Father the rest of Armenia, on condition that he left it by succession to his Son, and that he quitted to the Romans the Provinces he had conquered, and indeed he quitted all Syria, from the Euphrates to the Sea, with part of Cilicia which he had possessed himself of, after having driven out Antiochus the Pious. The two Kings were not yet parted from the Roman Camp, when the Son by perswasion of those Armenians, who for fear had abandoned his Father, when he came to meet Pompey, designed an attempt on his life, but he was discovered and Arrested, and being afterwards Convicted▪ that though Prisoner as he was, he had solicited the Parthians to make War upon the Romans, he was led in Triumph, and afterwards put to death in Prison. Pompey be∣lieving the War was ended built a City in Armenia the less, in the same place where he had overcome Mithridates, which because of his Victory he called Nicopolis. He gave likewise the Kingdom of Cappadocia to Ario∣barzanes

and joyned to it Sophena and Gordiana which he had before given to the young Tigranes, and which at present belong to the Province of Cappadocia. He gave him likewise Cabala a City of Cilicia, and some others, so that Ariobarzanes left to a Son that succeded him all that King∣dom, subject to many changes, till the time of Augustus Caesar▪ under whose Empire it was, with many others, reduced into the form of a Province. Pompey after this passed Mount Taurus, and went to make War upon An∣tiochus Commagenes, to whom he afterwards granted Peace with the Title of Friend to the People of Rome, he defeated likewise the Mede Darius, because he had assisted Antiochus, or possibly Tigranes before him. After∣wards he led his Army against Areta King of the Arabian Nabathaean, and at length against the Iews, who were revolted against their King Aristo∣bulus, from whom he took by force their holy City Ierusalem, besides all this he reduced under the Roman obedience without fighting, and as it were only in passing by, the remainder of Cilicia, which yet acknowledged not the Roman Empire, together with all the habitable Syria on this side Euphrates, Coelosyria, Phoenicia, Palestine, Idumea, Ituria and all the other members of Syria. Not that the Romans had any cause of com∣plaint against Antiochus the Pious, who was present at all this, endeavoring to obtain the Kingdom of his Fathers by force of Prayers; but the Roman General believed that having driven Tigranes out of these Provinces which he had conquered, they by right of War belonged to the People of Rome. As he was setling necessary Orders in his Conquests, there came to him Ambassadors on the behalf of Phraates and Tigranes who began to make War on each other. The Armenian demanded his assistance as his friend, and the Parthians desired to be received into the friendship of the People of Rome, and he unwilling to enter upon a War with the Parthians, with∣out a particular Order of the Senate, sent Commissioners who made Peace between the two Kings.

[ XXVI] Whilst he was employed in all these affairs, Mithridates had taken the whole compass of the Euxine Sea, and having siesed upon Panticapea a Merchant City situate in Europe on the mouth of Pontus, very near the Strait, he slew his Son Xiphares for a fault committed by his Mother, in this manner. Mithridates had great quantity of Vessels of Brass bound about with Iron, and filled with Silver, hid under ground in a certain Ca∣stle, the Guard of which he had entrusted to stratonice one of his Concu∣bines or of his Wives. She only knew of it, and yet whilst the King was making the Circuit of Pontus, she delivered to Pompey the Castle, and all the Treasures, only on this condition, that if her Son Xiphares fell into his power he should save his life in favor of his Mother, he took the Mony, promised to preserve her Son, and permitted him to retire whither he pleased with his Equipage. The King coming to know this, slew Xipha∣res on the Sea-side in the sight of his Mother, who stood on the other side the Strait, and threw the body into the water, not permitting it burial, so small account he made of paternal piety, that he might revenge himself of the Mother, who had committed the fault. After this he sent Ambas∣sadors to Pompey who was in Syria, and knew not that he was yet living, offering to pay Tribute to the Romans if he would leave him the Kingdom of his Fathers, to which Pompey sending him word that he should come and meet him as Tigranes had done, he answered that he could not do it, for that it would be unbecoming the Person of Mithridates; yet offering to send his Sons, and some of his Friends. Upon this answer he began to

make new Leavies of all Men of all sorts and conditions indifferently, to cause to be made great quantity of Arms, Bows and Engins, without spa∣ring any thing whatsoever, the very Oxen used to Labour, being killed only for their Nerves, he imposed likewise new Tributes from which the very poorest were not exempt, whilst those who had the charge of Collecting them, committed a thousand Extortions unknown to Mithri∣dates. For he had got an Ulcer in his face, which so disfigured him that he let no person see him but three Eunuchs that dressed him; being re∣covered he found all his Forces in a condition to march being composed of sixty Regiments of six hundred Men each, besides multitudes of all sorts of People with quantity of Ships, and strong places which his Captains had sieised upon during his distemper. He therefore passed over a part of his Army to Phanagoria, another Merchant City situate on the other side of the Strait, to the end he might on both sides be Master of the passage. Pompey was still in Syria, but a certain Inhabitant of Phanagoria called Ca∣stor, whom Tryphon the Kings Eunuch had formerly put to the Torture, killed the Eunuch as he entred, and began to cry out Liberty. The people presently rose upon it, and though the Fortress was guarded by Artaphernes and other Children of Mithridates; yet they brought Wood round about it, and set it on fire, which so affrighted Artaphernes, Darius, Xerxes, Oxa∣thres and Eupator the Kings Sons, that they yielded themselves. They were all very beautiful, but they were all but Children, except only Ar∣taphernes, who might be forty years old; there staid in the Fortress only one of their Sisters called Cleopatra, who would not go out▪ and whose ge∣nerosity so much pleased the King that he sent Brigantines which brought her off. All the Castles thereabouts, which Mithridates had lately sur∣prized, followed the Example of Phanagoria, Chersoneses, Theodozia. Nymphaea, and other fortified Cities above in the Pontick Sea, did the like, insomuch that the King seeing so many revolts, and not placing any con∣fidence in the Fidelity of an Army, most of whom went to the War by Constraint, besides the great Exactions he had made to bring this Army on foot, and his own unfortunate condition, in which Estate a Prince can have no reliance on the Faith of his Subjects, he sent some Eunuchs into Scythia with his daughters to give them in Marriage to the Kings of that Country, entreating them to come to his succour with all the Force they had. He had appointed these Eunuchs a guard of five hundred Soldiers, for the Conduct of these Princesses, but scarce had they lost sight of Mi∣thridates but they slew the Eunuchs, who by virtue of the power they had over the Kings Spirit, had always tyrannized over them, and carried the Ladies to Pompey. The King though he had lost so many Children, so many strong places, nay indeed his whole Kingdom, nor had now any hopes of aid from the Scythians, abated not at all the fierceness of his courage, nor entertained any thoughts that were mean or suitable to his present Calamity; He formed a design to march into Gaul and stir up that people to Arms, with whom he had to that purpose before hand made a league and entred into alliance, thinking with them to cross the Alps, and fall upon Italy, where he had hopes many people would joyn with him, out of the hate they bore the Romans; for he had heard tell how Hannibal ma∣king Wars within Spain had laid the same design and succeeded, and after so daring an attempt made himself formidable to his Enemies; besides he had intelligence that almost all their allies in Italy were revolted against them, out of a general hate, and had a long time bore Arms against them, and likewise favored to their prejudice the Gladiator Spartacus a vile fellow. Upon these hopes he was ready to take his march towards

Gaul, if the Army terrifyed with such prodigious boldness, had not made abortive these magnificent Designs. The Soldiers seeing he had a mind to lead them so far off, to encounter people, they could not defend them∣selves from, in their own Countrey, thought that Mithridates despairing of his own Affairs, thought it more honourable to die generously like a King, then to lie idle and do nothing. However they said nothing but re∣ceived his orders without any murmuring, for this King was a man of no mean Soul, nor despisable in the very midst of Calamity.

[ XXVII] Things being in this Estate, Pharnaces the most beloved of all his Sons and whom he had often designed his Successor in the Kingdom, laid a de∣sign against his life; whether it were that he thought this expedition might prove prejudicial to his Affairs, and blast the hopes he yet had, the Romans would grant him pardon, which he was sure they would absolutely refuse, if his Father went to ravage Italy, or whether it were for other reasons, or else out of an impatient desire to reign. His Complices being taken and put to torture, Monophanes perswaded Mithridates that being ready to march, it was not convenient to put to death a Son he had so tenderly loved, that such disorders would happen during the War, and would end with the War, insomuch that he suffered himself to yield and pardoned his Son. But Pharnaces being affrighted with some private intelligence given him, and knowing that the Army had an aversion for this Expedition, went by night, and conferred with the Principal of the Roman Fugitives, whose Tents were not far from the Kings, aggravating to them the danger they ran into (which was not unknown to them) if they went into Italy; and making them great Promises if they would stay with him, he prevailed with them to forsake Mithridates. At the same time he sent some of his people to the neighbouring Tents to make the same Proposition to the Offi∣cers, who likewise gave him their word. Morning being come, the Runa∣wayes began to shout all together, to which those who were encamped next them, answered in the same tone, after them all the Army, even to the very Fleet did the like. It's possible they were not all of the Conspiracy, but those who were not engaged followed the others, out of a natural faci∣lity men have to despise the miserable, and to affect Novelty. And some too not knowing the number of the Conspirators, believed the whole Army concerned, and believing themselves alone unable to resist such a Multitude, shouted with the rest more for fear then good will. Mithridates wakened by these cries, sent some to them to know what they desired, to whom they returned answer, they demanded his Son for their King, a young man for an old one, overswayed by his Eunuchs, and a Murderer of many of his Children, Captains and Friends. Having heard this return, He came out to speak to them, and in the mean time a Troop of his Guards going to joyn with the Runa wayes, they told them they would not receive them, un∣less to gain belief amongst them, they would do some notable action, and at the same time showed them the King. They then killed his Horse, see∣ing him dispose himself to flight, and then as if they had done what was desired of them, called Pharnaces King, and some one having taken out of a Temple a certain Band of Parchment tyed it about his head instead of a Diadem; the Old man seeing all this from a high Gallery whither he had escaped, sent several Messengers one after another, to his Son, to desire se∣curity for his retreat, but none returning, he was afraid lest they would deliver him up to the Romans. Wherefore having given orders to his Friends and those of his Guards, who had not yet forsaken him, to go and submit themselves to the new King, after having extolled their fidelity, he

took out some Poison which he alwaies carried hid in the Belt of his Sword, and began to dissolve it, but two of his Daughters lately brought to him, Mithridatis and Nissa, promised in marriage to the Kings of Aegypt and Cy∣prus, earnestly besought him to permit them to drink before him, and hin∣dred him from taking it, till they had first swallowed it. The violence of the Poison soon gave them their death, but on Mithridates, though he walk∣ed up and down a great place on purpose to heat himself, the Poyson had no effect, because of the Preservative he had used dayly to take for fear of being poisoned, which to this day is called Mithridate, seeing there∣fore near him a certain Captain of the Gauls, called Bituitus. Your hand (said he) has done me many excellent Services in War, but the most excellent of all would be to kill me now, lest I should be led in Triumph, after having so long reigned in so great a Kingdom. I cannot die by Poyson, because I have been too cautious against it, insensible that I was to have taken so much care of what I eat, and not to foresee that cruel and domestick Venome to all Kings, the Treason of my Children, my Friends and my Armies. Bituitus moved with this discourse performed for the King this last Office he desired of him. Thus dyed the sixteenth Descendant from Darius the last King of the Persi∣ans, and the eighth Successor to that Mithridates, who shaking of the Macedonian Yoak, made himself King of Pontus, the sixty eighth or sixty ninth Year of his Age, and the fifty seventh of his Reign, for he was but an Infant when he took Possession of the Kingdom. He subdued all the neighbouring Barbarians, and a great part of Scythia, he maintained War against the Romans forty Years space, during which he several times made himself Master of Bithynia and Cappadocia, made several Inroads into Asia, Phrygia, Paphlagonis, Galatia, Macedon, besides many memorable Acti∣ons in Greece. He had likewise the Empire of the Sea from Cilicia as far as Ionia, but he quitted it when Sylla forced him to confine himself with the Bounds of the Kingdom of his Father, after the loss of one hundred and sixty thousand men. Yet after that mighty loss, he forbore not to re∣new the War, and did it without much difficulty, having besides always had to do with great Captains. 'Tis true that Sylla, Lucullus and Pompey o∣vercame him, but he had likewise the advantage ore them in many Encoun∣ters, and withal he took Prisoners L. Cassius, Q. Oppius and Manius Aqui∣lius, carrying them about Captives with him, till he put one of them to death, as the Principal Author of the War, and delivered up the others to Sylla. He defeated likewise Fimbria, Murena, Cotta Proconful, Fabius and Triarius. He appeared always great, always constant, even in the midst of Calamities, and vanquished though he were, omitted nothing that might be attempted against the Romans, even to the allying himself with the Maeotiques and Gauls, sending Ambassadors to Sertorius into Spain. Not∣withstanding all the wounds he received from Enemies or from Traytors, he never gave himself any rest, no not in his Age, nor ever was there any conspiracy against him, but was discovered, save only the last, and possibly he now perished for suffering himself willingly to be deceived; so ungrate∣ful is the malice of those to whom we grant pardon. He was yet so cru∣el and bloody that he slew his Mother, his Brother, three of his Sons and as many Daughters, he was of great Stature, as his Arms sent to Delphos, and Nemaea make appear, and so strong that even to his last end, he was one of the lustiest Horsemen and most vigorous thrower of a Javelin in his whole Kingdom, he had travelled in one day a thousand Furlongs drawn by a Chariot with eight Horses, and having fresh ones led. He had lear∣ned the Greek Tongue, and was well instructed in the Ceremonies of Re∣ligion

of the Greeks. He was likewise a lover of Musick, was patient in labour, sober in diet, but intemperate in the love of Women. Such was the end of Mithridates, surnamed Eupator Dyonsiuis, whose death delivered the Romans from a troublesome War, which they testifyed by their joy when they heard the News.

[ XXVII] Pharnaces sent to Pompey to Sinope Mithridates body in a Galley, and with it those who had arrested Manius, with a great number of Hostages, as well Greeks as Barbarians, supplicating him to continue him in the King∣doms of his Father, or at least in that of Bosphorus which Mithridates had given to his Brother Machares. Pompey delivered the Kings body to those that brought it to be Royally interred and would himself be at the expence, giving orders it should be laid in the usual Sepulcre of the Kings at Sinope, praysing him as the greatest King of his time, and who had done the no∣blest actions. As for Pharnaces in acknowledgement of his having freed Italy from many difficulties, he gave him the Kingdom of Bosphorus, ex∣cept only Phanagoria whose Citizens he would have remain free, because they first forsaking Mithridates, who again levied Forces, and had alrea∣dy a Fleet and Army, and strong places of retreat, had put a stop to him, and by the Example they had given others, been the cause of his death; As for Pompey himself having in this War alone cleared the Sea of Pyrates, overcome the greatest of Kings, waged War succesfully (besides the Pontick Nations) with the Colches, Albanians, Iberians, Armenians, Medes, Arabs, Jews, and all other Oriental People, he extended the Ro∣man Empire from the East as far as Aegypt, whither he would not go, though Ptolemy called him to his assistance against his seditious people, and to that end sent him Presents of Silver, and Cloths for all his Army, whe∣ther he feared to give occasion of envy to his Enemies, by attempting what the Oracle had forbid, or for other reasons, we shall specify when we come to treat of the affairs of Aegypt. As for what concerns the Nations which he had subdued, he gave some their liberty, because they had sent him Succors, others he reduced into the form of a Province, and to o∣thers gave Kings. To Tigranes Armenia, to Pharnaces Bosphorus, to Ario∣barzanes Cappa••ocia and its dependances, as we said, to Antiochus Com∣magenes what he Conquered in Mesopotamia, dividing Gallogrecia, inha∣bited by the Galatians Neighbours of the Cappadocians, among four Te∣trarchs, of whom Deiotarus was one. He gave Attalus the Soveraignty of Paphlagonia, and Aristarchus that of Colchis. He made Archelaus High∣pri••st to the Goddess adored by the Commaniens, a dignity comparable to any Principality whatsoever. He honoured Castor of Phanagoria, with the Title of Friend of the people of Rome, and in short gratifyed a multi∣tude of other Persons with Governments, and likewise with great Sums of Money. He built also Cities, Nicopolis in Armenia the less, as a Monu∣ment of his Victory. Eupatoria in the Kingdom of Pontus, which Mi∣thridates Eupator had called by his name, when he founded it, and after∣wards had rased it for opening its Gates to the Romans, which Pompey af∣terwards rebuilding from the ground called Magnopolis. He reedifyed like∣wise Mazaca, a Citie of Cappadocia, which had been demolished during the War, and repaired divers others which were ruined or decaying in divers places of Pontus, Palestine the lower, Syria and Cilicia, in which last is scitu∣ated that City formerly called Soly, and at present Pompeiopolis, which he peopled for the most part with Pyrates. He found in the City of Talauris where Mithridates Magazines were, two thousand Vessels of Onichit is

bound about with Gold, quantity of Flagons, Cups, Tables, and Seats, all perfectly beautiful. There were likewise such vast numbers of Bridles and Saddles, enriched with Gold and precious Stons, that the Questor was thirty daies in receiving and counting them. One part of these precious moveables came to Mithridates by succession from Darius the Son of Hista∣spes having passed from hand to hand, to the several Successors of the Kings of Persia▪ unto him; Cleopatra had taken another part out of the Treasures of the Ptolemies, and given them in keeping to the Inhabitants of the Isle of Coos, from whence Mithridates had brought them, and the rest that King had bought and stored together himself, being very curious of rich moveables. Towards the end of Winter Pompey distributed rewards to his Victorious Soldiers, fifteen hundred Attick Drams to every Soldier. And to the Tribunes and Centurions proportionably, so that it is said the whole Sum of this distribution amounted to sixteen thousand Talents. After this he went from Ephesus to Italy by Sea, and dismissing his Army at Brundusi∣um returned to Rome. And by this popular action, astonished the Romans as if they had seen a Miracle. The whole City went forth to meet him, the youngest a great way, and others according to their Age; and after all came the Senate themselves admiring the prodigious greatness of the actions he had done. For never before him had any person defeated so powerful an Enemy, nor added so many Provinces to the Roman Empire, or extended their Dominion to the Euphrates. And in like manner he en∣tred in Triumph in in a more Magnificent manner then ever any had done before in the five and thirtieth year of his age. The Pomp lasted two days, for it required a great deal of time for the passing by of so many different People, Ponticks, Armenians, Cappadocians, Cilicians, the several Na∣tions of all Syria, Albanians, Heniochians, Acheans, Scythians, and Ibe∣rians. He brought likewise into the Ports seven hundred Ships compleat∣ly fitted, and sent into the City Chariots laden with Gold, and Rarities of inestimable price, among which was the Table of Darius the Son of His∣taspes, the Chair and Scepter of Eupator, with his Figure of Massie Gold eight foot high, and yet was only the Breast and Head, and seven hundred thousand five hundred and ten Talents of Silver Money. There were like∣wise a great number of Waggons laden with Arms, and some with Ship Beaks. After followed a multitude of Captives and Pyrates, chained and habited every one according to the fashion of his Country, before the Tri∣umphal Chariot marched the Satrapes, Captains, and Sons of Kings, some Captives, others Hostages, to the number of four hundred twenty four. Among whom was Tigranes the Son of Tigranes, five Sons of Mithridates, Artaphernes, Cyrus, Oxathres, Darius and Xerxes, and two Daughters Or∣sabaris and Eupatra, and among the rest Olthalces, and Aristobulus King of Colchis and the Jews, the Tyrants of Cilicia and the Queens of Scythia. Three Iberian Generals, two of the Albanians, with Menander of Laodicea who commanded Mithridates Horse. Those absent were carried in Picture. Tigranes and Mithridates fighting, giving ground and flying. Mithrida∣tes besieged, his secret flight by night, his death and with him his two Daugh∣ters companions of his misfortune, there were shown likewise the Pictures of his Children of both Sexes that dyed before him, and the Figures of the Gods adored by the Barbarians adorned after the manner of their Country, and neer to them a fair Table with this Inscription. Ships of War taken, eight hundred; Cities built in Cappadocia, eight; in Cilicia and Caelosyria, twenty; in Palestine Seleucia. Kings overcome, Tigranes of Armenia, Arto∣ces of Iberia, Oreses of Abania, Darius of the Medes. Areta of the Na∣bathaeans,

and Antiochus Commagenes. Then appeared Pompey on a Cha∣riot all glittering with precious Stones, clad (as some say) in the Coat of Alexander of Macedon, but if that may be believed, 'tis likely it was found among Cleopatra's Movables, which the Inhabitants of the Isle of Coos de∣livered to Mithridates. At last after the Chariot marched the Officers of the Army who had served him in this expedition some on Horseback others on foot, who all together conducted their General to the Capitol. When he was arrived there, he put not to death any of the Captives, as all who triumphed before him had done, but sent them back into their own Coun∣tries at the publique charge, except only the Kings and Kings Children, of whom he not long after put to death Aristobulus, and after him Tigranes. As for Pharnaces he in the mean time kept the Inhabitants of Phanagoria blockt up, till such time as Famine made them resolve to give him Battel, however the King granted their pardon, and without injuring any of them was content to take Hostages. Sometime after he took Sinope, and desirous to make himself Master of Amisa, he made War upon Calvisius, who then Commanded the Roman Forces in the Country, in the time that Caesar and Pompey were engaged against each other, and at last the Romans being else∣where busied he was driven out of Asia by Asander upon a particular Quar∣rel. He had likewise to do with Iulius Caesar, as he returned from Aegypt after the Rout of Pompey (which happened about that Mount where his Fa∣ther had beaten Triarius) and being beaten escaped to Sinope, with a thou∣sand Horse, whither Caesar wanting leasure to follow him, sent Domitius to whom he yielded the City, who after he was come out with his Cavalry ac∣cording to the Articles of Peace, agreed between them, caused all the Horses to be killed, which did not well please the Horsmen, with whom Shipping himself he retired by Sea to the Kingdom of Pontus. As soon as he came there he assembled a great number of S••ythians, and Sarmatians and made himself Master of Theodotia and Panticapea, but Asander renew∣ing the War with him, his Horsemen being dismounted and not used to fight on foot, were beaten, and Pharnaces showing himself the only man of Valour was slain, after having received many wounds, the fiftieth year of his Age, and fifteenth of his Reign in Bosphorus. C. Caesar gave his Kingdom to Mi∣thridates of Pergamus who had served him well in Aegypt, but at this day all those people are free, and there are yearly Praetors sent into the King∣doms of Pontus and Bithynia, Caesar confirmed all those who had received favours from Pompey in the Estates and Governments he had given them, though he complained they had taken part with their Benefactor to his Pre∣judice, save only the priest-hood of Commanes, which he took from Ar∣chelaus to give to Nicomedes. But some time after not only these Estates, but also all that C. Caesar and M. Anthony had given to others, were reuni∣ted to the Roman Empire, after that Augustus became Master of Aegypt, for the Romans let slip no opportunity to enlarge their Empire. Where∣fore having extended it by the Mithridatick War, from the Euxine Sea, to the sandy Desarts of Aegypt, and from the Pillars of Hercules, which are in Spain, to the Euphrates. It was not without reason they called this Victo∣ry great, or gave to Pompey who made all these Conquests the Title of Grea••, they possessed likewise all Africa, as far as Cyrene it self, which was given them by the Testament of Appion, the last King of that Countrey, who was a Bastard of the Race of the Lagides, so that to have the whole Circuit of the Mediterranian Sea, they wanted only Aegypt, which was their last Conquest.

The end of the fourth Book of the Romans War with Mithridates.

APPIAN OF ALEXANDRIA, HIS HISTORY OF THE Roman Wars IN ILLYRIA.

PART I.

BOOK V.

The Argument of this Book.

I. DEscription of Illyria, and those who first inhabited it. II. Apollo's Chastisement of the Illyrians Sacriledge. III. The Romans War with Agron King of Illyria. IV. Their Wars against Demetrius, and against Genthius. V. Against the Ardians, Palarians, Iapodes, Sege∣stians and Dalmatians. VI. The affairs of C. Caesar with the Dalma∣tians

and other Nations of Illyria. VII. Beginning of Augustus Con∣quests in Illyria. VIII. His War against the Iapodes and the Siege of Metulia. IX. His Wars against the Segestians and Paeonians. X. His Expedition against the Dalmatians, and the siege of Promona. XI. The Conclusion of this History.

[ I] THE Illyrians according to the opinion of the Greeks, are the People that inhabit above Macedon and Thrace, from the Charnians and the Thesprotes as far as the Ister, and this is the Length of Illyria, its breadth extends from Macedon, and the Mountains of Thrace, as far as the Paeonians, and the Ionian Sea, and the end of the Alps. It contains five days Journey in breadth, and its length is thrice as much as the Greeks report, the Romans after measuring it found it six thousand Furlongs long, and twelve hund∣red broad, and assure us that it took its name from Illyrius Polyphemus, and that Polyphemus the Cyclops had three Sons by Galatea; Celtus, Illyrius and Gallus, who going out of Sicily gave their Names to the Celtes, Illyrians and Galatians, of which Nation they made themselves Kings; and indeed this opinion seems to me the most probable of all. They say like∣wise that Illyrius had sons Achilles, Autarius, Dardanus, Medus, Taulantius and Perhebius, and Daughters Partha, Daorta, Dazera and others, from whom are descended the Taulantians, Perhebians, Achilleians, Autarians, Dazeretians and Darsians. That Autarius had two Sons Pannonius or ra∣ther Paeonius and Scordiscus, from which Paeonius came Triballius, who all three gave their names to three Nations as we learn in Ancient Records. Illyria therefore (as we find to this day by several Publick Testi∣monies in that great Countrey) was formerly possessed by the Scordisks and Triballians, who continually made War, till such time as those that remained of the Triballians went away to the Getes above the Ister. And this Nation which to the time of Philip and Alexander, had a great reputation is at this day so utterly decayed that there scarce remains to us the memory of its name. The Scordicks are likewise much weakned, for being subdued by the Romans they retreated within the Isles of the Ri∣ver Ister. However sometime after a party returned and inhabited a Cor∣ner of Paeonia. Wherefore the Scordisks are to this day reckoned among the Paeonians. The Autarians who likewise possessed a good tract on the Sea Coast, were likewise driven out by the Ardians. After that the Liburnians who were esteemed excellent Seamen, came and setled them∣selves in a part of Illyria, from whence they scoured all the Ionian Sea, plundring all the Ships they met with, and because they had Ships very swift and extreamly light, the Romans call Vessels that excel in swiftness Liburnicks.

[ II] 'Tis said that Apollo's anger was the cause of the utter destruction of the Autarians, and that they going with those Celtes that are called Cim∣brians to besiege the City of Delphos, were forthwith defeated and took their flight in disorder, some of them not staying till the battel began, by reason of the Rain, Tempest and Thunder which terrified them. Those who returned found their whole Country covered with infinite multitudes of Frogs who stinking poisoned the Rivers with their putrefaction, and that at last the Earth casting forth Malignant Vapors, bred a cruel Plague in Illyria. This Malady siesed chiefly on the Autarians, who leaving their

Country carried the Contagion along with them, so that no person durst receive them, after three and twenty days travel they stopt in a marshy and unhabited Country, and built Cities on the Confines of the Basternes. As for the Celtes Apollo sent into their Country such Earthquakes as swal∣lowed up whole Cities at once, and that this Calamity ceased not till they as well as the others had quitted their habitations and come into Illyria, where finding the Associates of their crime extreamly weakned by the Plague, which had swept away the greatest part of them, they easily over∣came them, but the Contagion siesing likewise upon them by their touch∣ing of infected Cloths, they departed thence, and for change of air went as far as the Pyrenaeans. Afterwards taking their way towards the East, the Romans who were fearful lest the Celtes with whom they had several times been engaged should once more pass the Alps and fall into Italy, sent against them their Consuls, who were defeated, with their whole Army. This defeat of the Consuls, and the dreadful name of the Celtes struck a terror throughout all Italy, till such time as having chosen Marius Gene∣ral who had lately gained a great Victory against the Lybians, Numidians and Marusians, they overcame the Cimbrians, and afterwards had the better of them in several Engagements (as we have set down in the reci∣tal of the Roman Wars against the Gauls.) So that weakned by such vast effusion of blood, and grown hopeless of settling themselves in any other place, they again recovered their Ancient Seat after having done much mischief, and suffered innumerable losses. And here ended Apollo's pu∣nishment of the impiety of the Illyrians and Celtes. Yet this deterred them not from afterwards committing other Sacriledges, for at another time part of those two Nations, and especially the Scordisks, Medes and Dardanians made inroads into Macedonia, and likewise into Greece, robbing many Temples and assaulting that of Delphos, where they again lost a great Number of their People. Two and thirty years after the first Battel between the Romans and the Celtes, during which they had seve∣ral Engagements, the Romans who had already conquered Greece and Macedon, declared War against them for the like Sacriledge, and gave L. Scipio the Command of their Armies. The Fame has reached even to our times that their Neighbors were the Companions of their Impiety, but remembring the punishment of the Autarians of whom not one was left alive in Illyria, left them to Scipio's mercy without giving them any assistance. And that Scipio having cut in pieces all the Scordisks, except a small Number who saved themselves on the other side of Ister, and on the Isles of that River, suffered himself to be bribed with the Sacred Gold, and for it made an Alliance with the Medes and Dardanians, which gave occasion to some Historians of Italy, to write that this corruption was the cause of all the Civil Wars, wherewith the Romans were tor∣mented from Scipio's time till the Establishing of the Monarchy. These were the Greeks opinions of the Illyrians, on which I was willing to en∣large my self. As for the Romans they reckon with them not only the People we have spoken of but likewise the Paeonians which are beyond them, and the Rhetians, the Naricks, and the Mysians which inhabit in Europe; and also all the Neighboring People which lie on the right hand of Ister, whom they distinguish (as the Hellens and the Greeks) by par∣ticular Names, but in General call them all Illyrians: This opinion which they have held from the beginning, and persist in it till our times, hath been the cause that they have not yet found out the limits of those Nations, and that they set the bounds of Illyria from the Springs of Ister

far as the people upon the Pontick Sea, where they levy Tribute. I know not well in what manner the Romans subdued them. So in writing the affairs of Gaul I have declared that I could not gain a sufficient and ample knowledge of the beginnings and occasions of these Wars; wherefore I have exhorted those who had the better knowledge of the Affairs of Illyria to write the History of them. In the mean time I shall present the publick with such things as are come to my knowledge.

