The history of Appian of Alexandria in two parts : the first consisting of the Punick, Syrian, Parthian, Mithridatick, Illyrian, Spanish, & Hannibalick wars, the second containing five books of the civil wars of Rome / made English by J.D.

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The history of Appian of Alexandria in two parts : the first consisting of the Punick, Syrian, Parthian, Mithridatick, Illyrian, Spanish, & Hannibalick wars, the second containing five books of the civil wars of Rome / made English by J.D.
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Appianus, of Alexandria.
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London :: Printed for John Amery ...,
1679.
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Rome -- History.
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"The history of Appian of Alexandria in two parts : the first consisting of the Punick, Syrian, Parthian, Mithridatick, Illyrian, Spanish, & Hannibalick wars, the second containing five books of the civil wars of Rome / made English by J.D." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A25723.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed May 1, 2024.

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APPIAN OF ALEXANDRIA, HIS HISTORY OF THE Civil Wars OF ROME.

PART II.

BOOK IV.

The Argument of this Book.

I. THe Author's Design in this Book: The Accommodation of Caesar, An∣thony and Lepidus. II. Dismal Presages of future Miseri••••: Pe∣dius begins the Proscriptions; and Caesar, Anthony and Lepidus are named Triumvirs. III. A Copy of the Edict of Proscription. IV. The general

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Cruelties committed in the Execution of it. V. Many Particularities of such as suffered. VI. The Triumph of Lepidus: Proscription of the Women, and Hortensia's Oration for her Sex. VII. Particulars of several escaped the Proscription. VIII. Defeat of Cornificius, Lelius and Ventidius in Lybia, by Sextus Caesar's Lieutenants. IX. Cassius besieges and takes Do∣lobella in Laodicea, and does many other things in Syria. X. Cassius a∣bout to besiege Rhodes, Archelaus endeavours to disswade him. XI. Cassius answers him, and besieges and takes Rhodes. XII. Brutus besieges the Xan∣tiens, and takes the City. XIII. After which Patara yields to him; and Murcus, who sides with him, is besieged by Anthony near Brundusium. XIV. Sex. Pompey coming into Sicily, fights at Sea against Salvidienus with equal Advantage. XV. Murcus and Domitius AEnobarbus sieze on the Passage of the Ionian Sea; and Ciditius and Norbanus, Lieutenants to Caesar and Anthony, march by Land against Cassius and Brutus. XVI. Brutus and Cassius having drawn together their Army; Cassius makes an Oration to them. XVII. Brutus and Cassius go and encamp near Phi∣lippi. XVIII. Anthony and Caesar encamp hard by them; they engage; Brutus gets the better, but Cassius is worsted. XIX. The Death of Cassius: Murcus and Aenobarbus defeat Domitius Calvinus. XX. Brutus Speech to his Army, to oblige them to temporize; and Anthony's, to encourage his to the Battel. XXI. Brutus's Army force him to fight. XXII. The Battel: Brutus defeated. XXIII. The Death of Brutus: Praises of Brutus and Cassius; and End of this Book.

HAving in the former Book declared how two of Caesar's Mur∣derers [ I] perished in their Governments; to wit, Trebonius in Asia, and Decimus in Gaul; in this we shall set forth how Brutus and Cassius, the principal Authors of the Conspiracy, were punished. Men, that were Masters of all the Provin∣ces from Syria to Macedon, who commanded mighty Armies both by Sea and Land; having more than twenty Legions, great number of Shipping, and abundance of Money. And this was done at a time when Proscripti∣ptions were dreadful at Rome; and that as many proscribed Persons as could be found were miserably put to death. So that the like had never been seen or known among all the Tumults and Wars of the Grecians, nor yet a∣mong those of the Romans, if you except the time of Sylla, who was the first proscribed his Enemies: for Marius only slew such as fell into his Hands; whereas Sylla not only permitted any that would to slay those he had pro∣scribed, but proposed Rewards to the Murderers, and decreed Punishments against any durst give succour to a proscribed Person. But of all those things we have discoursed in writing what passed in the time of Marius and Sylla; let us proceed to our order of History.

Caesar being reconciled to Anthony, it was determined to have a Confe∣rence together. The place designed for it was near Modena, in a little flat Island of the River Labinia: whither they came with each five Legions; which taking their Stands on each side the River, the two Generals, accom∣panied only by three hundred Men each, advanced to the Bridges that went over the Streams. Lepidus, who was before gone into the Island to see that there were no Ambuscade, having made them the Signal by shewing his Coat-Armor, they left all their Train at the Bridges; and advancing on to the highest part of the Island, they three sat down; Caesar in the middle, be∣cause of his Quality of Consul. After two whole Days Conference they

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came to this Result: That Caesar should for the rest of the Year quit the Con∣sulate to Ventidius: That to put a stop to the Civil Wars there should be created a new Office, which Anthony, Lepidus and Caesar should exercise joyntly for five Years, with the same Power as the Consuls (for they would not make use of the name of Dictator, perhaps because of the Law Anthony had so lately made to abolish the Dictatorship.) That as soon as they had taken Possession of this new Dignity, they should design for five Years the Annual Officers of the City. That the Provinces should be parted among them: Anthony should have all the Gauls, except only that confining upon the Pyrenean Mountains, called Antient Gaul; which, together with Spain, should remain to Lepidus; and that Caesar should take Africa, with Sicily, Sardinia, and all the other adjacent Isles. In this Division of the Ro∣man Empire among themselves, they forbore sharing the other Provinces, because Brutus and Cassius yet held them. They agreed therefore together, that Anthony and Caesar should make War upon them: That Lepidus, de∣signed Consul for the Year following, should remain in the City, that he might provide them of all things necessary; and should govern Spain by his Lieutenants: That of the ten Legions that composed his Army, he should keep three for the Defence of the City, and give three to Caesar and four to Anthony; by which means each of them would have twenty Legi∣ons. And that they might encourage the Soldiers, besides the Recompence usually referred till after the Victory, and other Donatives; they assigned them for Colonies eighteen of the best Cities of Italy, as well for the beau∣ty of the Buildings, as Fertility and Riches of the adjacent Soil, whose Hou∣ses and Fields they set out amongst them, as it is usual to divide a conquered Country. The chief of these were Capua, Rhegium, Venosa, Beneventum, Luceria, Rimini. Thus was the best part of Italy destined a Recompence to the Soldiers. They resolved likewise that before all things else they would rid themselves of their particular Enemies, lest they should be a hindrance to their Designs when they were gone out of the City. These things being all agreed to, and put in writing, Caesar as Consul, read them publickly be∣fore all the Forces (except only that concerning the Proscriptions, which he kept secret) who received them all with a general Acclamation; and forth∣with both Armies saluted each other in token of Reconciliation.

[ II] Mean while many dreadful Prodigies appeared at Rome. All the Dogs of the City howled like Wolves, which is accounted an unhappy Presage. The Wolves, which do not usually come into Cities, came now into the Great Place. An Ox spoke with a Man's voice. A Child spoke as soon as it was born. The Statues of the Gods sweated, some Water, and some Blood. The cries of Men, clattering of Arms, and running of Horses were heard; yet not seen. Many frightful Signs appeared about the Sun. It rained Stones. Thunder fell upon several Temples, and some of the ve∣ry images of the Gods were stricken. Hereupon the Senate sent for Di∣vines out of Tuscany; the eldest of which told them, that the Royalty should be re-established, and they all Slaves but only He: and therewith stopping his Mouth, held his Breath so long, till he fell down dead in the place. This Triumvirate then after their Agreement made, began to contrive among themselves the Roll of the Proscribed; wherein they inserted all those whose too great power they were jealous of, and all their particular Ene∣mies; abandoning their own Friends and Relations to one another, so they might by that means be revenged on those they hated. And this they did, not only at present, but even afterwards; for they proscribed an infinite

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number one after another, either out of some old Grudge, or some light Of∣fence, or for being Friends▪ to their Enemies, or Enemies to their Friends or because they were rich. And indeed they stood in need of store of Money for the War, Brutus and Cassius having received abundance from the Ti∣butes of Asia, besides what those Kings and Potentates furnished them with; whereas these had none to receive, but only out of Europe and Italy, already drained dry by Exactions and Wars. In so much, that to raise Money, there was no Person to the most miserable of the People, without excepting the very Women, who suffered not a thousand Violences from the Tax-Ga∣therers, if they were but informed they had any thing. There were some likewise proscribed for the beauty of their Houses or Gardens. In short, the Roll of the Proscribed, with Confiscation of Goods, amounted to three hundred Senators, and two thousand Roman Knights; among whom some were Brethren and Uncles to the Triumvirs, and Officers that had served in their Armies for having displeased the Generals or their Lieutenants. They deferred the rest of the Proscription till such time as they came to the City; and in the mean time resolved to begin the Execution by twelve (or as some say) by seventeen of the Principal, among whom was Cicero. To this pur∣pose they sent some of their People, who forthwith slew four whom they found either at their Tables or in the Streets. The others were sought for in Temples and Houses; in so much, that all that Night there was a great Tumult: People running up and down the City with such cryings and howlings, as if the Enemy had been in the midst of them; for hearing of some being taken, and not knowing of any Person yet proscribed, every Man thought the next he met sought for him. So that in a general Despair some disposed themselves to set fire, either to their own Houses, or the Publick Buildings, that before they died they might do something worthy of Memory: And they had done it if the Consul Pedius, running about to all parts, had not exhorted them to be in good hopes, and to expect till Day gave better knowledge of the Cause of the Disorder. Morning being come, without staying for the Triumvirs Orders, he proscribed those se∣venteen Men as the only Authors of Intestine Mischiefs, and the only Men condemned; promising Security to all others, because he knew not what had been agreed upon; and after dyed of a Distemper caused by the too much labour undergone that Night. Three days following arrived one af∣ter another, Caesar, Anthony and Lepidus, each with his Regiment of Guards and one Legion; and immediately the City was filled with armed Men, and Courts of Guards placed in the most convenient Stations. Then were the People assembled, and Publius Titius the Tribune proposed the Law for Creation of the Triumvirate; to which he nominated Lepidus, Anthony and Caesar to govern the Commonwealth for five Years, with the same Power the Consuls had (this is what the Greeks call Harmostates, and the Lacedemonians Reformers) and without giving the People time to delibe∣rate, or to appoint a Day for holding another Assembly, the Law was at that instant ratified. The Night following besides the seventeen before there were found one hundred and thirty more, whose Names were fixed up in divers places of the City; soon after one hundred and fifty others were added; and at last the Roll was dayly augmented with names of new∣ly condemned People, or of those who had been slain by mistake, that they might not be thought to be killed without Cause. Those likewise who kil∣led any proscribed Persons were commanded to bring their Heads to the Triumvirs; and to this purpose Rewards were decreed them, to the Free Men Money, and to Slaves Freedom and Money. Nothing was barred

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against those that sought for them, because it was forbid under the like pain, either to receive them, or conceal them, or deny entrance into the House to any that sought after them, with a like Reward to any gave In∣formation of all these things.

The Ordinance for Proscription was conceived in these Terms.

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MARCUS LEPIDUS, MARCUS ANTONIUS AND OCTAVIUS AUGUSTUS Deputed for the Reformation & Re-Establishent Of the COMMONVVEALTH, To the PEOPLE of ROME.

IF by an extraordinary Infidelity wicked Men who had re∣ceived [ III] Pardon had not become Enemies to their Benefa∣ctors so far as to attempt against their Lives, and that they had not murdered Caesar; who after having reduced them under his Power, saved them, honoured them with his Friendship, and loaded them with Honours, Favours and Dignities; we had not been forced to come to Extre∣mities to revenge our selves of the Injuries they have done us, in declaring us Enemies to our Country. But now that after so many Ambushes laid for us, and the Murder committed on the Person of Caesar, we are bound to believe that their Malice cannot be overcome by fair means, we have chose rather to prevent our Enemies, than to wait till they destroy us. Wherefore, whoever shall consider in what manner they have

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treated Caesar, with the Injuries that we have suffered, will not find in our proceed∣ing either Passion, Injustice or Cruelty. Since Caesar their General, their High Priest, who had subdued Nations ever before formidable to the Roman People: Had first of all crossed an unknown Sea beyond the Columns of Hercules, and ope∣ned to the Romans away to a New World; has been murdered in a Sacred Place, in the midst of the Palace, in the sight of the Gods, basely stabbed with three and twenty Wounds of Daggers, by people whose lives he had saved after having made them Prisoners at War: Nay, some of which he had by Testament made his Heirs. Whilst instead of punishing this Attempt, others transported by the same hatred, have made them Governors of Provinces; or else abusing their Power, have seized upon the Revenues of the Commonwealth, raised Arms a∣gainst us; calling to their Assistance Barbarians, perpetual Enemies to this Em∣pire; and burning, sacking and rasing some Cities under our Obedience, that would not submit to theirs; and forcing others by threats and terror to take Arms a∣gainst us and their Country. Some of these we have already punished, and by God's Assistance you shall see us punish others. But because after those great things we have done for the security of Spain, Gaul, and the Heart of the Re∣publick, there yet remains a troublesome Affair, which is the Expedition against Caesar's Murderers: To effect which we must cross the Sea; being ready, for the Service of the Publick, to carry our Arms into a remote Country, we cannot think it either secure or advantagious for us to leave behind us our Enemies, who will not fail to make their best use of our absence, and of the uncertain Success of War. There may likewise be danger in delay; wherefore we have resolved to de∣stroy them, since they have begun to persecute us by declaring us Enemies of our Country. And though neither respect to Gods, nor fear of Men restrained them from endeavouring to destroy with us so many thousand Citizens, yet will we not imitate them, nor offend any of the people; nay, nor so much as hold all those for Enemies who have took part against us, or have disobliged us. We will as∣sault no person because of his Riches and Dignities, nor put so many to death as did another who had the same power before us; and who having, as well as we, undertaken to remedy the Mischiefs caused by Civil War, deserved the Title of HAPPY, for the happy success of his Enterprizes; though it cannot be ima∣gined he could have so many Enemies as we three. We will therefore only pu∣nish such as are the most criminal, and most guilty of those Mischiefs the Com∣monwealth groans under; which will be no less advantagious to you than to our selves: for as long as our Dissentions last, it will be impossible for you, whilst things hang between two, not to suffer extraordinarily. Besides, it is conveni∣ent to satisfie the Soldiery offended, that without reason you have declared them Enemies. And though we could without notice punish those we think worthy of it, yet we think fit rather to proscribe than to surprize them; which indeed we do for your sakes, lest the Soldier's anger might transport him against those are un∣condemned, or to destroy others with those whose Names are fixed up in publick places. For these reasons we forbid all persons the receiving into their Houses a∣ny of those whose Names are inserted in the Roll of the Proscribed, or to conceal or send them to any place of security, or to furnish them with Money, under pain that all that shall be found convicted of having secured or relieved them, shall be put themselves into the number of the Proscribed, without hopes of Pardon. We ordain likewise those who have slain any of the Proscribed to bring to us their Heads; for each of which he shall be payed five and twenty thousand Attick Drams if he be a Free Person brings it; and if he be a Slave he shall receive ten thousand, with the same Liberty and Right of Burgessship his Ma∣ster enjoyed. We promise likewise the same Reward to all Informers; nor shall the Name of any receives it be recorded in our Registers, that is may remain se∣cret.