[ III] Agron, King of that part of Illyria situate on the Gulf of the Ionian Sea, once possessed by Pyrrhus and his Successors, became likewise Master of a Corner of Epyrus, and with that of Corcyra, Epidamnum, and Pharos, under pretence of protecting them. And being at Sea to sieze upon the rest of Ionia, a certain Island called Issa, revolted from him, to submit to the Romans, and at the same time sent Deputies to Rome to complain of the oppressions they had suffered under Agron. As they returned they were assaulted by the Illyrians, who slew their Deputy called Calemporus, and a Roman Commissary, who according to the opinion of some was Carnicanus, which struck such despair into the rest of their Company that they all slew themselves. The Romans (as it said) took this occasion to declare War against the Illyrians, and assaulted the Illyrians both by Sea and Land. Mean while Agron died leaving only a Son; yet under age called Pina, and to oblige his Wife to take care of the Child though she were not his Mother, left her Regent of the Kingdom. Demetrius to whom Agron had given the Government of Pharos having likewise siezed upon Corcyra delivered both to the Romans, who then kept the Sea with a Fleet: they afterwards drew Epidamnum to their party, and the Issians and Epidamnians being besieged by the Illyrians, they sent an Army to their relief who made the Illyrian forces raise their sieges and return home, but some of them called the Atintanes, went and submitted to the Romans. This occasioned Agrons Wife to send Ambassadors to Rome, restoring the Captives and Fugitives, and demanding pardon, by remonstrating that what was past, ought to be imputed to Agron and not to her, to which the Senate answered, that Corcyra, Pharos, Issa, and Epidamnum, as also those Illyrians called Atintanes, belonged now to the Roman Empire. That they would leave to Pina all the remainder of that Country possessed by his Father, and receive him into the Alliance of the Roman People, on con∣dition, he medled not with any of the rest, nor suffered the Illyrians to sail to the Island of Issa, save only with two boats unarmed. These conditions the Ambassadors accepted, and this was the first War, and the first Peace between the Romans and those of Illyria.

[ IV] After this the Romans set at liberty Corcyra and Apollonia, and rewarded Demetrius for his treason, because of the advantage they had gained by it, not but that they hated his Infidelity, of which they themselves soon after found the effects. For when the Romans and the Celtes were engaged one against the other about the River Eridanus, Demetrius who thought they had their hands full, beginning not to be so much afraid of them as before, went about to lord it at Sea, and made himself Master of the Istrians, and forced the Atintanes to revolt against the Romans, but they as soon as they had made Peace with the Celtes, set out a Fleet to Sea, and took the Corsairs, who were joyned with Demetrius, and the revolted Illyrians; As for Demetrius he at first escaping to Philip King of Macedon, and after∣wards retreating into the Country, and committing Pyracies on the

Ionian Sea's with some few Ships, they slew him at last, and utterly ruined Pharos his Country as an Abettor of his mischiefs. But for the Illyrians they pardoned them for Pina's sake, who had kindly received them. This was the second War and second Peace with the Illyrians. Now in the pursuit of this History I shall neither respect time nor order, but con∣tent my self to write the affairs of every particular Illyrian Nation, as far as I have learnt them. The Romans having sent their Armies into Mace∣don against Perseus, who then possessed that Kingdom by succession from Philip, Genthius another King of Illyria, prevailed with by the Macedo∣nians Money entred into an Alliance with him, and engaged himself in this War. He forthwith stirred up the Illyrians against the Romans, and laid in Irons those Ambassadors they sent, under pretence they were not come within his Lands as Ambassadors but as Spies. Wherefore Anitius the Roman Praetor being then at Sea, took some of that Kings Ships, and af∣terwards Landing in his Country, defeated him and afterwards so closely besieged in a place that he only asked for quarter. Upon which the Prae∣tor returning answer that he could grant him no other terms then surren∣dring at discretion, he desired three days to consider of it, which being granted, and the mean while finding that his Subjects ran away to Anitius, he only desired security to come to him himself. When he came before him he fell upon his knees, and with abasance insupportable in a man of courage besought the Roman to grant him his life. Anitius seeing him tremble, bid him take courage, raised him up with his own hand, and made him eat at his Table, but when Dinner was done, gave Order to his Officers to keep him Prisoner, and afterwards led him and his Son in Tri∣umph to Rome. The War with Genthius was ended in twenty days, after which, Aemulius Paulus pillaged seventy Cities in this manner. After ha∣ving defeated King Perseus, whom he sent to the Senate going himself privately to Rome, and returning with all speed, he caused it to be pub∣lished in the name of the Senate, throughout all the Cities, that they pro∣mised pardon for all the faults yet committed, on condition they brought in what Gold and Silver they had, which being agreed to, he sent his Army divided into so many parties, into every City, and gave Order to the Com∣manders to cause it to be proclaimed upon the break of the ap∣pointed day, that every Burgess should within three hours, bring his Mony into the Publick place, which being performed he gave up the rest of the City to plunder. Thus Paulus despoiled seventy Cities of all their goods.

Another time the Ardians, and another of the Neighboring Nations [ V] called the Palarians, being entred in hostile manner into the Lands pos∣sessed by the Romans in Illyria, because they were busied elsewhere, they sent Ambassadors to forbid them to pass any farther, whom when they would not obey they took a resolution to send an Army of ten thousand Foot, and six hundred Horse. The Illyrians who were yet scarce suffici∣ently prepared for such a War, dispatched to Rome, and as if they had se∣riously repented of what they had done, demanded Pardon. Upon which the Senate condemned them to pay to them that they had oppressed, the full value of the damage they had sustained, but when yet they per∣formed not this Decree, Flaccus was sent with a powerful Army. Yet all this exploits amounted to no more then some Inrodes and Skirmishes, for he could not so suddenly end this War. I find likewise in History, that Sempronius surnamed Tuditamus and Tiberius Pandusius defeated the

Japodes which inhabit the Alpes, and that they submitted to both at a time, in the same manner, as the Sagistains yielded to L. Cotta and to Metellus. As for the Dalmatians who are likewise a Nation of Illyria, but on the o∣ther side, it is certain that they made War upon the Illyrians, subject to the Romans, and that they would not receive the Deputies that came from Rome to confer about this Affair. Wherefore there is some likely••hood that the Romans sent Forces against them. They dispatched (say some) an Army Commanded by Marcus Figulus then Consul, but as soon as he was entred the Country they fell upon his Vanguard, put the whole Army to a rout, and pursued them as far as the River Naro, from whence they returned home because of the approaching Winter. Then Figulus judging he might sur∣prize them as they retired in disorder, followed them in the Rear, de∣feated and pursued them as far as the City of Dalminium which gives Name to the Dalmatians, and that not being able to take this City, so strong∣ly was it fortifyed, by assault, nor to make use of any Engines by reason of the vast height of the Wall, and besides wanting many things and not being secure because of the frequent Sallies made by the Besieged, he had re∣course to another Artifice: He took Stakes two foot long and wrapping them about with Tow dipt in Pitch and Brimstone, and setting them on fire, shot them from his Engines into the Town, the violence wherewith they were darted, making them burn more vehemently, they flew through the Air like so many flaming Torches, setting on fire all that they fell up∣on, in somuch that the greatest part of the City being burnt, Figulus return∣ed to Rome Victorious. Some time after Cecilius Metellus having obtain∣ed the Consulate, went by Decree of the Senate to make War upon the Dalmatians, who had given no occasion, but he had only set this design on Foot, out of a desire to Triumph. But those people receiving him as a Friend, he spent the Winter at Salone one of their Cities, and at last re∣turned to Rome in Triumph, though he had done nothing to deserve it.

[ VI] Afterwards Caesar marching against the Gauls who lay not far distant from Illyria, found that the Dalmatians with other people of Illyria had some advantage over the Liburnians, another Nation of the same Country, and took from them the City of Promona, wherefore the Liburnians submit∣ting themselves to the Romans, fled towards Caesar, then not far off, and Caesar sent to those who had taken Promona, to exhort them to restore it, but they having no respect to this advertisement he sent a great Army which being defeated by the Illyrians, Caesar diverted by other Affairs, for Pom∣pey's Party was now forming, and he who saw it of necessity to come to Arms with him, would attempt nothing more at that time against them: But though the Season was troublesome and inconvenient, passed from Brun∣dusium into Ionia, with the greatest part of his Army to go thence into Ma∣cedonia to War with Pompey, leaving Anthony to bring the remainder. But afterwards Gabinius having likewise fifteen Cohorts and three thousand Horse to carry to him, attempted to go through Illyria, at which the Illyri∣ans being allarm'd because of those things lately happened, and judging that Caesar's Victory would be their Ruine, slew them all; except only Gabinius and some Horsemen of his Guard, who escaped with him, gaining by this defeat vast Spoils and Treasure. The Importance of this War wherein Cae∣sar was engaged with Pompey, obliged him at present to dissemble this Af∣front. But after that Pompey was defeated, and that Caesar had pursued the remains of his Party into divers places, and setled all things in good order and returned to Rome, he made preparations for an expedition he had de∣termined

against the Getes and Parthians. Whereupon the Illyrians fear∣ing, lest Caesar in his way should revenge himself of the injury he had re∣ceived, sent Deputies to Rome, to ask pardon for what they had done, offe∣ring Caesar their allyance and Friendship, which might be of great concern to him in his expedition against the Parthians, because of the valour of the Illyrians, the reputation of which was spread through the whole Earth, but he answered them very sharply that he would not entertain any cor∣respondence or friendship with people had so highly offended him, how∣ever he was content to pardon them if they submitted to pay Tribute, and deliver up Hostages. After they had promised both the one and the other, he sent Atinius with three Legions to impose some small Tribute, and re∣ceive the promised Hostages. But Caesar being in the mean time murdered, they thought the Roman Power must by his death, that was its chief sup∣port, fall to ruine, wherefore they would no more obey Atinius's orders nor either pay Tribute, or deliver up Hostages, and as he wasted the Coun∣try with five Cohorts, they surprized them, put them to rout, and slew Bebius who commanded the Party, and Atinius himself escaped hardly to Epidamnum, with his scattered Forces. After which the Senate gave that Army with all Macedon and Illyria, of which he was Governour, to Marcus Brutus who slew Caesar, and Syria to Cassius an associate in that tra∣gick action, so that during the War they maintained against Anthony and Caesar surnamed Augustus, the Illyrians enjoyed not much re∣pose.

As for the Peonians they are a great Nation inhabiting along the Ister, [ VII] and extending themselves from the Japodes to the Dardanians. The Greeks call them Peonians, but the Romans name them Pannonians, and reckon them among the people of Illyria. Wherefore being writing the History of Illyria, I think it now very apposite to speak of their Affairs. They were already grown famous by the mighty actions done by the Agrians under Philip and Alexander, for the Agrians were Peonians, and inhabited the lower part of Peonia, but after they had so shamefully driven back Cornelius, who came with an Army to make War upon them, the migh∣ty reputation of the Peonians filled all Italy with fear, and for a long time there was not any Roman Consul found so brave as to attack them. And this is all I can find, great or memorable, concerning the Peonians and Il∣lyrians, in any History after diligent search made, nor have in perusal of the Commentaries of Augustus Caesar seen any thing of more Antiquity con∣cerning the Peonian Nation. Indeed I find there was a certain other Nati∣on of Illyria, besides those by me mentioned that paid obedience to the Ro∣mans, but I can neither tell where it is scituate or how it is called, for Au∣gustus writ not the Actions of others, but those properly his own. In what manner he made the revolted Nations pay Tribute, subdued those that were independent, and at last by force of Arms brought under subjection those warlike people, who dwelling on the the tops of the Alps, because of their bordering upon Italy, committed often Robberies, and made frequent inroads. And really it somewhat amazes me, that so many Roman Ar∣mies having passed the Alpes, to make War in France and Spain, should take no notice of these people; and that Caesar himself, who was so succes∣ful in War, and who for almost ten years together wintred about this Coun∣try whilst he was reducing the Gauls, should make so small account of those that lay behind him. But I believe these Generals principally intent upon those places, whither they were designed, thought no farther then of pas∣sing

the Alpes, and that Caesar whilst he was lodged on the Frontiers of Gaul, applyed himself wholly to the ruine of Pompey's Party, who would have made his Conquests his own; besides 'tis probable that when he took the Go∣vernment of Illyria and the Gauls; it was meant only of what depended on the Romans. But Augustus at last made himself Master of all. Though not without great labour; for he that had formerly said in the Senate that Anthonies easiness had made the Illyrians tame and supple (though so war∣like they were, they had often put him hard to it,) was forced to make use of all the experience he had, to bring under the Oxeans, the Perthe∣netes, the Bathiares, the Taulantians, the Cambians, the Cinambres, the Merromenians and the Pyrissians: and found yet more difficulty in reducing the Docleates, the Carinians, the Interfrurians, the Narisians, the Clintidiones and the Taurisques, and obliging them by force to pay that Tribute they had for sometime been exempted from. It's true the Victories he gained served for Example to their Neighbours, and that the Hippassians and the Bessians, fearful of his power submitted. But the Melitinians and the Corcyrians, which inhabited the Isles being revolted, he was constrained to imploy a great part of his Forces to reduce them, for they made Courses, and commit∣ted Robberies on the Sea with their Ships, of which they had a great number. Wherefore Caesar put to the Sword all he took above fourteen years of Age, and sold the rest at Outry; he also took from the Liburnians their Ships, because they likewise drove a trade of Pyracy. Of the Nation of the Ja∣podes which inhabit in the Alpes, the Moentines and Edeates yielded them∣selves upon the news of his coming, but the Aurupins who are esteemed the most warlike of those people as well as the most numerous, retired out of the Country into the City, and hearing he was at hand quitted it, and fled to the Woods for shelter. Caesar having taken the City, would not let it be burnt, judging they would submit themselves to him as well as the others, and therefore not long after left it and permitted their return. But they of all these people that most perplexed Caesar were the Salassians, the Japodes dwelling beyond the Alpes, the Segestains, the Dalmatians, the Daissans and the Peonians, who voluntarily engaged on the Salassians Party. These last inhabited on the tops of the Alpes, in a place almost inaccessible, and not to be approached but by one difficult and narrow passage. Veterius falling on them unawares, seised upon the Avenue, and besieged them. The Siege lasted two Years, at the end of which for want of Salt, of which they stood most in need of, they received a Garrison. At last being revolted they demolished those Fortifications raised by Veterius to keep them in awe, and possessing themselves of the Crags and Streits, made a mock of those sent by Caesar against them, who could not come to do them any hurt. Wherefore Caesar being then upon the point to make War against Anthony, let them live at liberty, pardoning the attempt they had made upon Ve∣terius. But they conceiving a wrong opinion of Caesar's facility, began to draw other Cities to their Party, and to spoil the Lands under the Ro∣mans obedience, till Messala Carvinus sent by the Emperour to besiege them, reduced them by Famine, and thus the Salassians fell under the Roman Empire.

[ VII] As for the Japodes beyond the Alps, who are a fierce and almost Salvage people, they repulsed twice in twenty years, the Romans that came to make War upon them, made inroads as far as Aquileia, and sackt Targia a Roman Colony. Caesar going in person against them, by rough and diffi∣cult Passages, they grew but the more furious, and to hinder his Passage,

cut down the Trees that grew by the way side, so as they fell across the way. After which Augustus taking his march through another Forrest they seemed to fly, but went and lay in Ambush for him, but he being doubtful of it, sent some of his people over the tops of the Mountains to come and fall upon them on all sides, and continued his march by the Vallies, cau∣sing the Wood to be cut down before him. The Japodes all upon a sud∣dain sallyed out of their Ambush, and wounded many of his men, but the most part of their Forces were cut in pieces by the Romans, who came down from the Mountains, and the rest chose rather to retreat in the Woods, than into one of their Cities called Terpona, which they had abandoned. Caesar having taken it, would not burn it, for he thought as he had made trial in others, that would engage them to submit, which they did; after which he marched towards another of their Cities called by the Inhabi∣tants Metulia, and is esteemed the Capital of the Country of the Japodes. It is scituate on a high Mountain covered with Wood, and built upon two Eminencies divided by a small Valley. The best armed and bravest young men that any one can imagine ever to have seen defended it, and with ease re∣pulsed the Romans, as often as they approached the Wall. The Besiegers would have raised Terrasses, but the Metulians day and night fallying out on all sides upon the Labourers, hindred the Work, and by the means of certain Engines which they had taken, in the Battel fought not far from thence by Brutus against Anthony, and the same Caesar, and now planted upon the Walls, forced the Besiegers to fall off, yet the Romans made a breach in the Wall, but whilst they fought, the Besieged had raised other Fortifications within, over which they, though tyred with defending the breach, leaped into the City. The Besiegers thus become Masters of the Wall which the Inhabitants had quitted, set fire on it, and to gain the rest raised two Terrases from which they laid over four Planks to the Rampart newly raised. Things thus disposed, Caesar gave order to one par∣ty of his men to assault the other side of the City to draw the Inhabitants that way, whilst the others forced their entrance over the Planks, and he in the mean time took a view of the Action from a high Tower. The Bar∣barians ran upon the Wall to oppose those that passed, whilst another Party behind them strove to heave up the Planks with their Pikes, which much heightned their courage, for one Plank being overturned, and then ano∣ther, and after it a third, fear so seised on the Romans that not a man durst engage upon the fourth. Caesar from the Tower sharply reproves them, but seeing that all he could say, would not move them, he takes his Buck∣ler and began himself to run upon the Plank. Agrippa, Hieron and Lucius, three of his Captains and Iolas one of his Guards followed him with some Targetiers and got likewise on the Plank. Caesar thus deeply engaged, shame made the Soldiers run on in such Crouds that the Plank overcharged broke in the middle, and a great Number of people that were upon it fell one upon another, some were slain, other brought of sorely bruised, and the Emperour himself was wounded in the Thigh and both the Arms. He again ascended the Tower with some followers of Consular dignity, that all might see he was well, lest a rumour of his death might beget some Tumult, or the Enemy should think he fled, and at the same instant set on work the laying of another Plank. This more daunted the Metulians then any thing before, seeing they had undertaken War against a man whose courage was invincible, whereupon on the morrow they sent Deputies to treat with him, delivered him the fifty Hostages he demanded, and pro∣mised to receive a Garrison, to whom they left the higher Eminence, reti∣ring

themselves into the other. But when the Garrison being entred re∣quired them to yield up their Arms, they entred into such a fury, that shut∣ting up their Wives and Children in the Town-house, and having likewise caused the Officers of the Garrison to enter there, they told them that if▪ they were so hardy to attempt against them any thing extraordinary, they would set fire on that building, and by one act of dispair endeavor to wreak themselves on the Romans. After this discourse they drew toge∣ther at the foot of the higher eminence, as if they had a design to mount up. The Garrison set the Town-house on fire, many of the women kill'd themselves with their Children, and some threw themselves alive into the flames. Thus almost all the youth of Metulia being slain in the conflict, and most of the useless persons burnt, all the buildings were likewise consumed in the flames, so that there scarcely remained any mark of so great a City. The Metulians thus totally ruined, all the rest of that Na∣tion submitted to Caesar for fear of a like misfortune, and thus fell the Japodes under the Roman power. Caesar being gone, the Possenians shook off their yoak: but Marcus Elbius being sent against them, reduced them by force, punished with death the authors of the Rebellion, and sold the rest by Outcry.

[ IX] The Romans having already made two Voyages into the Country of the Segestains, without taking Hostages or doing ought else to subject them, they grew insolent and presumptuous; Wherefore Caesar resolved to make war upon them, and to take his passage through the Territories of the Peonians not depending on the Roman Empire. Peonia is a woody Coun∣try, whose length extends from the Japodes to the Dardanians. The peo∣ple inhabiting it have no Cities, but live in the Fields, and have Villages separate, according to their Families; They have not among them either Judge or Prince that has Superiority over others. They had at present a hundred thousand Men, but because they knew no Command, could never form a Body. So when Caesar came amongst them they presently fled into the woods, where if they found any Roman stragling from the rest they cut him in pieces. As long as Caesar thought they would could come in, he neither touched their Villages nor Towns, but when he saw they kept themselves close in the woods, he set all on fire making an inestimable spoil for eight days together, as he cross'd the Country of the Segestains and Peonians as far as the Sava. Caesar on the banks of this River found a City fortified on one side with the River which was very broad, and on the rest with a large Ditch, deep and dug downright, so that it was as broad at bottom as top. Wherefore he made an attempt upon it as a place very convenient for his stores in the War he designed against the Dacians and Basternes, which inhabit beyond the Ister, which in these places is called the Danube. But when a little lower it is enlarged with great quantity of waters, it takes the name of Ister, instead of that of Danube. Now the Sava discharges it self into the Ister, and Caesar had Vessels upon that River, which might bring provisions up the Danube, for the subsistance of his Army. He therefore invested this City, but scarce had made his first ap∣proaches when the inhabitants of Segesta, for that was the name of the place, sent Messengers to him to know what he demanded of them. Whereupon he ordered them to receive a Garrison, and to deliver him one hundred Hostages for security of such Provision and Ammunition as he should store up in that City for his Service in the War against the Dacians; and that they should bring him in so much Corn; The Chief Men of the

Town thought not these conditions unreasonable, and had certainly gran∣ted them had not the People hindred them. The Commons were not troubled about the delivering the Hostages, for they were well assured none of their Children would be accepted but only those of the best Fa∣milies of the City; but when they saw the Garrison approach, they could not endure to look on them, but in a fury ran to the Gates, shut them, and mounted afresh upon the Walls to defend them. Wherefore Caesar caused a Bridge to be built over the River, and began his Lines of Circumvalla∣tion. After which keeping the inhabitants inclosed, he began to raise two terrasses, to hinder which the besieged made several Sallies, which not succeeding they threw down abundance of firebrands; Exspecting relief to come from Peonia. And indeed the Peonians came; but Caesar having laid an Ambush in their way, kill'd a great party of them, and put the r••st to flight, so that they no more concerned themselves in the relief of Se∣gesta. However the Segestains bravely sustained the siege till the thirtieth day; but at length after a long and obstinate resistance their hearts failed, and they learnt to ask pardon. Caesar admiring their Valour and moved to compassion at their Prayers, would not put them to death, nor make them suffer any thing in their Persons, but contenting himself to make them pay a sum of Mony, ordered them to retire into one quarter of the City and placed there five and twenty Cohorts in Garrison.

That done he went back to Rome with design to return into Illyria, And [ X] accordingly upon a Rumor that the Segestains had already defeated the Garrison that was in their City, made hast thither, though it was the Winter season: he found the report was false, but that indeed something had passed which gave occasion to this discourse, that the Garrison had been in danger, having been assaulted at unawares by the Inhabitants, and some of them slain, but that the Roman Soldiers falling the next day upon the Citizens had made themselves secure of the City. Wherefore he thence marched his Army against the Dalmatians another Nation Neigh∣boring on the Taulantians; For since that in the time of Gabinius they had defeated five Roman Cohorts, whose Ensigns they had taken, their hearts were so puft up, that for ten years together they had not laid down Arms, but were resolved to come with the Segestains to Encounter Caesar. They were in Number more then twelve thousand, all men of courage, Com∣manded by a chosen General called Versus, who assaulting once more the City of Promona in Liburnia, had Entrenched himself with a large ditch and a good Palisado, and had siesed likewise on some places very strongly situate, for it is a Mountainous Country full of sharp and pointed Rocks. He therefore continued his siege of that City with the greater part of his Forces, the rest he posted on the Mountain tops, from whence they might with ease discover the Roman Camp. Caesar made a show as if he would inclose them with a wall, but indeed sent privately the most daring of his men to discover the paths that led up to the mountain tops. They marched through the woods and having without any noise gained the top of the Rocks, they fell upon those that guarded them by night, while they yet slept, and made a great slaughter. At the same time they sent to tell Caesar that they had found the end of the way, but wanted more forces to perfect the rest. In the mean time they let go from those Rocks they had surprised by force, some Prisoners one after another, whose report so terrified those were posted on the other heights that they thought them∣selves inclosed on all sides, and especially some who wanting water, in

some of the highest places fearing lest all the retreats should be siesed on, that they forthwith descended to Promona, Caesar caused the City and two hills which the Enemy yet held to be environed with a wall of forty fur∣longs about, and in the mean time went to encounter Teutinius who was coming with another Army, to relieve the besieged, defeats him, chases him among the Mountains, and in the very teeth of him takes Promona; for before the Circumvallation was finished, the besieged making a Salley were so vigorously beaten back by the Romans, that they entred Pell Mell with them into the City, where having slain one part of the Inhabitants, the rest saved themselves in the Cittadel, he presently siezed on the Town Gates, and gave the Guard of one to a Roman Cohort, which was the fourth night assailed by the Barbarians and surprised with the sudden fright quitted their Post, but Caesar coming in enclosed the besieged, who the next morning yielded to discretion, he pardoned them, but for the Regi∣ment that had quitted their Post, he made them draw Lots, and put to death every tenth Soldier with two Captains, and for the rest of that Com∣pany gave them only Barly, while the others had Wheat. Thus was Promona taken. As for Teutinius he had in his flight dispersed his Army into several parties, wherefore the Romans pursued him not very far, for not knowing the Country, and seeing in the woods so many different paths, which answered not one to the other, they were fearful of dividing their Army into so many several bodies. There was in this wood a deep valley of a long extent between two Mountains, where formerly the Dalmatians had lain hid to surprise Gabinius. Here likewise they laid an Ambush for Caesar, but he set the wood on fire, where the ways met, and dividing his Army into three parts, of which two took their march on both sides, along the skirts of the Mountains, that they might at any time come in to his re∣lief, and he with the third marched through the valley, causing the wood to be cut down before him, or setting all on fire, and storming the Towns. He besieged one called Setovia, whither the Barbarians flocked in great Numbers to cast in some relief, but he being ready to receive them routed them, so that none could get into the City. Yet he was wounded in the Knee with a blow of a Stone, which made him for some time keep his Bed. Being somewhat recovered he returned to Rome to make himself Consul with Barbatius Tullus, whom he took for Colleague, and in the mean time left Statilius Taurus to command the Army. After he had taken possessi∣on of the Consulate in the beginning of the Month, he quitted the same day the Government of the Commonwealth to Anthony, and de∣parted to Dalmatia assuming again the quality of Triumvir though the last five years time was expired since Augustus, Anthony and Lepidus had usurped the Sovereign Authority which was afterwards confirmed to them by the People. The Dalmatians therefore oppressed with famine, because all passages for bringing them Provision were cut off, yielded at discretion, and delivered seven hundred Hostages of their own Children. He deman∣ded of them the Roman Ensigns which Gabinius had lost, and ordered them to pay the tributes formerly agreed upon by C. Caesar, of which till now they had defer'd the payment. Thus for the future they became more obedient, and Caesar sent away the Ensigns in the Galley called the Octavian.

[ XI] The Dalmatians brought under subjection. The Derbains upon the News that Caesar marched towards them, sent him likewise Deputies to implore his favor with offers to give Hostages, and pay those tributes, they

had for some time neglected, so that when he came nearer they delivered up their Hostages, and confirmed the Ancient Treaty, which they had re∣fused to do whilst he was farther from them, by reason of his wound. It seems to me that of all the people of Illyria▪ they were the last reduced by Caesar under his obedience, either of those revolted against the Romans or which had never been under their Dominion. Wherefore the Senate granted him the Honor of Triumph over the Illyrians, though he triumphed not till after the Defeat of Anthony. The rest of the People of Illyria ac∣cording to the opinion of the Romans, are the Rhetians situate before the Peonians, and after the Peonians the Noricks and the Mysians, who ex∣tend themselves to the Euxine Sea, and I am of opinion that the Rhetians and the Noricks were either subdued by C. Caesar, when he made War upon the Celtes, or by Augustus in his Expedition against the Peonians, for I find not that any Roman did particularly make War upon these Nations, which makes me the rather think they were made subject at the same time with their Neighbors. True it is that Marcus Lucullus brother to Lucius Lucullus that defeated Mithridates, overran all Mysia as far as the Ister, near which there are four Greek Cities Istros, Dionysopolis, Odyssa and Mesembria, and that he brought out of Gaul that great Statue of Apollo which is to be seen in the Palace; but I do not remember to have read, that ever any Roman that had Command in the Commonwealth, ever had any thing farther to do with the Mysians, or ever forced them to pay tribute, no not Augustus himself. As for Tiberius, who was Emperor after Augustus, cer∣tain it is that the Mysians were under his obedience, but I have spoken of all these things in writing the actions of the Roman People before the Conquest of Aegypt. And as for the Countries possessed by the Emperors after the subduing of Aegypt as they relate to their particular Actions, so after ha∣ving treated of general Affairs, I have wrote a particular Book wherein mention is made of the Mysians in divers places. But since the Romans reckon the Mysians among the people of Illyria, I was willing to make this mention of them in this Volume, Entitled the wars of Illyria, which I should not have thought perfect, if I had not set down, that a long time before Lucullus commanding under the authority of the People, had made incursions into Mysia, and that Tiberius had re-united it to the Empire.

The End of the Illyrian War▪

APPIAN OF ALEXANDRIA, HIS HISTORY OF THE Roman Wars AGAINST THE GAULS.

PART I.

BOOK VI.

The Argument of this Book.

I. THE Gauls coming to invade Italy, are several times defeated. II. Cae∣sar going against the Gauls conquers them, and is the first of all the Roman Generals that passed into England or crossed the Rhine.

THE Gauls were the first of any people in the World, that [ I] came to make War upon the Romans, they set the whole City on fire after they had taken it, saving only the Capitol. Camillus defeated them, and chased them from Rome, and sometime after being returned in Arms to the Gates of the City, the same Camillus again defeated them, and triumphed at the age of fourscore Years. They undertook a third expedition into Italy, but the Roman Army commanded by T. Quintus, enclosed them round, and made a horrible slaughter. After that the Boiens the most valiant of all the Gauls, being entred in Arms into the Roman Territories, Sulpitius the Dictator, went against them and overcame them, by this way of fighting, he divided his Forces into four Battalions, of which the first went and dis∣charged their piles upon the Enemy, and presently retired; the second did the like, and so the third, and fourth in their order, avoyding by this means the Darts thrown at them by the Enemy. And after they had all discharged they joyned their Bodies, and with terrible shouts ran desperately with their Swords in their hands upon the gross of their Enemies, for they thought the Gauls already maimed with showers of Piles, would be abso∣lutely daunted, when they saw themselves so furiously charged, by so ma∣ny men together. And indeed all the Army of the Boiens were cut in pie∣ces by the Romans, who with much bravery, put the Orders into Execu∣tion; now the Pile is a sort of Arms differing from the Javelin; for the Shaft is square, and the Iron of the same length with the Shaft, square in like manner and only sharp at the point. Popilius defeated likewise ano∣ther Army of the Gauls, and after him Camillus, the Son of the first Camil∣lus another. Aemilius Probus likewise erected Trophies for a Victory gain∣ed ore the same Nation, but sometime before the consulate of Marius, a prodigious multitude of Gauls, all valiant men, and in the Flower of their Age, made an Irruption into Italy, and into the Narbonese Province; where having beaten some Roman Consuls, and pillaged their very Camps, Ma∣rius was sent against them, who cut them all in pieces.

The last and greatest of all the Wars the Romans had against the Gauls, [ II] was under Caesar, for in ten Years that he commanded in Gallia, he de∣feated four Millions of men, of which one Million were taken Prisoners in Fight, and as many slain, he reduced under his obedience four hundred Nations, and eight hundred Cities, reckoning as well those who being revolted he forced to return to their duty, as those he conquered. It is true that before Marius, Fabius Maximus Aemilianus, having with a small Power assailed a vast Army of Gauls, killed sixscore thousand of them, in one only Battel; and though he was then afflicted with a Wound new∣ly received, yet he performed this noble Action by going through the Ranks sometimes in his Litter, and sometimes on foot, sustained only by two men on each side of him, encouraging his men, and teaching them how to deal with the Barbarians.

To proceed. Caesar having began his War by the Helvetians and Ti∣gurians put two hundred thousand of them to the Rout; of whom the first were defeated by Labienus his Lieutenant, and the other with the Tri∣courians that assisted them, by himself (these were the same Tigurians who formerly had caused the Army of Piso and Cassius, to pass under the Yoak, as we read in the Chronicle of Claudius Paulus) After which he

made War upon Ariovistus and the Germans, the lowest of whom was tal∣ler then the tallest Roman. They were fierce and salvage, despisers of death (being perswaded they should one day rise again) equally patient of heat and cold, and upon a need could live themselves on raw Herbs, and feed their Horses with the green Sprouts of Trees. Yet they seemed to be people not addicted to labour, and who fought not so much with Reason and Discipline, as with fierce and brutish Violence, in which the Ro∣mans had the advantage of them, for they for their parts ran on all toge∣ther with such a fury that they made whole Legions recoyl, whilst the Romans easily giving ground without breaking their Ranks, got the day by their Conduct, and at last cut in pieces fourscore thousand of them. After this Victory Caesar having assailed the Belgians at the Passage of a certain River, and killed such numbers, that the heaps of dead Bodies served for a Bridge to pass over his Army, but he was hard put to it by the Nervians who surprising him in his March, before he could put his Army in order, made a horrible slaughter. Most of his Tribunes and Centurions were slain in this conflict, and himself forced to retreat to a Hill with his Guards, where the Enemies kept him besieged, till the tenth Legion falling into the Besiegers Rear cut them all in pieces, though they were no less then sixty thousand men descended of the Cimbrians and the Teutons. The same Caesar defeated the Allobroges, and slew four hun∣dred thousand Usipetes and Tencterians, as well armed as disarmed, but the Sicambres assaulting at unawares five thousand of his Horse only with five hundred put them to flight, yet they were afterwards defeated, and paid dear for their boldness. Caesar was likewise the first of the Ro∣mans that crossed the Rhine, or passed over into Brittain, an Island so great that it seems another Continent, and of which till then the Romans had no knowledge, He took his time when the Sea was low to embarque his men, and the Flood coming in, his Fleet was raysed up by the Waves, at first insensibly, then a little faster, till at last having Wind and Tide, he came over into Brittain.

The end of the Gallick War.

APPIAN OF ALEXANDRIA, HIS HISTORY OF THE IBERIAN, OR Spanish War.

PART I.

BOOK VII.

The Argument of this Book.

I. DEscription of Spain. II. The occasions of the Wars in Spain, between the Romans and Carthaginians. III. Hannibal made General besieges Saguntum. IV. War declared, and Hannibal marches to Italy. V. Pub. and Cn. Scipio slain in Spain. VI. Scipio the Son of Publius Proconsul into Spain, takes Carthagena by storm. VII. He defeats Asdrubal Son

of Gisco at Lersa, and at Careo totally routs him, Mago and Massanissa. VIII. Asdrubal Son of Amilcar marches with his Army into Italy and Scipio goes himself to King Syphax in Africa. IX. Scipio and his Lieu∣tenants take several Cities, the desperate Courage of the Astapians. X. Mu∣tiny in Scipio's Army punished: Indibilis suppressed: Massanissa seeks Sci∣pio's friendship. Mago goes for Liguria, and Scipio for Rome, where he triumphs. XI. Cato sent into Spain defeats the Confederate Cities, his po∣licy to dismantle the Cities of Spain. XII. The successes of Flaccus and Gracchus in Spain. XIII. A General Revolt of the Spaniards. Nobilior Wars against them with ill success. XIV. Marcellus makes a peace with the Spaniards which is disallowed by the Senate. XV. Lucullus Treachery, Cruelty and Covetousness: Cornelius Scipio's single Combat. XVI. The War carried into Portugal, Manlius prosecutes it first with ill, but afterwards with good success. XVII. Attilius and Galba carry on the War: Galba's cruelty and covetousness. Viriatus chosen General of the Barbarians. XVIII. The Viriatick War. XIX. The continuation of that War and Vi∣riatus death. XX. The beginning of the Numantine War, with ill success to the Romans. XXI. Scipio made Consul and sent into Spain, reforms and disciplines the Army. XXII. He lays close siege to Numantia. XXIII. The unexpressible miseries endured by the Numantines: they surrender to Sci∣pio. XXIV. The Actions of several other Generals in Spain, and the con∣clusion of this History.

[ I] THE Pyrenaean hills extend themselves from the Tyrrhene Sea, to the Northern Ocean. On the East of which inhabit the Celtae surnamed Galatians, or Gauls, and to the West the Celtiberi, possessing all that circuit of ground, which is washed by the Tyrrhene Sea, and so round about by the Pillars of Hercules to the vast Septentrional Ocean; for all Spain save only what is inclosed by the Pyrenaean Mountains, which with a mighty and almost streight line separate it from the rest of Europe, is embraced by the Sea. But though it may be sailed round, yet the inhabitants only navigate the Tyrrhene Sea, as far as Hercules Pillars, forbearing the West and Nor∣thern parts, unless when they are carried to Brittain with the tide which sets that way only half the day. Beyond, neither the Romans, nor any of the Romans Subjects ever adventured. But Iberia, or (as some call it) Spain, is of too vast an extent to be imagined only one Region, for as well in length as breadth it reaches near ten thousand Furlongs, abound∣ing with divers and sundry Nations, and many Navigable Rivers. Who were the first and most ancient Inhabitants of Spain (being only to write a Roman History) I think not very necessary to make any strict inquiry into, but certainly the Celtae at some time or other climbing over the Pyre∣naeans, and mixing their habitations with the Iberians, from thence gave them the Name of Celtiberians. 'Tis my Opinion likewise, that from very Ancient time, the Phenicians for Traffick sake sailing to and fro, possessed themselves of some parts of Spain. As also some Greeks brought to Tartessus, to King Arganthonius by Sea, might very probably seat themselves in those places (for Arganthonius then Reigned in Spain, and Tartessus was a Maritime Town which is now called Carpessus). But that Temple of Hercules which at this day stands near the Pillars, seems to be built by the Phenicians; from this sole Argument, that even with in our memory, that God was there worshipped with Phenician Ceremonies,

and called the Tyrian, and not the Theban Hercules. But I willingly forbear writing of those Antiquities. This fruitful Country abundant in all good things, the Carthaginians before the Romans attempted and invaded, and already were possessed of some parts, and spoiled and robbed others, un∣til the Romans driving them out, soon became Masters of all they possessed, and the Remainder likewise, after long time, much labour and frequent revolts, being by them brought under, they divided into three parts, to each of which they sent Pretors. Now how they subdued them, and how first with the Carthaginians, and afterwards with the Celtiberians they waged War, shall be the subject of this Book; the first Part of which contains the Carthaginian Affairs: For their concerns in Spain, it was necessary for me to transfer to the Spanish History, for the same Reasons as I have in the Sicilian History treated of such things, as were acted between the Romans and Carthaginians in Sicily, from the time that the Romans first crossed over into that Island, and began to usurp the Dominion of it; for the Romans first waged a tedious War with the Carthaginians, in Sicily for Sicily it self, and another in Spain for Spain, whilst at the same both led mighty Forces into other of their Enemies Territories, and these wasted Italy and those Lybia.

Now this War began in the hundred and fortieth Olympiad, princi∣pally [ II] after the breach of the League, made in the Sicilian War, upon this occasion. Amilcar, sirnamed Barcas, at such time when he command∣ed as General the Carthaginian Army, had made promise of great re∣wards to the Mercenary Gauls, and Auxiliary Africans, which when they at his return into Lybia laid claim to kindled the African War. In which besides many damages suffered by the Carthaginians from the Africans themselves, they yielded up Sardinia to the Romans, as a reprizal of those losses the Roman Merchants had in this African War sustained. Where∣fore Barcas summoned by his Adversaries to Judgement, as the Instru∣ment of inflicting all these calamities upon his Country, having drawn to his party the Heads of the Commonwealth (by the means especially of Asdrub••l his Son-in-law, who was very popular) not only evaded a Trial, but a War then happening with the Numidians, prevailed to be chosen General with Hanno, sirnamed the Great, before he had given any account of former administration. This War ended, and Hanno for some Crimes recalled, he remaining sole Commander of the Army, with his Son-in-Law Asdrubal, crossing the Strait, comes to Cadiz, and though he had received no injury from the Spaniards, wasts their Confines, seeking on∣ly an opportunity to continue abroad, do some great Actions, and be a∣ble to exercise his liberality to the people: For whatever he took by War he so divided, that the Soldier had one part, to oblige them to be the tru∣stier Associates of his Rapines, one part he sent to Carthage, and another distributed into Gifts, to such of the Heads of the Commonwealth as fa∣voured him; and this course he held till several petty Spanish Kings, and other powerful men, conspiring against him by this means, cut him off. They yoked Oxen into Carts loaden with Wood, and driving them towards the Enemy, marched themselves armed behind, which when the Afri∣cans perceived, not dreaming of any such daring deceitful design, they burst out into a laughter; but when they came so near as to engage, the Spaniards setting fire to the Wood, drove their Carts amongst the Ene∣my, and the flame growing violent, the Oxen hurrying them hither and thither, disordered the Africans, and breaking their main Body, the

Spaniards slew Barcas himself, and many others coming in to their relief. But the Carthaginians having already tasted the sweetness of Spanish plun∣der, would not so give over, but sent again fresh Forces into Spain, whom they gave Commission to Asdrubal, Amilcars Son-in-Law, to Com∣mand: And he chose Hannibal (soon after famous for warlike exploits) though now but a young man, yet very daring, and well beloved by the Soldiery, for his Lieutenant General. By whose labour and diligence in Warlike Affairs, together with his Curtesie and Eloquence (in which he excelled) he added to his Command a great part of Spain, extending the power of his Arms from the Western Ocean to the River Ib••rus, which di∣vides Spain in the midst, and about five days journey from the Pyrenean Mountains runs into the Septentrional Ocean. But the Saguntines, which were a Colony of the people of Zant, and other Greeks, who inhabited the Mart-towns, and other places of Spain, growing jealous of their own safe∣ty, sent Ambassadors to Rome. The Senate, who were unwilling to have the power of the Carthaginians advanced or enlarged, dispatched an Em∣bassie to Carthage, where it was agreed, that the limits of the Carthagini∣an Empire should be the River Iberus, beyond which neither should it be lawful for the Carthaginians by Arms to provoke their Allies, nor for them to pass over to make War upon the Carthaginians, but the Saguntines, and other Greeks should enjoy their liberty. And to this end a solemn In∣strument was signed on both sides. In the mean time, while Asdrubal governed that part of Spain, subject to the Carthaginians, a Slave (that he might offer an acceptable Sacrifice to the Ghost of his dead Master, cru∣elly murdered by Asdrubal's command) suddenly and privately assaulting him, as he was carelesly hunting, slew him, and being soon after con∣victed of the Fact, was with dreadful Torments put to death by Hannibal; who forthwith, though very young, yet dearly beloved by the Soldiers, was by the Army saluted General, and their Military Grant confirmed by consent of the Senate. When the death of Amilcar and Asdrubal was known among those, who in several parts of the Commonwealth stood in fear of their Power, they began to despise Hannibal's youth, and to transport the crimes of the dead on their Clients and Friends; the people consent∣ing with the Accusers, and mindful of past injuries, making others guil∣ty of the sorrows they had under Amilcar and Asdrubal patiently en∣dured: even to the compelling those that from them had received great presents to restore them to the Publick, as part of the Prey gotten from the Enemy. They therefore sent Letters to Hannibal, desiring his assistance and support, and warily advising him, that if he neglected those, who should be his assistants as home, he would become contemptible to all his Fathers Enemies: But he of himself fore-seeing all these things, and not being ignorant, but that by endangering his Friends, they laid Snares for him, as formerly they had done for his Father and Brother-in-Law, though it behoved him to be very careful of his Conduct, lest always fear∣fully delaying and dissembling his hate, he should be tormented with con∣tinual debate, and perpetually exposed to the lust and will of the Cartha∣ginian people, light and inconstant, and ever ingrateful to those deserved best of them. Besides Fame reported, that when yet a Boy, his Father had at the flaming Altars made him swear, That when ever he should be called to Office in the Commonwealth, he should be an eternal Enemy to the Romans. For this reason he imagined, that if he could involve his Coun∣try in lasting and difficult troubles, and distract them with high and doubt∣ful undertakings, his Friends would be safe: He now beheld not only A∣frica

in Peace, but likewise the Carthaginian Dominion in Spain; but if he could stir up War with Rome (which he vehemently desired) he thougt his fellow Citizens would have their Heads filled with cares and fears, whilst he, if this War had happy success, should gain immortal glory, having added to his Country the Empire of the World, which if taken from the Romans there were no other Competitors for it: Or if his hopes failed him, future Ages would at least applaud his noble attempts.

To give a brave beginning to these Designs, he consulted how to cross [ III] the Iberus; and having commanded the Torboletae, Neighbours to the Sa∣guntines; whose Fields the Saguntines had wasted to come to him, sends them to Carthage, and among other secrets, writes that the Roman Spani∣ards sollicited the Carthaginian allies to revolt, charging herewith those of Saguntum, and weaving all he did with craft, so often writes this, that at length the Senate decreed he should deal with the Saguntines, as he thought fit. Laying hold on this occasion, he contrived that the Torboletae should again come to him to complain against the Saguntines, who summoned to send to him their Deputies; when they were come, he commanding all matters of Controversie, between both parties, should be disputed be∣fore him, they answered, That they referred all things to the Romans; whereat Hannibal enraged, commanded them forthwith to depart the Camp, and himself the same night, with all his Forces, crossing the Iberus, began to waste their Territories, and to bring his Engines before the City, which because he saw he could not take by force, he begirt with a Trench and Pallisado, raising Towers at convenient distances, and resolving to re∣duce it by Siege. The Saguntines oppressed with this sudden and unex∣pected invasion, sent Ambassadors to Rome, and the Senate with them dis∣patched away others: First, to admonish Hannibal of the League; and if he would not obey, then to go to Carthage to complain of him. These arriving in Spain by Sea, were coming towards the Camp, when Hanni∣bal forbid them to advance any farther. Wherefore they bent their course directly towards Carthage, where being arrived, and pleading the Solemn League and Contract, the Carthaginians accused the Saguntines of having wronged their Subjects: the Ambassadors proposed, That the difference should be decided by Roman Judges: they replyed, They used not to refer wrongs to judgement, which they could revenge themselves of. This being reported at Rome, some voted the sending present assistance to the Saguntines, but others judged it better to delay it, because in the Ar∣ticles of Peace they were not written Allies to the people of Rome, but free, and to enjoy their Liberty. This last opinion carried it: So that the Saguntines despairing of the Roman aid, all things growing scarce, by reason of the long Siege (for Hannibal finding it at first well stored, and abounding in all things, was the more industrious to straiten them) they by Publick Proclamation commanded all the Gold and Silver, both Publick and Private, to be brought into the Market place, and there that it might be of no use of Hannibal, melted it down with Lead, Brass, and other baser Metals. Then thinking it more honourable to dye fighting, than be starved with hunger; made a Sally by night, and with great fu∣ry fell into the Africans Quarters, yet sleeping, and suspecting no such thing, killing some, as they rose out of their Beds, and trembling, snatch'd at their Arms, and others, as they opposed them: but after a tedious con∣flict, many Africans, and all the Saguntines were slain. The Women from the Walls beholding the death of their Husbands, some threw them∣selves

from the Roofs of their Houses, others hanged themselves, and o∣thers cut their Childrens Throats. This was the sad end of a City, once rich and potent. Hannibal finding how they had cheated him of his Gold, in a rage caused all the Captives, and Youth remaining, to be slain. But the City being seated near the Sea, and not far from Carthage, in a fruit∣ful Soil, he restored and replenished with new Inhabitants, making it a Carthaginian Colony, which is now, as I think the same called Car∣thago Spartagena.

[ IV] The Romans hereupon sent Ambassadors to Carthage, whom they de∣manded to deliver up Hannibal, as having broken the League, unless they would by publick assent own whatever he had done, and if they refused to deliver him, forthwith to declare War. The Demand being made, because they would not deliver up Hannibal, the War was in this man∣ner denounced. The Ambassador smiling, and putting his hand into his bo∣som, told them, I bring you here, O Carthaginians, either War or Peace, chuse which you will have: They cryed out, Do thou then give us which thou please: Whereupon he profering War, they all said they accepted it, and forthwith sent commands to Hannibal, that freely the League be∣ing now broken, he should now overcome all Spain. He marching to the neighbouring people, either by perswasions, force or fear gained them; gathered together mighty Forces, but revealing to none the design he had, though his strength were bent to the War in Italy, he had already sent Agents into Gaul, and some to make discovery of the passages of the Alpes, and how he might best carry his Forces to Italy, leaving his Brother Asdru∣bal in Spain, whilst the Romans supposed they had only a War to manage against the Carthaginians in Spain and Africa, without the least suspici∣on that ever they would enter Italy: For they had sent Tiberius Semproni∣us Longus with one hundred and sixty Ships, and two Legions into Africa. But what Longus, or other Roman Generals did in Africa, is set down in the Punick War. Moreover, into Spain they sent P. Cornelius Scipio with threescore Ship, ten thousand Foot, and seven hundred Horse, and gave him Cn. Cornelius Scipio for Lieutenant. Of these Publius more certainly in∣formed, by the Marsilian•• Merchants, that Hannibal had already passed the Alpes into Italy, fearful lest finding the Italians unprepared, he should oppress them, leaving the Army he had in Spain with Cneus his Brother, and embarking on a Galley, he landed in Hetruria. But what as well he, as other Generals commanding in this War did, till such time as after the expiration of sixteen years, they then hardly forced Han∣nibal out of Italy, the next Book shall declare, wherein all Hannibals ex∣ploits performed in Italy are contained, wherefore it is intituled, The Ro∣man Wars with Hannibal.

[ V] Cneus did nothing memorable in Spain, before his Brothers coming; But the time of his Magistracy expired, the Romans gave Commission to the new Consuls to prosecute the War in Italy, and against Hannibal in the room of Publius; and commanded him to go Proconsul into Spain: from which time both of the Brothers joyntly maintained the War against As∣drubal, the African General till such time as Syphax King of the Numidi∣ans making War upon the Carthaginians, they called him home with the greatest part of his Forces, and in his absence they easily overpowred the rest, and as they were no less expert in the Duty of Generals then skilful in alluring, and pacifying the minds of men, they drew many Cities to

their Party. But after Peace concluded with the Numidian King, the Carthaginians sending Asdrubal with a more powerful Army and thirty E∣lephants, joyning in Commission with him two Colleagues, Mago, and a∣nother Asdrubal the Son of Gilco, War lay heavier upon the Scipio's, who yet oftentimes retired victorious with the slaughter of many Africans and Elephants. Till Winter coming on, the Africans retired among the Tur∣ditani and for the Scipio's, Cneus went and wintred among the Or∣sonenses, and Publius among the Castulovenses; which last having advice of Asdrubal's advancing that way, going out of the City with a small Par∣ty, only to discover the Enemies Camp, imprudently fell in with Asdru∣bal and his Horse, by whom both he and all that were with him were over∣powred and cut in pieces. In the mean time Gneus Ignorant of this Cala∣mity, had sent some Soldiers to his Brother to receive Corn, who joyning Battel with another Party of Africans they unexpectedly met upon the way: news of it being brought to Cneus, he made hast to their relief, with such Soldiers as he had in readiness, but the Carthaginians having before cut in pieces the other Party, fell upon Cneus likewise, and forced him to fly for shelter to a certain Tower, which setting on fire they burnt him and all his people. This misfortunate end had those two brave men the Scipio's, lea∣ving the Spaniards, especially those gained by their Conduct, to the Roman alliance, in no small regret for their loss.

The Fathers at Rome grievously afflicted at this distaster, sent Marcellus [ VI] (newly come from Sicily) and with him Claudius into Spain with a thou∣sand Horse, ten thousand Foot, and store of Provision, who whilst they sloathfully manage Affairs, the Carthaginian Power mightily increased in Spain, almost all the Province being possessed by them, and the Romans shut in the Pyrenean Mountains, which reported at Rome, more sadly disquieted the Fathers, fearful lest whilst Hannibal wasted those parts of Italy next the Alpes, the Africans should make a descent at the other end, wherefore though they willingly would have given over this Spanish War, yet they thought it not safe, apprehensive lest it likewise might be transferred to Italy, and therefore appointed a day of assembly, for the nominating a Proconsul for Spain, but when no man then stood for it, their fears revived, and a sad si∣lence seized all the assembly. Till Cornelius Scipio (the Son of Publius slain in Spain) a very young man (being not yet twenty four years of Age) but prudent and valiant, and of a strong constitution, stept forth in the midst of the people, and with a brave and noble boldness, discoursing first of his Father, and then of his Uncle, deploring both their misfortune, added that he alone was left of that Family to be the revenger of his Father, his Uncle, and his Country, and copiously and magnificently subjoyning ma∣ny other things, as if inspired by some Divine Spirit promising not only the recovery of Spain, but the Conquest of Africa and Carthage it self, so that his discourse seemed to some to proceed only from youthful Levity, but because he cheared the peoples fainting minds with hope (for promises are Cordials to any that are in fear) thinking he had a heart fit for these great things, they chose him General for Spain, but the Old men interpre∣ted this rather a confident rashness in him, then a setled bravery of mind; which when Scipio perceived he recalled the people to the Assembly, and with the same Gravity as before, speaking of his Age, said that it ought to be no objection to his undertakings, yet if any one of riper Years, would accept the command, he was ready to yield it to him. But none taking up the offer, he went with greater admiration and applause to this War, with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 thousand Foot, and five hundred Horse (for he was not permitted to

carry greater Forces, whilst Hannibal wasted Italy) with Mony and other warlike Provision, and twenty eight Ships, which carried him into Spain, where ••oyning the Remain of the old Spanish Army to those he brought, and calling a Counsel, he confirmed the Soldiers minds, with a noble and eloquent Oration. And already the Fame was spread throughout all Spain, weary of the Carthaginian Government, and desirous of Scipio's Vertue, that Scipio the Son of Scipio was come, a General sent to them by the Counsel of the Gods. And Scipio himself knowing the opinion con∣ceived of him, much improved it, by pretending to do nothing but by ad∣vice from above. But when he had certain knowledge that the Enemy had four standing Camps, at good distance from each other, and that their numbers were five and twenty thousand Foot, and two thousand five hundred Horse, and that all their Stores, Money, Corn, Arms, Darts, Ships, Captives and Hostages for all Spain, were laid up in the City, called formerly Saguntum; but now Carthagena, where Mago commanded with ten thousand Carthaginians; he resolved, as thinking the Garrison of no great strength, first to invest this place, both because he was desirous to possess himself of such Stores, and because he understood, if he took this City, abounding in Silver, Gold, and all Riches, and whence it was but a short passage into Africa, it would be a secure retreat for him both from Sea and Land. Encouraged by these hopes, all men knowing whither he designed, about Sun-set he Discamped, and all night long marched to∣wards Carthagena, and about break of day, began to open his Trenches, to the great terrour of the Enemy, who dream'd not of his coming; the next day he prepared for the assault, and disposed his Engines and Scaling Ladders, about all parts of the Town, save only in that place, where the Walls are low, by reason of the Seas washing them; for which reason likewise they are the less vigilantly defended. Then at night, when all were armed with Darts and Stones, the Fleet likewise lying before the Haven, lest the Enemies Ships should slip out (for this brave spirited man had conceived a certain hope of taking the Town) before day he advanced with his Machines, commanding those on the Machines to charge: Mago at the Gates instructs his ten thousand, that when they saw it convenient, they should rush forth only with their Swords, for that Spears would be of little use in those narrow places; the rest of his Sol∣diers he posted upon Towers, disposing many Engines, Stones, Darts, and Catapults upon the Walls, and with great diligence attending the Affair: At length the shot being given, the charge was stoutly made and received, Stones, Darts, and other sorts of missile Arms, flew about with great violence, some from hands, some from Machines, and some from Slings; and if there were any other device, it was made use off. But Scipio's men were hard put to it, for those ten thousand men that were at the Gates, rushing out with their Swords in their hands, upon those that thrust for∣ward the Engines, and giving and taking many wounds, the dispute was a long time equal: till at length by unwearied courage, and fixed reso∣lution, the Romans got the the better; and then Fortune changing, those who stood upon the Walls began to be afflicted: but when the Scaling Ladders were applied; the Carthaginians, who had sallied only with their short Swords speedily returning into the City, shut the Gates, and leap'd upon the Walls: So that now new work and labour was cut out for the Romans. Whilst these things were doing, Scipio, who was no where absent, encouraging and chearing up his men; observing about noon that the water was fallen away, from that part where the Bay washed the

ower Wall (for at certain hours the Sea Eb'd and Flow'd) and was now so shoal, some places it was not above brest, and in others scarce midleg high; and knowing the Nature of the Bay, that it would continue thus shallow all the remainder of the day, until the accustomed return of the Tide, he cryed out with a loud voice, Now Soldiers, now is the time, now God our helper comes, now storm that Wall, where the Sea of its own accord withdrawing opens you a way: Now with speed bring your Ladders, I my self will show you the way. This said, snatching a Ladder, he sets it to the Wall, and would himself first have mounted, if his Esquires and other Soldiers had not hindred him; but they therewith clapping many Ladders at once to the Wall, and both sides meeting with great noise and fury, made a mighty slaughter of each other, till the Romans having possessed them∣selves of some of the higher Towers. Scipio filling them with Trumpets and Cornets, commanded them to sound as loud as possibly they could, ac∣cording to the custom when a City is taken; whilst in the mean time others running about, fill'd all places with tumult and confusion; and some in this disorder of their Enemies leaping over the Walls, and let in Scipio's whole Army, whereupon the Townsmen run to their Houses, and Mago with his ten thousand drew up into the Market place, where being most at the first charge slain, and he only with a few fled to the Castle; Scipio presently following, and Mago perceiving no hopes of safety left, his Sol∣diers being all utterly dismay'd and astonished, yielded himself. Thus by his Gallantry and good Fortune, a rich and powerful City in one day (the fourth of his setting down before it) reduced under Scipio's power; he began to conceive hopes of mighty things, and now the common Fame spread concerning him, that he acted nothing but by Divine Counsel, was more and more confirmed, and himself had the same opinion, believing henceforward all his undertakings directed from above; and whenever he went into the Capitol, having caused the Gates to be shut, he often staid there a long time, as if he had been conferring with some God; whence now in solemn Pomps a Statue of Scipio's is only brought out of the Capitol, and all the rest out of the place of Assemblies. This City thus taken, fur∣nished with all things necessary for Peace or War: Scipio found there vast quantities of all sorts of spoil, store of Arms, Darts, Engines, Rigging, and thirty three Gallies, Corn and sundry sorts of Provisions; Ivory, Gold and Silver, as well wrought into Vessels and coined, as uncoined in a∣bundance, together with all the Spanish Hostages and Prisoners, and such as had before been taken from the Romans. The next day having sacrificed, celebrated the Victory, and applauded the Soldiers Valour; he likewise assembled the Townsmen, and in an Oration admonished them to keep in memory the Name of the Scipio's. Then he sent the Captives every one to their homes, hoping by this kindness to bring over their Cities to his party. He likewise distributed rewards to the Soldiers; to him who first mounted the Walls, a very large one, to the second half so much, to the third a third part, and to the rest according to their Deserts and Valour. What Gold, Silver or Ivory he found, he sent upon the Enemies Ships to Rome, where they decreed three days Supplication, because af∣ter so many Miseries the Publick Happiness began to take breath: but the greatness and celerity of this bold attempt, sorely terrified both the Spa∣niards, and the Carthaginians that were in Spain. Scipio leaving a Garri∣son in Carthagena, and giving orders for raising higher the Wall to the Sea side, went himself about the rest of the Province, or sent Friends into se∣veral parts to renew an alliance with them, and those who would not comply, he reduced by force of Arms.