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Such was the Ordinance of Proscription made by the Triumvirs. Lepi∣dus [ IV] proscribed the first, and his Brother Paulus was the first Proscript. An∣thony proscribed the second, and his Uncle Lucius was the second Proscript; because they had first given their Opinions when they were declared Ene∣mies of their Country. The third and fourth Proscripts, whose Names were put in another Table, were the two Consuls designed for the follow∣ing Year, Plotius, Brother of Plancus, and Quintus, Father in Law to Asi∣nus; who were not named with the first only because of their Prehemi∣nence, but to strike terror, and make Men lose all hopes of escaping. And indeed, Thoranius was found among the Proscribed; he who, as it is said, had been Caesar's Tutor. The Proscription being published, Guards were forthwith placed at the Gates; and all the Avenues of the City, at the Sea-Ports, and in the Marshes, and in all places where there was any likelihood an unhappy Man might shelter himself: Besides, Centurions were com∣manded abroad, to make search in the Country, which was done all at an instant; so that both within and without the City many persons dyed sud∣dainly of several kinds of Deaths. The Streets were filled with the sad Spe∣ctacle of Heads carrying to the Triumvirs, to receive the Reward; and e∣very step some Person of Quality endeavouring to save himself, was met shamefully disguised; some running down into Wells, and others into Pri∣vies; some hiding themselves in the tops of the Chimneys, or under the Tiles, where they durst not utter a sigh or groan; for they stood in more fear of their Wives, or Children, or Freed Men, or Slaves, or Debtors, or Neighbours that coveted some of their Goods, than of the Murderers them∣selves. All private Grudges were now discovered; and it was a strange change to see the prime Men of the Senate, Consulars, Pretors, Tribunes, or Pretenders to these Dignities cast themselves at the feet of their Slaves with tears in their eyes, begging and caressing them, calling them their Sa∣viors and Patrons; and which is most deplorable, not be able with all these submissions to obtain the least favour. The most pernicious Seditions and cruellest of Wars never had any thing in them so terrible as the Calamities wherewith the City was now affrighted; for in War and Tumult none but Enemies were feared, and Domesticks were confided in; whereas now Domesticks were more dreadful than Enemies, because having no cause to fear for themselves, as in War or Tumult, from Familiars they became of a suddain Persecutors; either out of a dissembled hate, or out of hope of Recompence publickly proposed, or because of some Silver or Gold hid in the House: So that no person found himself secure in his House, Servants being ordinarily more sensible of Profit than of the Affection they owe to their Masters; and though some might be found faithful and kind, yet they durst not assist a Proscript, nor conceal him, nor so much as stay with him, for fear of falling into the same misfortune. There was now much more danger than when the seventeen first proscribed were fallen upon; for then no person being publickly proscribed, when on a suddain they saw some killed, one Man defended another, for fear lest the same should happen to him. But after the Proscription was published, those comprized in it were presently forsaken by all the World; some that thought themselves secure, having their minds bent on Profit, sought them to deliver them to the Mur∣derers, that they might have the Reward; others pillaged the Houses of those that had been killed, and with the present gain comforted themselves against the Publick Misery. The most Prudent and Moderate surprized at a thing so extraordinary, stood like Men astonished, considering that, o∣ther

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Cities turmoiled with Divisions were re-established by the Concord of their Citizens: Whereas the Romans, already afflicted with Civil Dis∣sentions, compleated their Ruin by this Reconciliation. Some were killed defending themselves; others, who thought themselves not condemned, without any defence: Some let themselves die with hunger, or hanged, or drowned themselves, or threw themselves headlong from the tops of Houses, or cast themselves into the Fire, or run to meet their Murderers: Others again sought to protract the time; and either hid themselves, or begged shamefully, or fled, or offered Money to save their Lives. Many likewise were slain contrary to the intention of the Triumvirs, either by mistake, or out of some particular grudge; but the Bodies of the Proscripts might be known from the others, because they wanted the Head, which was cut off, and carried before the Tribunal for Orations, where they pay∣ed the Reward. On the other side, wonderful Examples were to be seen of the Affection of Wives, Children, Brethren and Slaves; who found out a thousand inventions to save their Husbands, Fathers, Brethren or Ma∣sters; dyed with them when they were discovered, or killed themselves upon those Bodies they were not able to defend. Of those that escaped the Proscription, some, pursued by their ill fortune, perished by Shipwrack; others saved beyond all probability, came afterwards to exercise Dignities in the City, to have Command of Armies, and arrive at the Honour of Triumph. Such wonderful things were to be seen in those days which do not happen in an ordinary City, or in a small Kingdom; but in the Mistress of the world, as well by Sea as Land: Providence disposing it so to reduce things to that excellent order wherein you now see them. Not but that Rome felt the same miseries under Sylla, and before him under Marius; and we have in writing of them reported many Actions of Cruelty, even to the depriving their Enemies of Burial: But what passed under the Triumvirs made much more noise, because of the height of their Reputation; and particularly the Valour and Good Fortune of him, who having fixed the Foundations of this Empire, has left it to those of his Race and Name, even to this present. I will therefore relate what was now done most remarkable, and most cruel; which I can the easier do, because the length of time has not yet quite effaced the memory of these Actions. Yet I will not write all; for a common death, or the flight of some private Men, who after ob∣taining Pardon of the Triumvirs, returned and spent the rest of their Lives without appearing, seems not to me worthy being recorded: But I will re∣late some extraordinary Examples, that the Reader may be perswaded of the truth of what I have before said. Many Roman Authors have hereof wrote particular Books; out of which I have extracted what appeared most credible, to compose a Summary, which may well make the happiness of our Times be admired.

[ V] The Massacre unhappily began with the Magistracy, of whom the first slain was Salvius, Tribune of the People; though by the Laws the Tri∣bunes were holy and inviolable; and so powerful, that sometimes they have imprisoned Consuls. This Man when they were about to declare An∣thony Enemy opposed it, but afterwards he took part with Cicero. There∣fore when he knew the Triumvirs were agreed, and marched towards the City, he made a Feast for his Domesticks, as having now but a short time to live with them. The Soldiers entring the place where they were eat∣ing, all the people affrighted, began to rise up; but the Centurion comman∣ding them to keep their places, took Salvius by the Hair, drew him over

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The Table, cut off his Head, and forbid the others from stirring; for if they made the least noise he would serve them in the same manner: At which they were so affrighted, that after the Centurion was gone they spent most part of the Night by the Body, without speaking a word.

After Salvius, was slain the Pretor Minutius. Upon notice brought him as he gave Audience in the place, that the Soldiers were coming towards him, he rose suddainly to seek out some place to shelter himself in: and ha∣ving changed Cloaths, went to hide himself in a Shop; but his People, and those that carried the Marks of his Dignity, whom he commanded to leave him, staying there some time out of a fear and affection they had for him, were the occasion, without designing it, that the Murderers did the more easily find him.

Annalis the other Pretor, as he solicited the People for his Son, who deman∣ded the Questors Office; his Friends and Lictors understanding that he was in the Roll of the Proscripts, all of a suddain left him: Whereupon he fled, and retired into a wretched House that one of his Creatures had in the Sub∣burbs; where, because the place was utterly contemptible, he was for a while secure; till such time as his own Son, having some doubt he was gone thither, shewed the way to the Executioners of the Proscription: In reward whereof the Triumvirs gave him his Father's Estate, and the Office of Ae∣dile, but he enjoyed not either long; for returning drunk from a Debauch, upon some reviling words given to the Soldiers who had killed his Father, they killed him too.

For Thoranius, who was not Pretor, but had been; he was Father to a wretchless Youth, who yet had a great deal of power over Anthony. He therefore entreated the Centurions to delay his death but so long till his Son had begged him of the Triumvir. To which they laughing, answered; He has already begged you, but it is in another manner. Which the Old Man hearing, prayed them but to give him so much time as to see his Daughter; and having seen her, forbad her from pretending any thing to his Estate, let her Brother should beg her likewise of Anthony. The end of this wic∣ked Son was no better than the others; for after having consumed his Pa∣trimony in all sorts of Debauchery, he was accused of Theft, and condem∣ned to Banishment.

As for Cicero, who had ruled in the Assemblies of the People after Caesar's death; he was proscribed, with his Son, his Brother, and all their Servants, Clients and Friends. He was embarked on a small Boat to make his Escape by Sea; but not able to endure the tossing of the Waves, he returned to a Mea∣dow that belonged to him near Capua; which upon occasion of writing this History, I would needs see. As he reposed himself, and that those that sought him were not far off (for of all the Proscripts, Anthony caused him to be sought with most diligence) a Flock of Crows flying over the place where he slept, waked him with their Cries, and began with their Beaks to pull the Covering from off him; till his Slaves thinking it an Advertise∣ment of the Gods, returned him into his Litter, and took their way towards the Sea, through the thickest of the Forest. Presently after several Soldi∣ers coming to that place one after another, and demanding of those they met if they had not seen Cicero, they all, out of the compassion they had for him, answered, that he was embarked, and was already a good way off at Sea: But a Shoo-maker called Cerdo, a Creature to Clodius, formerly a mortal Enemy to Cicero; having shewed the Centurion Laena, followed but by a few Soldiers, the way he had taken, he presently pursued him: Cicero was accompanied with more people disposed to defend him, than Laena had

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with him to assault him. Wherefore having overtaken him, he made use of policy; and began to cry out as if he had called to other Centurions be∣hind him; Come on, Gentlemen, come on. Whereupon the people of the Proscript imagining that they were about to be over-pressed by numbers, grew fearful, and deserted him. Then Laena, though Cicero had formerly pleaded for him in a Cause wherein he overcame, drew his Head out of the Litter, and cut it, or rather hewed it off, at three blows; so unhardy he was. He likewise cut off the Hand wherewith he had writ the Orations, accusing Anthony of Tyranny; which after the example of Demosthenes, he called the Philippicks: And at the same instant dispatching away Expresses both by Sea and Land to carry, this pleasing News to Anthony, he himself followed them to Rome; where finding Anthony in the place, seated in the Tribunal, he shewed him at a distance the Head and Hand of Cicero. And he ravished with joy, put a Crown upon the Centurion's Head, and gave him for a Reward two hundred and fifty thousand Attick Drams; as ha∣ving freed him of the greatest of all his Enemies, and from whom he had received the highest injuries. His Head and Hand stood a long time for a Spectacle before the Tribunal, where he used to make his Orations: And more flocked now thither to see him, than did before to hear him. It is said likewise, that Anthony at a Collation caused the Head to be set upon the Table that he might contemplate it more at leisure, and satiate himself (as we may so say) with the view of it. Thus was Cicero slain; to this day in great Esteem for his Eloquence: And who, when he acted in the Quality of Consul, had done signal Services to his Country; yet after his death he was thus unworthily treated by his Enemies.

His Son was already escaped to Brutus in Greece, but his Brother and Nephew were unhappily taken by the Soldiers. The Father begged he might die before his Son, and the Son requested he might die before his Father; and they having promised to satisfie them both, took them apart, and slew them at the same instant.

But Egnatius and his Son embracing each other, died together; and their Heads being both struck off at one blow, the two Bodies kept still their hold of each other.

Balbus designing to escape with his Son by Sea, sent him before, think∣ing that by not going together they would not so easily be known; and him∣self soon after set forward to follow him at a distance: but some one, either out of malice or mistake, having told him that his Son was taken, he retur∣ned of his own accord to offer himself to the Excutioners, and his Son pe∣rished by Ship-wrack: So much did fortune contribute to the Calamities of these times.

Aruntius had a Son that could not resolve to fly without him; yet at length he prevailed so far as to perswade him, that being young, he ought to survive him. The Mother having been his Guide as far as the City Gates, returned speedily to give Burial to her Husband whom they had slain. And some days after hearing her Son was starved to death at Sea, she slew her self.

Hitherto we have proposed Examples of good and evil Children.

As for Brothers. Those two called Ligarii, proscribed together, lay hid in an Oven, till such time as being betrayed by their Slaves, one was slain at the same time; and the other who slipped from the Executioners, know∣ing his Brother was dead, cast himself from the Bridge into the River. Some Fisher-men that thought he fell in by mischance, and not designedly,

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came in to save him; from which he defended himself some time by plung∣ing himself to the bottom of the Water: till such time as they pulling him out, do what he could, he told them; You do not save me, but lose your selves with a Proscript. Yet, say what he could, they were resolved to save his Life. But the Soldiers who had the Guard of the Bridge understanding he was a Proscript, came in and cut off his Head.

Of two other Brothers, one having cast himself headlong into the River, his Slave, after having sought the Body five days, at length found it; and in the condition he was, being hardly to be known, cut off his Head, and carried it to the Tribune to have the Reward. The other being hid in a Privy, was betrayed by another Slave; and because the Soldiers vouchsafed not to go down, they slew him with Javelins, drew him out; and in the condition he was cut off his Head without washing it.

Another seeing his Brother stopped, ran in; and without knowing that he likewise was proscribed, cryed out, Kill me first. Whereupon the Cen∣turion, who knew the order of the Roll, made answer; You ask but rea∣son, for your Name does indeed stand in the Roll before his: And therewith slew one after the other.

These are Examples of Brothers.

As for Wives. Ligarius his Wife had hid him; and went from time to time to see him, attended only by one Maid; who betraying him, she fol∣lowed those who carried away her Husband's Head, crying out; It is I that hid him, the Concealers are condemned to the same Punishment. And be∣cause no one would either kill or accuse her, she went and discovered her self to the Magistrates: who not judging her guilty for loving her Husband, she starved her self to death.

I have spoke of her in this place, because, having in vain endeavoured to save her Husbands Life, she would not survive him: for as for those whose Conjugal Affection had better success, we will reserve them to another place, when we are to speak of those escaped.

Here therefore we shall now only relate Examples of such as made wretched Attempts upon the Lives of their Husbands; among whom Septi∣mius Wife shall have the first place. It was a long time before that one of Anthony's Friends had abused her Husband's Bed: But she desiring rather to be his Wife than his Mistress, he prevailed so far by the Credit he had with Anthony, that Septimius was found among the number of the Pro∣scripts. He was advertized of it by her own self: And knowing nothing of the ••••••••onour of his House, disposed himself to Flight. But she, like a kind Wife, shut the Doors; and kept him very diligently, till the E∣xecutioners came to rid her of him; and the same day of her Husband's death espoused the other.

Salassius had escaped; but out of a belief the danger diminished, was so imprudent as to return by Night into the City. In the mean time his House was sold, and there remained in it of all his People none but the Porter, who was comprized in the Sale: So that he alone knowing him, made him come into his Lodge, promised to keep him close, and to feed him the best he could. He was no sooner entred but he sent for his Wife, who was lodged elsewhere: who professed a great passion to see her Husband; but excusing her self upon the fear of the Night, and the suspicion she had of the fidelity of her Servants, she said, she would not come till the Morrow.

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As soon as it was Day she went to seek for Executioners, and the Porter went to find her to desire her to come: which was the occasion that Salassi∣us missing the Porter, began to fear some treachery; and got up to the top of the House to expect the event: whence beholding not the Porter, but Soldiers coming under his Wife's Conduct, he precipitated himself from top to bottom.

In like manner Fulvius having sought for refuge in the House of a certain Woman, who having been his Slave and Concubine, he made free and mar∣ried: for so many good turns she betrayed him, jealous that he had espou∣sed another woman. But I have said enough of wicked Women.

Statius the Samnite, who had performed many great Services for his Country in the War with the Allies: After which, by his worthy Acti∣ons, Riches and Birth, he was arrived to the Dignity of Roman Senator: being proscribed at the age of fourscore Years only for his Riches, caused his House to be ransacked by the People and his Slaves, who carried away what they could, the rest he himself threw into the Street; and barring his Doors, set fire to his House, wherein he was burnt with a good part of the City.

Capito having half opened the Door of his House, so that but one at a time could enter, slew with his own hands many of the Soldiers; till at last, over-powred by numbers, he was himself slain.