[ VII] Asdrubal, the Son of Amilcar, one of the Carthaginian Generals had far distant in Celtiberia, a chosen Army of Mercenary Soldiers, and the o∣ther the Son of Gisco, sending Agents to those Cities, who had hitherto continued faithful to the Carthaginians, to perswade them still to continue their fidelity, in a short time hoped to see innumerable Forces in Spain; and Mago he sent into all the adjacent parts to list men under pay, whilst in the mean time himself in Lersa entring in hostile manner into their Ter∣ritories, who had fallen off; prepared to lay Siege to some Towns, but frightned with Scipio's sudden approach, he retreated to Baetica, and forti∣fied both the City and his Camp, where few days after he was over∣come by Scipio, who possessed himself both of Camp and City: where∣upon he issued out Orders for all the Carthaginian Forces through∣out Spain, to come to the City of Careo, resolving with his whole united Power to fall upon Scipio. And already, there were come in to him no small number of Spaniards under Mago's Conduct, and Numidians under the Command of Massanissa. Asdrubal with his Foot lay entrenched, Massanissa and Mago with his Horse in Quarters: Scipio had so divided his Foot as to send Laelius with one part against Mago, whilst himself with the other fell upon Massanissa. This fight was somewhat doubtful and dangerous to the Romans; for the Numidians at a distance threw their Darts, and so wheeling off, returned again to the charge at pleasure; but when Scipio commanded his men, that after throwing their Piles with all their force, they should press in as hard as they could upon the Enemy, then the Numidians not having room to wheel, were worsted, and fled away to their Camp: Scipio in a strong and safe place, as he could wish for, pitch∣ed his Camp, within ten furlongs of his Enemy. In the Carthaginian Army were seventy thousand Foot, fifteen hundred Horse, and thirty six Elephants. Scipio had not a part of that number, wherefore he for some time forbore fighting, save only for some light skirmishes; but when through want of Provisions, hunger began to afflict his Army, thinking it disho∣nourable to retreat, having first sacrificed; suddenly (though otherwise his Army were both willing and ready enough) he affirmed, God had ac∣cording to custom appeared to him, and exhorted him to engage the E∣nemy, that they should rather relye upon the Divine Conduct, then upon force and multitude; for the greatest Victories were not gained by num∣bers of Men, but by the grace and favour of the Gods. And whilst they gave credit to his words, he commanded the Diviners to bring forth the Entrails; and as he was speaking, seeing some Birds fly to and again with great rejoycing and earnestness he showed them, as a certain sign of Victory, given him from above; and as if at the sight of them, he had been possessed by some spirit, now viewing them, and now crying out, turned about after them, the whole Army imitating their General in his several postures; and he turning this and that way towards the Soldiers, stirred them up as to a Victory already prepared for them, till now having wrought them up to his wishes, he thought not convenient to let their Courage cool by any delay; but whilst they were perswaded, all he yet spoke was by Divine Instinct, not in the heat of that perswasion, after such lucky signs, protract the fight: Wherefore, as soon as they had eaten, he commanded his Soldiers to Arms, and giving the charge of the Horse to Syllanus, and of the Foot to Laelius and Martius rushed unexspectedly upon the Enemy, for the Camps being but ten furlongs distant from each other, Scipio was upon them before Asdrubal's, Mago's or Massanissa's

men could take any food to refresh them, forcing them hastily to snatch up their Arms, not without great Consternation and Tumult. Both Horse and Foot being then engaged, the Roman Horse got the better; for as they had done in the former fight, charging home, and with great fury upon the Numidians, so that they could not make a retreat, and then a∣gain wheel about upon the Enemy, they soon made their Darts ineffectu∣al. But the Foot much inferiour in number, were oppressed by the A∣fricans, and were now yielding up the honour of the day, nor would by any of Scipio's encouragements or exhortations be perswaded to stand, till the General himself giving his Horse to his Boy, and snatching a Shield, runs alone between both Battels, and with a loud voice crying out, Now or never Romans rescue your Scipio from danger. At that voice, both those those who stood next and saw, and those farther off who heard what dan∣ger he was in, altogether moved, as well with respect as fear for their General, with great outcrys ran violently upon the Enemy, whose charge the Africans not able to sustain, (for towards evening their strength failed them for want of Food) began to give ground. Then in a short time was made a most horrible slaughter; such success had Scipio at the Battel of Careo, which long time seemed doubtful and dangerous, there were slain about eight hundred of the Romans, and about fifteen thousand of the Enemy. Scipio pursued the Africans, who made a hasty retreat, in∣festing and charging them in Flank or Rear, where-ever he could reach them, till they having gained a certain Post, fortified by Nature, com∣modious for Water and Provisions, and inexpugnable by any means, but a tedious Siege, called upon by other Affairs, he left Syllanus to block them up, and went himself through the rest of Spain, reducing the Cities to obedience. The Africans besieged by Syllanus, by little and little made their retreat towards the Sea side, that they might get over into Cadiz, followed in their March by Syllanus, who incommoded them to the utmost of his power, and returned to Scipio to Carthagena.

Now Asdrubal, the Son of Amilcar, having towards the Northern [ VIII] Ocean leavied new Forces, being called by his Brother Hannibal into Italy, taking his March along the Coasts of the North Sea, that he might secure himself from Scipio; and crossing over the Pyrenean Mountains, he got down in Gaul with a numerous Army of Celtiberian Mercenaries; and thus unknown to the Romans made haste into Italy. Mean while Lucius re∣turning from Rome, told Scipio that the Romans had some thoughts of send∣ing him to command in Africa; which being what he himself had often before hoped and wished for, he dispatched away Laelius in five Ships to Africa, with presents to King Syphax, to put him in mind of Scipio's Friend∣ship, and to entreat him to enter into a League offensive and defensive with him, if the Romans should send any Forces into Africa: Syphax having accepted the presents, and returned others, promised to do as he desired; which when the Carthaginians heard, they likewise sent Ambas∣sadors to Syphax, to treat an Alliance with him, whereof Scipio having certain intelligence, and judging wisely, that if the Carthaginians should rob him of Syphax friendship, it would be a thing of no small importance, he resolved to go in person to him, and accompanied with Lelius, em∣barked on two Gallies, and steered his course towards Africa, when he came nigh the shore, and was upon the point of entring the Har∣bour, the Carthaginian Ambassadors (unknown to the King) armed out those long Ships they had, and in hostile manner went to meet him,

but Scipio setting his Sails was too swift for them, and got safely into Port. Syphax invited both parties to be his guests but privately made a league with Scipio, and having engaged himself by faithful promise dismissed him, and lest the Carthaginians should have any design to intercept him, detained them somewhat longer with him, till he had reached so far off to Sea, that he was out of danger, this hazard Scipio run both in the Voyage and in Port. 'Tis reported that at a Banquet made by that King, Scipio and Asdrubal being placed upon the same bed, Asdrubal dis∣coursed with him about many things, and admiring his gravity, said after∣wards among his Friends. That he was a man not only formidable in Wa•• but even in the midst of jollity and feasting.

[ IX] At the same time it hapned that not a few of the Celtiberians and Spa∣niards, whose Cities had revolted to the Romans, took pay under Mago the Carthaginian, whom Martius falling upon, slew about fifteen hun∣dred of, and putting the ••est to flight, dispersed them among the Cities, besides having driven another body of an Army commanded by Hanno, consisting of seven hundred Horse and six thousand Foot, to a certain eminence, he reduced them to such scarcity, that they sent Agents to him for peace, he commanded them to deliver up Hanno and the Fugitives, and then he would treat with them; Whereupon presently laying hold upon Hanno (who stood by and heard all this) they delivered him up with all the Fugitives. Martius then demands the Prisoners, whom ha∣ving also received he orders them to bring down the sum of mony promi∣sed and agreed upon, into the Plain and Champian Fields, for high places, said he, not well suit with punishment; when they were come into the plain, You are the Ring-leaders, said he, of those who when their Countries have submitted to us, yet continue to bear Arms under the Enemy against them, however laying down your weapons I permit you to depart unpunished. Hereat the Celtiberians grievously incensed cryed all out with one voice they would not lay down their Arms, whereupon followed a sharp engage∣ment: wherein some of them (not unrevenged) being slain, the rest got safe to Mago who sometime before was advancing towards Hanno's Camp, but hearing of his loss crossed over into Cadiz, where he lay idle in great want, expecting the Issue of things. But Scipio having sent Syllanus be∣fore to the City of Castace to receive them into Friendship, they not heark∣ning to peace he prepared to besiege them, and communicated his resolu∣tions to Scipio, who dispatching away some Engins for the assault, himself followed, but in his march resolved to force the City of Illyrgis. This Town had been confederate with the Romans in the time of the former Scipio's who being slain, the Romans that escaped the slaughter flying hi∣ther they received them, but (though at that time in alliance with them) delivered them up to the Carthaginians. Scipio enraged at this treachery, in four hours time overcame them, and though himself received a wound in the neck, gave not over the fight till he saw the Victory certain, the Soldiers at their own instance, without any command, neglecting the spoil and plunder (so much did their Generals wound, wound their very souls) spared neither Sex nor age, not suffering their rage to cool till they levelled the whole City with the ground. Scipio being from thence come to Castace, dividing his Forces into three parts, laid siege to it, but forbore the assault to give the inhabitants time to repent, which he had intelligence they were already disposed to, and not long after having slain those of the Garrison, that opposed their intentions, the Conquerors yielded themselves to Scipio,

who placing there a new Garrison, and committing the care of the City to one of the inhabitants, a man of good fame and reputation, he returned himself to Carthagena, sending Syllanus and Martius towards the Sea-coasts, that as far as they could they might wast and spoil the whole Country. There was a certain town called Astapa, which had ever sided with the Carthaginians, the inhabitants whereof being besieged by Martius, and well forseeing if they were overcome by the Romans they should be sub∣jected to perpetual slavery, brought all things they had of value into the Market-place, and piling up wood about them, placed their Wives and Children on the top of all, then fifty of their stoutest men compelled by oath promised, that when they saw the City in such distress, that it must needs be taken, they would first kill the Women and Children, and then setting fire to the pile slay themselves. And so invoking the Gods against Martius, with great Noise and Clamor they sallied out, when nothing was less feared by the Enemy, then that they durst appear without their Walls, wherefore they easily repulsed the light Armed Foot, and Horse, which first engaged them, and when an Armed Legion advanced, the de∣sperate Astapians still fought most couragiously, but at length were forced to fall under their multitudes, whom they did yield to in valor; being all slain with their Arms in their hands, those fifty left in the City slew the Women and Children, and then setting fire to the Pile cast themselves into it, leaving no fruits of the Victory to the Conquerors. Martius admiring the Astapians, spared the buildings.

After these things Scipio fell sick, and while Martius commanded the [ X] Army, some Soldiers who had spent their means in luxury and riot, sup∣posing because they had nothing, they should have no rewards, for all their labors, but both the Advantage and Honor of all was done, would redound to Scipio, openly deserted Martius, and encamped by themselves, to whom many in like manner flocked from the Garrisons, Mago hereupon sent some with Mony to encourage them to a revolt: the Mony they re∣ceived, and created among themselves new Leaders and Centurions, who managed all things as they pleased, and had their own Councils; when Scipio heard hereof, he sent Letters apart to these deserters telling them, that being prevented by sickness he could not yet reward them. Others he sent to those not yet infected with this Contagion, advising them to recal their mad fellow Souldiers to their duty, and others again, to all to∣gether, as if they were reconciled, wherein he wrote that he should be ready to pardon any that had slipt aside, commanding them all to come to Carthagena, and receive their pay; while these letters were reading, some thought they were not to be trusted, others gave full credit to them, At last they agreed among themselves to go all together to Carthagena. In the mean time Scipio gives directions to those Senators, that were with him, that as soon as any of the heads of this conspiracy came, they should accost them in a friendly manner, pleasantly admonishing them, and invi∣ting them to be their guests, privately secure them: he likewise gave Order to his Tribunes, that at dawn of day they should get together the most faithful of their Souldiers, with their Swords by their sides, and po∣sting them in the most convenient places of the Assembly, if any tumult should begin they should presently fall on, and kill without expecting a signal. Not long after day light, the General getting up was brought to the Tribunal, and the Cryers were commanded to call the Soldiers to the Assembly. They not expecting the Cryers call, thinking it would be very

rude if they should make their General, who had not yet fully recovered his strength, wait longer for them (imagining withal that they were called to come and receive rewards) ran in hast from all parts, some without Swords and others for hast, only with a loose Coat about them, not staying to put on other Cloaths, Scipio (the appointed guards keeping close) first reproved them sharply for their Villanous Action, but Yet, said he, pu∣nishment is only to be inflicted on those were Authors of the crime, in doing which I will use your help; Scarce had he spoke these words but the Croud dividing as if he had given them a sign to do it, the heads of the mutiny were by the Senators set forth in the midst, exclaming as they were led along, and imploring their fellow Soldiers help, but whoever at their Outcrys did but murmur, were presently slain by the Tribunes. The rest of the Croud perceiving the whole place of Assembly beset with Armed Men in a sad silence hung down their heads, whilst those brought into the midst of them, were by Scipio's command first scourged with Rods, and then fastned to the stake, had their heads struck off with Axes; which done he made the Cryers to proclaim pardon to the rest. In this Condi∣tion stood Scipio's Army. There was one Indibilis a little King, and one of those who had made a League and Confederacy with Scipio, who at the same time that the mutiny was in Scipio's Army, in hostile maner invaded the Territories of some of Scipio's Allies, and when Scipio led the Army against him, maintained so stout a fight, that he slew twelve hundred of the Ro∣mans, but having lost twenty thousand of his own, he sent Ambassadors to Scipio to crave peace, which for a considerable sum of Mony was gran∣ted him. Massanissa likewise crossing the Sea unknown to Asdrubal, came to a conference with Scipio, and giving him his right hand promi∣sed, that if he could come over into Africa, he would give him all the as∣sistance he could. This was a man in all things constant to his Faith, but he for this reason fell off from the Carthaginians, Massanissa was betrothed to the Daughter of Asdrubal, the General under whom he now made War, and Syphax almost died for this Ladies Love, wherefore the Cartha∣ginians judging of what importance it would be to them, in this present War if they could joyn to their party against the Romans so Potent a King, without consulting the Father, gave him the Daughter in Marriage, and and this Asdrubal out of respect to him, kept secret from Massanissa, but he finding it out some other way, sought thereupon Scipio's friendship. Mago, having still a fleet to command, seeing the affairs of Spain grown despe∣rate, sailed among the Ligurians and Gauls, there to raise Mercenary Sol∣diers. After his departure those of Cadiz, as if betrayed by Mago, yielded themselves to the Romans, from which time first began the Roman Custom to send Annual Magistrates into Spain as to a Conquered People, to keep in Peace and Govern the Province, which hapned in the hundred forty fourth Olympiad. But Scipio leaving the whole Country in Peace, with no very strong Garrisons (placed all the Soldiers weakned with wounds, together in one City, which from Italy he called the Italian, famous for the birth of Trajan and Adrian, who after in succeeding times came to be Roman Emperors) and himself building a Magnificent Fleet, with a great Num∣ber of Captives, and loaden with Mony, Arms and other spoils, returned to Rome, where he was received with mighty Pomp to his great and incre∣dible glory, as well because of his youth, as because of the Expedition wherewith he had done so many Noble exploits, insomuch that those who envyed him, confessed that his actions had far exceeded his Rich Promi∣ses, wherefore to the admiration of all Men he received the Honor of Tri∣umph.

Indibilis who as soon as Scipio was gone rebelled, was by those who Commanded in Spain, gathering together Forces out of the Garrisons, and Auxiliaries from their Allies, fought with and slain, the stirrers up of the Rebellion were brought to tryal, their goods confiscate, and they con∣dignly punished. The People their confederates condemned to pay fines, disarmed, and forced to give Hostages, and receive stronger Garrisons. This Issue had the Romans first Attempts in Spain.

In succeeding times the Romans being employed in War against the [ XI] Gauls, the inhabitants about Po, and Philip of Macedon, the Spaniards laying hold of the opportunity, began to form new designs. To suppress which were sent Generals from Rome, Sempronius Tudertinus and M. H••l∣vidius, and after them Minucius, to whom, because the troubles grew greater▪ Cato, with larger Forces was sent for Successor, a young Man in∣deed but solid, patient in labor, and so fam'd for Prudence and Eloquence, that he was among the Romans called Demosthenes, by way of comparing him with that most Excellent of all the Graecian Orators, He arriving in Spain, when he came among the Mart Towns, there gathered about him from all parts above forty thousand Enemies. Having taken a little time to Exercise his Soldiers, when the signals on both sides were hung out, and the Armies ready to Engage, he sent away his fleet to Marsilia, telling the Soldiers the present danger was not so great, in their Enemies being su∣perior to them in Numbers (for that nothing was difficult which stedfast courage could not overcome) as in their want of shipping, so that they had no way of refuge or safety left but in being victorious, And having thus spoken led his Soldiers to the fight, not filled with hopes according to the custom of other Generals, but with the terror of their danger. The Battels being joyned he went every where intreating, pressing forward, and incouraging his Men, and when the fight had continued doubtful till evening, not a few falling on both sides, he with three Cohorts of the re∣serve went to the top of a high hill, from whence he had a clear prospect of the whole Action, where observing his Main Body much oppressed, run∣ning down with great shouts and fury upon the Enemy, and first exposing himself to danger, he gave a beginning to the Victory. All Night he gave the Enemy chase slaying Multitudes, and possessing himself of their Camp: at his return he congratulated his Soldiers embracing them as the Authors of the Victory, then giving them that time to refresh their bo∣dies by repose, which their labors required, he afterwards sold the prey. But when Deputies came to him from all parts to crave Peace, he first de∣manded Hostages, and afterwards signing Letters, sent them to all the People severally, giving order to those that carried them, to take care, that they might be delivered in one day, which he had appointed, having before computed in how long time a Messenger might be going to the re∣motest City, and accordingly to the rest. By these Letters he Comman∣ded the Magistrates of every particular City, that the same day on which they received his Orders, they should demolish the Walls of their City, which if they delayed, he denounced their slavery. They newly over∣come in battel, and ignorant, whether these Commands were sent to the rest, or to them only, were tormented with great fears, for if this Com∣mand were to them alone, they knew themselves not able to withstand the Romans, and if the Command were general, they were no less fearful lest they should be the only City delay'd it's execution. Therefore, and

because they had not time to send mutual Messengers to each other, and were likewise urged to dispatch by those who brought the Orders, every one having their own safety only in prospect, they all diligently set them∣selves about throwing down their Walls, for when they had once decreed obedience, they thought their Celerity would prove to their advantage, and those whose Walls were first demolished should have the Honor of it. Thus all the Cities about the River Iberus by the policy of the General, in one day levelled their own Walls, the consequence of which was, that by reason of their weakness, they continued longer in Peace.

[ XII] Some years after, about the hundred and fiftieth Olympiad the inha∣bitants about the River Iberus, and the Lusones with many Spanish Exiles and Fugitives revolted from the Romans. These being defeated by Ful∣vius Flaccus fled to their several Cities, but the greatest part having no land, and only laboring for their bread, chose Complega for their habitation, a City newly built, and strangely and suddenly become powerful; from hence sending to Flaccus, they commanded that the Cloaks, Horses and Swords of several Men by name slain in the late War, might be given up to them, and that he would suddenly, before any thing worse befel him, de∣part from Spain. Answer being returned that he would bring them many of those Cloaks, Flaccus with the Army following their Deputies, pitcht his Camp before the City. But they having Souls too mean to maintain so lofty a Command, betook themselves to flight wasting the lands of the Barbarians their Neighbors. Now the Spaniards went doubly clad, their upper garment being loose and fastned together with buttons which they called a Saga, or Cloak.

Tiberius Sempronius Grac••hus succeeded Flaccus in Command at the same time when twenty thousand Celtiberians besieged Carabis a City in Alliance with the Romans. Which because strong reports were raised of it's being taken, Gracchus hastned the more to relieve. But when he found it so encompassed with Enemies that he could not give the besieged any no∣tice of his coming. Cominius Captain of a Troop of Horse having first well weighed the matter, and acquainted Gracchus with it, puts himself in the Spanish dress, and cunningly mixing with the Enemies Forragers, passed through their Camp for a Spaniard, and thence by running reached the City, telling the Townsmen, that Gracchus was at hand, whereupon they with courage underwent all difficulties till the third day, when the Ene∣mies retreating at Gracchus approach, they were delivered from the siege. About the same time near twenty thousand Men coming out of Complega towards Gracchus Camp, with boughs in their hands after the manner of suppliants, when they drew near, as if upon a sudden they had changed their minds they made an assault, filling the whole Army with fear and terror, but Gracchus by singular policy dessembling a flight, deserted his Tents and presently after facing about, and setting upon them intent on the Plunder, slew a great number, and taking the City subdued likewise the Confines. After which dividing the Lands among those wanted, and giving them seats to inhabit in he made a League with all the People that inhabited those quarters, chiefly on condition that they should be friends to the people of Rome, and to that end mutual Oaths being given and ta∣ken, they in future Wars proved very serviceable to the Romans, for these things Gracchus name grew famous both in Spain and at Rome, which he Magnificently entred in Triumph.

Not many years after, a new and general War was kindled in Spain [ XIII] upon this occasion: Segada, a large and powerful City of those Celtiberians called Belli, received into the League by Sempronius Gracchus, inviting the Citizens of lesser Towns to joyn with them, began to build a Wall four hundred furlongs about; and compelling the Titthi, a neighbouring peo∣ple to do the same. The Senate having certain intelligence hereof; first forbid the building of the Wall, next demanded the Tribute imposed by Gracchus: And lastly, (for this was an Article in Gracchus League) com∣manded they should attend the Romans in War. As to what concerned the Wall, the Celtiberians answered, That indeed they were forbid by Gracchus to build any new Cities, but about restoring or fortifying old ones, there was not a word spoken; and for the Tribute, and Service, it was since Gracchus time, remitted by the Romans themselves. And in∣deed so it was; but when the Senate dispenses with any such priviledges, they always add this exception, so long as it shall be to theirs, and the people of Romes good liking. Nobilior was therefore sent against them with an Army of near thirty thousand; whose coming the Segedians foreseeing, because their Wall was not yet perfect, fled with their Wives and Children to the Arvacci, beseeching them to receive them, who not only entertained them, but chose likewise Carus a Segedian, a man quali∣fied for War, for General; who the third day after entrance into his com∣mand, with twenty thousand Foot, and five thousand Horse, takes his Post in a place fit for Ambushes, being quite covered over with Trees. There as the Romans passed by, he charged them, and fought a long time without advantage: but at length, with the death of six thousand Roman Citi∣zens (as that time no small loss to the City) he bravely overcame them; but after the Victory, with too much eagerness and disorder, pursuing those that fled; the Roman Horse left in guard of the Carriage, falling on, first slew Carus, bravely opposing them, and with him no fewer than six thousand men. Night coming on, ended this dispute. This slaughter hap∣pened on a day by the Romans consecrated to Vulcan, wherefore unless forced to it, they will not on this day engage an Enemy. The very same night the Arvacci met together at Numantia, a very strong City; and created two new Generals, Ambo and Leuco. Three days after Nobilior following them, encamps within four and twenty Furlongs of the City, whither came to him three hundred Horse, and ten Elephants sent from Massanissa, with which he advances towards the Enemy, placing the Elephnts behind the first Battel, that they might not at first be discovered by the Enemy. The Fight beginning, his Front falling off, the suddain sight of those Beasts so terrified both the Celtiberians and their Horses, who never before had seen Elephants, that turning their backs they fled to the Town. The Roman General pursuing, the Flyers turns the Elephants to the Wall, there main∣taining a sharp conflict, one of the Elephants wounded in the head with a great Stone, grew angry, and setting up a horrible roaring, turns upon his own Party, and without distinguishing Friend from Enemy, began to rage against all he met. The rest set on by his roaring began to do the same, and in all places to ••rample under foot, overturn and disorder the Ro∣mans, for it is usual for Elephants when they are once vexed, to take all they meet for Enemies; for which perfidiousness, they are by some call∣ed the common Enemy. A general flight hereupon began among the Ro∣mans, which the Numantines from the Walls beholding, made a sally, and falling in upon them, dispersed and trampled down, slew four thou∣sand

of them, and three Elephants, and took many Arms, and some En∣signs: Of the Celtiberians there were about two thousand slain: Nobilior a little recruited after the loss, endeavouring in vain to force the City of Auxenium, where the Enemy had stored up their Provisions, with the loss of no few men retreated into his Camp. Thence he sent Biasius, who commanded his Horse, to certain neighbouring people, that joyning friend∣ship with him, they might assist him with some Horsemen. He return∣ing, and bringing some Horse with him, the Celtiberians lay in Ambush for him, who being discovered, his associates fled; but Biasius, and many of the Romans with him were slain: So many losses and disasters began to turn their Allies hearts from them. Ocylis, a City in which were the Ma∣gazines of Provisions and Treasure, revolted to the Celtiberians. Nobilior distrusting all things in the present necessity, wintred in his Tents, covered and close stopped: but his want of Corn (for he had his store with him) was very great; besides the violent hail, and bitter cold cruelly afflicted the Soldiers, so that many of them going to fetch in Wood, and others in their hard Winter Lodgings dyed with Distempers, caused by the extremity of the weather.

[ XIV] The next year Claudius Marcellus succeded Nobilior in his command, bringing with him eight thousand Foot, and five hundred Horse. At his first coming the Enemy in vain laid ambushes for him, for proceeding circumspectly and cautiously, he brought the Army in safety, and pitch'd Camp before Ocylis, which City (being a General fortunate in War) he presently subdued, and taking Hostages, and thirty Talents of Silver, pardoned them. The Nergobriges hearing of this clemency, asked what they should do to obtain Peace likewise with him, he demanded a hundred Horse to go to the War with him. Those they promised, but in the mean time, some of them falling in the skirts of the Roman Army, plundered some of the Baggage; soon after the Horse they had covenanted to send coming, and being demanded concerning the Baggage, they made an∣swer, that some ignorant of the agreement made had done it; but Mar∣cellus commanded them to be dismounted, and their Horses sold; and af∣terwards dividing among his Soldiers the prey he had gathered, wasting their Fields, he besieged the City. The Nergobriges, when they saw that the Engines brought close to the Trench, had shaken their Walls, sent a Herald, who instead of a Caduceus, was cloathed in a Wolves skin, to ask pardon for their faults: the General refused it, unless with them all the Arvani, Belli and Titthi would ask it likewise, which when they signified to them, they forthwith sent all of them Deputies to Marcellus, to entreat him that content with a moderate punishment, he would a∣gain receive them into the Conditions of Gracchus League. This Petition some people a little before by them provoked to War opposed; wherefore Marcellus commanded the Legates of both parties to dispute it before the Senate; but by private Letters he advised the Fathers to decide all Con∣troversies; for he was very desirous in the time of his Government, to put an end to this War, supposing he should thereby get Renown and Ho∣nour. Now Ambassadors sent from confederate and associate Cities, were wont to be admitted into the City, and treated as Guests; but these, as coming from Enemies, were according to Custom commanded to lodge in the Suburbs; the Senate taking it ill that they, though Nobilior, who was in Spain, before Marcellus had given his opinion for them, had not permitted it to the Romans, so they disallowed the Peace, and gave the

Legates no other answer, then that Marcellus should declare to them the Senates pleasure. Then decreeing an Army for Spain, they chose the Soldiers by Lot, which formerly they used to enrol by Centuries; but be∣cause many had complained to the Consuls, that they had hard measure, while others were employed and taken up for easier service, they thought it best to chuse the Army by Lot. Licinius Lucullus Consul was made Ge∣neral, and Cornelins Scipio his Lieutenant. Whilst he is going to this War, Marcellus advises the Celtiberians of the approaching War, and restores the Hostages to those redemanded them. After which privately sending for the Chief of the Ambassadors, sent to Rome in the name of the Celtiberians, and keeping him a long time with him, he gave occasion to a suspicion (which he afterwards much more increased) that he was in∣deavouring to perswade the Celtiberians to leave all things to his Arbitre∣ment, he endeavouring by all means possible to put an end to the War, be∣fore Lucullus coming: For presently after this Conference, five thousand Arvacci got into the City of Nertobriga. And Marcellus leading his Army against Numantia, and their Camps lying within five furlongs of the Ci∣ty, when he drove the Numantines into their Walls, Litennus their Prince stopping their course, cryed out he desired conference with Marcellus. This Marcellus heard with joyful ears, and receiving the Hostages and Money he demanded, sent them all home in peace. By this means, before Lucullus came, the War with the Belli, Arvacci and Titthi was brought to an end.

But Lucullus, as covetous of Glory, as of adding to his private For∣tune, [ XV] which was but very slender, presently with his Army enters the Confines of the Vaccaei, a Nation of the Celtiberians, bordering upon the Arvacci, though he neither had command from the Senate, nor had they made any War upon the Romans, or any other way offended him; and crossing the River, called Tagus, comes to the City Cauca, and sets down before it: The Citizens inquiring wherefore he came, and what occasion there was for War; he answered, He came to the assistance of the Car∣pitani, whom they had wronged, whereupon they retreated into their City; from whence, not long after, making a sally upon Lucullus men, gone to provide Wood and Corn, they slew many, and drove the rest to their Tents. And whenever they came to an Engagement, the Caucaei, who were almost all Light Armed Men, were at the first for a while su∣periours; but when their Darts were spent, then they turned their backs, unskilful, and unaccustomed to a standing Fight; so that once flying to their City, by reason of the croud at their Gates, near three thousand of them perished. The next day all the gravest of the Citizens came out to Lucullus, with Crowns and Olive Branches to know of him upon what Conditions they might buy his friendship; they were answered by Ho∣stages, an hundred Talents in Silver, and their Horsemen going to the Wars with the Romans; which being presently agreed to, Lucullus de∣sired he might place a Garrison in the City, which the Caucaei likewise yielded to; he brings in two thousand of his chosen men, whom he com∣manded, as soon as they were got in to possess themselves of the Wall. This done, he lets in all his Army, and at the Signal given by sound of Trumpet, commands them to fall on, and kill all the Caucaei, without any distinction; who invoking the Gods, presiding over Oaths and Covenants, and bitterly cursing the Roman perfidiousness, were cruelly murdered, of twenty thousand very few escaped, by breaking open the Gates: Lucullus

having sack'd the City, cast thereby a great infamy on the Roman Name. The rest of the Barbarians flying out of the plain Country, fled among the Precipices and places inaccessible, others carried all they could into for∣tified Towns, and what they were forced to leave they burnt, that no∣thing might be left for Lucullus to plunder. He therefore having wan∣dred long enough in that Desert Country, came to the Town of Inter∣catia, where were drawn together twenty thousand Foot, and two thou∣sand Horse; whom when Lucullus, with imprudence enough, would have perswaded to enter into a treaty of Peace, they reproached him with the slaughter of the Caucaei, asking whether it were not with the same Right Hand, and the same Faith he had already pawned to the Caucaei: With which revilings (as it is ordinary for those whose consciences accuse them of guilt) being extreamly galled, he laid waste their Country. And then besieging the City, and intrenching himself, he often drew out his Army in Battel, to try if by any means he could draw the Enemy to a Battel: but as they, by all means avoided a set Fight, so by continual skir∣mishes of Light Armed Foot they annoyed him. But among the Barba∣rians there was often seen a man remarkable, for the brightness of his Ar∣mour, who often coming on horseback between the two parties, dared any of the Romans to engage him in single Combat, and when none offered themselves, scoffing at the Romans with many postures of scorn and deri∣sion, he returned among his own people. When he had often done this, Scipio, though yet but young, much afflicted at it, himself advancing out, and undertaking the Duel, though but a middly siz'd man, overcame this Barbarian of a Gigantick stature. This Victory much raised the Spirits of the Romans; but the next night sundry terrours seised them, which sprung from this occasion. The Barbarian Horse before Lucullus approach, being gone to Forrage, at their return, finding the City besieged, went about, calling out, and filling all the places with their clamours, which be∣ing answered by those within the Town, the Romans were possessed with doubtful fears, knowing their posts not over strong, and the Soldiers by continual watchings, and unusual food extremely weakned, and feeding only on Wheat and Barly, with the Flesh of Stags and Hares, boiled with∣out Salt, they fell into Fluxes, which swept many of them away. At length having filled the Ditch, and by often playing their Engines, shook the Wall, so that part of it fell, they broke into the City; whence vio∣lently repulsed, they upon their retreat, not knowing the ground, fell in∣to the Common Sewer, where many of them perished. The next night the Barbarians repaired their Walls. After which neither party able any longer to dissemble their miseries and losses, the famine growing violent upon them; Scipio freely promised the Barbarians, that if they would en∣ter into League, they should be treated without any Fraud or Treachery. The opinion of this mans Virtue was so great among the Barbarians, that to his Faith they committed themselves, and the War upon these conditi∣ons was removed, that the Intercations should give Lucullus six thousand Sagas or Cloaks, a certain number of Cattel, and fifty Hostages, for as for Gold and Silver, (the thirst after which, believing Spain every where abounded with it, had begot this War) none was given, for it not being of any esteem among these people, they had it not. From hence Lucul∣lus went to Palantia, a City much renowned for the Valour of its people, and whither many others were fled. Wherefore some advised the Gene∣ral to pass by without making any attempt upon it; but a covetous man could not be drawn away from a City he had been told was rich; till af∣ter

being by many Excursions of the Palantine Horse, cut off from going to Forrage, through want of Provisions he was forced to divide his Army into four Bodies, and so make his retreat, pursued by the Palantines in the Rear, till he came to the River Dorium, where they gave over following him. Lu∣cullus wintred in Turdetania: These were the Actions of the War with the Vaccaei, which though Lucullus undertook, and carried on without any command from the people of Rome▪ yet he was never called to question for it.

Much about the same time the Lusitanians (another people of Spain, [ XVI] and living under the same Laws) commanded by a Carthaginian, wasted the Lands of the Romans associates; and putting to flight the Roman Ge∣nerals, Manlius and Calphurnius, slew six thousand men, and among them Terentius Varro the Questor; with which Victory the Carthaginians puft up, marched as far as the Ocean, and taking with them the Vetones, besieged the Roman Subjects, called the Blastophaenicae. These as fame goes, were brought out of Lybia by Hannibal the Carthaginian, and from thence took that name. Here the Punick General wounded in the head with a stone dyed. In his place they substituted a man, called Caesaras, who en∣gaged in fight with Mummius (lately come from Rome with an Army) was routed and fled; but when Mummius's men scattered and dispersed pursued the Victory, rallying, he slew nine thousand of them, recovered all the plunder of his Camp, and got all that of the Romans, with many Colours and Arms, which the Barbarians in derision carried throughout all Celtiberia. Mummius with the five thousand he had left intrenched himself, not daring to take the Field, till he had somewhat confirmed the minds of his Soldiers, terrified with the last slaughter. Whence obser∣ving the Barbarians, carrying by part of their Booty, setting upon them unawares, they slew many, and recovered the Spoil and the Ensigns. The Lusitanians inhabiting the other Banks of the Tagus, incensed against the Romans, of their own accord declared War, and under the Conduct of Caucaenus their General, invaded the Cunaei, a people subject to the Romans, taking from them the large City of Conistergis; and thence crossing over the Straits at the Pillars of Hercules, some of them went to people Africa, others went and besieged the City of Ocylis. These Mummius following with nine thousand Foot, and five hundred Horse, slew fifteen thousand of them, that were over-running the Country, and as many more at raising the Siege of Ocylis, meeting likewise those who were conveying away the Spoil, he cut them off so clearly, that there was not a Messenger to tell the news. Now all the prey that he could carry along with him, he divided among the Soldiers, and the rest, (consecrated to the Deities, presiding over the War) he burnt, and for these things at his return to Rome Tri∣umphed.

M. Attilius, Successor to Mummius making an inrode into Lusitania▪ [ XVII] killed seven hundred men, and taking from them a great City, called Ox∣thracas, so terrified all the neigbouring places, that they surrendred on conditions, among which were some of the Vetones, the farthest people of Lusitania. But Attilius being gone, in Winter they all revolted, and besieged some of the Roman Subjects, whom, whilst he was hasting to receive Seroclius Galba (who came to succeed Attilius) marching in a day and a night five hundred furlongs, comes within sight of the Enemy, and without any stay, or giving the Soldiers any time to refresh themselves,

after such tedious travel, falls on, and after having fourtunately broken and put them to flight, he very imprudently pursued them; for his men through weariness following sloathfully, and in disorder: The Barbarians perceiving them thus dispersed to lye down by the way side to rest them∣selves, gathering again into a Body, fell upon them, and slew seven thou∣sand. Galba, with the Horse whom he had kept about his person, got by flight to the City of Carmelis, whither many others likewise fled for safety, whom drawing into a Body, and raising twenty thousand men among the Associates, he went among the Cunaei, and there wintred.

Lucullus, who without any orders from the people of Rome, had made War upon the Vaccaei, wintring in Turdetania, having intelligence that the Lustitanians had invaded the Neighbours, sending out some of his best Captains, slew about four thousand of them; and they making a new ir∣ruption with other Forces, he about Cadiz killed fifteen hundred more, and pursuing the r••••t to a Hill, where they had posted themselves, be∣sieged them, and took a mutitude of men, and at last entring Lusitania, he by parcels depopulated the Country. The same did Galba on the o∣ther side; and when Deputies came to him and desired they might again re∣new the League, which agreed upon before with Attilius, then General, had been violated, he received them kindly, and gave them his word, seeming grieved for them, that through meer want, they had been forced to use Robbery, make War, and break Articles of Peace: But under me, said he, be no longer in doubt, that your poverty, and the barrenness of your Country shall force you to these things; for if you will henceforward be friends, I will give to such of you, as are in want, good Land, and dividing you into three parts, appoint you fruitful seats to dwell in. Allured by these promises, they forsook their old Seat, and assembled in great numbers where Galba had commanded, whom dividing into three parties, he ordered each to march down into the Plains he assigned them, and there for a while wait till he returned to them. Then coming to the first, as already friends, he commanded them to lay down their Arms, and thus disarmed, drew a Ditch about them, and then sending in some with Swords, slew them all, crying out, and invoking the Faith of Gods and Men. Thus with all imaginable speed, he served the second and third party, before they could have any notice of their Companions Calamity. Thus was Treachery re∣venged, not as became Romans or Roman Clemency, but incitating the Barbarians savegness and cruelty: yet some of them escaped, among whom was Viriatus, who not long after commanded the Lusitanians, and performing many worthy Exploits, killed a multitude of Romans; but of those things, as done afterwards, we shall speak in due time. Galba sur∣passing Lucullus for covetousness, distributed but little of the prey to the Soldiers, less to his Friends, and the rest converted to his own use. And though he were one of the richest of all the Romans, yet as is reported in time of Peace, he never scrupled at lye nor perjury, so it turned to pro∣fit, hated therefore by all, and cited to judgement; yet by force of Mo∣ney he got off▪ Not long after those that remained after Lucullus and Galba's Treachery, being gathered together to about ten thousand men, with in∣cursions wasted the Country of the Turd••tani. Against whom C. Vetelius come from Rome with new Forces, and joyning with those before in Spain, marched with about ten thousand men, who first falling in among their Forragers slew many of them, and forced the rest to a certain place, where if they staid, they perished by Famine, and if they removed, were in im∣minent danger of falling under the Romans Swords. So great a strait

they were in, wherefore sending Legates to Vetilius with Olive Branches, they desired a place to dwell in, promising thenceforward to live under the Roman Power. Vetilius gave his word to perform their request, and al∣ready Conditions were agreed on, when Viriatus (who escaped from Galba's wicked cruelty, and by chance at that time sojourned among them) began to admonish them of all the Romans Treachery, who after having so often pawned their Faith to them, had perfidiously assaulted them, telling them their present Army was only the Relicks of Lucullus and Galba's perjury. Adding, if they would obey him, he would show them a safe way to retreat out of that place. By which words forewarned, and their hearts quickned by some hope, they chose him General, whereupon he first of all draws them up, as if preparing them to fight, then gave orders, that as soon as they saw him mount his Horse, dispersing themselves all o∣ver the Country, they should by divers ways get to the City of Tribola, and there staid for him. In the mean time a thousand chosen Horse he kept with him in a Body: and things thus disposed, at one instant Viriatus mounts his Horse, and they all took their flight. Vertilius afraid to pursue men so dispersed; seeing Viriatus standing, turned towards him, thinking to provoke him to fight, who seemed to offer the occasion: but Viriatus by the swiftness of his Horse, eluding all his endeavours, sometimes retreat∣ing, and sometimes advancing, but keeping in continual motion, spent all that day, and the next upon the same ground. Till conjecturing that by this time, his fellows fled before might be in safety; he set forward by night, and through by-ways, and on nimble Horse soon got to Tribola. The Romans, both because of their heavy Armour, ignorance of the ways, and withal being mounted on other kind of Horses, not being able to follow him. Thus Viriatus saved the Army, when themselves were in utter despair, and lost to all hopes. The bravery of which Exploit being spred among the Barbarians, added to him both Honour and Power, many joyning with him, by whose assistance he held out three whole years against the Romans. I have therefore designed to write here at once all this Viriatick War, which gave no small trouble to the Romans; and if any thing happened in the mean time in Spain, to relate it after∣ward.

Vetilius therefore pursuing Viriatus, came to Tribola, but in the way as [ XVIII] he was passing over a certain woody Hill, Viriatus having got behind with his Horse, and an Ambush rising in Front both at once, set upon the Romans, whereof they slew many, threw others down into the Vallies, and many fell into their hands alive, among whom was Vetilius whom he that took, seeing old and fat, thinking him good for nothing, slew him. Of ten thousand Romans scarce six thousand escaped to Car∣pessus, which I suppose was once by the Greeks called Tartessus, where King Arganthonius (who is reported to have lived one hundred and fifty years) once reigned. The Soldiers escape by flight, and yet trembling, Vetilius his Questor dispose upon the Walls, and five thouand associates, which he had desired from the Belli and Titthi; he sent out to meet Viria∣tus, who made such a slaughter of them, that not a Messenger was le••t to bring back the news. So thenceforward the Questor lay quiet in the City, expecting assistance from Rome. In the mean time Viriatus, with∣out controul, wastes the Country of the Carpeti, which was sufficiently fertile, till C. Pla••tius comes from Rome with ten thousand Foot, and thirteen hundred Horse; when dissembling a flight, Pla••tius sent four

thousand men to pursue him, whom turning upon, he cut off all but a ve∣ry few; and crossing the Taegus, went and incamped among the Olive Mountains, upon that which is called Venus Hill, whither Plautius fol∣lowing out of an earnest desire to repair his former loss, fights a set Battel with him, and being with a mighty slaughter overcome, flees without any order to the Towns for refuge, and in the midst of Summer takes up his Winter Quarters, not daring look abroad. Wherefore Viriatus freely ranged over the whole Country, forcing the owners of the Ground to pay a value for the Crop, then almost ready for their Sickle, or else he destroy∣ed or burnt it. These things being understood at Rome, the Fathers sent Fabius Aemilianus Maximus (Son to Aemilius Paulus, who subdued Per∣seus, King of Macedon) with Power to raise an Army; who because the strength of the City was in a manner exhausted, first by the subversion of Carthage, then by subduing the Greeks, and lastly by bringing to a happy issue the Macedonian War, that he might spare those had out-lived so ma∣ny Engagements, enrolled two Legions of raw young Men; and having procured some further assistance from the Associates, with an Army of a∣bout fifteen thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse, came to Orso, a City of Spain; from thence that he might not throw himself upon the Enemy, with an undisciplined and unexperienced Force that had never yet seen any fighting, he crossed over into Cadiz, to sacrifice to Hercules. Viriatus met with a party of his men going to wood, slew a great many, and put the rest to flight; and his Lieutenant again bringing them out to engage, Viriatus again defeated them, and took a great booty; but when Maximus himself came, bringing armed Soldiers to try if he could entice him to a Battel, and daily provoking him, seeing Viriatus avoided a general En∣gagement, sending out parties by frequent skirmishes, he made trial of the Enemies strength, and increased his own mens courage and confi∣dence: aed whenever he sent out to Forrage, he gave a Convoy of Le∣gionary Soldiers and Horse to the light armed Foot, for this Discipline he had learn'd from his Father in the Macedonian War. Winter being past, and his Army well exercised and confirmed, he made a sharp War upon Vi∣riatus, and putting himself to flight, took two of his Cities, and burnt another. Viriatus himself flying to a place called Baecor, he followed, and slew many of his men, and then went and wintred at Corduba. Viriatus being now no longer secure as formerly, drew off from the Roman Alliance the Ar∣vacci, Titthi and Belli, warlike people, who waged another long and labo∣rious War by themselves, which from Numantia, one of their Cities, was call∣ed the Numantine, which immediately after the Viriatick, we shall proceed to treat of. Viriatus therefore, in another part of Spain, coming to a set Battel with Quintius, another Roman General, and being overcome, re∣treated to the Mountains of Venus; from whence turning again upon the Enemy, he slew some of Quintius men, took some Colours, and forced the rest into their Camp. He likewise by force drove out the Garrison at Ituca, and wasted the Country of the Basitani, whilst Quintius, out of weakness, and want of Military knowledge, lay shut up in Corduba (where in the midst of Autumn, he took up his Winter Quarters) and only now and then sent out C. Martius, a Spaniard of the Italian City against the Enemy. That year being expired so, Quintius Aemilianus succeeded his Brother Fabius Maximus Aemilianus, bringing with him two Roman Legions, and some Allies, so that all his Forces might be about sixteen thousand Foot, and sixteen hundred Horse. He wrote likewise to Mi∣cipsa, King of Numidia, to send him with all speed some Elephants: but

hastning to Ituca, and leading with him only part of his Army; Viria∣tus met with six thousand men, coming on with great noise and clamour, and with long hair, which the Barbarians used to wear and shake in time of fight to terrifie their Enemies; yet he bore his charge with so much courage, that the Enemy was repulsed without effecting any thing. But when the other part of the Army, with ten thousand Elephants, and three hundred Horse from Lybia were come to him, enlarging his Camp, he first drew out his Army against Viriatus, and over-powring him, routed and put him to flight: but when breaking their Ranks in the pursuit, Vi∣riatus observed the confusion, rallying, he slew about three thousand men, and drove the rest to the Camp: He likewise assaulted their Camp, while scarce any would shut the Gates again the invading Enemy, but most struck with pannick fear, hid themselves in their Huts, and neither by the General nor Military Tribunes could be got out to fight, yet above all Fannius, the Brother-in-Law of Laelius, did in this Battel, in a singular man∣ner make his courage manifest. Night coming on, favoured and saved the Romans. But Viriatus night and day omitted no opportunity, some∣times with light armed Foot, and sometimes with nimble Horse to weary out the Romans, till at last he forced Servilianus to raise his Siege from I∣tuca. And himself beginning to be pinched with hunger, and having but slender Forces, setting on fire his Tents by night, marched towards Lusi∣tania, Servilianus in his going off, not being followed, translated the seat of War into Baeturia, where he seised upon five Cities, that bore good will to Viriatus: Thence led his Forces among the Cunei, from whence he again marched into Lusitania against Viriatus himself. In this way meeting with two Captains of Thieves, Curius and Apuleius, with ten thou∣sand men, they very much vexed the Romans, acd joyning Battel wherein Curius was killed, they yet got some booty, all which Servilianus not long after recovered, and likewise took by force the Cities Escadia, Gemella and Obolcola, in all which Viriatus had placed Garrisons, some of which he made Captains, and others he let go. Of ten thousand Prisoners he had, five hundred he made pass under the Ax, and sold the rest. After this he went to Winter Quarters, leaving the War to him that was to Command next year, and these things done, returned to Rome. Quintius Pompeius Aulus succeeded him in Command.

Mean while his Brother Maximus Aemilianus, having received upon [ XIX] submission one Connoba, a Captain of Thieves, did indeed pardon him, but cut of all his Companions hands: but when pursuing Viriatus, he was about to inclose Erisane, one of his Cities, with a Trench and Palisado. Viriatus entring the City by night, and making a Sally by break of day, not only drove those that were working upon the Lines from their la∣bour, making them throw away their Spades and Mattocks, but likewise forced all the rest of Aemilianus Forces ready drawn up, and in a posture to engage him, to flee among the Rocks and Precipices, from whence there was no way to escape; yet here succes made not Viriatus insolent; but supposing he now might upon fair Conditions lay down Arms, and enter into friendship with the Romans; he contracted a League, which the people of Rome afterwards confirmed, and called Viriatus friend, giving Orders his Associates should enjoy the Lands they possessed. Thus a War heavy to the Romans seemed on easie Conditions quite extinct; but this Peace proved not lasting, for Cepio, brother to Aemilianus, Author of this League, and his Successor in Command, finding fault with the Conditi∣ons,

as dishonourable to the Roman people, prevailed with the Senate to have leave privately to incommode Viriatus, as he thought fit, and con∣tinually urging them, and plying them with Letters, at length procured a Decree to declare open War against Viriatus, fortified with which Decree he received upon surrender the City of Arsa, Viriatus looking on; and pursued Viriatus himself, flying and wasting all as he went to Carpetane, bringing with him greater Forces than Viriatus, who by reason of the paucity of his men, not thinking fit to engage, sending away the great∣est part of his Forces, by an obscure Valley, drew up the rest upon a cer∣tain Hill, making a show, as if he were willing to fight the Enemy, but when he thought those sent before were out of danger, he flew after with so much scorn of the Enemy, and so much celerity, that those who followed him, knew not which way to take. Cepio turning his Arms against the Vetones and Callaici wasted their Country: but now follow∣ing Viriatus Example, many other Bands of Rovers, by their incursions wasted Lusitania. Against whom Sex. Iunius Brutus being sent, he consi∣dering the distance of places (being all that ground between the four Na∣vigable Rivers of Tagus, Lethe, Dorius and Boetis) gave them a hard chase, they running hither and thither, after the manner of Thieves, and now following, and then flying, dispairing to catch them, and yet thinking the not taking of them would be dishonourable, though on the other side the taking of them would be no great Triumph; he led his Army into the Thieves own Country, thinking with the same trouble to take revenge of them (for he thought they would all come home to defend their own) and withal enrich his Soldiers by the spoil. Led on with these thoughts and imaginations, he seised upon all stood in his way. The Barbarians coming out to oppose him, and the Women assisting and bearing Arms with such courage and eagerness, that even in the midst of slaughter their voices were not to be heard. Some indeed there were, who taking what they could, fled up to the Mountains, to whom, because they asked par∣don, Brutus gave whatever remained of theirs. Thence crossing the Ri∣ver Dorius, carrying Fire and Sword through all parts far and near, and receiving Hostages of all that yielded, at length he came to the River of Oblivion, and first of any Roman crossed it. Thence going to Nimis a∣nother River, he made War upon the Bracari, because they had stopped, and taken the Provisions, bringing to the Roman Camp. 'Twas the Cu∣stom likewise of these people to bring their Women armed into the Field, who would rather die than turn their backs, or utter any unworthy cry; nay, these very Women, when led away Captives, would some kill them∣selves, and others cut their Childrens Throats, thinking Death much bet∣ter than Slavery, yet some Towns yielded to Brutus, who not long after revolting, he again reduced to obedience; among others Talabriga often accepting Conditions, often rebelled. Thither Brutus coming, the Towns∣men imploring mercy, and referring themselves to discretion, he first com∣manded them to deliver all Roman Fugitives, Captives and Arms, then that with their Wives and Children they should leave the City, which when readily they submitted to, inclosing them with his Army, he began to let them understand how often they had revolted, and how often renew∣ed the War; possessing them with an extreme fear and opinion, how grie∣vously he was offended with them, and ending all in reproaches of their Treachery; but yet taking away their Horses, Provisions, and publick Money, beyond their own hopes, he restored them their Town to dwell in. After doing all these things, Brutus returned to Rome. These at∣tempts

of other Bands of Thieves happening in the same time, and after the Example of Viriatus, I thought convenient to place with that War. But now Viriatus sent Audax Ditalco, and Minurus, the most faithful of his Friends to Cepio to make Peace. These Cepio engaged by great Gifts, and large hopes, to make him a promise to kill Viriatus, which at length they in this manner performed: Viriatus was a man given little to sleep, as well because of the sundry cares distracted him, as because of his conti∣nual employs, wherefore likewise he often slept in Armour, that he might be ready upon all services, and to that end by night the entrance to him was always open to his Friends, being by this means free to be called at all seasons. Audax, and the Consorts of his villany, observing his first lying down, as if they had some earnest business, went into his Tent, and wounding him in his Throat, for that part only of his Body was naked, slew him as he lay; then without any noise, no one thinking they had given him his deadly wound, they went out and fled to Cepio, and de∣manded their reward. He only granted them the enjoyment of what then they had, and referred them to the Senate for rewards. The Day com∣ing on, Viriatus Clients, and indeed the whole Army thinking him still at rest, wondered what should make him sleep more than ordinary, till some going in, let them understand he lay slain in his Arms. Then presently a general lamentation and mourning was heard throughout the whole Camp, all afflicting themselves for his death; and beginning to be doubtful of their own safety, for so they reputed themselves, having lost a General, who had been conversant in, and had freed them from so ma∣ny dangers. But that which most of all tormented them was, that they could not find the Authors of this Villany. Therefore covering the Body with most magnificent Habits, they burnt it upon a very high Pile, then Horse and Foot marching in Troops, and Companies round about in Arms, after a barbarous manner, celebrated Viriatus Memory; nor departed they from the Pile, till the fire of it self went out. The Funeral Rites performed, they set forth rewards for Gladiators. So great a desire of him did Viriatus leave behind him, a man (as among the Barbarians) most worthy of Command, behind none in encountring dangers, and the most exact man living in dividing the Prey, for he never took nor offered his friends more than their share, and himself distributed it to the Vali∣ant, whereof this was the consequence (which is very rare, and I know not whether ever it happened to any other General) that though he had an Army composed of many divers Nations; yet in eight years, which he waged War, no Mutiny every happened amongst them, but he had always his Soldiers in a ready obedience, and forward in the encountring of danger. Having created Tantalus General in the room of Viriatus, they undertook the Expedition against Saguntum. This City Hannibal having subversed, restored, and from his Countries name, called Cartha∣gena. The Spaniards repulsed thence, as they crossed over the River Baetis, Cepio following pressed so hard upon them, that Tantalus di∣strusting his Affairs, delivered up himself and his Army, upon Conditi∣on they should be treated no worse than Subjects. So being disarmed, that they might no more live like Thieves, they had sufficient Lands set out to them: And thus ended the Viriatick War.

Now let us return to the War with the Vacc••ei, or Numantines, whom [ XX] Viriatus had engaged to a revolt, Caecilius Metell••s sent against these with larger Forces, terrified and oppressed by his Expedition (for in the height of their fear, he set upon them unawares) they were soon reduced.

There remained only two Towns, Termantia and Numantia, of which the latter, by reason of its being surrounded, as it were, with two Rivers, Valleys and extreme thick Woods, was of very difficult approach, there was only one way to it by the Plain, and that fortified with Ditches and Turn-pikes. The Numantines themselves excellent Soldiers, both on Horseback and Foot, but not more than eight thousand, with which number, though small, yet by reason of their signal Valour, they for a long time vexed and tired the Romans. But Winter being past, Metellus delivered over the Army admirably well exercised to Q. Pompeius Aulus, being then thirty thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse. Pompey raising his Camp from Numantia, whither to go I know not; the Numantines making a Sally, oppressed some of his stragling Horse, whereupon he re∣turning, drew up his Army in the Plain; the Numantines half flying, by little and little retreated. At length Pompey seeing, that by reason of the difficulties of the Turn-pikes, and Ditches, and the continual Execution of light armed Numantines, his Army began to diminish, and waste insensi∣bly, removed his Camp to Termantia, where he thought there was less to do. Here likewise engaging with the Enemy, he lost seven hundred Sol∣diers, and the Military Tribunes bringing Provisions to the Camp, were by the Numantines put flight, the same day in a third conflict, many Ro∣man Footmen and Horsemen, with their Horses being driven into rough and craggy places, the rest stood in Arms all night without any sleep, then at break of day the Enemy sallying out, they fought all day with equal Fortune till night coming on parted them. Thence Pompey march∣ed towards a little Town, called Malia, held by a Garrison of the Numan∣tines. The Malians having by treachery slain the Garrison, delivered the Town to Pompey, who disarming them, and taking their Hostages, he marched to Sedetania, to deliver those people from the robberies of Tan∣ginus, a Captain of Thieves, him he overcame, and took many of his peo∣ple, but so much gallantry of Spirit was found among Thieves, that none of the Captains would submit to slavery, but some slew themselves, others, those that bought, and some sunk the Ships, in which they were tran∣sported: Pompey returning to the Siege of Numantia, endeavoured to di∣vert the course of a certain River, that so he might subdue the City by Famine; the Inhabitants making a silent Sally without Trumpets, hin∣dred the work, and forcing the River upon those would have turned its course, effectually did their business, repulsing all that came without their Lines; and in short, confining the Romans to their Tents, whom a∣gain engaging as they went out to Forrage, they slew many, and a∣mong others Oppius, a Tribune of the Soldiers. And another party of the Romans being throwing up a certain Ditch, they set upon them, and slew forty with their Over-seer. About the same time came certain Counsel∣lors from Rome, and a fresh Army of new raised men, who the old being dismissed (for they had served six years in this War) supplyed their places. Pompey ashamed of so many defeats, desirous to wash away the stain, lay all Winter in his Tents. The Soldiers thus quartered under the open Fir∣mament, in a bitter cold Season, and having never before experienceed inclemency of Air and Water, fell into Fluxes, of which several dyed. And another part going out to Forrage, the Numantines having laid an Ambush close to the Roman Camp, provoked the Romans to skirmish, who not enduring to be dared, threw themselves without the Lines. Then those in Ambush suddenly rising, many both of the Commons and Nobility fell, and the Forragers coming in at the same time, they laid a

good parcel of them on the ground. Pompey grieved at so many losses, retreats with his Counsellors into Towns, there to pass away the rest of the Winter, till his Successor expected with the first of the Spring came: but fearing to be called to account for the ill management of the War, he had some private Conferences with the Numantines about putting an end to it: The Numantines being themselves broken by the death of many gallant Men, by their Fields lying fallow, by want of Provision, and the unexpected durance of the War, were easily perswaded to send Agents to Pompey to treat of Peace. He indeed publickly advised them to submit themselves to the Romans discretion, (nor could he contrive any other Conditions Honourable for the Roman People) but privately he taught them what was to be done; when they were come to terms, and they had yielded to the Romans, he demanded Hostages, Captives and Run∣aways, and had them delivered, and of thirty Talents of Silver, which was agreed to be paid, the Numantines counted part to him, and part he was to give time for. But it happened that when they had got together the rest of the Money, and brought it to Pompey, his Successor M. Po∣pilius Laena was come. Wherefore being no more in fear of War now, he had one to succeed him, knowing well that he had made a dishonou∣rable Peace, and that without any Orders from the People, he began to deny he had any dealings with the Numantines; but they by the Testi∣mony of many Senators, Commanders of Horse, and Military Tribunes; easily convinced him. Popilius referred them to Rome, there to come to a Trial with Pompey; the report being made to the Senate, they left Pompey and the Numantines to contest with each other. Mean while the Senate gave Orders to continue the War, and Popilius having done no∣thing else (till the coming of his Successor Attilius Mancinus) save lead∣ing the Army into the Territory of the Lusones, neighbours to the Nu∣mantines, returned to Rome. Mancinus often engaging with the Numan∣tines, was always overcome; at length, with the loss of many, flying into his Camp, upon a false rumour cast abroad, that the Cantabri and Vaccaei were coming to the relief of the Numantines; growing fearful in the dead of the night (all which he had spent without any Fires) flees into a Desert place, where once was a Trench of Nobilior's, in which place, neither prepared nor fortified, being inclosed by break of day by the Numantines, standing round about, and threatning death to all, un∣less he made Peace, he granted Conditions equal to the Numantines and Romans, and bound himself to the performance, which when it was brought to Rome, all men were exceedingly enraged at so base and igno∣minious a League, and sent one of the Consuls, Aemilius Lepidus into Spain, recalling Mancinus (whom likewise the Numantine Legates fol∣lowed) to show reasons for his Conduct. Aemilius while he stays for an answer from the City, impatient of idleness, (for in these times men sought not after Command for the Publick good, but either out of ambi∣tion of Glory, or private gains, or hopes of the Honour of Triumph) he falsly accused the Vaccaei, that in this War they had supplyed the Numan∣tines with Provisions. Whereupon he spoiled their Country, and laid Siege to Palantia their chief City, which had not in the least title violated their Covenants. Calling to him, and joyning with him in this work, Brutus his Son-in-Law, who, as we have before mentioned, was sent into the other part of Spain. To them Cinna and Caecilius coming Legates from Rome, declared that the Senate was doubtful, whether after so many losses it was convenient for Aemilius to engage in a new War, and to that end

they produced a Decree of the Senate, whereby Aemilius was forewarn∣ed not to make War with the Vaccaei. But he having already begun the War, thinking the Senate were ignorant of many things, as first, that he had joyned Forces with Brutus, then that the Vaccaei had assisted the Nu∣mantines with Men, Money and Provision, besides his retreat now might make a strange alteration in Affairs, there being danger, lest thereupon the Enemy contemning the Romans as fearful, all Spain should rebel. So Cinna returned without doing any thing, only wrote thus much to Rome. After these things, Aemilius took care in a well-fortified place, to cause Machines to be built, and to lay in stores of Corn. Flaccus, who was for that year Commissary General of Provisions, as he brought Victuals to the Camp, fell into a manifest Ambush; from whence he freed him∣self by this cunning, he spread a rumour among the Soldiers, that Ae∣milius had taken Palantia; at the news of which his party beginning to shout and rejoyce, the Barbarians hearing them, and believing it to be so indeed, of their own accord drew off: by this policy Flaccus saved his Provision from the Enemy. But the Siege of Palantia being still prolong∣ed, and food failing, Famine began sorely to afflict the Romans, for not only all the Cattel, but many men died. Indeed the Generals, Aemilius and Brutus long bore out against these misfortunes, bravely and constant∣ly; but at length compelled to yield to them, about the last watch of the night, they gave Orders to Discamp; and the Military Tribunes and Primipiles running up and down, urged every one to get ready to march by the first Light, so that doing all things in a hurry, they forsook their sick and wounded men, hanging upon them, and beseeching them not to betray them: In such confusion they marched away, that it could only be said, they did not flee; the Palantines several times falling on them, and keeping close up to them from morning till it was night, and doing them much detriment. As soon as it was dark, the Romans spent by hunger and travel, dispersed themselves by Companies about the Fields, and the Palantines, some Deity turning them back, went home. The Romans, for this ill management, depriving Aemilius of his Consulate and Command, fined him besides in a sum of Money. The cause likewise between Mancinus, and the Numantine Legates was heard in Senate; these alledging their League with Mancinus, he transferring the fault upon Pompey, the former General, who had delivered over to him a vicious and unwarlike Army, which was therefore often overcome, and that he himself had likewise made Peace with the Numantines; he like∣wise added, that it was no wonder, if this War had no good success, which they had against all Justice decreed. Though the Fathers were equally angry with them both, yet Pompey, against whom there had been a former sentence given, came off: But Mancinus, for being Au∣thor of so base a Peace without their Orders, they condemned to be de∣livered up to the Numantines, after the Example of those Fathers, who once gave up naked to the Samnites twenty Generals, who without their Command had concluded a League. Mancinus being brought to Spain, was by Furius, in like manner, yielded up naked to the Numan∣tines, but they refused to accept him. Against them Calphurnius Piso was next chosen General, who brought not his Army against Numantia; but entring the confines of the Palantines, returned thence with an incon∣siderable booty, and the rest of the time of his Government, spent in Winters Quarters in Capertania.