Vitulinus assembled about the Country of Regium great Forces, compo∣sed of proscribed Persons, and others who came to take Sanctuary under him, together with the Inhabitants of those eighteen Cities destined for the Soldiers Reward after the Victory; which made them desperate: And with these took the Field; where he cut in pieces all the Centurions he could meet with that were searching for Proscripts. But the Triumvirs having sent greater Forces against them, he, without losing heart, crossed over into Sicily, where Pompey then commanded, the Refuge of all such Pro∣scripts as could escape out of Italy. After which generously returning to renew this sort of War, being defeated in several Engagements, he em∣barked his Son, with other Proscripts, to send them before him to Messina; but his own Boat scarce reaching the middle of the Straits, till he was surrounded by Enemies, he there honourably dyed.

Naso having been betrayed by a Freed-man, by whom he had been abu∣sed, snatched the Sword out of one of the Soldiers hand; and after having slain the Traitor, offered them his own Throat.

A certain faithful Slave had left his Master hid in a Sepulchre, while he went to the Sea to hire a Boat. His Return happened to be just at the in∣stant that the Soldiers were murdering his Master; to whom, ••••••ing him ready to die, he cryed out, Stay a little, my dear Master: and at the same minute falling upon a Centurion, slew him first, and then himself; saying, Now Master, you have some cause of Comfort.

Lucius having two Freed-men, upon whose fidelity he relyed, gave them his Money to carry to the Sea, where he designed to embark: but they run∣ning away with what they were intrusted with, he returns; and condem∣ning himself to death, delivers himself up to the Murderers.

Labienus, who in the Proscription of Sylla had taken and destroyed ma∣ny, had been a Coward if he had not bravely born what he had made o∣thers suffer. Wherefore, coming out before the Gates of his House, he sat him down in a Chair, expecting some who would come and cut off his Head.

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Cestius, who lay concealed in a Country-house with faithful Slaves, seeing armed Centurions daily pass by carrying of Heads, could not longer endure to live in that continual fear; but having commanded his Slaves to raise a Pile of Wood, and set fire to it, that they might tell those that passed they burnt the Body of Cestius, threw himself into it in good earnest.

Apomius was in a place of Security: But not able to accustom himself to such course Provisions as were brought him, went out to seek his death.

Another publickly waiting for the Executioners; because they came not soon enough, strangled himself before all the People.

Lucius, Father in Law of Asinius now Consul, having escaped by Sea; not able to endure the tossing of the Waves, threw himself over-board.

Sisinius being pursued by Soldiers; and crying out he was not proscrib∣ed, but they had a mind to destroy him for his Riches, was led to a place where the Names of the Proscripts were affixed, thrt he might see his own; which having read, they cut off his Head.

Aemilius not knowing himself was of the number of the Proscribed, and seeing another that fled, asked the Centurion who that Proscript was: Up∣on which the Centurion knowing him, replyed; Thou art one as well as he: and so slew them both.

Cilon and Decius being informed as they came out of the Palace, that their Names were in the Roll of the Proscripts; before any one set upon them, took their way towards the Gate so affrighted, that their Flight alone made them known to the Centurions, had the Guard of the Avenues.

Icilius, the same that in the Judgment of Brutus and Cassius, when Caesar sate President, when all the other Judges gave privately their Votes to con∣demn them, alone durst publickly argue for their Discharge, remembred not himself in this occasions of that great Generosity; for seeing a dead Bo∣dy carrying out of the City, he set to his Shoulder with the rest, that so he might gain a passage in favour of the Bier: But the Guards at the Gate perceiving there more people than were usually employed in that Office; yet without doubting of them, would only know if they did not carry a live Body instead of a dead: Which occasioned that Icilius being disowned by the rest, was known, and at the same time slain.

Varus being betrayed by one of his Freed-men, fled; and taking the way of the Mountains, got to the Marshes of Minturnum, where he hid himself to take a little repose. Mean time those of Minturnum coming by chance to seek for Thieves who often run thither for Shelter, seeing the Leaves of the Bushes shake, discovered him. So that being taken, and confessing himself to be a Thief, they condemned him to death: But seeing that they went to put him upon the Rack, to make him confess his Companions, he told them; I give you notice, my Masters, that I have been Consul, and am proscribed: in which Quality I am more considerable to those that now govern▪ that you ought not have the boldness either to torment or put me to death; for since my death is inevitable, I had rather die by my Equals. The Judges had much ado to believe him, and thought it only a Fiction, when a Centurion arriving, knew him, cut off his Head, and left the rest of his Body to the People of Minturnum.

Largus found in the Country by Soldiers that sought for another, they had pity of a Man fallen into their Hands unlooked for, and let him escape into the Woods; where being met and pursued by others, he run again to the first; crying out, Kill me, you that would have saved me; for I had ra∣ther you than others should have the Rewards. Thus dying, he made his ac∣knowledgments of their good will.

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Rufus, who was Neighbour to Fulvia, Anthony's Wife, having a very fine House which formerly he had refused to sell her, though now he would gladly have given it her, was found among the number of the Proscripts. His Head being brought to Anthony, he said, it belonged not to him; and sent it to his Wife: who caused it not to be nailed up in the Publick Place, but before the same House.

Another having a House of Pleasure in the Country with a magnificent Garden, wherein was a deep and beautiful Grotto, which had been the cause of his Proscription. One day, as he was refreshing himself in his Grotto, one of his Slaves espying the Soldiers afar off, hid him in the obscu∣rest part of the Cave; and taking his Cloaths, presented himself to the Sol∣diers in such a frightful posture as if he indeed had been his Master: And certainly he might have passed for him, had not another of his Slaves disco∣vered the Deceit. Thus the Master being slain, the people incensed against the Traytor, never left importuning the Magistrates till he was hanged, and that the other had obtained his Liberty.

Aterius being likewise hid, one of his Slaves discovered him; and for it had his Liberty. But not content therewith when the Goods of the Pro∣script were publickly sold, and that the Children would have bought them, he not only out-bid them, but reviled them with words; which they seem∣ed not at all to resent, but still followed him every where with tears in their eyes, till such time as the people were so much incensed, that the Triumvirs condemning his Avarice, revoked his Liberty, and remitted him under the power of the Children of the Proscript.

One would have thought this Cruelty should have been exercised only upon persons grown, at least to full years; it extended it self even to Or∣phan Children, with intent to spoil them of their Riches. And one was killed as he went to School with his Master; who held the Child so strong∣ly embraced, they could not pull him out of his arms.

Another, called Attilius, had the same day taken the Robe Virile; and his Friends conducted him to the Temple, to offer Sacrifices, ordinary up∣on those occasions: when he was inserted in the Roll of the Proscripts, his Slaves and Friends all presently fled every one his way; and he remaining alone, forsaken of all his great Train, retired to his Mother; who was so frighted, that she refused him her House. So that not daring to apply him∣self to any other person after being so treated by a Mother, he fled to the top of a Mountain: whence Hunger forcing him to descend, he fell into the hands of one of those Thieves who steal Free Persons to make them Slaves. This Young Man, tenderly bred, and not able to undergo Labour and Hardship, escaped chained as he was, and recovered the publick Road; where presenting himself to the first Centurion passed by, he ended his life.

[ VI] Mean while Lepidus triumphed over the Spaniards; and to that purpose published an Ordinance drawn up to this effect. All Persons of what Degree soever are enjoyned to employ this day in Feasts, Sacrificing and Rejoycing, un∣der pain of Proscription. After that he mounted in Triumph to the Capitol, accompanied by all the most remarkable Persons of the City; chearful in appearance, but with Souls oppressed with Hate and Anger. As for the Goods of the Proscribed, they plundered their Houses, but they found few Purchasers of their Lands; for most Men were ashamed to add to their Misfortunes, and believed ill luck would attend themselves should they deal

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in such Goods. Besides, there was no security for such as were known to have Money; and it was so dangerous to make new Acquisitions, that no Man was secure of what he held from his Ancestors. There were there∣fore none but very bold men that bought: and because they were but few, they had them for a small matter. So that the Triumvirs, who thought that the Moneys hereby raised would serve for the Expence of the War; found it to fall short two hundred Millions. They thereupon in the As∣sembly acquainted the People with their Wants, and proscribed fourteen hundred of the richest Women of the City; to whom they commanded to come and declare what Riches they had, to be employed in the Necessities of the State, as the Triumvirs thought convenient: and strictly forbidding, all Concealments whatsoever, or valuing things below their true Value, un∣der pain of Punishment; with promise of a Reward to any that should in∣form of such an Omission, whether Free Man or Slave. The Women, as soon as they had notice of it, having resolved to become Suitors to the Kin∣dred of the Triumvirs, to solicite them in their behalf, were favourably re∣ceived by Caesar's Sister, and Anthony's Mother; but Fulvia, his Wife, shut the Gate against them. They were so concerned at the Affront, that they came in a Body to the Place; and the People and Guards making way for them, they advanced to the Tribunal of the Triumvirs: where Hortensia, before prepared to that purpose, spoke to them in this manner, in the name of all the rest.

The Oration of Hortensia.

BEing obliged to make to you our Remonstrances, as we are Women, we had recourse to your Women; which surely was no more than what was decent: But having received from Fulvia an affront which even Decency and Good Man∣ners forbid her to put upon us, we are forced to come hither to speak for our selves. You have deprived us of our Fathers, our Children, our Husbands, and our Brothers, accused of the Crime of having offended you; if after that you spoil us of our Goods, you will reduce us to Extremities unbecoming our Birth, our Quality, and our Sex. If you perhaps say we have offended you as well as the Men, proscribe us in the same manner: But if none of you have been declared Enemy by the Women; if we have neither demolished your Houses, nor defeated your Armies, nor given your Dignities to others, nor hindred you from being preferred to Honours and Magistracies, why are we equally punished? Why do you exact Contributions from us, who pretend nothing to Dignities, nor Honours, nor Command of Armies, nor Government of the State, nor all those things for which you dispute among your selves with so much Heat and Obstinacy? But it is because you have War you inflict this on us: Was the World ever without War? And were Women ever made contribute to it, whom Nature dispenses with by the general Consent of all Nations upon Earth? I know well that in the time of our Ancestors, our Mothers derogating from the Privileges of their Sex, contribu∣ted to the Expence of the War; bt it was but once, and in a time when the Ro∣man Empire and the City it self were in hazard of becoming a Prey to the Cartha∣ginians. This too they did voluntarily, and sold not for it either their Lands, or their Houses, or their Ioyntures; without which free Women cannot subsist. They were content to contribute those Movables which only served for Orna∣ment, not to be employed for any certain Use; nor after Rewards promised to

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those that accused them, nor by constraint, but as much as they pleased. Should the Gauls or Parthians invade Italy, and we be demanded to defend our Country, we shall not be less generous than our Mothers; but think not that we will con∣tribute our Estates for Civil Wars, and to maintain one against another. In the War of Pompey nothing was demanded, neither did Marius nor Cinna exact any thing from us: no, nor Sylla himself though he had oppressed that Common∣wealth which you pretend to be the reestablishers of.

The Triumvirs were nettled at these words of Hortensia's, and thinking it strange, that where Men were silent, Women should dare to speak, and be so bold as to demand of the Magistrates an account of their Actions, and refuse to contribute Money to a War, to which Men payed their persons, commanded the Ushers to make them withdraw from the Tribunal; but the multitude beginning to cry out, the Ushers stopped, and the Triumvirs adjourned the business till the morrow. As soon as it was day, of fourteen hundred Proscripts they retrenched a thousand, and only taxed four hundred; and for the Men it was decreed, that whoever had more than one hundred thousand Drams ef∣fective; whether he was Citizen or Sojourner, Freed Man or Priest, of what Nation soever he was, without excepting person, should give in a Declaration of it, of which the fifteenth penny should be taken at interest, and one years Revenue towards the charge of the War, under pain of pu∣nishment to the Transgressors, and promise of reward to the Informers. Whilst these Ordinances were published at Rome, the Soldiers contemning their Officers, committed greater disorders in the Country, for the power and security of the Triumvirs depending upon them, they demanded ei∣ther the Houses, Lands, or confiscated Goods of the Proscripts; others would have rich persons to adopt them, others of their own Motion slew Men uncondemned, or plundered the Houses of private men, insomuch that the Triumvirs deputed one of the Consuls to chastise them, but he durst not touch the Soldiers, for fear of incensing them against himself, on∣ly took occasion to hang a few Slaves, who in Soldiers habit committed the same Violences.

[ VII] After having related the miseries of the Proscripts, I think it expedient to speak of those who escaped beyond their own hopes, or came after∣wards to Dignity in the City, such Examples not being unprofitable to the Reader, who from thence may learn not to lose courage in the worst of misfortunes. A great part of these who could get out of Italy made their retreat to Brutus and Cassius, and some to Cornificius, who likewise stood for the People in Africa, but the greatest part escaped into Sicily, which is nigh unto Italy, where Pompey took care to receive them, and did in this unhappy occasion great services to these miserable People; for in the first place he caused it to be published, that whoever would make their retreat to him, should be welcome, and that he would give to those who saved a Proscript, whether he were Freeman or Slave, double the reward which the Triumvirs promised to the Murderers. Then he appointed great numbers of Barques and other Vessels to go out and meet such as might be escaped to Sea, and his Gallys continually cruised along the Coasts, making Signals to all that passed, and receiving all such as would embarque on them, whom at their landing he in person received, furnished them with Cloaths and Necessaries, and to such as were worthy gave Command in his

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Army by Sea or Land, and declared he would never come to an Accom∣modation with the Triumvirs, unless those who had fled for refuge to him were comprised in it. Thus he beneficially served his Country, and be∣sides the Glory derived from his Father, made himself illustrious by his own Virtue. Others that fled or hid themselves in Country Houses, or in Sepulchres, or in the City it self, lived miserably, and in perpetual fear, till the persecution was overpassed, which lasted a good time, during which were found wonderful examples of Friendship, of Wives for their Hus∣bands, of Children for their Parents, and even of Slaves to their Masters, of which we will relate the most memorable.

Paulus Brother to Lepidus being proscribed by himself, the Centurions had yet respect for him as he was their General's Brother, so that he re∣treated in safety to Brutus, and after Brutus's death to Miletum, from whence, though after the peace he were recalled, he vouchsafed not to come.

Lucius, Anthony's Uncle, was received into his Sister's House, who kept him a long time without concealing him, because the Centurions re∣spected her as Mother to their General; yet at last when they would have entred, she run to the place, and Anthony with his Colleagues being seated on the Tribunal, I accuse my self, Sir, (said she) that I have received and will receive Lucius into my House till such time as you put us both to death together, since the Proscripts and those that receive them are equally guilty. An∣thony answered her, that she was a good Sister, but an ill Mother, and that she either ought not now to save Lucius, or have hindred him before from declaring her Son Enemy; yet he took such order, that the Consul Plancus exempted him from punishment by a Decree of the People.

Messala, a young Man of noblest Birth, having made his escape to Bru∣tus, the Triumvirs, who feared him because of his Generosity, revoked his Proscription in these terms: Since the Kindred of Messala have attested to us that he was not in the City when Caesar was killed, we have decreed that he be erazed out of the Roll of the Proscripts. But he would not accept their kind∣ness: and yet after Brutus and Cassius were killed in Thrace, when the Army being yet in a good condition, and wanted neither Ships nor Money nor hopes, had chosen him General, he refused it; nay, on the contrary, perswaded the Soldiers to yield to fortune, and take part with Anthony. After which he was one of his particular Friends, till such time as affronted by Cleopatra. he withdrew to Caesar, who made him Consul in the room of Anthony after he was declared Enemy the second time. After which he served under Caesar at the Battel of Actium; and in conclusion Caesar having sent him against the revolted Gauls he defeated them, and deserved the Ho∣nour of Triumph.

Bibulus, who gained Anthony's favour at the same time with Messala, and was some time Admiral of his Fleet against Caesar, got at last the Go∣vernment of Syria, where he died.

Acilius, who was dragged out of the City, having been delivered to the Soldiers by one of his Slaves, perswaded them by hopes of great gain to send some of their company to his Wife with the tokens he gave them. They going, she shewed them her Jewels, and told them she would give them all, on condition they would release him, which they promised to do, and though she doubted of their promise, yet her friendship to her Hus∣band was worthy not to be deceived, and the Soldiers hired a Boat for Aci∣lius, and sent him for Sicily.

Lentulus being watched by his Wife, for fear he should fly without her,

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and he was unwilling she should hazard her self in the danger with him, e∣scaped secretly into Sicily, where being made Pretor, he wrote to her the happy success of his flight, and the Honour he had received from Pompey. When she knew where her Husband was, she stole from her vigilant Mo∣ther, and only with two Slaves and her self in the habit of a Servant came with much trouble and labour to Rhegium, from whence towards Evening she got passage to Messina; where having easily found the Pretor's House, she found Lentulus, not in the Equipage of a Pretor, but lying on the ground upon a Mattress, with untrimmed Hair and a slender Supper, all out of grief and impatience to see his Wife.

Apul••••us's Wife threatned to have him taken if he fled away alone; so that he was constrained to carry her along with him, which made none be suspicious of his flight, seeing him march publickly with his Wife, Men, and Maid-Servants. And Antius his Wife wrapped him in Coverlids, and made him be carried like a Pack to the Sea side, from whence he escaped into Sicily.

Reginus his Wife made her Husband by night go down the Privy, of which he smelt so strong next Morning, that the Soldiers loath to come near him, the next day she cloathed him like a Collier, giving him an Ass loaden with Charcoal to drive before him, and she at a finall distance went before in her Litter. One of the Soldiers that had the Guard of the Gate had some suspicion of the Litter, and would needs see what was in it. Re∣ginus, who was in fear for his Wife, came up praying the Soldier (as in passing) not to affront Women: and the Soldier having at first given him a surly answer as to a Collier, at last knowing him, for he had born Arms under him in Syria, said to him, Save your self without fearing any thing, my General, for it is yet reasonable that I call you so.

Copponius by means of his Wife, who had been chaste hitherto, got his pardon of Anthony; but she remedied one mischief by another.

Geta's Son made a Funeral Pile for his Father's Body, as if he had strang∣led himself, and sent to hide him at a Town he had lately purchased in the Country, where the old man, the better to disguise himself, clapped a Plaister on one eye: and after the Peace was concluded, found that for want of making use of his eye, he was indeed blind of it.

Oppius refusing to flie, because he was already old and infirm, his Son took him upon his Shoulders, carried him out of the City, and laboured so long, that sometimes leading, and sometimes carrying him, he brought him at last to Sicily, without any ones having the least suspicion, or doing them the least injury. Thus we paint Aeneas, respected by his Enemies themselves, for carrying his Father. The people afterwards gave the Ae∣dility to this young Man, out of respect to his Piety, and because his Fa∣ther's estate being confiscate, he had nothing to defray the expence of those Plays, the Artizans with one accord supplyed him gratis with whatever he wanted from each several Trade, and every Spectator cast what Money he pleased on the Stage, so that he became rich.

Arrianus likewise by Will ordered this Epitaph to be engraven on his Se∣pulchre:

Here lie the Ashes of a Proscript, whose Son not proscribed, concealed, accom∣panied in his flight, and saved from the Proscription.

There lived in these times two Metellus's, the Father and the Son, whereof the Father having command under Anthony at the Battel of Acti∣um,

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was taken without being known, the Son siding with Caesar had Com∣mand under him in the same Battel. When Caesar being at Samos would needs see the Prisoners; this old Man was brought among the rest, his Hair long, and so filthy, that he was not to be known; but when they called him in his order of the Roll, the Son who was seated near Caesar, hearing the name of Metellus, leaped from his place, and ran with rears in his eyes to embrace his Father, whom he scarcely knew▪ and then re∣straining his tears, spoke thus to Caesar: He bore Arms against you; I have served you: he deserves punishment, I reward, I beseech you then either par∣don my Father in consideration of the services I have done you; or let me die with him for the offences he has committed against you. This Discourse mo∣ving all the Assembly to compassion, Caesar promised to give life to Metellus, though he had been his greatest Enemy, and that he could never by any of∣fers he made, oblige him to serve against Anthony.

The Slaves of Maricius were so faithful, and so fortunate as to keep him in the House all the time of the Proscription, insomuch that when the dan∣ger was over, he came out of his House, as if he came out of Banish∣ment.

Hirtius being escaped out of the City with his Slaves, went throughout Italy, releasing Prisoners, gathering together Fugitives, and at first plun∣dering small Towns, afterwards greater, till such time as he beheld him∣self at the Head of considerable Forces, and subdued the Brutians, but the Triumvirate sending against him a potent Army, he retreated with all his People to Pompey.

Restion thinking to flie alone, was privately followed by one of his Slaves born in his House, whom formerly he had used kindly, but since branded in his Face with a hot Iron for his Roguery. His Master as he was lying down in the Marches, seeing him come, was much affrighted, which the Slave observing, told him the Brand he had set in his Face touched him not so much as the memory of his former Benefits: and at the same time hiding him in a Cave, fed him by his labour in the best manner he could; and af∣terward perceiving the Soldiers who were not far from the Cave, and were coming thither upon suspicion some one might be there hid, he fell upon an old Man that passed by, slew him, and cut off his Head; where∣upon the Soldiers wondring at the action. and laying hold on him as a Mur∣derer, he told him: It is Restion my Master whom I have thus slain, to revenge these marks of Infamy; whereupon they presently took from him the Head, that they might have the reward, which, whilst they in vain went to seek at the City, he removed his Master thence, and got him a passage into Sicily.

Appius being in Bed in a small Country House, whither the Soldiers came to seek him, one of his Slaves pulled off his Cloaths, which making him put on, he lay down in the Bed as if he had been the Master, and was wil∣lingly slain for him, Appius standing by in the Habit of a Slave.

In the same manner Menemius being besieged by the Soldiers in his House, one of the Slaves went into his Litter, and caused himself to be carried out by some of his Comrades, who contributed to his design, and so was killed for his Master, who by that means escaped for Sicily.

A Freed Man of Iunius, called Philemon, who dwelt in a magnificent House, hid him in a publick Room in a strong Chest made to keep Writings or Plate, and fed him by night till the time of peace.

Another Freed Man to whom was committed the keeping of his Ma∣ster's Sepulchre, whose Son was likewise proscribed, kept there both Fa∣ther and Son.

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Lucretius having wandered some time up and down the Fields with two faithful Slaves, was at last by hunger forced to return and see his Wife, causing himself to that end to be carried by the Slaves in his Litter as a sick Man, one of those that carried him having broke his Leg, he pursued his way, supporting himself upon the other. But when he came near to that Gate where his Father, proscribed by Sylla, was taken, and saw a compa∣ny of Soldiers coming towards him, his heart upon the omen of the place misgave him, and he went and hid himself in a Sepulchre. Certain Thieves used to rob Sepulchres, coming thither, he let himself be stripped. The Slave while his Master lay close was gone towards the Gate, where he waited for him, and when he came, covering him with some part of his Cloaths, carried him in that manner to his Wife. There was in his House a Room double floored, where she hid him, till by the intercession of his Friends he got pardon from the Triumvirs, and after peace was made, ob∣tained the Consulate.

Sergius remained some time hid in Anthony's own House, who at last ma∣naged Affairs so, by the means of the Consul Plancus, that his return was assented to; wherefore when Caesar and Anthony after fell at odds, when the Senate declared Anthony Enemy, Sergius was the only man that openly opposed it.

As for Pomponius, he took the Habit and Ensign of a Pretor, and having cloathed his Slaves like Ushers, went as a Pretor all the length of the City with his Litters, his Officers crowding close about him for fear he should be known by others; being got out of the Gates he mounted in one of the publick Coaches, and marching in this Equipage through Italy, was every where received as a Pretor deputed from the Triumvirs to make peace with Pompey, till such time as he passed into Sicily upon one of the publick Gal∣leys.

Apuleius and Aruntius acted the Centurions, armed their Slaves like Soldiers, and run about the City as if they had pursued some Proscripts. At length separating, they began to release Prisoners, and to gather toge∣ther Fugitives, till having levyed some Troops, each beheld himself with Ensigns, Arms, and a certain kind of Army; both one and the other strove to get the Sea side, and therefore came to encamp on certain eminencies in view of each other, one mightily afraid of the other. Morning coming on they took one the other for Enemies, came down from the Hills, and en∣gaged each other, till at length, knowing their errour, they threw down their Arms, and with tears embraced, casting this accident on fortune which had been cross to them in all things. After that they embarqued and made their retreat, Aruntius to Pompey, with whom he returned to the Ci∣ty, and Apuleis to Brutus, whose Lieutenant he was in the Government of Bithynia, which after Brutus's death falling to Anthony, he permitted him to return to his House.

As soon as Ventidius was proscribed, one of his Freed Men bound him, as if it were to deliver him to the Executioners, the Night following he armed all his Slaves like Soldiers, and as if he had been Centurion brought forth his Patron, and managed his business with so much cunning, that cros∣sing in this manner all Italy as far as Sicily, they lodged often in the same Inn with other Centurions, under pretence of searching for Ventidius.

Another whom his Freed Man had hid in a Sepulchre, being struck with horrour at such a Lodging, went and hired a wretched Chamber next to one hired by a Soldier, where not able to endure to live in continual fear, he passed from infinite terrour to prodigious boldness, and causing himself to

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be shaved, went and kept a School in Rome it self, till such time as peace was made.

Volusius being proscribed whilst he was Aedile, had a Friend, Priest to the Goddess Isis, who lent him a Linnen Robe that covered him to the very Heels, so that passing through the Country in the habit of a Priest to that Goddess, and every where performing the usual Ceremonies, he escaped to Pompey.

Sittius a Native of Cales, as he was very rich, so he had been at great ex∣pence in the service of his Countrymen, in acknowledging of which they took Arms in his defence, threatened his Slaves with death, if any ill hap∣pened to him, and permitted not the Soldiers to approach their Walls, till such time as the mischief diminishing, they sent to the Triumvirs, and ob∣tained from them that he might stay in his own Country, banished from a∣ny part of Italy. So Sittius became the only person of all mankind that e∣ver was in exile in his own Country.

Varro a Philosopher, Historian, Soldier, and General of great Reputa∣tion, was also proscribed, possibly for being so, as an Enemy to Monarchy. All his Friends were at strife who should have the Honour to secure him, Calenus carried it, and kept him in a Country House of his, where Anthony often divertised himself as he passed by; yet none, either of Varro's or Ca∣lenus's Slaves discovered him.

Virginius a fair spoken Man perswaded his Domesticks, that if they slew him for a small gain, which yet they were not sure of, they would be af∣flicted with eternal remorse of conscience; whereas on the contrary by sa∣ving his life they might expect immortal Glory, and hope for rewards greater and more certain; wherefore, as if they had been one of his companions, they followed him in his flight, wherein being known by the Soldiers, he talked to them in the same manner, he told them that there was no hate between them for which they should kill him, and that doing it only for Money, they might get more and more honestly if they would go with him to the Sea side, whither his Wife was to bring all he had. They believed him, and went along, and indeed his Wife had been there accord∣ing to agreement betwixt them, but Virginius staying too long, she believed, that coming there before her he was embarqued, and therefore embarqued to follow him, yet leaving a Slave on the Shore to give Virginius notice, if he were yet behind. The Slave seeing Virginius coming, ran to meet him, and shewed him the Vessel wherein his Wife was, not yet out of sight, and withal talked to him of his Wife, his Money, and the reason why she left him. The Soldiers were so absolutely perswa∣ded, that when Virginius entreated them either to stay till he could make his Wife return, or to embarque with him to go after her, and receive their Money, they entred with him into the Vessel, and themselves setting hand to the Oars brought him into Sicily, where after having received what he had promised them, they continued in his service till the time of the Peace.

Rebulus being in a Vessel that was to carry him for Sicily, the Pilot began to demand Money of him, threatning to discover him if he gave it him not, to whom Rebulus made a like answer, as Themistocles had done in his flight that he would have saved a Proscript for Money, insomuch that the Pilot affrighted with the answer, brought him speedily to Pompey.

Murcus was likewise proscribed because he had Command in Brutus's Army, and being taken after Brutus was defeated, he feigned himself a Slave: Barbula bought him, and because he saw him active, gave him the

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Government of all his other Slaves, and withal made him his Cash-keeper. Murcus behaved himself in this Employment with more prudence than na∣ture ordinarily gives to Slaves, his Master hereupon had some suspicion of him, and exhorting him to courage, promised to secure him, though he were one of the Proscripts, which he constantly denyed, telling him out of his own invention his Name, his Family, and his former Masters. Barbula thereupon carried him to Rome, thinking if he were one of the Proscripts he would be loath to go: however he followed him; but some time after as Barbula was before one of the Consul's Gates, one of his Friends knowing Murcus in his Train in the Habit of a Slave gave him no∣tice of it, and he by the intercession of Agrippa desired his pardon of Caesar, who caused him to be crazed out of the Roll of the Proscripts, esteemed him afterwards as his Friend, and employed him not long after in the Battel of Actium against Anthony. Barbula served under Anthony, and fortune had ordered each of them his turn; for Barbula after Anthony's Defeat was taken prisoner, feigning himself a Slave, Murcus bought him as if he had not known him, and gave advice of it to Caesar, from whom he obtain∣ed power to return him like for like; and this conformity of fortune be∣tween them continued ever; for they were afterwards Colleagues in one of the highest Dignities of the City.

Some time after Lepidus reduced by Caesar to the condition of a private Man from a Sovereign, that he was constrained by a like necessity to sub∣mit to Balbinus, who escaping the Proscription returned with Pompey, and was now Consul, and thus it happened, Maecenas had accused Lepidus the Son, of a Conspiracy against Caesar, together with the Mother as an Ac∣complice; for Lepidus himself he depised as weak. The Son being sent to Caesar then at Actium, Maecenas caused it to be ordered, that if the Mother would be dispensed with from the toil of the Journey, she should give in such security as the Consul should approve, but none being found would be bound for her: Lepidus having often in vain presented himself before Balbinus's Gate, and sometimes too before the Tribunal, from whence the Officers had forced him to retire, had scarce the liberty at last to say these words: The accusers themselves are testimonies of my innocency, by saying I am no Abettor with my Wife and Son. 'Twas not I proscribed you, and at this day I am my self under the power of Proscribers; wherefore let me beg you to consider the instability of humane things, and to accept my security for my Wife, or send me prisoner along with her. Lepidus having thus spoke, Balbinus moved at this great change, discharged his Wife from the security de∣manded.

Cicero the Son of the Orator being sent into Greece by his Father, who foresaw the miseries that afterwards happened, retired first to Brutus, and afterwards to Pompey, and had both under one and the other very honoura∣ble Employments in the War. At last Caesar to make it appear he had not consented to his Father's death, made his Son first Pontifex or High Priest, some time after Consul, and in the end Proconsul of Syria: and then when Caesar after having defeated Anthony at Actium, wrote news of it to Rome: Cicero as Consul read it in full Assembly, and fixed a Copy before the Tri∣bunal for Orations, where formerly his Father's Head had been exposed.

Appis after having deposited what Goods he had in the hands of his Slaves, embarqued himself to go with them into Sicily. A Tempest a∣rising, the Slaves who were desirous to enrich themselves with his Money, perswaded him there was more security in the Boat, and prevailed with him to go into her. But fortune would that against all probability he was saved, and the Slaves all perished.