The People of Rome offended at this Numantine War, which in all [ XXI] Mens judgement was yet like to be more tedious, and difficult, decreed the other Consulate to Cornelius Scipio newly come from Carthage, for they believed him the only Man by whom the Numantines could be sub∣dued. But being under the Consulary Age, appointed by the Law made in the Carthaginian War, by the Tribunes of the People, they now repealed that Law, and the next year again confirmed it. Thus Scipio being again declared Consul hastned to Numantia with no Army, the City Forces being wasted by so many Wars, and there being strength enough in Spain. Yet by the Senates permission he carried some Voluntiers from other Cities, and Kings, who out of particular Friendship went with him, to whom he added about five hundred Clients and Friends out of the City, whom listing in one Band he called 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, that is, the Band of Friends, all these amounting to about four thousand he commit∣ted to the leading of Buteo his Nephew, he himself slenderly accompanied went before to the Army in Spain, whom he was informed were debau∣ched with all manner of Idleness, Discord and Luxury. Wherefore knowing well enough he could never overcome his Enemies, unless he first throughly purged and suppressed the Vices of his Army, as soon as he came to the Camp, he thought nothing more fitting then to expel thence all Hucksters, Whores, and Southsaying Priests, to which last the Soldiers, dismayed with so many unfortunate Engagements, were but too much addicted, forbidding for the future, the bringing any thing not ab∣solutely necessary into the Camp, and strictly prohibiting all Sacrifices for Divination, sending away all Waggons of useless Baggage, and all Cattle, but such as they could by no means be without. Nor was any one to have more Utensils for dressing meat then a Spit, a Brass Pot, and one Cup. Meats likewise were prescribed Boild and Roasted, Beds forbidden, and for Example himself first lay in a Hamock, he forbid the Riding upon Mules upon a March, for what hopes was there of their service in War who could not walk on Foot; he likewise reproved those had servants to anoint and bath them, jestingly telling them Mules which had no hands wanted others to scrub and scratch them: by these means he re∣claimed them all to temperance. He accustomed them likewise to a Fear and Reverence of his Person, making the access to him, difficult in any un∣just Petitions, having always these sayings in his mouth, That those Gene∣rals who were strict and severe observers of Laws, were serviceable to their friends, but those who were easie and greedy of gain, only profitable to their ene∣mies. That the Armies of these might indeed be more merry, but ignorant of order and obedience; but those more grave, and withal more dutiful and ready upon all occasion of service. Nor would he at all engage the Enemy till he had first excerised his Soldiers in a thousand sundry labors, daily removing about the Country, he caused to be fortified new Camps, and then demolished them, deep ditches to be dug, and then filled up, mighty Walls to be Built, and then pulled down again, himself from Morning till Evening, going about and overseeing what was done. And that none upon a march (as had formerly been used) might straggle from the Army, he alway drew up in a square body, and when it moved, kept himself in continual motion from Front to Rear, nor was it lawful for any to shift the place as∣signed him by the General. In the midst, as in the most proper place, he posted the sick and weak, commanding the Horsemen to dismount, and set them upon their Horses: the beasts of burthen that were heaviest la∣den he divided among the Foot: And where he intended to lodge those

designed for the guard of the Lines that night he commanded to stay with∣out at their Arms, and kept a party of Horse scouting abroad for disco∣very, but to the rest of the Soldiers he appointed every one their task, these to dig in the Tre••ch, those to raise the Rampire, and others to pitch the Tents, and set a certain and definitive space of time, in which every thing was to be done. And when he had brought his Army into a due posture of obedience, and made them patient of labor, then he re∣moved his Camp nearer to Numantia. Where, according as some had used to do, he posted them not in Castles, for he would not presently di∣vide his Army, nor run the hazard of a loss at first, thereby to make them run more into Contempt, with the Enemy, who contemned them enough already. Nor did he think it convenient to engage them in Battel, till he saw both good reason and opportunity for the doing it, and had throughly searched into the Numantines Counsels and Designs. In the mean time he wasted all the fields behind his Camp, and from thence fetcht in all his Forrage and cut down the standing Corn, which done, and that he was in a readiness to proceed farther, his Friends advising him, that by a nearer way through the Field he might go forward to Numantia, but I, said he, fear my return, the Enemy naked, and nimble Sallying out of the City have again into the City a retreat, but ours returning from forrage are laden with prey, and tyred, besides they bring with them Loaden Cattle, Car∣riages and Baggage; and that would be a hard and unequal fight, where being overcome they must run much danger and being Victorious yet, but little praise or profit, it being the height of madness to run into danger, for things of no moment. Nor was he worth the Name of a General, who unless compelled would throw the Dice of War, but he on the contrary who when necessity required and opportunity offered, would undantedly throw himself upon all dangers; Adding hereunto this similitude, that Chirurgions used not to incise or cauterize be∣fore they applyed Medicaments. These things said, he Commanded his Colonels to lead the Army the farther way about, then making some Excursions beyond the Camp, he came among the Vaccaei, from whom the Numantines bought their Provisions, there preying upon all whatever was useful for the subsistence of the Camp, they gathered and brought away, the rest heaped together and burnt. In the Country of the Palan∣tines was a place called Caplanium; there the Palatini, upon a certain hill laid Ambush, and with another party openly provoked Scipio's Forragers. Scipio Commands Rutilius Rufus, who was then Military Tribune (and hath likewise writ a History of these things) that taking four Troops of Horse he should break the Enemies charge. Rufus, they giving ground, pressed on too immoderately, so that mixing with the flyers, they were got together to the hill, where when he discovered the Ambush, he gave ad∣vice to his Horsemen not to think of following or pressing forward, but keeping their ground and order with their Lances at full length to keep off the Enemy: But Scipio who yet a great way off, had perceived that Rufus had already run beyond his Orders, ••ollicitous of the event, immediately followed and found himself likewise taken in the snare; wherefore he commanded they should both ways charge the Enemy, and having thrown their Javelins, make their retreat not all in a huddle, but by degrees and keeping their Ranks, and by this means he brought his Horse off safely in∣to the plain. Afterwards knowing for certain that near the passage of a River whose Ford was troublesome and Muddy they had laid another trap for him, he drew off, by a way farther indeed about, but not so fit for Ambushes. And because of the heat of the weather marching by night,

sinking several Wells, he found the waters of many of them bitter, so that thence though very hardly the Men got safely off, but some of the Horses and Cattel died with thirst. As he passed through the Country of the Caucaei, whom Lucullus had with so much treachery abused, he caused Proclamation to be made that the Caucaei might with al safety return to their habitations, thence he went and wintred on the Confines of the Numantines, whither Iugurtha Nephew to Massanissa came to him out of Africa with twelve Elephants, fitted with Archers and Slingers to gaul the Enemy in Front. In these places by frequent incursions, wasting and forraging the Country the Enemy laid close Ambush for him. The con∣veniency of the place prompted them to the design. There was a Town almost quite encompassed round with a slimy Marsh, but only on one side where there was a Valley, and in that Valley the Ambush lay hid; Scipio's Soldiers were so divided that part entred the Town, began to Plunder, others kept about on horse back, whom those from the Ambush rising up∣on easily routed. Scipio who by chance stood without the Village near the Colours, commanded back by sound of Trumpet those got into the houses, and first with about a thousand running in to the relief of the baggage horses, and many out of the Town coming to joyn with him, he forced the Enemy to turn their backs but not following at all the chase, retreated himself into his Trenches with the loss but of few on both sides.

Not long after having pitched two Camps near Numantia (one of [ XXII] which he committed to the care of his brother Maximus, and the other commanded himself) when the Numantines drawing out, often pro∣voked the Romans to fight, he scorned and laughed at them, saying, it would redound much to his dishonor if he should chuse rather to fight then reduce by famine men made furious by utter despair, therefore to besiege them the closer he drew seven Ditches round the City, and sent Letters to his Friends signifying how many and what forces they should send to him, which when they came he divided into several parts, and soon after divided his whole Forces into several bodies, appointing each their Leaders, and Commanding them to inclose the City with a Trench and Pallisadoes. The Circuit of Numantia was twenty four Fur∣longs, but that of his Trench above twice as much. Now every party had their distinct work set out to them, with orders that if the Enemy made any onset, they should give the signal by day a red cloth hanging on a long spear, and by night fire, that forthwith he or Maxi∣mus his brother might run in to their help. The work being brought to that forwardness that if the Enemy attempted any thing they might repulse him, he dug another ditch without that, and fastning thereon Palisadoes, built a Wall eight foot thick, and ten foot high below the battlements round which he raised Towers, at one hundred and twenty foot distance from each other, and because he could not run the Wall over the marsh, he threw up a bank in height and breadth equal to it, which served instead of a Wall, and Scipio is in my Judgment, the first that ever begirt a City, not refusing to fight him, with a Wall. But besides all this the River Durius running through his Fortifications was very convenient for the Townsmen, as well to bring them what they wanted, as for the transport∣ing of Men, whether by swimming, or in little Boats, in which they pri∣vately stole by the Romans, either with Sails, the wind blowing fresh; or which Oars down the Stream. When therefore by reason of the larg∣ness

and violence of the Waters no way could be found to make a Bridge over, instead thereof he built two Castles, from which he drew over Beams of Timber fastned together with Cordage, quite athwart the River, there were likewise very thick upon the Timbers, fastned very sharp Irons like Spear-heads, which move about by the force of the Water suffered none to pass, who either by Swimming or Diving, or Boat had design to deceive the Enemy: For it was Scipio's chief desire that none co∣ming to them from abroad they might be ignorant of all was done, and want both intelligence and supplies. After all the works were perfected, and the Catapults, Crossbows and other Engins raised upon the Towers and the Bulwarks, well stored with Stones, Darts and Javelins, and the Archers and Slingers placed in the Towers, he disposed messengers quite round the Lines, who taking the word from one another might give it about, as any thing hapned, he gave order likewise, that the first Tower that was assaulted by the Enemy should first show their Colours, and then others by the same Example do the like, that by the moving of this sign, and the word going about by the messengers he might know the certain cause of every thing; Then Mustring his forces and finding he had sixty thousand men, he so divided them, that one half had charge of the guard of the wall, and if need were might be ready for other service, twenty thousand upon occasion to fight for the wall, and ten thousand for their reserve, who had likewise their post assigned them; but none without the Generals Command was to change his Post, so that upon any signal given, every man was ready at his stand: with so much diligence did Scipio order all things. In the mean time the Numantines made several assaults upon the guards of the Wall, but then immediately, not without horror, they beheld assistance come from all parts, the signals made, the messen∣gers running, those appointed for defence of the Walls leaping up, the Trumpets from the Towers sounding a charge, so that in an instant, all that whole circuit of fifty furlongs was put into a formidable posture. The whole round of which Scipio continually went both day and night be∣lieving his Enemies thus inclosed and wanting both Provisions, Arms and Men, could not very long make opposition. In the mean time Retogenes a most valiant Numantine, whose Surname was Cauraunius, taking with him five friends whom he had wrought his parties in the enterprise, as many ser∣vants, and a like number of Horses in a cloudy and very dark night pas∣sing closely over the space between the Town and the Trenches, with a little Bridge to be set together, that he brought with him, gets with his friends upon the Enemies Works, and having slain the Sentinels, drew over the Horses by the same Bridge, and sending back the servants, they forth∣with dispersed themselves among the Towns of the Arvacci, and in the manner of suppliants with Olive-branches in their hands, besought them to assist their kinsfolks the Numantines; but many out of fear of the Ro∣mans, without hearing them commanded them to depart their Territories. But the youth of Lutia (a rich Town about three hundred furlongs di∣stant from Numantia) pittying the Numantines condition, urged their City to send them aid, whereof Scipio having certain intelligence from the Seniors of the City, taking with him a nimble party, in eight hours time flies to Lutia, and by break of day begirting the City commanded the heads and ringleaders of the youth to be delivered up to him, and when they made answer, that they were broken out and fled, threatned by a He∣rald to Sack the City unless they were delivered up, wherewith terrified they brought out about forty to him, whose hands having cut off he march∣ed

away with his Forces, and by the next morning again recovered his Camp.

Hereupon the Numantines oppressed with hunger, sent five men to [ XXIII] Scipio, to try whether if they yielded, they might be received with favour and clemency; the chief of this Deputation called Avarus, began to dis∣course in a brave and lofty manner, of the Institutions and Valour of the Numantines; adding, they had not been guilty of any delinquency, since only for their Wives and Childrens sakes, and the Liberty of their Coun∣try, they were fallen into these miseries. Wherefore it would be an action worthy thee, O Scipio (said he) who art famed for a man of admirable gene∣rosity, to spare a brave and worthy people like ours, and not impose harder Conditions than humanity is able to bear on men, who sadly experienced the change of Fortune; for it is no more in our powers, but thine, by proposing moderate Conditions to save our City, by accepting our surrender, or else by fighting to suffer us utterly to perish. Avarus having thus spoken, Scipio (before well assured of the Cities distress by the Captives) made no o∣ther answer, but that they must deliver up the City and their Arms; which being told to the Numantines, the Citizens already enough enraged (as men that were resolute to enjoy their Liberty, and submit to no others Empire) now by these provoking miseries made more violent and fierce, slew Avarus, and his fellow Deputies, as the Messengers of ill News, and perhaps, as suspecting them to have made some private bargain for their own safety. Not long after all manner of food being spent, and neither Corn, nor Cattell, nor Herbs left, first (as in close sieges has often happened) they fed upon boiled Hides; which being likewise consumed, they minced small the flesh of dying men, and devoured it, but their sto∣mach soon loathing the flesh of these sick men, the stronger began to lay hands upon the weaker. In short, there was no misery to be imagined which they did not endure; their minds made fierce and bloody by this food, and their bodies oppressed with hunger and plague; having long time neglected themselves, they grew rough and shaggy, and in all points resembled wild Beasts. In this lamentable condition they delivered them∣selves up to Scipio; by whose Command they one day brought all their Arms into one place, and were appointed on the next day to assemble themselves in another; but they thought that day long; many yet out of desire of Liberty, professing they wished for death, and on that day only ask∣ing for some kind of death to be appointed them; so much Love of Li∣berty was there in a small and a barbarous City; for when before the War they were but eight thousand, with how frequent slaughters did they afflict the Romans? How often upon good terms did they enter into Leagues, which the Romans would not afterwards ratifie or maintain? How often did they provoke to Battel this last Roman General, besieging them with threescore thousand men? But he had so much knowledge in Military Affairs, that he would not engage in fight with wild Beasts, but chose rather to reduce them by Famine, the only way to tame those creatures, and by which they at last were tamed and broken. Wherefore when I considered, that the Numantines with so few Soldiers, so constantly held out so lasting a Siege, I thought it would have been a crime to have past by the particulars of it in silence. Surrendry being therefore made, many of them slew themselves in what manner they best thought fit; the rest assembled on the third day in the place appointed, with Bodies like Car∣cases, a bruitish kind of Countenance, their Bodies covered with filth and

nastiness, their Hair shaggy, their Garments foul, tattered and loathsome∣ly stinking; so that in that condition they appeared miserable to their ve∣ry Enemies, though the sick struck horror into all that looked upon them; for with anger, grief and labour, and a mutual consciousness of having fed on Humane Flesh, their very Eyes looked fiery and bloody. Fifty of them only reserved for his Triumph, Scipio sold the rest under the yoke. The Town he levelled with the ground. Thus this Roman General sub∣verted two famous Cities. Carthage by Decree of the Senate (lest the power and strength of the City and Empire, and conveniency of its Situ∣ation, should invite them to War) and Numantia, a small one, and not very populous, without so much as the peoples knowledge; whether he believed it the sense of the Commonwealth, whether out of a sudden rage and anger against those people; or rather (as many think) to gain him∣self two Illustrious Sirnames from the ruines of the two Cities; for even to this day the Romans call him, the African and the Numantine, from the destruction and ruine of those two Cities. Having divided the Lands of the Numantines among the Neighbours, and gone a progress through the other Cities to administer Justice, and threatned or fined those which had any way been their Associates, he returned home.

[ XXIV] The Romans according to Custom sent ten Senators to those people, whom either Scipio now, or Brutus before, had subdued either by sur∣rendry, or force of Arms, to establish Order, and settle all Affairs in Peace. In succeeding times, new stirs arising, Calphurnius Piso was sent thither General, whom Servilius Galba succeeded. But when Italy was oppressed with the Cimbrian War, and Sicily again with that of the Slaves; they sent no Forces into Spain, but only Lieutenants, who as far as they were able, kept all things in quiet. The Cimbrians being driven out of Italy, T. Didius coming thither, slew twenty thousand of the Vaccaei, and transplanted the Town of Tremisum, always unfaithful to the Romans, from a strong situation unto the Plain, commanding the Inha∣bitants to live without any Fortifications. Then after seven Months Siege he took the City Colenda by surrendry, and sold all the Citizens with their Wives and Children. Not far from Colenda dwelt a mixture of several people of the Celtiberians, whom Marius, five years before, when he had made use of them against the Lusitanians, had by consent of the Senate there appointed Habitations. These through want, living on thievery, Didius, by consent of the ten Commissioners, who were not yet gone, approved the settlement and signified to their Leaders, that he would to those wanted, assign the Lands of the Inhabitants of Colenda, which pro∣position they eagerly accepting, he presently commanded them with their Wives and Children to come to the division of the Land: when they were come, he commanded his Soldiers to come out of his Camp, and them to go in, the men apart from the Women and Children, for that he would take a Roll of their Names, to compute how much Land was to be divided. They being all gone within the Lines; the Soldiers surround∣ing them, put them all to the Sword, for which things he likewise tri∣umphed. The Celtiberians again rebelling: Flaccus was sent against them, who with the slaughter of twenty thousand suppressed them. But in the City of Belgeda, the people inclining to a defection, and the Senate demurring upon it, and refusing, the people burnt them all in their Seats, of which Villany, Flaccus at his coming finding out the Authors pu∣nished them. These are the Actions of the Romans against the Spaniards, which I have found most worthy of Memory.

In latter time when Sylla and Cinna, being at variance raised Arms and conspired aginst their Country, Q. Sertorius being of Cinna's party and chosen General of Spain, stirred up that whole Province against the Romans, and having got together a mighty Army, and formed a kind of a Senate out of his Friends, with great courage and confidence was about to march towards the City. At which the Fathers terrified, they sent two Excellent and famous Generals of their own order Caecilius Metellus, with one strong Army, and Cn. Pompey with another, to divert him from Italy; yet laboring for strength after the late Civil War. But Perpenna one of Sertorius party slew him and made himself General of the Faction, who being by Pompey overcome in battel and slain, that War which had struck a great terror among the Romans, was ended: but of this we have written more accurately in Sylla's Civil Wars. After Sylla's death, C. Caesar was created General in Spain with power to make War as he should think fit against any that seemed to stagger, or were never yet subdued to the Ro∣man Power. After him Octavius Caesar Son of Caius, Surnamed Augustus, reduced some people which had again rebelled, from which time the Ro∣mans (as I suppose) divided Iberia which they now call Spain into three parts, sending Praetors into each of them, two of which are nomi∣nated by the Senate, and the third appointed by the Emperor.

The end of the seventh Book of the Spanish War.

APPIAN OF ALEXANDRIA, HIS HISTORY OF THE Roman Wars WITH HANNIBAL.

PART I.

BOOK VIII.

The Argument of this Book.

I. THe occasion of this War briefly rehearsed. II. Hannibal passes the Alpes, takes Turine, twice defeats Scipio, slay's Flaminius, and destroys his whole Army. III. Centenius defeated by him: the City in great fear make Fabius Dictator. IV. The Battel at Cannae, Varro's Cow∣ardise. V. The Peoples fear after the defeat at Cannae: The Senates

Courage, and Hannibal's cruelty. VI. Several Roman Allies revolt to Hannibal. Gracchus the Proconsul slain. VII. Capua besieged by the Ro∣mans. Hannibal to divert that Siege, marches directly to Rome, the Cities fears: Nevertheless he returns, having only viewed it. VIII. Hannibal's Stratagem defeated by Claudius, Capua taken by the Romans. IX. Titia taken and recovered: Salatia revolts from Hannibal. X. The Consuls Fulvius and Marcellus slain; yet Hannibal's Affairs grow worse and worse. XI. Asdrubal, Hannibal's brother, with the Army he brought out of Spain totally routed. XII. Hannibal quitting all the rest of Italy, retires among the Brutians, and in vain expects aid from Carthage. XII. Scipio sails with an Army into Africa: several of the Brutians fall off from Hanni∣bal. XIII. He is recalled home, his cruelty at his departure, and the end of this War.

NOw what was done by Hannibal the Carthaginian, when out [ I] of Spain he led his Forces into Italy, during the full sixteen years that he there continued in Arms, acting, and in his turn suffering all the extremities of War; till by his fellow Citizens (his own Country being in jeopardy) he was re∣called, and by the Romans driven out of Italy, shall be the Subject of this Book; and though the causes, both of the breaking out, and of the carry∣ing on this War into Italy, as well what in reality they were, as what was openly pretended, be in the Spanish History most accurately declared; yet it will not be amiss for the refreshing the Readers Memory, to make some short rehearsal. Amilcar, sirnamed Barcas, Father of this Hannibal, in that War waged between the Romans and Carthaginians in Sicily, was General of the Carthaginian Forces; and being for his ill Conduct accused by his Enemies, and thereof doubtful, he so managed Affairs, that before rendring any account of his former charge, he was created General a∣gainst the Numidians. In which War, because he much advanced the Commonwealth, and by Gifts and Rapines pleased that Army, he was first sent by the Carthaginian people to Cadiz, whence crossing over that Strait into Spain, by sending many rich Presents out of the Spoil of that Country into Carthage, he reconciled himself to the people, striving by all means to wipe off the Memory of the Sicilian Ignominy. At length having subdued many People, and got great Glory, he drew on the Carthaginians, with a hope and desire of possessing all Spain, as a thing easily effected; whereupon the Saguntines, and other Greeks, in∣habiting Spain, sought for refuge to the Romans: Whereupon it was a∣greed between the Romans and Carthaginians, and ratified by Writings, that the Bounds of the Carthaginian Dominion should be the River Ibe∣rus. After which Barcas setling in Spain the Affairs of the subdued Peo∣ple, was in a certain Battel slain; and Asdrubal, the Son-in-Law of Bar∣cas, substituted in his place, who being likewise (as he was hunting) killed by a Slave, whose Master he had put to death; the third from them, who for his skill in, and love of warlike Affairs, was chosen Ge∣neral by the Army; was this Hannibal, the Son of Barcas, and Brother to Asdrubal's Wife, a young man indeed: but who had lived all his time with his Father or Brother-in-Law; and having now the Command gi∣ven by the Soldiery, the Carthaginian people approved it; and so this Hannibal, of whom I am about to write, was declared General for the Carthaginians against the Spaniards; who perceiving his Fathers friends

exposed to the designs and malice of their Enemies, who despising his Youth, began to set things on foot against them, not being ignorant, but their dangers would one day fall upon his own head. That out of the publick fear he might acquire and establish freedom and security for himself; he devised how to embroil his Country in a War, and think∣ing none more fit for his purpose, more lasting, nor likely to be more for his Glory, than a War with the Romans; the very attempting which, though he succeeded ill, would get him no small Renown (to omit the report spread abroad, that when a Boy, his Father made him swear at the Altar, never to be at peace with the Romans) he resolved, notwith∣standing the League, to cross over the Iberus, which he thus found oc∣casion to effect: He set on some to accuse the Saguntines, and plied the Senate with frequent Letters; alledging that the Romans solicited all Spain to revolt; till at length he obtained leave to deal with the Saguntines, as he himself thought fit: so he crossed the Iberus, and utterly rased the Ci∣ty of the Saguntines. Thus were all the Leagues made between the Ro∣mans and Carthaginians, since the Sicilian War, utterly broken.

[ II] But what Hannibal and others, either Carthaginian or Roman Generals, did in Spain, the Spanish History declares: He gathering together vast multitudes of Africans, Celtiberians, and many other Nations, delivering over Spain to his Brother Asdrubal, and climbing over the Pyrenean Hills, came into Celtica, which is now called Gallica, leading with him ninety thousand Footmen, twelve thousand Horse, and seven and thirty Elephants, and joyning to him some Gauls, partly gained by Gold, partly by Pro∣mises, and partly by Force, lead them along with him: whence pro∣ceeding on his March, when he came to the Alpes, though he saw no ascent nor passage (for all before him seemed craggy and inaccessible) yet with a strange confidence of mind, which no labour could make bend, he setled himself to go forward; and finding all the passages stop'd with deep Snow, and Ice congealed together, thawing it by kindling mighty Fires, and quenching the Ashes with Water and Vinegar, and then break∣ing the scorched and cleaving Rocks with Iron Hammers and Wedges, by little and little lessened them, and opened himself a way, which to this day lyes so, and is called Hannibals passage. But when hunger be∣gan to afflict his Army, he with more speed lead them on, whilst none yet knew of his coming into Italy. After six Months spent after his de∣parture from Spain, with great difficulty and the loss of many men, he in the end got down from the Mountains into the Plain; where giving his Army some short rest, he went and took Turine, a City of the Gauls, which being gained by storm, and the Captives (to strike a terrour into the rest of the Gauls) all slain, he marched his Army to the Eridanus (now called Po) whereabouts the Romans, at that time waged War against the Boian Gauls. P. Cornelius Scipio, the Roman Consul, then sent to wage War against the Carthaginians in Spain, hearing of Hannibal's being gone in∣to Italy; leaving Spain, and the Command of that Army to his Brother Cn. Scipio, sailed into Hetruria; from whence making haste, and ga∣thering together all the force he could, he got to the Po before Hannibal passed it; and sending Manlius and Attilius, who commanded in the War against the Boians to Rome (for the Consuls being present, their Commis∣sion was at an end) and joyning their Forces with his, drew up his Army to give Battel to Hannibal. The Fight being begun by the light armed Darters and Horsemen, the Romans circumvented by the Africans, fled

to their Tents, and next night having first broke down the Bridge o∣ver the Po, retreated to Placentia, a place well fortified; but Hannibal making a new Bridge, brought his Army likewise over. These brave Exploits, after his coming down from the Alpes into the Plain, stood him not in little stead among the Transalpine Gauls, who thought him an invincible Leader, and a man to all whose attempts Fortune showed her self favourable and propitious; which Renown to increase among these Barbarians already astonished, with admiration of him, and therefore easily to be deceived; he often changed his Habit and Hair, which dai∣ly was by some new Artifice prepared and coloured, so that passing through their Country, he sometimes appeared like an old, sometimes like a young, and sometimes like a middle aged man; so that seeing him continually varying from himself, they forthwith judged Divine Nature to be in him. Sempronius, the other Consul, who was then in Sicily, having certain intelligence of these things, came to Scipio by Sea, and sets down within forty Furlongs of his Colleague; and now all things were prepared for the next days Battel. Only the River Trebia ran between, which the Romans before it was light on a cold and mizling Winters Morning, passed over almost up to the breast in Water, whilst Hannibal till the second hour refreshed his Solders in their Tents. The two Consuls so drew up their Army, that they might be on the Wings, placing the stoutest of their Foot in the main Body. Hannibal opposed his Elephants to the Horse, and his Foot to the Phalanx, and command∣ed his Horse to stand still behind the Elephants, till he gave them the Signal. The Battels being joyned, the Romans Horse affrighted with the sight and smell of the Elephants, to which they were unaccustomed, dispersed all abroad and fled; but the Foot, though stiff with cold, soak∣ed in Water, and tired and broken with continual watchings, yet with couragious hearts flew upon those Monsters, and cutting them cross the Nerves, wounded them, and had doubtless put to flight his Foot, had not Hannibal, giving his Signal to his Horsemen, sent them to flank the Enemy: For then the Roman Foot left naked by their Horse, whom the terrour of the Elephants had scattered, and oppressed by multitudes, fearing to be inclosed by their Enemies, took a speedy flight towards their Camp. Then were many of the Foot intercepted by the Horse, and others that reached the River, (which was not a little swell'd with the Snow melted by the heat of the Sun) were swallowed in the Stream, the depth of the Water not giving them foothold, nor their heavy Armour suffering them to swim. Scipio following them, and still encouraging his Soldiers, was very near slain, and desperately wounded, brought with much difficulty to Cremona. Near Placentia was a little Castle, which Hannibal going to storm, with the loss of forty of his men, went off himself wounded. After which both Armies betook themselves to Winter Quarters, Scipio in Cremona and Palantia, and Hannibal about the Po. The Romans hearing of this defeat given near the Po (for before Hannibals coming they had been worsted by the Boians) enrolled a new Army in the City, which accounting those at the Po, compleated thirteen Legions, and twice as many they commanded from their Allies. Some of these they thought fit to send into Spain, fome to Sardinia (for there they were at War too) and fome into Sicily the greater part which were left behind the Consuls Cn. Servilius, and Flaminius (who succeeded Scipio and Sempronius) led against Hannibal, and Scipio as Proconsul sailed into Spain. Flaminius with thirty thou∣sand

Foot, and three thousand Horse had the Guard of Italy, within the Appennine, which alone is properly called Italy; for the Appennine from the middle of the Alpes stretches it self to the Sea; on the right hand of which lyes that part, which is truly called Italy; that on the left hand to∣wards the Ionian Sea now indeed is Italy (for Hetruria is now likewise Italy) but part of it towards the Ionian Sea Coasts is inhabited by Greeks, and part by Gauls, who once making War upon the Romans, burnt the City; and whom Camillus pursuing to the Appennine; I am of the opinion, that crossing those Hills, they then seated themselves upon the Ionian Sea, and made that their Country, whence part of that Region is to this day called the Italian Gaul. But to proceed, the Romans having now at the same time many powerful Armies in several places, Hannibal having thereof intelligence, very secretly upon the first approach of the Spring, entred Hetruria, wasting that whole Country, and drawing to∣wards the City, struck a mighty terrour in the Romans, who had now no Army there to oppose him; yet of those that remained, they levyed eight thousand men, whom for want of other Magistrates, they gave Centenius the Command of, a private man indeed, but of the Patritian Race, and sent him into Umbria to the Plestine Marsh to guard that pas∣sage, which was the nearest way to the City. In the mean time Flami∣nius, who with thirty thousand men kept the interior Italy, hearing of Hannibal's celcrity; and being afraid of the City, forthwith removes his Camp; and giving his Army no rest, being a man ignorant of War∣like Affairs; and who by pride and popular boasting came to be chosen to this Command▪ by great journies hastens towards Hannibal, with resolution to fight him as soon as possible. Hannibal, who knew the mans furious temper, and unskilfulness in War, pitch'd his Tents behind a certain Mountain and Marsh, and hid all his Horse and Light Armed Men in the Valley. In the Morning at break of day, Flaminius seeing the Enemies Tents, stayed there a small while to re∣fresh his Army, and threw up a Trench; which done, he drew up his Army in Battel, before they had yet recovered strength, after so much labour and watching: but when the Ambushes rose upon them on all sides, then penn'd in between the Mountains and the Lake, and on both sides charged by their Enemies; the Consul himself, and twenty thousand with him were slain. The remaining ten thousand, who had fled to a certain Village, fortified by Nature, Maharbal, one of Hannibal's Com∣manders, who had himself gained great Renown in War, seeing he could not easily vanquish them by force, and thinking it not prudence to engage with desperate men, perswaded them to lay down their Arms, engaging upon his Honour, they should all have free leave to go whither they pleased. They having thereupon laid down their Arms, he carried them naked to Hannibal, who denying that Maharbal had any power without his Orders to promise any thing, such of the Associates as he found, he treated with all kindness, and dismissed without any ransom, by this Clemency, enticing and alluring the Cities to his party, but all the Romans he kept Prisoners. Among the Auxiliary Gauls, that by gain he might sweeten them, he likewise divided part of the prey, and then began to march on.