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Publius, Questor to Brutus, who had been solicited by Anthony's Peo∣ple to betray his General, and was proscribed by the Triumvirate for not consenting, returned at last to Rome, and was beloved by Caesar to that de∣gree, that when Publius shewed him Pictures of Brutus in his House, he yet esteemed him the more. These are the most memorable accidents happen∣ed to some Proscripts who escaped the danger.

Whilst these things passed at Rome, all the rest of the Empire concern'd [ VIII] either for one or the other party was filled with Wars, especially in Africa, between Sextus and Cornificius, in Syria between Cassius and Dolobella, and in Sicily against Pompey, in which Actions many Cities were forced, as Lao∣dicea, Tharsus, Rhodes, Patara and Xant, not to speak of others less con∣siderable; the particulars whereof we will relate in the briefest method possible. The Romans divide Africa into two Provinces, of which, they call that the old which they conquered from the Carthaginians, and that whereof Caesar had newly despoiled King Iuba they call the new, that is Numidia. Sextius sent into this last in quality of Caesar's Lieutenant, gave Commands to Cornificius to surrender to him the old, because by the divi∣sion made among the Triumvirate all Africa belonged to Caesar: Cornificius made answer, that he knew nothing of any such Division, and could not without orders of the Senate quit the Government of a Province they had given him in charge, whereupon they declared War: Cornificius had an Ar∣my both better disciplin'd, and stronger in Men than Sextius, who having only light armed Foot made incursions into Cornificius's Government, and dayly drew some to his Party, till such time as Ventidius Lieutenant to Cornificius coming against him with more Forces than he had, besieged him, and Le∣lius the other Lieutenant of the same Cornificius entred into Sextius his Pro∣vince, and besieged Cirta. Mean time both Parties sent to demand alliance of King Arabion, and those they call Sittiens, for the reason we are going to re∣late. Sittius accused of crimes at Rome, not daring stand a trial, fled, and gathe∣ring together some Forces as well in Italy as Spain, went over into Africa. There happened then to be War between the African Kings, wherein Sittius taking sometimes one part, and sometimes another, and still carrying Victory to that side he joyned with, soon gained a fair reputation, and by exer∣cising his Army made it capable of great Attempts. He served likewise C. Caesar when he came to make War upon those who took part with Pompey, and slew Saburra Lieutenant to King Iuba, in acknowledgment of which services Caesar gave him the confiscation of Manasses's Estate, yet not all of it, but the better part. Manasses was Father of this Arabion, and for having assisted King Iuba, Caesar divided his Country between Sittius and Bocchus King of the Moors. Sittius distributed his part to his Soldiers, and Arabion went over into Spain to Pompey's Sons. After Caesar's death he re∣turned into Africa, from whence he continually sent fresh Troops of Afri∣cans to Sextus the Son of Pompey, who being returned from Spain well ex∣perienced, he drove out Bocchus, and got rid of Sittius by treason, and though he had an inclination for Pompey's Children, because of the good Offices he had received, yet would he no longer oblige himself to that Par∣ty which he saw forsaken by fortune, but chose rather to declare for Sex∣tius, by whose means he hoped to gain Caesar's favour, and the Sittians in consideration of his Father's kindness to them, did the same: Sextius en∣couraged by such a reinforcement went and charged Ventidius, routs his People, cuts the most part in pieces, and takes a great many Prisoners. News whereof being brought to Lelius, he raises the Siege of Cirta, and returns

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to joyn with Cornificius. Sextius puffed up with this success, marches a∣gainst Cornificius, who lay near Utica with much greater Forces; and en∣camps close by him. There Lelius being commanded out with his Horse, to make discovery of the Posture of the Enemy, Sextius gives Order to A∣rabion to go charge him in Front with his Horse; and he with his Light-ar∣med Foot gains the Flank, whilst he thought to have to deal only with Horse. He charges him so home, that Lelius, before he received farther disgrace, fearing to be surrounded, and his Retreat cut off, goes and seizes upon an Eminence in the midst of the Campain; where Arabion in his Rear having slain many of his Horse-men, invests him. Cornificius seeing that, fallies out of the Camp with his best Troops: Sextius falls in his Rear: He faces about; and during the Fight, wherein he is hard put it, Arabion sends privately to his Camp people used to clamber up Rocks; who make them∣selves Masters of it. Roscius, who had the Guard of it, makes one of his people kill him. Cornificius tired out with fighting, not knowing his Camp was taken, hastes towards the Eminence to make good his Retreat to Lelius; but Arabion getting between him and his mark, he was cut in pieces. Le∣lius, who beheld all this from the place where he was, kills himself. The Army seeing their Commanders dead, made every Man the best way he could. The Proscripts that were with Cornificius fled, some to Sicily, others where best they might. Sextius gave to Arabion and the Sittians great quantity of Spoils; and pardoning the Cities, received them under the O∣bedience of Caesar. Thus ended the War in Lybia between Sextius and Cor∣nificius; which was thus short, as it seems, by reason of the heat of the Commanders.

[ IX] We will now speak of what was done by Brutus and Cassius, after having made some short Repetition of what has been said before, for the better un∣derstanding the whole. Caesar being slain, the Conspirators seized the Ca∣pitol; from whence they descended after the Senate had proclaimed the In∣dempnity. Afterward, the people moved for Caesar's death, took Fire∣brands from his Funeral-pile, and clapped them to the Houses of the Con∣spirators; which defending themselves from above, repulsed the multi∣tude, and soon after every one of them retired into the Governments which Caesar had given them. Cassius and Brutus exercised still the Office of Pre∣tors in the City, and had been designed Pro-Pretors by Caesar; Cassius of Syria, and Brutus of Macedon. But because the time appointed for their going to their Provinces was not yet come, and that without fear they could not stay in the City. The Senate sent them out honourably, under pretence of giving them the Superintendence of Provision, lest otherwise they should seem to have fled. After they were gone the Governments of Syria and Macedon were given by Decree to the Consuls, Anthony and Dolo∣bella, against the mind of most of the Senate; and yet in some manner to recompence Brutus and Cassius, they granted them Crete and Cyrene: But they despising these Governments because they were too small, began by Money to assure themselves of Forces, with intent to sieze upon Syria and Macedon. To this end they were labouring, when Trebonius being slain by Dolobella, and Decimus besieged in Gaul by Anthony, the Senate offended, declared Anthony and Dolobella Enemies, confirmed Brutus and Cassius in their first Governments, added Illyria to that of Brutus; and gave Com∣mand to all Governors, and all Soldiers of the Oriental provinces, to re∣ceive the Orders of Cassius and Brutus. After which Cassius, without consi∣dering Dolobella, advances to possess himself of Syria, with the Ensigns of

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Command, together with twelve compleat Legions of Old Soldiers, who had served their Apprenticeship under Caesar. For Caesar having already in his thoughts the War against the Parthians, had left one in Syria under the Charge of Cecilius Bassus, as Lieutenant to Sextus Iulius, his Kinsman, yet very young: who roving about the Country to take his pleasure, used to carry his Legion along with him, contrary to all Decency: which when Bassus represented unto him, he reviled him. And another time when he sent for Bassus, because he came not immediately, he commanded to bring him by force: This Command raised a Tumult, and the Tumult a Scuffle, wherein the Soldiers no longer able to bear with Iulius insolence, slew him with their Javelins: But at the same instant they repented themselves, for they feared Caesar; wherefore they swore mutually to one another, that if he granted them not a Pardon for this Action, they would defend them∣selves to the death. They likewise forced Bassus to be of the Conspiracy; and raised another Legion, whom they exercised after the Roman way of Discipline. Sextus Marcus, sent by Caesar against them with three Legions, was repulsed; till such time as having called to his Assistance Minutius Cri∣spus, with three other Legions out of Bithynia, Bassus found himself be∣sieged by six Legions, when Cassius coming that way, Bassus Army volunta∣rily submitted to him, and soon after the six Legions commanded by Marcus and Minutius; whether they had an inclination for him, or else were wil∣ling to obey him in compliance with the Senate's Decree. Allienus sent some time before by Dolobella into Egypt, now brought thence four Legions of the Remains of Pompey's and Crassus Defeats; or of those which Caesar, at his departure from Egypt, had left in Cleopatra's Service. Cassius surpri∣zed him in Palestine, and forced to take part with him; for he durst not re∣sist eight Legions, having but four. Thus, beyond all expectation, he found himself Master of twelve Legions, besides a great number of Parthian Archers on Horse-back, who were come to offer themselves to him out of the great Esteem he had gained among them, when being Questor to Cras∣sus, they judged him more prudent than his General. Dolobella, since Tre∣bonius death, had stayed in Ionia; where he exacted great store of Money from the Cities, and prepared a Fleet of Ships which Livius Figulus hired from the Rhodians, Lycians, Pamphilians and Cilicians. So that having made these Preparations, he attempted to seize upon Syria; and to that purpose took his March by Land with two Legions, and gave order to Figu∣lus to follow him by Sea: But when he understood the State of Cassius his Power, he turned into Laodicea, a City affectionate to his Interests, and sci∣tuate on a Peninsula fortified to the Land; and whereof the Port was very commodious to enter with Provisions, or to go out again when ever they had a mind to set Sail. As soon as Cassius had notice hereof, that Dolobella might not escape him, he caused to be raised at the Neck of the Peninsula, which was two Furlongs over, a Bulwark of the same length, raised with Stones and other sorts of Materials, which he took from the Houses and Se∣pulchres that were in the Suburbs. He sent likewise to require Shipping from the Phenicians, Lycians and Rhodians; who all refused him: But though only the Sidonians sent theirs to him, he forbore not with them to assault Dolobella's Navy. There was in this Fight a great many Ships sunk of one side and the other; nevertheless, at last Dolobella got five, with all the Sea-men and Soldiers in them. Cassius sent afresh to demand Aid of those had refused him at first; and besides them, to Cleopatra, Queen of E∣gypt▪ and to Serapion, who commanded for her in Cyprus. The Tyrians, the Aradians and Srapion (without the Queen's Order) sent him all they

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had: But the Queen pretended that Egypt was afficted with Famine and Plague to excuse her self; though indeed, for the first Caesar's sake, she was concerned for Dolobella, had already sent him four Legions by Allienus, and had likewise at that present a Fleet in readiness to relieve him, which only stayed till the foul Weather Season was past. As for the Rhodians and Lycians, they made Answer, that they would serve neither Brutus nor Cassius in a Civil War; and that they had lent their Ships to Dolobella for passage only, not believing he would make use of them in War. After this Answer, Cassius, with those Forces he had, returned to give an Assault to Dolobella's Fleet; where the advantage was very doubtful at first, but at last Dolobella suffered some loss. At the same time the Bulwark being finished, they planted Batteries; and whilst they played at the Wall, Cassius laboured to corrupt the Guards: And not being able to gain Marsus, who commanded the Guard by Night, he prevailed with the Centurions that did it by Day; who, when Marsus was gone to his Repose, let in Cassius at many little Po∣sterns. The City being taken, Dolobella commanded one of his People to cut off his Head, and carry it to Cassius, to save his own: He obeyed in the first point, but after killed himself upon his Master's Body: Marsus like∣wise slew himself. Cassius took an Oath from Dolobella's Army, plundered the Temples and Treasuries of Laodicea, put to death the principal Inhabi∣tants, and taxed the rest in vast Summs; so that he reduced the City to ex∣treme necessity. From Laodicea, he took his March towards Egypt, upon the News that Cleopatra was going with a great Fleet to meet Caesar and Anthony. He hoped to hinder that Queen's Voyage, and to revenge him∣self of her: and indeed, he was very desirous to have siezed upon Egypt, then oppressed with Famine, and disfurnished of Men of War, Alienus ha∣ving lately drawn thence the four Legions. And it is probable something might have been done, but Brutus sent for Cassius in haste, because Caesar and Anthony had passed the Ionian Sea. Thus Cassius diverted from the Expedi∣tion of Egypt, of which he had great hopes, dismissed the Parthians with Rewards, and sent Ambassadors to their King, to demand a greater Succor; which arriving after the Defeat, over-run Syria and the Neighbouring Pro∣vinces, as far as Ionia, and so returned. After this, having left his Nephew in Syria with one Legion, he sent his Horse before into Cappadocia; surpri∣zed Ariobarzanes, under pretence that he had deserted Cassius, and defeated him; and brought to the General all his Treasures and Provisions which he had made ready for the War. Those of Tarsus being divided into two Fa∣ctions, the one had first received Cassius, and made him a Present of a Crown; the other some time after payed the same Honours to Dolobella; and both acted in the Name of the Community: So that by having receiv∣ed sometimes one and sometimes the other, they exposed their City to be punished by both for their Inconstancy; and at last Cassius, after Dolobella's death, taxed them in fifteen hundred Talents. They were already so poor, that they had not wherewithal to pay this Summ; but the Soldiers tormen∣ted them with a thousand Cruelties to make them find it: They sold first all the Publick Goods; then things consecrated, even to the Ornaments of the Temples, and the Offerings had been made: Which yet amounting not to the least part of the Summ, the Magistrates sold the Free Persons; first the Maids and Children, then the Women and Old Men, who yielded but little; and after all, the Young Men, many of which slew themselves. At last Cassis returning from Syia, had compassion on their misery, and re∣mitted the Remainder of the Tax. These were the Calamities wherewith Tarsus and Laodicea were afflicted.

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Cassis and Brutus consulting together what they were best to do; Brutus [ X] was of Opinion they should go into Macedon, and give Battel to the Ene∣mies, who had forty Legions; eight of which had already passed the Ioni∣an Sea. Cassius judged on the contrary; that the Enemy being so nume∣rous were not to be dreaded, seeing they would scatter of themselves for want of Provisions; and therefore, that it were better to begin the War with the Rhodians and Lycians, who held for the Enemies, and were very strong in Shipping, lest they should fall into their Rear whilst they were en∣gaged with Caesar and Anthony. This Opinion was followed; Brutus un∣dertook the Lycians, and Cassius those of Rhodes, where he had been educa∣ted, and had studied those Sciences taught in Greece. And because he had to deal with People very expert in Sea-Fights, he fitted up all the Ships he had, manned them both with Sea-Men and Soldiers, and exercised them at Mynda. As for the Rhodians, the most prudent of them were fearful to come to Extremities with the Romans; but the People made insolent with those Victories, which they remembred to have gained against People, to whom the Romans were no ways comparable, were very glad of it; and began to set in order three and thirty of the best Vessels they had. Howe∣ver, they sent Deputies to Cassius to desire him not to contemn Rhodes, which had always revenged it self on those that had despised them: Nor to violate the Treaties between the Romans and the Rhodians, by which they had promised not to bear Arms one against the other. That if he found fault with them for refusing their Ships, they would send Deputies to the Senate; and if the Senate ordered it, they would assist him with all their Forces. To this Cassius made Answer, that now it was no more time to make use of Words, but Arms: That as for those Treaties which obliged them not to bear Arms one against another, they had first violated them by assisting Doloblla against him: That the same Treaties contained likewise a Promise of assisting one the other; and that when Cassius demanded theirs, they mocked him with a pretence of sending Deputies to the Senate, now dispersed into all parts in their flight from those Tyrants had made them∣selves Lords of the City; Tyrants which he would punish as well as the Rhodians their Abettors, if they did not suddenly submit themselves. This Answer increased the fear of the Wise Men: But the People suffered them∣selves to be led by Alexander and Mnaseus; who encouraged them by put∣ting them in mind how Mithridates, and before him Demetrius, had in vain attempted Rhodes with far greater numbers of Shipping. Wherefore they made Alexander Prytane, which is the chief and most powerful Magistrate of the City; and Mnaseus they made Admiral. However, they again de∣puted to Cassius, Archelaus, under whom he had studied the Greek Learn∣ing; who, as one that had lived familiarly with him, taking him by the hand, spoke thus.

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The Speech of Archelaus to Cassius.

WIll you that love the Greeks, ruin a Greek City; and that fight for Li∣berty, take it from Rhodes that is a Free City? Are you envious of the Glory of the Dorick Nation, which never yet was overcome; or have you forgot those Noble Stories you learnt at Rhodes, and at Rome it self? At Rhodes the mighty Actions the Rhodians, when assaulted in their City, have done against a number of Kings; and above all, against those were thought in∣vincible, Demetrius and Mithridates, for the Defence of that Liberty for which you say you are now in Arms? At Rome, the important Services we have done the Romans, especially against King Antiochus; the Monuments of which you may there behold engraven in Copper? This I say to oblige you to consi∣der our Nation, the Honour of our City, its good Fortune which never yet a∣bandoned it, its Affection to the Romans, and the Assistance it has offered them. But as to what may concern your self, Cassius; you ought particularly to bear some respect to a City wherein you have been educated, taught, cured of your Sick∣ness, and where you have a long time sojourned, and that even in my School; which makes me hope that the pains I have formerly took in instructing you, will not prove unprofitable to my Country, in dispensing her from engaging in a War with her Nursling and Scholar; wherein of two things, one must be inevitable; all the Rhodians must perish, or Cassius must be overcome. I will add a little Counsel to the Request I make you. In the important Affair wherein you are en∣gaged for the Publick Good, take the Gods for the Guide of all your Actions; those Gods by which you swore, when by Caesar's intermission we last renewed the Alliance between 〈◊〉〈◊〉; and after we had sworn mutually, gave hands in token of that Faith which ought to be kept, even to Enemies; but with much more reason to Friends, and those from whom we have received our Education. Besides, we ought not only to consider the Gods, but also take care to preserve our Reputation for the sake of Men; for those who violate Treaties are abhorred of all the World; and after having once broke it, neither Friends nor Enemies have any more Relyance on their Word.

[ XI] After these words the Old Man let not go his Hand, but wet it with his tears; which Cassius could not see without blushing: and yet at last he made this Answer.

Cassius's Answer to Archelaus.

IF you disswaded not the Rhodians from affronting me, you have affronted me your self; and if you told them your thoughts, because they did not believe you, I will revenge you. Now, it is manifest they have affronted me, first in re∣fusing that Assistance I demanded, in which they have despised me; Me that have been bred and educated in their City. Secondly, In preferring Dolobella before me, who was neither fed nor bred there: And what is yet more odious; whilst Brutus, and I, and all the rest of the Senators that fly from Tyranny, la∣bour

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as you see to restore our Country to Liberty; and that Dolobella and others, whose Party you favour, oppress it. You, Gentlemen of Rhodes, that are such mighty Lovers of Liberty, you make a pretence that you will not concern your selves in our Civil Wars; though this be no Civil War, since we pretend not to the Sovereignty. It is a declared War against Tyrants, and the Republick de∣mands your Assistance; you decline it by desiring to be left in Liberty, under co∣lour that you have Alliance with the Romans, and yet have no compassion for so many Romans unjustly condemned to death, and proscribed, with Confiscation of their Goods; feigning that you expect the Orders of the Senate, now so oppres∣sed, that it is in no power of defending it self: Yet it is a long time since you re∣ceived those Orders by Decree, commanding all the Oriental Provinces to obey Brutus and I. As for you, Archelaus, you set a great value upon the Services the Rhodians have done us in the increase of our Empire, and of which you have received ample Recompence: But you say nothing to what you owe to our Assist∣ance, now that we fight for Liberty and the Safety of our Country; though the Dorians, had we never had any Commerce together, ought to gain the Romans Friendship, defend from Oppression the Roman Commonwealth. If without con∣sidering any of these Reasons, you stand upon the terms of Alliance made between us by Julius Caesar, the Founder of the Tyranny; it expresly says that the People of Rome and the People of Rhodes shall assist one the other in necessity. Assist therefore the Romans in the Extremity wherein they now are; Cassius sum∣mons you to it according to the terms of the Treaty: He is a Roman, and Commander over the Romans, authorized by Decree, which commands all the People of the East to receive his Orders: Brutus requires the Execution of the same Decree; and Pompey too, appointed by the Senate to the Superintendence of Sea Affairs. Add to these the Prayers of all the Senators who are escaped, part to Brutus and me, and part to Pompey; though by the Treaty the Rhodians are to help any single Roman that calls to them for Aid. But if you take not us either for Pretors, or so much as for Romans; but treat us like Strangers or Fugitives, or as the Tyrants call us, for condemned Men; you have indeed no Alliance with us, but with the People of Rome: But we Stran∣gers that are not comprehended in this Treaty, will make War upon you till you pay us an absolute Submission.

After this Answer Cassius dismissed Archelaus with much Civility: And after his Return Alexander and Mnaseus, the Commanders of the Rhodians went to Myndus with their three and thirty Ships, to out-brave Cassius; and it may be too, they had some hopes of Victory, the remembrance how they dealt with Mithridates near this place begetting thoughts in them that they might now likewise come off with success. The first day they were satisfied with shewing their skill at the Oar, and so returned to Gnidus: The next day they came again resolved to fall upon Cassius Fleet: The Ro∣mans wondring at their boldness, weighed, and went to meet them; and now they fought bravely on both sides. The Rhodians by nimble rowing hither and thither, with their lighter Vessels charged the Romans some∣times in the Bow, and sometimes on the Broad-side; but when the Romans ould grapple with them, they fought with them hand to hand, as if upon firm Ground. At last, Cassius having a greater number of Ships than the Enemy, surrounded them in that manner, that they could no more turn a∣bout in that nimble manner as before; but if charging the Romans a Head, they went presently off again, they must needs come to dammage, being closely blocked up: And the Rhodian Prows not being able to pierce the

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strong built Roman Ships, whereas the Roman gave shrewd shocks when∣ever they joyned Board and Board to the lighter Rhodians. So that at last they had three Ships taken with all their Gang, and two sunk; the rest esca∣ped to Rhodes, but in an ill condition; and the Romans retreated to Myn∣dus, where they refitted several of their Ships that had come to dammage. Such was the Success of the Sea-fight between the Romans and Rhodians near Myndus; where Cassius was not in person, but beheld it from the top of a Hill. After he had refitted his Ships, he came to Loryma, a Fort stan∣ding upon the Continent, but by the Sea side, and belonging to the Rhodi∣ans. From hence he transported his Land Army, commanded by Fanius and Lentulus, upon Ships of Burthen into the Island; and himself with fourscore Galleys, went and anchored near the City, besieged now by Sea and Land; where he for some time remained without doing any thing, in hopes the Enemy would submit: But they charged him as fiercely as at first; and again with the loss of two Ships, found themselves invested on all sides. The Walls were immediately lined round with Soldiers, to de∣fend themselves from Fanius, who at the same time stormed the City by Land; and from Cassius, who approached with his Fleet and all things ne∣cessry for an Attack. For foreseeing he should stand in need of them, he had brought along Towers of Wood ready framed; which were soon set together and mounted. Thus Rhodes, after the ill success of two Fights, was beleagured by Sea and Land; unprepared to sustain a Storm, as is u∣sual in unexpected Surprizes; so that in all likelihood the Enemy would in a short time become Master of it, either by Force or Famine. The most prudent of the Inhabitants had no doubt of it; and were already capitula∣ting with Fanius and Lentulus, when they were all astonished to see Cassius with the choicest of his Forces in the midst of the City, without perceiving any Violence, or that he had made use of any Scaling Ladders. Many thought, and not without reason, that some of his Friends in the City had o∣pened him the Wickets to save it from Plunder, or before it should be forced yield for want of Provisions. Rhodes being thus taken, Cassius seated him∣self in a Tribunal, upon which was fixed a Spear, as if he had taken the Ci∣ty by Force: and having drawn up his Army to a stand, he published a Proclamation forbidding the Soldiers to plunder or commit any violence upon pain of death. After which he called by name about fifty of the Inha∣bitants of Rhodes, whom he put to death; and five and twenty others which absented themselves, he condemned to Banishment. In conclusion, he spoiled all the Temples, and all the Publick Places of all the Riches, and of all the Gold and Silver which he could find; and moreover, commanded every particular Person to bring in all he had at a prefixed day; with threats to put to death those that concealed any thing, and promise to re∣ward the Informer with the tenth Penny if he were Free, and with Liber∣ty if he were a Slave. At first many ventured upon Concealments, ima∣gining the threats would not be executed with severity; but when they saw the Reward given to the Informers, they grew fearful, and requested that the time might be prolonged; which being granted, some dug up their Money from under Ground, others drew it up out of Wells, others out of Sepulchres; so that they brought much greater quantities than be∣fore. To such calamity was the City of Rhodes reduced, in which Lucius Varus was left Governor. Cassius extraordinarily well satisfied to have ta∣ken it in so short a time, and to get withal so much Money, gave Command to all the other Provinces to pay him in ten Years Tribute; which was rea∣dily performed. Mean time a report was brought that Cleopatra with a

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mighty Fleet, and great Warlike Preparations were at Sea to go joyn Caesar and Anthony: for having formerly underhand favoured their Party for old Caesar's sake, she now openly declared her self for the fear she stood in of Cassius. Wherefore he caused Mrcus to embark with the best Legion he had, and some Archers; and in sixty Ships sent him to Peloponnesus, giving him Order to post himself about Tenarus; from whence himself had taken off all the Cattel and other Provisions in the Peninsula.

We will now relate the Exploits of Brutus in Lycia: But here it will like∣wise [ XII] be necessary to look a little back, the better to revive the remembrance of things. After that he had received from Apuleius those Forces he had, with sixteen thousand Talents; and gathered in the Tributes of Asia, he came to Baeotia: Where the Senate having given him order to employ this Money for his present Necessities, with the Command of the Armies in Macedon and Illyria; Ventidius, his Predecessor in the Government of this last Province, delivered up to him three Legions, whereof the Illyrian Ar∣my was composed. He took at the same time one from Caius, Anthony's Brother, whom he found in his Government; and after raised four Legions more of new Troops. All which together, made eight Legions; among which were many of Caesar's Veterans, and great numbers of Macedonians, whom he caused to be exercised in the Roman Discipline: And all this without comprizing his Horse, which were in no small numbers; and his Light-armed Foot, and Archers. Whilst he was endeavouring to raise Men, and gather up Money, there appeared an Adventure to him from part of Thrace. A King of that Country being slain by his Enemies, Polemocratia his Widdow, who was fearful for her Son, came to Brutus; recommending her Infant to him, and delivering into his hands the Treasures of her dead Husband. He sent the Infant to the Cyzicenians, to take care of him till he had leisure to go and restore him to his Kingdom: But finding in those Treasures a prodigious quantity of Gold and Silver, he caused it to be coyn∣ed into Mony. When at the Conference with Cassius they had agreed to∣gether, that before all other things they would make War upon the Lycians and the Rhodians; he undertook to fall upon the Lycians, by the Siege of the City of Xanthus. The Inhabitants pulled down their Suburbs, lest Bru∣tus should lodge in them, or out of them furnish themselves with Materials for the Seige: And fortifying their City, defended themselves by the fa∣vour of a Ditch fifty Foot deep, and proportionably broad; in so much that those on either side could do each other no hurt, unless with Slings or Ar∣rows; for they stood as if parted by a deep River. Brutus resolving to fill this Ditch, caused Mantelets to be made to secure his Men's Approach, and divided the Work by night and day amongst the whole Army; beginning to labour in good earnest, causing Materials to be with all speed brought from far, and omitting no care or diligence necessary on such an occasion. In short, though at first it seemed likely that either the Enemies would hin∣der the Work; or, at least, that it would take up some Months time; yet it was finished in few days, and Brutus found himself at the Foot of the Wall; where he caused his Machines to be raised, and the Gates stormed by his Foot, continually releived by fresh Companies sent one after another. Yet for all this did the Besieged, though almost all tired out, and the most wounded, defend themselves as long as their Walls stood. There was al∣ready some Breaches made, and their Towers were all shattered; when Brutus▪ well foreseeing what would happen, gave over the Storm at the Gates, and caused his Men to retreat from the Assault. Whereupon, the

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Inhabitants imagining this Retreat proceeded from the Negligence or Cowardise of the Besiegers, made a Sally by night upon their Enemies with Torches in their hands. The Romans, who expected them, running in up∣on them, they took their flight towards the Gates, which those that had the Guard of shut, for fear lest their Enemies should enter with them; so that there happened a great Slaughter. Some time after those that remain∣ed in the City sallyed out at Noon day; and having beaten off the Guards, fired all the Machines. The Gates being left open because of the misfor∣tune that happened before, there entred with the Inhabitants about two thousand Romans; and as the rest were thronging in after them, the Port∣cullis all on a suddain fell upon them; whether by order of the Xanthians, or that the Ropes that held them broke. Thus of the Romans that had en∣gaged themselves too far, some were lost, and the rest found themselves in∣closed, not being able to lift up the Portcullis for want of Cordage: so that knocked down from above by the Xanthians in those narrow Streets, they with much difficulty gained the Publick Place, which was not far off; where still extremely tormented with the Arrows shot at them: and ha∣ving neither Bows nor Arrows, they retreated into the Temple of Sarpe∣don, for fear of being at last over-pressed by the multitude. Mean while the Romans troubled, and fearful for those shut within the City, attempted all ways possible to relieve them: And Brutus went from Quarter to Quarter, to encourage his Soldiers; but they could not break open the Gates, almost covered over with Bars of Iron; and their Ladders and Towers of Wood were burnt. Notwithstanding, some applyed themselves to make new Ladders; others raised Perches, Forks and other pieces of Timber against the Walls to serve instead of Ladders; others fastned Iron Hooks upon Ropes, cast them over the Battlements; and when they catched hold, climb∣ed up by help of the Rope. The Oenandes, Neighbours and Enemies to the Xanthians; and therefore now serving under Brutus, began to scramble up the Rocks and Precipices, where the Romans with much pain followed them; and though many tumbled back, yet some gained the Wall, and o∣pened a little Gate, before which was a Palisade of very sharp Stakes; over which some of the bravest, assisted by those already within, passed: So that now being a considerable number, they attempted to break open a great Gate, which was not on the inside lined with Bars of Iron; to which effect those without laboured likewise. The Xanthians were at the same time fighting with those shut up in the Temple of Sarpedon, who made a great noise; which made those who both within and without were endeavouring to break open the Gate to make one great push for all; which effecting their business, they about Sun-set entred pell mell into the Town, shouting out as loud as they could, that those in the Temple might hear them. The City being taken, the Inhabitants retreated to their Houses; where they slew all those they loved best, who of themselves came to offer themselves up to death. Brutus hearing the cries and groans which this fury caused through∣out the City, thought the Soldiers had been plundering; and by Proclama∣tion forbad it: Bnt when he understood the true cause, he had compassion of People so fond of their Liberty, and sent to offer them Composition: but they with Darts and Arrows drove back those that came to speak with them; and after having slain all their Domesticks, and layd their Bodies upon Piles, they set them on fire; and then slaying themselves, they burnt with the rest. Brutus preserved from the flame all the Temples he could, and took Prisoners only a few Slaves, and about one hundred and fifty Virgins and Women who had no Men to kill them. And this was the third time

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the Xanthians were destroyed for defence of their Liberty: for being be∣ing besieged by Harpalus the Median, Lieutenant to Cyrus, they chose ra∣ther to die than yield, and their City served them for a common Tomb; which Harpalus put not himself to the trouble to hinder. And under Ale∣xander, the Son of Philip, they fell under the like misfortune; refusing to submit to that Conqueror of so many Nations.