[ III] The Fame of these things coming to Servilius the Consul, who lay in his standing Camp near the Po, he with forty thousand men made haste towards Hetruria. Centenius still with his eight thousand men kept his

Post. Hannibal viewing the Plestine Marsh, and the Mountain hanging over it, and Centenius guarding the Passage, diligently enquired of the Chief of his Guards, if there were any way to go about the Mountain; and though they told him they were no way passible, but all was rough and craggy; yet he commanded Maharbal, with some Light Armed Men to fetch a compass about the Mountain, and about the same time that he conjectured he might have recovered the tops of the Hills, charged Centenius in Front; and whilst they were disputing it, Maharbal having stoutly recovered the tops of the Hills, with great shouts and cla∣mour shows himself. Then the flight of the Romans, and the slaughter of them was great, three thousand were slain, and eight hundred taken Prisoners, the rest hardly escaping. The news of this slaughter being brought to Rome, they were in a dreadful fear left Han∣nibal should now march directly to the City, wherefore they mann'd their Walls, and furnished them with Darts, and the Old Men armed, and for want of Arms, they took out of the Temples such, as being taken in former Wars, had been there hung up for Trophies; and ac∣cording to their Custom in all extremities, they created Fabius Maximus Dictator. But Hannibal, God averting him, turned off toward the Ioni∣an Sea, and wasting all their Coasts, got a vast prey. Servilius the Con∣sul opposing himself to Hannibal, came to A••minium, and that he might keep those Gauls, not yet alienated in their fidelity, staid with his Army one days march from thence, till Fabius the Dictator coming, sent Ser∣vilius, who after the creation of a Dictator, had no more power either as Consul or General, to Rome; and himself followed Hannibal close at the heels: but yet forbearing to engage him, though often provoked to it, thinking it enough, if warily watching him, he prevented him from besieging any Towns. Hannibal, the whole Country being wasted, be∣gan to be in want, wherefore ranging it over once more, and for many days drawing up his Forces, he endeavoured to tempt Fabius to fight. But the Dictator made no show of having any thoughts to engage him▪ though Minutius Rufus, General of his Horse, disallowed this proceed∣ing, and wrote to his Friends at Rome, that Fabius through fear and cowardise declined Battel. But it happened that Fabius going to Rome to perform the usual Sacrifices, Minutius fought a set Battel with Han∣nibal, wherein he seemed to have the better; whereupon grown more furious, he wrote to the Senate, accusing Fabius, that he had no mind to overcome. The Senate at Fabius return to the Army, thereupon made the Power equal between the Dictator and Master of the Horse: So they divided the Forces between them, and pitch'd their Camps apart, each stedfast in his own opinion. Fabius, that Hannibal was to be dealt with by temporizing, still vexing him, and taking care that he did no mischief Minutius, that he was presently to be fought with: But when he a while after engaging Hannibal, Fabius, who lay still with his Forces, well fore-seeing what after hapned, received Minutius's Soldiers put to flight and repulsed, Hannibal pursuing them, thereby securing Minutius from a very great slaughter; and being nothing less kind to him, notwithstand∣ing all his false accusations; then, I say, Minutius of his own accord condemning his own want of knowledge, resigning his Command, deli∣vered his part of the Army up to Fabius: Which passages Augustus in after times often remembred, who was himself wary of fighting, and chose rather to prevail by Policy than Power. Fabius no less diligent∣ly than before watch'd Hannibal's motions, hindring him from for∣raging;

and though declining a general Engagement, still falling upon all stragling parties, not doubting in a short time to reduce Hannibal to want of Provisions. Till both Armies drawing nigh to certain straits, which Hannibal foresaw not, Fabius sent before four thousand men, who forthwith possessing themselves of the straits, he himself pitch'd his Camp upon a certain Hill on the other side, where he lay secure. Han∣nibal seeing himself thus besieged, being shut in one side by Fabius's Ar∣my, and on the other by those guarded the passes, was struck with such a violent fear, as he never had been before; for he could perceive no way of escape, all other places being craggy and inaccessible: So that despairing how to get loose from Fabius, being so close block'd up, in this fear and trouble of mind, he caused five thousand Prisoners (left taking the opportunity of this present danger, they might raise some Tu∣mult and disorder) to be killed in cold blood. Then he commanded Torches to be tyed to the Horns of all the Cattle he had in the Camp, whereof there were abundance; and the next night setting on flame the Torches, and putting out all other Fires in the Camp, committed it to the care of the stoutest young men in his Army, to drive them up the craggy ways, between the straits and Fabius's Camp, with all the vi∣olence they could. The Oxen pricked forward by their Drivers, and scorched with the Flame of the Torches, run up with great fury among the Craggs and Precipices, and when any of them fell down, with greater violence they strove to clamber up again. The Romans, who were on both sides, when they saw a general silence and darkness in Hannibal's Camp, and perceived many lights shining in several places among the Mountains, could not plainly, especially being in the night, discover what the business should be. Fabius indeed suspected some device of Hanni∣bals, but being certain of nothing, kept within his Trenches. But those set for the Guard of the straits, thinking (which was all he wished they would do) that Hannibal sled, and was making his escape over the tops of the Mountains, ran to the places whither the lights guided them, ima∣gining to oppress Hannibal's men, labouring to get up. They were scarce moved from their Post, when Hannibal with deep silence, and without any light to keep the closer, runs in with his swiftest men, and possessing himself of, and placing a good Guard in the straits, by sound of Trum∣pet gave notice thereof to the rest; at the sound of which the whole Camp answered them with acclamations, and forthwith blew up their Fires. Then the Romans knew the cheat; so the rest of Hannibal's Army, and those that drove the Cattel, got safe to the passage; and he with his whole Army having thus beyond his own hopes got the Victory, and brought all his men safe off; he marched forward till he came to Gerione, a City of Apulia, stored with Corn, which making himself Master of, he spent the Winter in the midst of plenty and abundance. Fabius with the same resolutions and constancy still following him, pitch'd his Camp within ten Furlongs of Gerione, the River Aufidus running between both Armies, but the six Months being expired (which is the time established for the Dictatorship at Rome) the Consuls Servilius Attilius, again entring into their Magistracy, came to the Army, and Fabius returned to Rome. This Winter many skirmishes and engagements of Parties happened betwixt both Armies, in which always the Romans came off with the greater Honour and Glory; wherefore Hannibal, who till that time writing to his friends, used to adorn and set out his Letters with his own praises, now began to distrust his Affairs, and require Supplies of Men and Money.

But his Enemies who from the very first condemned his undertakings, then especially feigned not to understand him, for Conquerors, said they, did not use to ask, but freely to send Mony to their own Country, which Hanni∣bal proud with so many victories yet demands. At which words the Carthaginians moved sent him neither men nor money, which Hannibal deploring sent Letters into Spain to Asdrubal his brother commanding him, that with the first of the Summer with all the force he had, and what quantity of gold he could raise, he should make an irruption into Italy, and wast the utter parts thereof, that both sides burning, the Romans might be afflicted with a doubtful War: in this Posture stood Hannibals affairs.

The Fathers sorely grieved for the defeat of Flaminius and Centenius [ IV] and so many other cruel mischiefs, which they daily, as they thought dishonorably suffered, not being able to endure the War to continue so long at their own doors, and as it were in their very Seats, once more raised and sent an Army into Apulia consisting of four Legions, enrolled not without great regret in the City, and a mighty power of their Allies. Withal they created two Consuls one famous for Warlike Prowess L. Aemilius, who had made War in Illyria, the other of the Popular Fa∣ction Terentius Varro, a man who only with lofty promises soothed the minds of the Common people, whom when they sent out armed to the War, they besought as soon as they could to engage the Enemy, and not by longer Protracting the War exhaust the City by so many recruits, of Men, Mony, and Provisions, and through Idleness suffer the Country to burn. The Consuls receiving the Army that was in Apulia, and being now in all seventy thousand Foot and six thousand Horse, pitch their Camp in Cannae a Town of Apulia directly opposite to the Carthaginians. Hanni∣bal who had always been desirous to fight, and impatient of lying idle, at this time more especially did not decline an Engagement, being pressed to it by his own necessities, and a fear le••t the Mercenary Soldiers not ha∣ving their wages paid, should either run away from him or be scattered about the Country to get in Forrage. Wherefore he daily provoked the Enemy, whilst the Consuls were of quite different, and disagreeing judg∣ments, Aemilius thought that Hannibal was to be defeated by Tempori∣zing and patience, for that having only such Provisions as he day by day fetcht in, he could not long subsist; whilst it was hazardous fighting an Army and a General so long versed in Battels and accustomed to Victory: but Terentius (raised by the people and therefore remembring the Peo∣ples Commands) was for present fight. None save only Servilius Con∣sul the year preceding were of Aemilius mind, but all the Senators and those of the Order of Knights, who had any Office in the Army, were of Terentius opinion. Whilst the Romans lay in this manner, Hannibal who having a party sent out either to Wood or Forrage, set upon by them; first overcome, about the last watch of the night discamped, and feigned a flight as if he had fought to return to his own Country; which Varro be∣holding he drew out the Army as if he had been to pursue a flying Ene∣my, Aemilius in the mean time earnestly forbidding it, and calling them back, which when he saw did nothing avail, he went himself according to the Roman Custome, to take the usual signs, and he seing the Chicken peckt not, Commanded to let Varro know the ill Auspices. He indeed yielded to Religion, but being returned into the Camp before all the Army tore his Hair, crying out, that his Colleague had out of envy rob'd

him of the victory, the whole croud assenting to what he said, and ma∣king the like complaints. But when Hannibal saw his deceit had little profited him, he forthwith returned into his Camp, and discovered his dissembled flight, yet all this would not prevail with Varro, thence for∣ward to suspect Hannibal, but on the Contrary going into the Praetorium before all the Senators, Centurions, and Military Tribunes, he grievously inveighed against Aemilius, who either by falsely representing the Reli∣gious auspices, had rob'd the City of a Certain Victory, or through Fear and Cowardise, not daring to fight himself, had envyed him the glory of the day; in Raving manner uttering these speeches, the Soldiers who stood about the Tent greedily receiving, and gladly hearing these words with bitter reproaches blasted Aemilius, who yet forbore not though in vain to advise many useful things, but when all save only Servilius were furiously carried away by Varro's perswasion, the next day which was al∣most the last of his Command (for he after yielded it to Varro) he drew out his Army to fight: Hannibal perceived it, but because he was not that day sufficiently prepared, drew not out his Army. The next day both Ge∣nerals drew into the field. The Romans in a triple Battel, so as that the main body consisted of Armed Foot and the two Wings of light Armed Foot and Horse. Aemilius commanded the main body, Servilius the left Wing, and Varro the Right, and each had with them a body of about a thousand chosen Horse to run up and down upon all occasions, and give assistance where it was needful. This was the Order of the Roman battel. Hannibal not ignorant, that a certain stormy wind (which they call Vulturnus, and is the North East) blew usually about Noon in those parts, made it his first care to take possession of the ground so, that he might have the wind upon his back, Then upon a certain hill covered over with trees, and broken in sunder by several close Valleys, he placed some Horse and nimble Soldiers in Ambush, to whom he gave orders, that in the heat of the battel, and when the wind was risen they should charge the Enemy in the Rear, to these he added five hundred Celtiberians, who besides their long Swords, wherewith they were girt, had under their Coat Ar∣mors or Jacks, short Daggers, to stand in a readiness till he had occasion for them, and quietly to wait for the signal to be given them. Then ha∣ving likewise drawn his Army into a Triple Battel, and extended his Horse as far as he could upon the Wings, to inclose the Enemy, he gave the right Wing to Mago his brother, the left to Hanno his Nephew, and kept the main Battel himself to be opposite to Aemilius, who had the greatest Fame and knowledge in War, he had likewise two thousand Horse be∣sides a thousand commanded by Maharbal whom he appointed to keep continually moving, with orders upon occasion to assist any that were op∣pressed. And doing these things delay'd the battel till the second hour, at what time the wind began to rise, when all things were put in good order, the Generals began to incourage their respective Soldiers, the Romans by putting them in mind of their Parents, Wives and Children, and withal by remembring them of former defeats, let them know they fought this battel for the last stake, and their own general and particular preservation. Hannibal on the other side remembring his Men of their many famous Ex∣ploits, and the several Victories they had already gained against this very Enemy, told them dishonorable it would be, should they now be vanquish∣ed by those they had so often overcome. And now the Trumpets sound∣ing a charge and the Foot giving a shout, the light Armed Men first be∣gan, and then forthwith the Legions advanced to the Battel, then the

slaughter was great, and the labour mighty, both sides couragiously maintaining the ground. In the mean time Hannibal gave Orders to his Horse to inclose the Enemies Wings, whom the Roman Horse, though far inferiour in number, yet being drawn out in length, and extended as far as possible, with noble and undaunted courage received, especially those in the left Wing toward the Sea. Wherefore Hannibal and Ma∣harbal taking along those Horse they had with them, with a violent shock, and a savage and barbarous howling, fell in upon the Romans, as if by one fierce onset they would break through, and overset them; but the Romans received their charge without amazement, or giving the least ground. Hannibal seeing all these endeavours fruitless, lifted up the Sig∣nal for those five hundred Celtiberians, who soon after going out of the Body, as if they had deserted their party, delivered up to the Enemy their Shields, Darts and Swords, which were all the Arms that appeared about them. Servilius praising them, and soon disarming them, having, as he thought no other Armour but their Coats of Male, commanded them to set down behind the Army, not thinking it honourable in the Ene∣mies sight to cast Revolters into Bonds; and seeing them disarmed all to their Coats, he feared no hurt from them; besides the Army being in all parts ingaged, it was a time very unseasonable to do any thing more to them. About the same instant, some Regiments of the Africans dis∣sembling a flight, began with great cryes to run towards the Mountains, that warned by the Signal (for so it was agreed on) those who lay in the clefts of the Hill, might fall upon such as pursued them. So at one instant all the Horse and light armed Foot rising out of their Ambushes, and at the same time a great and violent storm of wind blowing the dust into the Romans faces, and blinding them, besides the force of the wind driving back the Roman Darts, and making them flee faintly and uncertain, whilst the Carthaginians coming with it, flew more sure and strong; the Ro∣mans not able any way to avoid these things, fell foul of one another, and the whole Army began to stagger; when those Celtiberians laying hold of this occasion to act their design, unsheathing their Daggers, first slew those at whose backs they stood; and siesing on their Shields, Darts and Swords, fell more freely upon the whole Body, and being behind them, made a horrible slaughter. The Romans, (having their Enemies before them, and being inclosed by Ambushes, and withal slain by these mixed amongst them, upon whom they could not turn, being so pressed by the Carthaginians in Front, and being likewise deceived by the likeness of the Arms, for the Celtiberians having got Roman Shields, they were scarce to be distinguished from their own men) were distracted with va∣rious and doubtful dangers; but among these misfortunes, the dust raised by the wind, did most of all afflict the Romans, for they could neither un∣derstand their own loss; but (as is usual in all frights and tumults) be∣lieved every thing worse than it was, and thought the Ambushes greater, and those five hundred much more numerous; wherefore at length be∣lieving their Camps already encompassed by the Horse and Fugitives, they began to make a disorderly flight, first on the right Wing, Varro himself leading the way, and afterwards on the left, whose Commander Servilius running in to Aemilius, and about ten thousaud stout Horse and Foot gathering about these two Commanders, they first, and by their Ex∣ample, the rest of the Horsemen soon after alighting, though they were on all sides encompassed round, yet on foot renewed the fight against Hannibal's Horse. There might be beheld all that men skilful in War,

and reduced to utter despair, could in that rage and fury act against an Enemy; yet they were slain on all sides, and now Hannibal himself in∣closing them, encouraged his men, sometimes with exhortations to per∣fect the relicks of the Victory, and sometimes reproaching their cow∣ardise, that when the whole Army was scattered and fled, they could not overcome so small a number: Yet the Romans, as long as Servilius and Aemilius stood, kept their Orders, giving and receiving multitudes of wounds: but when those two Generals fell, stoutly forcing their way through the midst of their Enemies, and then dispersing themselves, they fled, and many of them escaped to several Quarters. There were about fifteen thousand, who at the beginning of the rout, had fled into the two Camps, these Hannibal forthwith besieged: two thousand that had fled into the Town of Cannae, yeilded themselves to him, a few got safe to to Canusium, and the rest were dispersed through the Woods. This was the event of the Battel at Cannae, begun the second hour of the day, and continuing till two hours within night, till this very time famous for the great slaughter, there being in few hours no less than fifty thousand kill∣ed, great numbers taken alive, many Senators slain, with all the Centurions and Primipiles, and the two bravest of three Generals; for as to the third he most cowardly (though the Author of this Calamity) ran away at the beginning of the rout. Thus the Romans in two years War with Hanni∣bal had lost of their own, and their Allies, no less than two hundred thou∣sand men.

[ V] Hannibal having gained this famous and signal Victory, in which by four several Actions he demonstrated the Excellency of his Conduct, when he gained the wind of the Enemy, when he made the Celtiberians feign a revolt, when he dissembled a Flight, and when he placed his Ambushes. The next thing he did was to take a view of the dead, among whom when he beheld many of the bravest of his Friends; 'tis said that sighting he cryed out, He stood not in need of more such Victories: Much like to which is reported to have in the former Age been said by Pyrrhus, King of Epire, That by such defeats he should hardly vanquish the Ro∣mans. Those who were fled into the greater Camp, under the leading of Publius Sempronius, broke through Hannibal's Watches, tired for want of sleep, and fighting resolutely, and got about ten thousand of them to Canusium, but the five thousand that staid in the lesser Camp, were the next day taken by Hannibal. The Consul Terentius, gathering toge∣ther the relicks of the Army, and comforting them (sad, and quite cast down as they were) in the best manner he could, and leaving the Com∣mand of them to Scipio, Tribune of the Soldiers, went his way towards Rome; whither when this news was brought, great multitudes promiscu∣ously flocked to the Gates, lamenting their Friends, and calling them by name, and deploring their own misfortunes, as if the Enemy were al∣ready come to seise upon themselves; Mothers with their Children ran up and down to the Temples, imploring the Gods, that at length they would by some means put a stop to all these Miseries. The Magistrates likewise seeing the City thus oppressed by the Divine Anger, endeavour∣ed to appease the Gods with Prayers and Sacrifices, beseeching them to rest satisfied with the past slaughter. The Senate sent Q. Fabius (who likewise wrote a History of these things) to the Oracle at Delphos to en∣quire about the present state of things, and manumitted eight thousand slaves, strong young men, freely given by their Masters; gave Orders

throughout the City, for preparing Bows and Shields; and Claudius Mar∣cellus, who was about to fail into Sicily, changing their minds, they decreed to go against Hannibal. He dividing his Fleet with Furius his Colleague, and sending part of his Forces into Sicily, with the rest consisting of Ci∣tizens, Associates and Slaves to the numbers of about ten thousand Foot, and two thousand Horse went to Theanum, that he might discover what Hannibal designed. But Hannibal permitted some of the Captives to go as Deputies to Rome, to see if the Citizens would at his price redeem any of them, and three among all the rest being chosen to this office, of whom Cn. Sempronius was chief, taking no other pledge but their Oath to return, he let them go. Then the Neighbours of the Captives, standing round about the place, offered with their own private Money to redeem who∣ever they had a kindness for, beseeching the Senate to give them leave so to do, the people all weeping, and approving their motion; some of the Senators were of the opinion, that after so many Battels, the Common∣wealth was not to suffer the loss of so many men; and the Slaves were not to be preferred before Free-men: but others argued that such indul∣gence would accustom men to flight, who were rather to be taught how to overcome or die. Nor was it just that those, who fled, should experi∣ence any of their Clemency or Mercy. After many Examples produced for and against it, the Senate at length forbid the Neighbours to re∣deem the Captives, as judging whilst they were still beset with so many dangers, their present Clemency would be converted into furute damage, and that though this at present seemed a doleful severity, and inhumani∣ty, yet it would turn to future advantage; and indeed at that very time the strange boldness of this resolution appeared dreadful to Hannibal himself. Wherefore Sempronius, and the other two Captives, returned to the Enemy. Hannibal hereupon sold some of the Prisoners, and com∣manded others to be slain, of whose dead Bodies he made a Bridge, whereon his Army marched over the River; such of the Senate and No∣bility, as he had in his Camp, he set Father against Child, and Brother a∣gainst Brother, compelling them to fight against each other for a divertise∣ment to his Africans; in a word, he omitted no insulting cruelty that the pride of man could invent.

Thence he turned his Arms to the wasting the Territories of the Ro∣man [ VI] Associates, and brought the Engines against Petelia. The Petelians, though few in number, yet stout of heart, bravely resisted him, and the Women assisting (who in courage yielded little to the Men) often sal∣lying, and stoutly fighting burnt his Engines; but at length, being wasted by often skirmishes, and Famine creeping upon them, as soon as Han∣nibal had advice of it, he begirt the City with a circumvallation, and left Hanno to prosecute the Siege. The Townsmens miseries increasing upon them, they thrust out all the croud useless for War, between the Wall and Trench, looking on with stedfast countenances, whilst Hanno caused them to be slain, as envying their better manners of dying; yet almost all the rest fell not long after under the same fate; for being oppressed with ex∣treme want, they made a sally upon the Enemy, where after having per∣formed many noble exploits, not caring to return to the City there to starve, or wanting strength through hunger, they were almost all slain, and Hanno possessed himself of the Town: some of the strongest, who were able to flee, escaped, whom the Romans, when this War was end∣ed, for their singular fidelity and good will towards them, and their in∣credible

Valour, caused to be diligently sought out (being in all about eight hundred) and restored them to their Country. But when the Cel∣tiberian Horse, who were Auxiliaries in Hannibal's Army were observed to fight stoutly. The Roman Generals commanding in Spain, desired of their Subjects a like number of such Horsemen, whom they sent into Ita∣ly to oppose the other. These by reason of the neighbourhood of the Camps, found opportunities of free converse, and every one invited his fellow Citizen or Country man, to come over to them; whence it hap∣pened that part of them fled over to the Romans, and other part slip'd away, so that Hannibal now thinking nothing safe, grew jealous of them, whilst they on the other side grew no less jealous of the fall of the Car∣thaginian Affairs: yet in Arpis, a City of Apulia, built as some say by Diomedes the Argive, one Dasias, reported to be descended from the same Diomede, though but upon uncertain gounds, however no way worthy of so noble a Stock; after that signal slaughter at Cannae, revolted from the Romans to Hannibal, and drew his Country into the same defection; but when, after Hannibal began to grow less successful, coming privately to Rome; and being brought into the Senate, he offered as an amends for his fault, to bring the City again under the Roman Power, he hardly escaped being slain by the Romans, but most certainly they presently cast him out of their City, so that now fearing both them and Hannibal, he wandred like a vagabond about the Country, whilst Hannibal burn'd his Wife and Children alive. The Arpi betrayed by others, were taken by Fabius Maximus, who slaying all the Carthaginians he found, placed there a Garrison. But Tarentum, which was at the same time kept by a Roman Garrison, was by this means betrayed to one Cononeus. This man being much addicted to Hunting, and usually presenting some of his Game to Iunius, Governour of the Garrison, began to grow very familiar with him; but because in a Country not free from War, he pretended it much better for the taking more Game, to go out by night, he brought it to a Custom, that what time of the night he pleased, the Gates were to be opened to him; then meeting with Hannibal, and receiving Soldiers from him (some whereof he hid in a Wood, not far from the Town, others he commanded to follow him at a certain small distance, and others car∣ried with him clad outwardly like Huntsmen, but underneath with Coats of Male and Swords) he came to the Gates, having sent some be∣fore, who carried a huge Bore upon a Pole. The Gates being opened according to Custom, those that entred with him presently slew the Guards, then those that followed presently rushed in, receiving with them their Companions that were in the Wood, then they all broke open the Gates, and let in Hannibal; he being entred, easily possessed himself of all the City; and granting Conditions to the Tarentines, set himself to the besieging of the Cittadel, held out by the Romans. Thus was Tarentum betrayed by Cononeus: but five thousand Romans were still in the Cit∣tadel, and with them a good number of the Tarentines, and to these the Governour of Metapontum, brought half his Soldiers, and a great mul∣titude of Darts, and all manner of Engines, with which they easily drove Hannibal from the Wall: but he abounding in all those things, brought up his Testudo's and Catapultas to the Towers, and shook some of them, and with Hooks fastned to Ropes, pull'd down the Battlements, and laid the Wall naked. The Romans throwing down Stones broke the Engines, and with Nooses pulled away the Hooks, and with frequent Sallies issuing out upon the Enemy, seldom returned without putting them

to disorder, and doing good execution. And when upon a clear day a sudden wind arose, the Romans laying hold upon the opportunity, whilst some of them from the Wall threw Fire-brands, tied about with Flax and Pitch upon the Carthaginian Engines, others made a sally and put Fire under them; so that Hannibal despairing to take it by force, drew Lines of Circumvallation quite round, save only towards the Sea, which was not to be done, so leaving the care of the Siege to Hanno, returned into Apulia. The Port of the Tarentines looks towards the North, if a∣ny sail in by the Isthmus; but they cut off the Isthmus by Bridges, which when the Romans held, they easily had Corn brought to them by Sea, and hindred any from being brought to the Tarentines: so that the Ta∣rentines were reduced to extreme want; wherefore Hannibal at his re∣turn, advised that digging through the publick way, which leads from the Port towards the other Sea to the Southward, they should make a∣nother Isthmus, which being performed, the want of Corn was soon re∣medied, and they with their Brigantines much incommoded the Roman Garrison, who had no Fleet, especially in a smooth Sea, intercepting all Provisions brought to the Romans. The Romans therefore strugling with the want of all necessities, the Thurini sent them by night some Ships laden with Corn, accompained with some Triremes, whom the Taren∣tines, who now were all one with the Carthaginians, having notice of, laid wait for, and took with all their Corn and Men, but they sending often about redeeming the Captives, the Tarentines enticed their Deputies to Hannibals party, so Hannibal released all the Thurini that were taken, who returning home against the will of the rest, opened their Gates to Hanno, so the Thurini endeavouring to preserve Tarentum for the Romans, most imprudently fell themselves under the Carthaginian power. The Garri∣son that was in the City, retreated privately to Brundusium, The Meta∣pontines, after part of their Garrison was drawn off to Tarentum, slaying those few that remained, delivered themselves up to Hannibal; whose ex∣ample, out of fear rather than good will, Heraclea, which is situate be∣tween Metapontum and Tarentum followed; and now Hannibal's Affairs appeared again very glorious. The year following, some Lucanians, who had fallen off from the Romans, Gracchus chastised by War. But one Flac∣cus, a Lucanian of that party, which yet stood for the Romans, a friend and host to Gracchus, proved a Traytor to him. This man perswaded him to come to a certain place, where the Lucanian Pretors (who repenting their fault, desired to be again received into the Roman friendship) would mutually give and receive their Faith, he not imagining any deceit in the matter, followed only with thirty Horse: But when the Numidian Enemy rose and encompassed him about, and Flaccus joyned himself with them▪ Gracchus discovering the Treason, with many others leap'd from their Horses, and bravely fighting in the midst of his Enemies, was with all his men slain. Three only Hannibal could take alive, though he endea∣voured all he could to make the Roman Proconsul his Prisoner; whom though thus basely overcome by treachery, yet admiring him for the ex∣treme valour showed at his death, he honoured with Funeral Rites, and sent his bones to Rome. Thence marching into Apulia, made it his busi∣ness to fetch in Corn from all parts.

But when the Romans had determined to march towards Capua, Hanno [ VII]

being sent before by Hannibal, with a thousand Foot, and as many Horse, he unknown to the Enemy, got into the City; day breaking, when the Romans beheld many of them upon the Walls, and knew the matter, they forthwith drew off their Army from thence, and set themselves to reaping all the Cap••ans, and the rest of the Corn of Campania, which the Cam∣panians being much troubled at, Hannibal sent them word he had Corn enough in Apulia, whither they might send for it, as often as they pleased▪ they sent not only their Men and Cattle, but even their Wives and Chil∣dren to fetch in Corn, fearing no danger in the journey; Hannibal be∣ing upon return out of Apulia into Campania, and lying encamped near the River Alor, not far from the Beneventines, whom only because they continued faithful to the Romans, they were afraid of; but now because of Hannibal's presence they despised. But it happened that about the same time Hannibal being called by Hanno among the Lucanians went thi∣ther, leaving the most troublesome part of his Baggage in the Camp, near Beneventum, with an indifferent Guard, of which the Roman Generals (for they were two, Claudius and Annius) having certain advice, fell up∣on the Campanians, that were gone to fetch Corn, and finding them a dis∣armed and undisciplined multitude, slew many, and gave their Corn to the Beneventines, then plundering Hannibal's Camp took thence all that he had there left. Then the two Roman Generals joyning together, whilst Hannibal staid in Lucania, begirt Capua, with a Trench and a Wall; and drawing other Lines without, pitch'd their Camp between both, raising Bulwarks both towards the City, and towards the Country, to oppose the assaults of the Enemy: so that the face of their Camp was like a great Town, inclosing a little City, and the space between their Lines and the Town, being about two Furlongs like a Theater, where daily Combats were to be seen (the stoutest men on both sides continually challenging and provoking one another) among which, that of Claudius Atellus was very memorable, he was challenged by one Taureas, a Campanian, whom having overcome, the vanquished fled towards the City: Claudius pur∣suing him to the very Walls, not being able to turn his Horse, the Gate standing to receive his Enemy, he was carried in, and running through the whole Town, got out at the other Gate, and came safe to his own party, a strange success of undesigned boldness. Hannibal without do∣ing the business, which he was sent for into Lucania returned to Capua, to undertake the defence of that City, which he knew for so many, and so great things commodious for the Romans, wherefore he assaulted their Works: but when he could by no manner of means prevail to send in any supply of Men, or Provisions into the Town, (for the Siege was so close, that he could neither send in, nor get any intelligence out of the City) he with all his Army marched directly towards Rome, moved thereunto, be∣cause he heard that Famine was in the City, and out of hopes, either to draw the Romans from the Siege of Capua, or act something greater than the relief of that place. Wherefore continuing his March with a great confluence of Warlike People (wherefore some perswaded them∣selves, that for want of strength, they would not so much as stop his pas∣sage; others thought they should not so much as fight for it) he came and encamped by the River Anien within thirty Furlongs of the City. Never was Rome struck with such Fear and Tumult: They wanted all manner of Forces (those they had being in Campania) and unexpectedly a mighty Army was coming towards them, led by a General, whose Valor and For∣tune

made him unconquerable; yet with such Forces as they had, who were able to bear Arms, they set Guards at the Gates: The Old Men leaped up on the Walls, and the Women and Children brought Darts and Stones, great multitudes flocked to them out of the Country, the whole City rung with Howlings, Lamentations, Prayers, and mutual Exhortations, some going out of the City broke down the Bride that was over the Anien. The Romans had built a very little Town among the Aequi and called it Alba, after the name of their Metropolis or mother City; but in Process of time whether by lengthning or corrupting the word, or to distinguish them from the Albans, they were called Albenies, two thou∣sand of these coming to participate in the danger of Rome were presently armed, and placed at the guard of the Gates. So much faith and kind∣ness at that time one only Colony among so many showed towards the Romans, imitating the Example of the Plateans, who with a small Number joyned with the Athenians at the fight at Marathon, that by united force they might repulse the present danger. The Roman General Annius stay'd at Capua not doubting to reduce that City, the other Claudius Flaccus by another way, with incredible expedition came and pitcht his Camp opposite to Hannibal on the other side of the Anien. Who when Hannibal saw the bridge broken down, and found Claudius encamped on the other side, he resolved to march round by the springs of the River, and Claudius likewise thereupon removed his Camp. Here Hannibal made use of his wonted stratagems he left some Horse, who when the Armies were retired, Fording the River wasted the Roman Territory, and when they had terrified the City, according to orders returned to Hanni∣bal. When he had got round the springs, 'tis reported that he came by night with three spies to the City not far distant, and privately taking a view of the site of it, observed the great fear and solitude within the walls, yet after all this he returned to Capua, whether some God or any other acci∣dent at that time averted him, whether he dreaded the Valor and Fortune of the City, or whether (as he used often to say to his Friends exhorting him to the Conquest of it) that he would not ruine it, least when that was done the Carthaginians should take from him the Command, and reduce him to the quality of a private Man; for as for the Claudian Army it was no way to be compared with Hannibal's. Yet Claudius at Hannibal's re∣turn followed him at the heels, thinking he did enough if he hindred him from Forraging, and took care that by Ambushes he did not damnifie him.

Yet Hannibal in a dark and moonless night having discovered the place [ VIII] whither Claudius Army tended, built indeed no wall, but throwing up a trench, and leaving some intervals for Gates, and lastly raising a Rampire (which might serve instead of a Wall) opposite to it, there continued himself, and sending his Horse to a certain eminence fortified by Nature charged them there to stand quiet, and not move from the place till the Romans should possess themselves of that place he hoped they would be∣lieve to be void. Then he gave Command to his Indians that getting upon their Elephants, they should by any means between the intervals or over the Rampire get into Claudius Camp. At a little distance from these he commanded some Trumpets and Cornets to follow, with Orders as they entred to make the greatest noise they could possible, that their Numbers

might seem the greater; sending along with them some that could speak the Latine Tongue, who were to call out aloud to the Soldiers by Claudius Orders to desert their Tents, and escape to the next hill. This stratagem of Hannibal's succeeded at first to his mind, and according as he had de∣signed it, for Elephants trod down the Rampire, and the Trumpets fol∣lowed them, whose noise filling the ears of the Roman▪ Soldiers starting out of their beds in a dark night, and so unexpectedly, struck a mighty terror into them. Besides hearing in the Latine Tongue, Command gi∣ven about possessing the other Hill; they already addressed themselves to flight. But Claudius to whom all Hannibal's devices (as full of deceit and treachery) were suspected, immediately out of his own prudence, or by instinct from some God, or else being by some Captive informed of the whole project, dispatched away the Military Tribunes into the way leading to the hill, to stop such as rushed out, and tell them, that those Orders were Proclaimed not by their Generals Command, but by Hannibal's, and therewithal himself drawing first strong guards to the Rampire, to repulse the Enemy if perhaps any assault should be made, ran through the tents, crying out, that there was no danger, that only a few were broke in with the Elephants, whose small Number indeed when it appeared (for by this time by Claudius command Torches were lighted, and fires blown up) the Romans fear was turned into anger, and falling upon them being but light armed men they easily slew them. As for the Elephants there wan∣ting room to receive them, they ran confusedly among the Tents and Huts, and no Darts (because of the narrowness of the place and the vast∣ness of their bodies being thrown in vain) they were every where wound∣ed till with anguish they grew so enraged, that tumbling down and tread∣ing under foot their riders (for they could not govern nor turn them upon the Enemy) with rage and horrid yellings they broke out of the Camp. Thus Claudius Flaccus by stedfast courage and diligence circumvented Hannibal in an unexpected stratagem, and by defeating him of his pur∣pose both overcame him, and by his prudence preserved his trembling Army. Hannibal failing in this enterprise drew his forces into Lucania to their Winter quarters, where this fierce man never before accustomed to delights gave himself over to Lust and Luxury. By which means by de∣grees, and not long after he brought a strange change upon all his affairs. Claudius returned to his Colleague to Capua, and now both of them strove their utmost to reduce this Town, hoping to force it whilst Hannibal lay quiet in his Winter-quarters. The Campanians in want of all things (for nothing could be brought them from abroad) and ready to perish for hunger yielded themselves up to the Roman Generals. And with them∣selves Hanno and Bostar, who commanded the Carthaginian Garrison with all their Soldiers, and the Romans placing a Garrison in the City, cut off the hands of all the Fugitives they there found, the African Nobility they sent to Rome, the rest they sold. Then turning upon the Campanians, the Authors of the Defection they punished with death, the rest only with fines upon their Lands. The Country of Campania, because a Champian, is very Fertile. Capua thus restored to the Romans, the Carthaginians were deprived of a very considerable place for the conveniency of their af∣fairs in Italy.

Among the Brutians (who are a part of Italy) a Man of the City of [ IX] Sisia, a Man addicted to Hunting, and accustomed to bring part of his game to the Governor of the Punick garrison had so wrought himself into his friendship, that he was in a manner his Consort in Command, who grieved in mind to see the Soldiers insolencies and abuses of his Country∣men, made a contract with the Roman General, to which they both pledged their Faiths, and by degrees brought into the Cittadel as Prisoners many Roman Soldiers, whose Arms himself siesed on as his spoils, when he thought his Number sufficient, he loosed their Bonds, and arming them, overpowring the Punick Garrison, brought in a Roman; but not long after Hannibal passing that way, the Garrison affrighted fled to Rhegi∣nis, the Tisiatae delivered themselves to Hannibal, who burning the chiefs of the Revolts, placed there another garrison. At Salatia in Apulia, which was then under the Punick power, there were two kinsmen, who both for their Riches and Power, might well be esteemed Princes, but between whom there was perpetual discord. Dasius favored the Carthaginian, and Blasi••s the Roman affairs. As long as Hannibal was prosperous Blasius lay still, when the Roman Power by recovery of most part of it's Empire began to revive, Blasius had the confidence to move his Enemy, at least to con∣sent with him for the safety of his Countrey, le••t if the Romans should take the place by storm, he should become engaged in an irrecoverable misfortune. Dasius dissembling a consent betray'd the matter to Hannibal, Hannibal was Arbitrator and Judge, Dasius the accuser. Blasius being guilty had only this one thing to say in his defence, that out of private enmity, he laid false crimes to his charge, and indeed the knowledge that his accuser had long been his enemy, and bore him a secret grudge, procu∣red him the more freedome to argue in his own defence. Hannibal nei∣ther contemning the thing, nor giving too much Credit to an Enemy, Commanded them both to withdraw, as if he would consider of it by him∣self; But the place as they went out being very narrow, and none being nigh enough to bear witness, Blasius thus whipped Dasius. And will not you good man yet save your Country, Dasius crying out immediately, re∣peats it to Hannibal, upon which Blasius making his complaint, Now, now (said he) there is no man but will believe snares laid for my life by the cun∣ning of my Enemy, but this trick of his if I before lay under any suspicion will perfectly clear me of it, for who pray that is not mad would trust such a thing to an Enemy? But you may object, it may be at first I was deceived in him, but I beseech you what man that is brought to his Tryal, and denying the Fact before the Tribunal in the hearing of many, his accuser present who may reveal it will afresh communicate such a thing to him, who has already shewed his mind to be∣tray him? But if he were a faithful friend indeed what help could he bring to me towards the safety of his Country? or why should I implore his help who has no power to give any? These words Blasius pronounced aloud, and as I believe foreseeing the event, and then making way to whisper Dasius in the ear, told him that he would lessen his future Credit and Authority, and so work Hannibal, that he should not believe any crime he objected against him. Nor did Blasius after he was dismissed forbear to ply his ad∣versary in this manner, as a man whom now he contemned, having taken off all belief of what he said. Therefore Dasius at length feigned himself moved by his solicitations with intent to get from him all the manner how he had formed his design which he nothing demurring upon; I will said

he, go to the Roman Camp (which the other knew to be then very remote) and thence receiving some forces from the Praetor, who is my very good friend, bring them hither. Thou shalt work for me here and stay to keep the City, and having thus said presently without Dasius being privy to it he went from the City directly to Rome, and not to the Camp, where leaving his Son for Hostage, and receiving from the Senate a thousand Horse, makes a speedy return, already in his mind presaging the event. Dasius for some days after not seeing his adversary, strait way conjectured that having now his word, he was gone to perfect the business, and whilst he medi∣tated upon the great distance he was to find the Camp at, slowly and se∣curely he goes to Hannibal not doubting but to return time enough to be there before the other. And being come to the speech of Hannibal, Now, said he, whilst he is bringing an Armed Power into the City, I will in the very Action deliver Blasius into thy hands, and so telling the whole matter and receiving some Soldiers from Hannibal, he flies towards his Country which he imagined Blasius could not yet be come nigh to. But he having already slain the Punick Garrison which was but small, took diligent care that none should go out of the City, and shutting all the rest of the Gates, left that only open by which Dasius was to return, he likewise to avoid all suspicion left the Walls every where naked; but the way within was so broken, and block't up with Ditches, that there was no way of breaking out. Dasius coming and finding the Gates open, rejoycing, and thinking he was got thither before his Enemy, entred the City triumphing, but he and all that came in with him being inclosed, and because of the Ditches, having no way of retreat Blasius easily slew them, except only a few that leaping over the Walls escaped. So Blasius catching Dasius in the snare at last overcame him.

Now whilst Fulvius the Roman Consul besieged Herdonia, Hannibal un∣known to him pitcht his Camp close by him, putting out (the better to lie hid) all fires, and Commanding a strict silence through all the Camp. And the morning hapning likewise to be very cloudy, he sent before some Horse to provoke the Romans, they indeed with some trembling at first (as being raised out of their beds) but soon with better confidence (be∣cause they believed them only a few pickt up here and there) repulsed the Enemy, but Hannibal fetching a Compass about the other part of the Town, that he might take a view of it, and put the Townsmen in hopes, at length whether because they had spied him, or else by chance falls in upon the Romans and incloses them. Then set upon on both sides they rush'd on in disorder, so that the Consul Fulvius with eight thousand men were slain, the rest making a speedy retreat within a Trench before their Camp, and bravely fighting preserved both that and their Tents from be∣ing taken by Hannibal. After this whilst the Romans wasted the lands of the Apulians, because they had revolted, Hannibal did the like to the Campanians who were all but the Attellani returned to the Romans obe∣dience whom (because they should not be vexed with the Wars of the Brutii, Lucanians and Apulians) he brought to Thurium, and the Ro∣mans sent the Exiles of Nuceria to inhabit Attella, and with their Army in∣festing Hannibals associates, came to Antonia which they took, and laid wast all the Brutians Fields, and at the same time besieged Tarentum by Sea and Land, which then was kept by a Punick Garrison under Carpalo the Go∣vernor

who because the Carthaginians were few, had taken the Brutians into association with him; the Commander of whose Forces loved a Wench, whose brother was a Soldier among the Romans, who by his sisters means wrought the Brutian officer to betray that part of the Wall he had the Charge of, so the Romans recovered Tarentum a Town very convenient for them both to Sea and Landward. Hannibal made all the hast he could to Tarentum, but on his march having certain intelligence of it's being taken, being much troubled he retreated to Thurium, from whence he went to Venusium, where Claudius Marcellus who had subdued Sicily, now the fifth time Consul, and T. Crispinus had their Camp: yet they forbore fighting. But Marcellus by chance espying a party of Nu∣midians, going out upon the spoil, and thinking them but few, with three hundred Horse securely charged them, being a man of a daring courage, and in all dangers too rashly forward, but when the Africans coming in from all parts fell upon him, the Rear of the Romans first began to fly, but Marcellus who still thought they followed him, fought valiantly till struck through with a Dart he fell▪ his body being brought to Hannibal when he saw it wounded on all sides, he commended him as a Soldier, but much condemned him as a General, but taking off his Ring, he Magnifi∣cently burnt it, and sent the bones to his Son into the Camp. And then before the ••ame of his death should spread too far, being deadly mad with the Salatians he dispatched away a Roman fugitive to Salatia with letters sealed with Marcellus Ring, signifying that Marcellus with his Army was coming thither, and commanding them to open their Gates. The Citi∣zens having a little before received letters from Crispinus (for he sent to all the Cities Messengers to acquaint them that Hannibal had got Marcel∣lus Ring) lest if they stayd the messenger any time they should betray their own Counsels, sent him away with promise to obey the Commands. Mean while arming and disposing themselves upon the Walls, they ex∣pected the issue of the deceit, Hannibal coming with his Numidians wear∣ing Roman Arms, the Port-cullis being drawn up, and the Gate opened, they with great joy and Alacrity received them, as if it had been Mar∣cellus, but when as many were come in as they thought they were hand∣somely able to deal with, they let fall the Port-cullis, and slew all those were got within the City. Hannibal thus frustrated of his hopes at Salatia retreated.

Whilst these things were doing, Asdr••bal brother to Hannibal had [ XI] brought into Italy that mercenary Army leavyed by him in Spain, being in his march kindly received by the Gauls, and in two months passing the Alpes (before laid open by Hannibal, and which he very hardly effected in six) he falls down into Hetruria with thirty eight thousand Foot, eight thousand Horse, and fifteen Elephants; thence he wrote letters to his bro∣ther of his coming, which being intercepted by the Romans, who thereby understood his strength, Salinator and Nero gathering together all the Force they could make, met with him at Siena, he who did not yet design fight∣ing, but to joyn as soon as he could with his brother by night, removes his Camp, and wandring through marshy places, and along the Banks of Rivers that were not fordable, made no great progress. At the break of day the Romans having discovered them, and following hard upon them tyred with labor and watching, many Centuries being drawn up together

in a body, and coming up with them, fell all at once upon Asdrubal's Army, and taking many alive, routed his whole Army (which had it been joyned with Hannibal would have made him appear invincible) thereby freeing Italy from an unexpressible fear and terror. And 'tis my Judg∣ment that Providence thought fit to give the Romans this victory by way of reprizal for the loss sustained at Cannae, for this was equal and parallel to that both in the death of the Commander, and the utter ruine of the whole Army. It hapned likewise that in both many Captives were taken, and the next Morning the Conquerors in both became Masters of the spoil of the vanquished Camp. Of such various fortune▪ sometimes adverse and sometimes prosperous, did the Romans now make experience. The Cel∣tiberians who escaped from the slaughter, returned some of them to their own Country, and some got to Hannibal, who not a little tormented for this loss of his brother, and so great an Army, through too much hast and ignorance of the ways, slighting all the rest that in full fourteen years he had with vast labours been getting in Italy, retreated among the Brutians, who were the only people that continued in association with him, and there quietly expected new recruits from Carthage. And the Carthaginians did send him an hundred Ships laden with Corn, and supplies of Men and Mony, which being conveyed by three hundred Triremes, the Praetor of Sardinia set upon with his Gallies, and sinking sixty, the rest got back to Carthage; From hence the penury of all things in Hannibals Camp much increased, but especially the despair of get∣ting any help from Carthage; And to all these misfortunes this was annexed that Mago, who was sent into Gaul and Liguria to hire Soldiers, sent no aid, but lay idle expecting the Event of things. Wherefore Hanni∣bal plainly foreseeing that he could not long continue in those parts, began to contemn the Brutians themselves, as men that would ere long be stran∣gers to him, and to oppress them with heavier taxes, several towns fortified by nature as if they practised a revolt he forced to remove into the plain, and many persons whose Estates he had a desire to siese upon he condemned upon false accusations.

[ XII] In the mean time there entred into the Consulate Licinius Cras∣sus and P. Scipio, famous for his Conquests in Spain. Crassus went into Apulia against Hannibal. Scipio advised the people that Han∣nibal and the Carthaginians, could not possibly be driven out of Italy, till an Army were transported into Africa, and they ter∣rified with Domestick danger. And assiduously insisting upon it, and daily urging them all to it, he at length got Africa decreed for his province. Then without any delay trasporting his Army into Sicily, when he had spent a little time in Rendevouzing and Ex∣••rcising his Soldiers, he was first carried to Locrisa a City of Ita∣ly (where Hannibal had placed a Punick Garrison) whom having overpowred, leaving Pleminius as his Lieutenant in that City, he passed over into Africa, but Pleminius forbore not to treat the Lo∣crians with all manner of villanous and contumelious usage and cru∣elty, insomuch that he rob'd the very Temple of Proserpine. Wherefore the Romans for these horrible dealings with their Friends and Kindred put him to death in Prison, and confisca∣ting his goods delivered them to the Locrians to be laid up in

the Treasures of the Goddess, and of the Mony taken away by Sa∣criledge they recovered as much as they could, and what remained it pleased them to supply out of the publick Exchequer. At the same time Crassus drew away from Hannibal's party, Consentia a great City of the Brutians and many other Towns; but when at Rome. the dismal prodigies had filled the minds of men with super∣stition, the Decemvirs commanded to bring the Sibyls Books re∣lating that few days before in Pessinuntium a City of Phrygia, where the Mother of the Gods is Worshipped, something was fallen from heaven which should be brought to Rome, and not long after the news of its falling came, and the image of the Goddess was brought to Rome, and on the same day that it happened to come thither was celebrated the Feast of the Mother of the Gods. There is a report that the Ship which brought it struck upon a Shoal in the River Tiber, and that when by no means possible it could be removed, the Southsayers foretold that it would follow, if drawn by a woman that was pure and chast from any strange bed. Claudia Quintia suspected but not guilty of Adultery (but her too loose and free way of living had got her that ill report) first earnestly cal∣ling upon the Goddess to witness her innocency of that crime, and then tying her Girdle to the Ship was followed by the Goddess. So Claudia from an evil fame which she before lay under, got a most glorious name. But before this exploit of Claudia's, the Romans admonished by the Sibyls books, that by the best man of all the City they should send for the image out of Phrygia, presently sent thither a man judged to be the best of those times, Scipio Surna∣med Nasica Son of Cn. Scipio, who died General in Spain, and Cou∣sin Germain to that Scipio, who abating the Carthaginian pride first bore the Surname of African. Thus was the Goddess brought to Rome by the best of Men and Women. But when the Brutians had intelligence that the Carthaginians in Africa had in several Battels been defeated by Scipio, they seemed to be at strife who first should desert Hannibal, and some of them slew the Punick Gar∣risons, and others thrust them out of their Cities. Those who could do neither, privately sent Deputies to Rome, to declare their good Will, though they wanted Power. Hannibal came with his Ar∣my to Petelia, which City was given by him to the Brutians af∣ter having expelled the former inhabitants. When therefore he expostulated with them that they had sent Deputies to Rome, and they earnestly denied it, he seemed to believe them, but that he might prevent any occasion of suspicion, he gave up their Great Men separately into the keeping of his Numidians, and disarm∣ing the Citizens gave their Arms to the Slaves, and to them committed the Charge of the City. Nor did he deal less se∣verely with other Cities to which he went in progress, for the Thu∣rini's goods he exhibited to his Soldiers Rapine, and besides three thousand Citizens whom he knew great lovers of the Carthaginians, and five hundred Country people he carried away, and leaving the City under the guard of the Prefidionary Soldiers, brought them all to Crotona, which because of it's convenient Situation, he chose both for his Granary and Seat of War.

[ XIII] But when by his Citizens (who to hasten him sent for him As∣drubal their Admiral) he was sent for to come home, and bringre∣lief to his Country then in danger by Scipio's many victories, he grie∣vously complained of the Carthaginians, who had always been ingrate∣ful and perfidious to their Generals, as he had sufficiently and for a long time experienced, and because he had given the first beginning to this War in Spain, he began to be apprehensive of himself; Yet he resolved since 'twas fit he obeyed to go, and forthwith caused a great Number of Ships to be built, Italy furnishing him abundantly with all Materials; But before his departure he exposed all the As∣sociate, and subjected Cities, whom now he looked upon as Enemies to the Spoil and Plunder of his Army, that thereby enriching them, he might by their kindness be secure from his Citizens Ca∣lumnies. Yet ashamed himself, against Faith and Equity, to wrong in this manner the Associates, he sent Asdrubal the Admiral under a feigned pretence of visiting the Garrisons to do it, who going into every City and Commanding the Citizens and their Slaves to pack up what they could carry, and march elsewhere, he gave all that remained up to be plundered; Which usage being divulged, many before Asdrubal came to them, rose in Arms against the Garrison Soldiers, and with various fortune, sometimes the Townsmen, some∣times the Soldiers had the better, hence followed mighty slaughters, with the Rapes of Matrons, and Virgins, and other villanies usually committed at the Sack of Towns. As for those Italian Soldiers who had deserved well under him. Hannibal knowing them to be stout and well excercised Men, with magnificent promises tried to draw them over with him into Africa. Such as for any villanies committed were afraid to return into their own Country condemning themselves to voluntary banishment; followed him, but those who had no guilt upon their consciences refused to go. Those therefore who chose rather to stay, then go, having commanded to as∣semble all in one place (as if he either designed to speak to them or to reward them for past services or command them somewhat for the future) he encompassed with his Army, and commanded his men to chuse out among them as many as they listed for Slaves. Some there were that those, others were ashamed to take into such base servitude, those who as fel∣low Soldiers had done so many brave things with them. Those that re∣mained that they might never be useful to the Romans he caused to be thrust through with Darts; Likewise of four thousand Horses and Oxen, no small Number, he caused the throats to be cut, because he had not the Conveniency to carry them into Africa. After which embarking his Army leaving only a few for a show of a Garrison in the Country of the Brutians he stay'd only for a wind; but the Petelini and other Italians rising upon them at their departure slew some and so retreated. Thus Hannibal returning to Africa left Italy, which for sixteen whole years he had wasted, and by a thousand miseries often reduced the desolate in∣habitants to the last Extremities, treating the Roman Subjects and Associ∣ates with all contumelious Cruelty, and for those whose service, not so much out of good will as necessity, he had formerly made use of, now they could yield him no more help or advantage, he treated them likewise as Enemies. Hannibal being gone, the Senate pardoned all those Italian people had revolted to the Carthaginians, granting a perfect act of Obli∣vion

for all things past. But the Brutians because they had continued his ready Associates to the last, they condemned in part of their Land, and took away all their Arms if they had any left after Hannibal's plundring them. All Service in the Militia (as people who had lost their right of Freedom) was likewise forbidden them, and when the Roman Con∣suls went into the Provinces to oversee any publick works, they Com∣manded them to follow them like Servants. This was the Conclusion of Hannibal's Expedition into Italy in the two and fiftieth year of the Punick Wars.

The end of the Eighth Book of the Roman Wars with Hannibal.

Notes

• Byrsa in Greek signi∣fies a Hide.
• Tuscany.
• The Greek calls them, scyths, and indeed they did call these sort of hooks scyths which they made use of in the same manner as they did the Rams, only the Rams beat the Walls in∣wards, and the Scyths pull'd them outwards, and for the word ram∣pier the Greek says, the hides and other cover∣ings, there is a like de∣scription in the seventh Bo••k of Cae∣sar's Com∣mentaries in the Siege of Bourges.
• Or a Yard.
• There wants here a leaf in the Original, so that this which follows seems part of an Oration made by a Roman Sena∣tor in open Senate, while Peace was de∣bated.
• Galleys of five ranks to a bank.
• Or about 80 fathoms, a••∣cording to the Greek Acre:
• It is to be imagined, he means, but a part laboured at a time, and when weary, were relieved by others.
• Colonel of 1000 men.
• Each Mark con∣taining eight Ounces.
• Treasurer.
• Or Coelo∣syria.
• Constanti∣nople.
• Or Brin∣disium.
• About two milesand a half.
• Hastati, Prin∣cipe; & Triarii according to the Roman order.
• Or Horsemen with silver Shields.
• Or Saviour.
• This Tigranes had a Son also called Tigra∣nes.
• The Victori∣ous.
• The General name of the Kings of Parthia.
• The Kings particular Name.
• Colonels and Captains.
• Sagitarious signifies an Archer.
• A Mile and half.
• A thousand M••les.
• Above six Miles.
• Taken in Crassus War.
• So called be∣cause of its re∣semblance to a Tortoise shell.
• Thirty Miles, a thing almost incredible though so good an Historian write it.
• 2500 miles.
• Galatia.
• One a Clo••k.
• Or Regiments of Guards.
• Ragu••a.
• An hundred twenty and five Miles.
• An uncertain measure.
• Fifteen miles▪
• Captain of an hundred m••n.
• Tuscany.
• Fifty Miles.
• Gaul.
• Genoua.
• Note, there were 25 Lieutenants, and here are Commissions but for 1. 3.
• 〈…〉〈…〉.
• A City of Colchis built by Castor and Pollux, who are said to be Sons of Jupiter, Dio∣scuri in Greek signifying Son of Jupiter.
• Bous in Greek signi∣fies Bull or Cow.
• One hundred twenty and five Miles.
• A certain kind of Marble.
• Or beds, for they then eat on beds.
• Or beds, for they then eat on beds.
• Sclavonians.
• Seven ••un∣dred and fifty Miles.
• One hun∣dred and fifty Miles.
• Gauls.
• Croats or those of the County of Zara.
• Illyrians and Celtes.
• Austria and Hungaria.
• The Northern Bavaria.
• Carsu.
• Dy••rhachium
• Po.
• Is••ria a penin∣sul•• in the gulf. of Venice.
• Danube••▪
• Huns▪
• These Walls were part of Wood, and part of Stone.
• Burbon••i▪
• Suisses.
• Canton of Zurick.
• Hollanders.
• Those of the Diocess of Cambray.
• Savoyards.
• Dutchies of Zupthen Cleves and Berg.
• One thousand two hundred and fifty miles.
• Car••agena.
• To••cany.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• Oblivio or Limia.
• Lethe or Li∣mia.
• Scipio's Boom.
• Terraconen∣sis, Boetica, Lusitania.
• Tuscany.