From Panthus, Brutus went down to Patara, which seemed to be the [ XIII] Port of the Xanthians; invested the City, summoned the Inhabitants to surrender, under the penalty of being treated like their Neighbours: And the better to perswade them, brought before them Prisoners of Xanthus; who making a Recital of their Misery, exhorted them to be wiser. The Patarans making no Answer, Brutus gave them the rest of that day to con∣sider of it, and retreated. The next morning he returned before the place; when the Inhabitants cryed out from the Walls, that they were rea∣dy to follow his Orders, and opened to him the Gates. Being entred, he neither put to death nor banished Person, but caused be brought to him all the Publick Mony of the City; and commanded likewise every particular person to bring in what he had, under the same Penalties and the same Re∣wards as Cassius, after the taking of Rhodes, had decreed to the Concealers and Informers: which was exercised so punctually, that there was not a Concealer, save one who was accused by his Slave. After this Traytor had shewed to the Centurion that was sent, the place where the Mony was hid, as they carried away all the Family before Brutus, the Master said not a word; but his Mother followed crying out, to save his life, that it was she that had hid it. Upon which the Slave, without being asked, say∣ing, that the Mother lyed, for that it was her Son himself had hid it▪ Bru∣tus praising the Son's silence and the Mother's affection to her Son, sent them away with their Mony without any Punishment; but for the Slave that would have destroyed both Master and Mistress, he caused him to be hanged. At the same time Lentulus sent to Andriac, which is a Port of the Myrians, broke the Chain which crossed over the Port; went up to Mira, which was surrendred to him by the Inhabitants; and after having taken their Mony, as was done at Patara, returned to Brutus: whither came the Lycian Deputies, promising him to serve him and assist him to the ut∣most of their power. He imposed on them a certain Tribute, sent back to Xanthus all the Free People, gave order to the Lycian People to meet him at Abydos; whither having sent his own Ships, he marched himself by Land, there to wait for Cassius, who was to come from Ionia, that they might together pass over to Sestos. Mean while Murcus, who had posted himself about Peloponnesus, with design to engage Queen Cleopatra's Fleet if she passed that way; understanding that she had been driven by Storms up∣on the Coasts of Lybia▪ and that some of her Wracks were brought as far as Lacedemon; she her self being surprized by Sickness, being forced to make her Retreat into Egypt; he, that he might not lose time, and do nothing with so great a number of Ships, crossed over to Brundusium; where he seiz∣ed upon the Island that makes a part of the Harbor; from whence he hin∣dred the Remainder of the Enemy's from being transported over into Ma∣cedon, or Provisions to be carried to those were there. But Anthony besieg∣ed him with those few long Ships he had; raising to this purpose Towers upon Rafts of Timber, whilst he made his Companies, one after another, go aboard the Ships of Burthen, and taking the opportunity of the Wind off Shore (for fear of being surprized in their passage by Murcus

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Fleet) put out to Sea. Yet he found that this Seige would prove very pain∣ful; wherefore he called Caesar to his Assistance, who was now fighting with Pompey, on the Sicilian Sea for Sicily it self. But it is necessary that I say something of this Pompey, the youngest of the Children of the great Pompey.

[ XIV] After that his Brother was killed in Spain, Caesar despised him as a young Man, unexperienced and incapable of attempting any great matter: and indeed, he was retreated towards the Ocean, at the Head of a few High∣way-Men, with whom he rambled the Country, not known to be Pompey. But at last a greater number of Vagabonds joyning with him, seeing him∣self Commander of pretty considerable Forces; and declaring himself for Pompey's Son, all the Soldiers who had served under his Father or under his Brother, and had neither Employ nor certain Residence, came to him as to their General. Arabion likewise came from Africa after having been expelled his Father's Estates, as we have heretofore said. The name of Pompey soon spread it self through all Spain, the greatest of the Roman Pro∣vinces: And he shewed himself sometimes in one place, sometimes in ano∣ther; yet not daring to adventure a Battel with Caesar's Lieutenants. When all these things were known at Rome, C. Caesar sent Carinas and greater For∣ces to defeat Pompey: But he with his flying Army fell upon Carinas when least looked for, and then made his Retreat to places of Security; for he had already got some Towns, both small and great. Wherefore Caesar sent to succed Carinas, Asinius Pollio; who made no farther Advances than his Predecessor had done: And Caesar being dead, the Senate recalled Pom∣pey; who came thereupon to Marsilia, to attend what course the Affairs of the City would take. Afterwards the Superintendence of Sea-Affairs be∣ing given to him, with the same Power that formerly his Father had; in∣stead of returning to the City, he went and gathered together such Ship∣ping as he found in several Ports; and with a considerable Fleet set Sail from Spain. At the beginning of the Triumvate he landed in Sicily; where Bithynicus, who was Governor, refusing to surrender to him the Govern∣ment, he besieged him in the Isle; till such time as Hirtius and Phanius, Proscripts, who escaped, perswaded Bithynicus to yield to Pompey. Thus he soon beheld himself extremely powerful in Sicily; Master of a great number of Ships, of an Island commodious for Italy, and of a mighty Ar∣my; composed as well of the People he had at first, as those which the Proscripts brought him, Free Men and Slaves, or which came to him from those Cities of Italy decreed by the Triumvirs for a Reward of their Sol∣diers after the Victory; for the Inhabitants of those Cities abhorred nothing more than the name of that Victory. Wherefore, they secretly opposed it all they could possible; forsaking their Country, which they now held no more for their Country; and retreating to Pompey, who was their Neighbour, and now in the esteem of all the World. Besides, he had Sea-men, Africans and Spaniards, very expert Men; so that he wanted neither Officers, nor Soldiers, nor Ships, nor Mony. Caesar having notice of these things, sent away Salvidienus with his Fleet, to go drive Pompey out of Sici∣ly, as if it had been an easie thing; and himself followed with his Land-Army through Italy, to Rhegium, where he had ordered the Navy to meet him. But Pompey met Salvidienus with a great Fleet, and engaged him in the Entrance of the Streights, near Scylla. Pompey's Ships were the nimbl∣est, and his Sea-men the most skilful; whereas the Roman Vessels were heavy, and therefore not so yare in working: Besides, the Sea, which was

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very boysterous in the place where they fought, was less troublesome to Pompey's Sea-men, who were used to it, than to Salvidienus's, who perhaps had never past that Strait; and therefore were not able to keep any sted∣dy course, for they could neither row nor stere. Towards Evening Salvi∣dienus first retreated, and Pompey drew off soon after. The loss of Ships was equal: Salvidienus refitted his Ships in a Port called Balara, nigh unto the place where they fought, and whither he at first retired; and Caesar be∣ing arrived in those Quarters, gave his promise to those of Rhegium and Vi∣bone, that he would except their Cities from the number of those which were to be given in reward to his Soldiers; which they were forely afraid of, because they lay so nigh the Strait of Sicily.

Thereupon, Anthony having sent in haste for him, he embarked for Brun∣dusium; [ XV] leaving Sicily on the Right Hand, and referring to another Season the reducing of that Island, and the War against Pompey. Murcus having intelligence of his coming, that he might not be surrounded by Caesar's and Anthony's Powers, at once quitted Brundusium, to go and watch in their pas∣sage for those Ships of Burthen that carried the Enemy's Army to Macedon. They were convoyed by Gallies; but the fair Wind contributed more to their Security than their Convoy. Murcus troubled to see his hopes frustra∣ted, watched once more to surprize them as they returned empty; but both then, and afterwards, when they were loaden again with more Forces, they escaped him with full Sails, till the whole Army, together with Caesar and Anthony, were got over. Though Murcus believed Fortune opposite to his designs, yet he stayed still in his Post to hinder, as much as in him lay, the transportation of Ammunitions, Provisions, or the new raised Forces. Thi∣ther, as to a convenient place, came to joyn Forces with him Domitius Ae∣nobarbus, sent by Cassius and Brutus with fifty other Ships, one Legion, and some Archers: For because the Enemy could have but small store of Provi∣sions elsewhere, they thought it a matter of importance to hinder the trans∣portation of any out of Italy: And indeed, Murcus and Aenobarbus with one hundred and thirty long Ships or Gallies, a great number of smaller Vessels, and a considerable Army, did very much annoy Caesar and Antho∣ny by guarding this Passage. Mean while Ceditius and Norbanus, whom the Triumvirs had sent before into Macedon with eight Legions; having from Macedon, advanced by way of the Mountains, towards Thrace; after fifteen hundred Furlongs March, were got beyond the Philippi's, and went and seized upon the Strait of Torpides and Salapaees, in the Estates of Ra∣scupolis, which were then the only known Passages from Europe to Asia. And this was the first stop that presented it self to Brutus and Cassius, who were crossed over from Abidos to Sestos. This Rascupolis and Rascus, his Brother, Princes of the Blood-Royal of Thrace, and Sovereigns of a certain Country, were of different Parties; and with a thousand Horse each, Ras∣cus held for Anthony, and Rascupolis for Brutus and Cassius. When there∣fore Cassius and Brutus informed themselves of the Ways, Rascupolis told them that the Ways of Aena and Maronia were the greatest Road, and the shortest and most ordinary Way to go to the Straits of Salapees, the pos∣sessed by the Enemies; and that to fetch a turn about the March would be thrice as long, and very difficult. Upon this Advice, they judging that the Enemy had not seized upon the Post, so much to cut off their passage, as that thereby they might have the greater conveniency of forraging and fetching Provisions out of Thrace than Macedon, they set forward on the way of Aena and Maronia, and from thence went to Lysimachia and Cardia,

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which serve as Gates to the Neck of the Thracian Chersonesus, from whence the next day they came to the Black Gulf. Here they mustered their Ar∣mies, and found they had nineteen Legions, nine for Cassius, and eight for Brutus, which were not quite full, and two which they distributed into the others to make them complete, so that the whole amounted to about four∣score thousand Foot; as for Cavalry Brutus had four thousand Gaul and Lusitanian Horse, and two thousand Thracians, Illyrians, Parthians and Thessalians, and Cassius had two thousand Spaniards and Gauls, and four thousand Archers on Horseback, Arabians, Medes and Parthians, besides the Kings and Tetrarchs of the Galatians in Asia, who brought with them good store of Foot, and five thousand Horse. These were the Forces Bru∣tus and Cassius had at the Black Gulf, and with which they fought the Bat∣tel, the remainder of their Forces being employed upon other Affairs. The Army being here purged with the usual Ceremonies, they payed what they had promised to those who had not yet received it; for they had taken a course not to want Money, because indeed they stood in need of it, to gain by force of gifts the hearts of the Soldiers, and especially of the Vete∣rans who had born Arms under C. Caesar, for fear left at the fight or name of his Son they should change their minds. Besides they thought it conveni∣ent the Army should be spoke too; and at the same time caused to be e∣rected a great Tribunal, whereon the Generals with the Senators only being mounted, and all the Army as well their own Forces as the Auxiliaries, drawn round about them, they took great delight to view one another. The Commanders began to take heart, and to hope well in the great number of their Soldiers, and the Soldiers began to grow in love with their Commanders; for there is nothing unites hearts so much as common hopes. Now because there was a great noise made by so vast a multitude, silence was commanded by sound of the Trumpet, and then Cassius, who was the elder of the two, advancing somewhat out of his place, spoke in this manner:

The Oration of Cassius.

[ XVI] THat danger which is common to us, Fellow Soldiers, obliges us to be faithful one to another, besides that you are farther engaged by receiving the Donative we had promised you, which ought to beget a belief in you that we will keep our words with you for the future, and you ought to hope for a happy success of this War from your own va∣lour, from our Conduct, and from the Generosity of these great Men of the Senate, whom you see here sitting. We have as you well know great store of Munitions, Provisions, Arms, Money, Ships, and many Provinces and Kingdoms, which declare for us. Wherefore we need not make use of words to exhort to resolution and concord those whom com∣mon defence and interest obliges. As for the Calumnies which our two Enemies cast upon us, you know them, and 'tis that knowledge binds you so firmly to our Party: yet I shall be well content to give you this day an account of our Actions, that you may the more clearly understand, never was any War more honest and just than this we are now going up∣on. By serving with you under Caesar in many Wars, in some of which we likewise commanded, we contributed to his Greatness, and therefore

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were always his Friends, that no Man may think we attempted his life out of any particular grudge. Peace being made, as he was Criminal, he ought to have been accused, not by us who were his Friends, and whom he had raised to Honours in the City, but by the Laws, and by the Com∣mon-wealth; but because neither the Laws, nor the Determinations of the Senate, nor the Decrees of the People were now any more of any account, but he had thrown down all those things instituted by our Fore∣fathers, when they expelled Kings, and swore never again to suffer the Regal Power, we being their Successors have prevented the violation of their Oath, we have diverted from our selves, and cast off from our own Heads those imprecations they pronounced, by not suffering one Man, though so much our Friend and Benefactor, to be longer Master of the Treasures and Forces of the Republick, or have the dispose of all Dignities and Governments, to the shame of the Senate and Roman Peo∣ple: or in short, change the Laws according to his fancy, usurping over the People and Senate and absolute power and Sovereign Authority; pos∣sibly in those times you did not make sufficient reflections on these things, but regarded only in him the quality of Generalissimo. But now you may better understand what I say, by what particularly concerns you; you are of the People, during War you obey your General, and in Peace have the right of giving your vote. The Senate first deliberates all mat∣ters, that you may not be deceived, but it is you, who in your Assemblies, either by Tribes or Centuries create Consuls, Tribunes of the People, Pretors, who give Sovereign Sentences, and decree to us either Rewards or Punishments, according as we have well or ill behaved our selves in our Charges. Thus for giving to every Man according to his desert, our Empire owes to you its felicity; and when you distribute honours to those deserve them, they have likewise to you a particular obligation. 'Twas by this very power you made Scipio Consul, to whom in testimony of his valour you gave the sirname of African, by this you created annual Tri∣bunes of the People, who had power to oppose the Senate, when it was necessary for your advantage. But what need I relate things, your selves so well know. Since Caesar made himself Master of the Common-wealth, you have not by your Votes nominated any Magistrate, neither Pretor, nor Consul, nor Tribune of the People, you have given no person a testi∣monial of his Virtue, nor have had the power to grant him any reward. In short, no person is obliged to you, neither for his Government, nor for Judgment given in his behalf; and what is yet more worthy of com∣passion, you have not been able to secure from outrage the Tribunes of the People, who are your particular Magistrates, and whom by your Decree you have declared sacred and inviolable. But those inviolable persons you have beheld infamously degraded from a sacred Dignity, devested of a sacred Habit, without any legal trial, by the command of a single person, and that for maintaining your rights, and declaring their indignation against those who would have given him the Title of King. The Senate suffered it with regret for your sakes only; for the Office of Tribune belongs to the People, and not to the Senate. But not having the power to accuse, or bring to judgment this Man, because of the great Armies whereof he made himself Master, to the prejudice of the Roman People, to whom they belonged, we applyed the only remedy left for the chasing away the Tyranny, by conspiring all together against his person; for it was requisite this Affair should be assented to by all honest Men, though it were executed but by a few. And immediately after the Action

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the Senate declared it done by common deliberation, when they forth∣with proposed us rewards as for having slain a Tyrant. But Anthony op∣posing it under pretence of appeasing the tumult, and we our selves not desiring any greater reward than the service of our Country, they were not ordered because they would not defame Caesar, being content to have thrown down the Tyranny. However, they decreed a general Indemni∣ty, with prohibitions to all persons of prosecuting in form of Justice for the action done; and a small time after, because Anthony incensed the multitude against us by his Orations, the same Senate gave to us the greatest Provinces of the Empire, with the command of Armies, and an absolute power over all their Territories from the Ionian Sea to Syria; was it to punish us as Villains and Murderers, that they thus honoured us with the sacred Purple, with Rods and Axes? 'Twas for the same reasons they recalled from Banishment the young Pompey, who had no hand in the Conspiracy, but only was the Son of that great Pompey who first took up Arms for the Common-wealth, and did in some measure op∣pose the Tyranny, by concealing himself in Spain. That they ordered the value of his Father's Estate should be payed him out of the publick Monies: that they made him Admiral over all Seas, to the end, that having a love for the Common-wealth he might not be without com∣mand. After all these, can you desire more ample testimonies to incline you to a belief, that the Senate knew and approved our Action, unless possibly you expect they themselves should tell you so; but they will tell it you, and with telling it you reward your services, as soon as they shall have again attained the power of speaking, and giving rewards. For you know in what condition the Senators Affairs stand at present, they are proscribed without any form of Justice, their Goods are confiscated, and without hearing them speak they are slain in their Houses, in the Streets, in the Temples, by the Soldiers, by their Slaves, by their Enemies; they are dragged out of their Coverts, and hunted from place to place, that they may have no way to escape. We never were used to bring our E∣nemies Heads into the place, but only their Arms, and the Prows of their Ships: now they expose there the Heads of the Consuls, Pretors, Tri∣bunes of the People, Roman Knights, and reward those commit such Villanies. For 'tis a dreadful disorder. The enmities which have a long time layn hid, now declare themselves openly, and many of the Pro∣scripts perish by the private hatred of their Wives, Children, Freed Men and Slaves, so many cruelties has this Plague occasioned in the City, to which the Triumvirs gave the first examples, by proscribing their Bro∣thers, their Uncles and their Tutors. 'Tis said, that Rome formerly be∣came a Prize to the most Barbarous Nations upon earth; but the Gauls cut off no Heads, nor abused not dead Bodies, nor were troubled that their Enemies fled, or hid themselves: and we our selves in all the Cities we have taken, have neither acted, nor heard that ever were acted the least of those cruelties which are now acted, not in a vulgar City, but in the Mistress of the World, by Magistrates created to reform and restore the Common-wealth. Was ever the like committed by Tarquin, who only for acting a violence upon a Woman he loved, was driven out of Rome by our Fore-fathers, and for that sole Action the Royalty abolished? yet after all this, Citizens, we are treated as execrable persons by the Tri∣umvirs, who say they revenge the death of Caesar, by proscribing persons who were not in the City when he was slain, several of whom you see here, who were only proscribed for their Riches, or Birth, or affection

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to the Common-wealth. Why was Pompey proscribed with us, he who was in Spain at the time of the action, unless it be because he is a Son to a Father that loved the Common-wealth; because the Senate recalled him and gave him the Admiralty, therefore the Triumvirs judged him wor∣thy of Proscription? Were the Women confederate in the Conspiracy, those whom they have taxed with such immense Contributions? Had the People committed any crime, for the punishment of which they had reason to command every Man that was worth above a hundred thousand Drams to make Declaration of it, under a penalty, if he failed. And yet with all these cruelties, all these exactions, they have not been able to raise Money to pay that Donative they promised to those Soldiers that serve them; whilst we that have done nothing but what is reasonable, have satisfied you the rewards we promised you, and have greater pre∣pared for you. The truth is because we have respect to Justice in all our actions, the Gods favour our Designs. The Gods (I say) after whose example you outht to consider humane Affairs, look upon your Fellow Citizens, under whose Command you have often fought, and who have with applause administred the Consulate, you see as well as we whither they have been forced to flie for Refuge, because they have been good Men, and Lovers of their Country. They embrace our Party, offer up Vows for the prosperity of our Arms, and will never decline our interests. Therefore have we proposed a greater and juster reward to those shall save them, then our Enemies promise to their Murderers. On the other side the Triumvirs imagine, that after having slain C. Caesar, because he alone usurped the Sovereign Power, we will suffer them to divide it a∣mongst them, instead of restoring the Government of the Common-wealth to the People, according to the establishment of our Predeces∣sors. But as our intentions are different in this War, theirs tending only to Dominion and Tyranny, as their Proscriptions have already made ap∣pear, and we having no other aim but the liberty of our Country, in which we shall content our selves to live equal with other Citizens, un∣der the authority of the Laws, there is no doubt but Gods and Men will esteem our Party the most just; and there's nothing in War gives better hopes than the justice of the cause. Nor let any one make a scruple that he has formerly served under Caesar; for he served not him but his Coun∣try: nor was it he gave you rewards, but the Common-wealth, in the same manner as you are not now the Army of Cassius or of Brutus, but the Army of the Romans: we are only your companions, and if we com∣mand you, it is only in the name of the Senate and People of Rome. Had our Enemies the same intentions with us, how easily might we all disarm with security, and surrender up to the Common-wealth their Ar∣mies, to be employed for the public Good, we would our selves become suppliants for it, if we thought they would accept of these conditions. but because they have no heart to do it, nor can hope to find security for hemselves, after their Proscriptions and other crimes they have com∣mited; Let us go, Fellow Soldiers, let us go fight with courage and heerfulness for the Senate and People of Rome, and having no other end but Liberty.

Here all the Soldiers cryed with one voice;

Let us go whither you think fit to lead us.

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And Cassius glad to see them so well disposed, as soon as silence was made, continued to speak in this manner:

May the Gods, who preside over just Wars, reward my Fellow Sol∣diers your Faith and Affection. As for that foresight your Generals, as they are Men, ought to have, observe but how much we are at this pre∣sent stronger than our Enemies: we are equal in number of Legions, though we have left Men in many places where we judged it necessary: we have far the greater number of Horse, Ships and Auxiliary Forces sent us from Kings and Nations, extending as far as the Medes and Par∣thians. Our Enemies can only assault us before, whereas we can like∣wise fall upon them behind, for we have Pompey in Sicily, and Murcus in the Ionian Sea, besides Aenobarbus has his Fleet well flesh'd with Seamen, with two Legions, and good store of Archers, who do sorely annoy them, whereas behind us, all is peaceable, both on Sea and Shore. As for Money, which some call Nerves of War, they have none at all, not being able to pay what they promised their Army, that brought in by Proscriptions not answering their expectations, for no honest Man would buy those Lands, the purchase of which would render him odious to all the world: and they can have none elsewhere, Italy being drained dry by Seditions, Exactions, and Proscriptions, whereas we have taken such effectual care, that we have it in such abundance, that we are able to give you another Donative; and the Provinces we have left behind us will suf∣ficiently supply us. As for Provision which occasions all the difficulty for the subsistance of great Armies, they can be supplyed only from Mace∣don, a Mountainous Country, or Thessaly, a Province of small extent, and that by Land with incredible labour, and if they pretend to have it brought from Africa, Lucania or Povilia, Pompey, Murcus or Aenobar∣bus will cut off their passage. For our parts we have already plenty, and more will dayly be brought by Sea from all the Islands, and all the Pro∣vinces between Thrace and the Euphrates easily, without the opposition of any person, we having no Enemy behind us. These are, Fellow Sol∣diers, the works of humane fore-sight, we expect the rest from you, and the Gods. For our parts, besides what you have already received, we will pay you what we have promised, and as we have already rewarded your fidelity with a Donative; so by God's assistance, after having gained the Victory, we will recompence you with something worthy your ser∣vices. And in the mean time, the more to encourage you, and because I see the whole Assembly disposed to do well, as soon as I descend from this Tribunal, we will give every Soldier fifteen hundred Italian Drams, to every Centurion five times as much, and to every Tribune propor∣tionable.

[ XVII] After having thus spake, and gained the hearts of the Army by Actions, by Words, and by Gifts, he dismissed the Assembly, which yet would not break up till after many Acclamations to Brutus and Cassius with promises of good service, immediately they distibuted in ready Money what they had promised, gratifying with somewhat more, such as had signalized themselves upon any other occasions, and as they received their Money they sent them forward on their march towards Dorisca, whither in few days the General followed them. At the same time two living Eagles came and

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pearched upon the Siver Eagles of the Standard-bearers, and pecking at them (as some say) and covering them with their Wings, there stayed. The Generals caused Food to be given them till the day before the Battel, when they fled away. After two days March on the Banks of the Black Gulf, the Army came to Aena, and from thence to Dorisca, and other Maritime Cities, as far as Mount Serria, which advances it self into the Sea, from thence the Army turned into the Land; and Tullius Cimber was com∣manded, with the Fleet, one Legion, and some Archers▪ to proceed on the way along the Coast. Now this Coast was formerly uninhabited, though the Land were excellent good, because the Thracians made no advantage of the conveniency of the Sea, nor so much as came near the Shore, for fear of Ships that passed by. Afterward the Chalcidians and other Greeks u∣sing the Sea, inhabited, tilled it, and settled a Trade, besides that many Thracians were well satisfied to change the Mountains for such a Residence, till such time as Philip the Son of Amyntas chasing away the Chalcidians and others, there remained no other marks of its ever being inhabited, save the pavements of some Temples. Tullius then coasting along this desert Shore, according to his Orders; when he came near the Straits of Salapeas he began to set out the Lines of a Camp, and to chuse out certain Caves in the Shore might serve to harbor his Ships, that Norbanus thinking it needless to guard both Passes, might quit them. And indeed part of what he had projected, happened; for as soon as Norbanus saw the Ships, fearful left he alone should not be able to defend the passage of Salapeas, he sent presently to Ceditius to quit that of Torpides, and come to his assistance, which he did, and thus Brutus and Cassius finding the strait of Torpides deserted, passed it. But the deceit being discovered, Norbanus, and Ceditius so well defended that of Salapeas, that Brutus's People not being able to force it were dis∣heartened, growing fearful lest at last they should be foced to go that great way about, which at first they had declined, and withal return back all the ground they had gone; besides that Summer was far spent. Whilst they were in this trouble, Rascupolis to them, that he would find out a way be which in three days they should cros all the Mountains of Salapeas, which never any before had passed, by reason of the cragginess of the Rocks, want of Water, and the thickness of the Woods, but if they would resolve to carry Water with them, and cut a way through the Wood large enough for them to pass, they should march under covert without being seen by any Man, nay, not so much as by the very Birds, and on the fourth day should arrive at the River Arpessa, which falls into the Heber, from whence in one day they might reach Philippi, and so inclose their Enemies, that it would be impossible for them to escape. Though no advice could be proposed, in the execution whereof there could be more difficulty, yet this was fol∣lowed, the Soldiers being chiefly encouraged to it, by the hopes they had in so short a time, to behold so great a number of Enemies in their power. Lucius Bibulus having then together with Rascupolis taken upon him the charge of preparing the way, they caused one half of the Army to move, who, though it were with much labour and difficulty, marched on briskly and cheerfully, especially after those who were sent before to discover, brought word, that from the tops of the Hill they might see the River; but the fourth day the Soldiers spent with travel, and tormented with thirst, because the water brought with them failed, began to make reflection upon what had been told them (that it was but three days march ere they should find water) and to suspect some treason: not but they believed those who assured them they had seen the River, but they imagined they were led out

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of the way, and therefore afflicted themselves, as thinking they were be∣trayed; and when Rascupolis came to encourage them, they railed and threw stones at him. At length Bibulus entreating them in the name of the Gods, to wait with patience the close of that day, towards the Even∣ing those that were in the Front perceived the River, whereupon with shouts of joy giving the word back, it soon reached those in the rear. Brutus and Cassius having advice that a part of their Army was happily passed, caused the rest to file off the same way, yet they could not conceal their march from the Enemy, nor did they inclose them as Rascupolis had made them hope. For Rascus his Brother having heard some shouts, grew suspicious, and going himself upon the scout, made a perfect discovery, with wonder that such mighty Forces had passed through a Country so dry, and where the Wood was so thick, that he scarce believed the very Beasts could have found a passage; and immediately giving notice hereof to Nor∣banus, he the same night deserted Salapeas, and with what People he had fled towards Amphipolis, insomuch, that in all the Armies nothing was so much spoke of as these two Thracians, of the one for having been Guide to the Army through such an unknown way; and of the other for discove∣ring it. Thus Brutus and Cassius's Forces by a wonderful Adventure came to Philippi, whither Cimber being likewise arrived, they had a general Ren∣dezvous. This City was formerly called Data, and before that Crenides, because of the many Springs about the Hill on which it is seated. Philip, who found this place convenient to make War upon the Thracians, fortified it, and called it by his name. On the North lie Woods, through which Rascupolis brought the Army: on the East are the Straits of Salapeas and Torpides: and on the West vast places which reach as far as the Cities of Murcina, Dorabisca, and the Strymon, which is about one hundred and fifty Furlongs distant. The Soil is good, and the Country pleasant, and 'tis said that heretofore a young Damsel, as she was gathering Flowers, was ravished by a God, and that in passing a River hard by, the Yoke of his Chariot broke; whence the Greeks called that River Zygasbes: from Phi∣lippi to Amphipolis is an easie descent, so that Men go up hill from Amphi∣polis, and down from Philippi. At some distance from Philippi is another eminence, said to be consecrated to Bacchus, where are Mines of Gold, called Asyles, thence advancing ten Fulongs are found two other Eminen∣cies distant from Philippi eighteen Furlongs, and eight one from the other, upon which Brutus and Cassius pitched their Camps; Cassius on the Sou∣thern, and Brutus on the Northern. They pursued not Norbanus in this flight, because word was brought that Anthony came on apace, having left Caesar sick at Epidamnum. The Plain was very proper for a set Battel, and the Eminencies commodious to encamp on; for on one side were Marishes and Pools of Water as far as the Strymon; on the other inaccessible Straits. The space between both of eight Furlongs was as it were the Passage or Gate out of Europe into Asia, they caused Walls to be built from one Camp to another, and left a Gate in the middle to joyn together when they plea∣sed. Hard by they had a River called Ganga or Gangira, and on their Backs they had the Sea, by which they brought their Provisions from Thassa, not above one hundred Furlongs distant, where they kept their Stores, and for their Gallies they left them at Nea, not above seventy Fur∣longs distant, insomuch that they were extremely satisfied with having found a place so commodious, and where they could with so great advan∣tage post themselves.

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Mean while Anthony advanced by great Marches to possess himself of [ XVIII] Amphipolis, which he had designed to make the Seat of the War. And be∣cause he found Norbanus had fortified it to receive him, wherewith he was extremely well pleased: He left there all his Stores, with a Legion com∣manded by Pinnarius, to keep the Guard of them; and with an astonishing boldness advancing still forward, went and encamped in the Plain, eight furlongs distant from the Enemy. Now was plainly to be seen the advan∣tage that Brutus and Cassius had over Anthony in the Seat of their Camps: For they were encamped upon Hills, he on the even Plain; they fetched Wood from the Mountains, he from a Marish; they watered at a River, he at a Well which himself dug; their Stores were at Thassa, not far distant; his at Amphipolis, three hundred and fifty Furlongs from the Camp: So that in all appearance Anthony seemed to have encamped there out of pure necessity, all the high Ground being seized upon, and the rest of the Plain so low, that sometimes the River overflowed it. And indeed, in sinking Wells, they found abundance of fresh Water. However, though this boldness were an effect of necessity, yet it stroke some kind of terror in the Enemy; who were amazed to see him, after so long a March, as soon as he arrived, come, and with so much scorn encamp so nigh them. Where∣fore they raised a great number of Forts, with Ditches, Palissadoes and Walls, whilst he only wrought upon the Lines of his Camp. Cassius, for his part seeing this raving fury of Anthony's, caused a little space of Ground that lay betwixt his Camp and the Marish, which before he had neglected, to be now fortified, that he might omit nothing for the security of the Camps; for the outmost side of Brutus's was defended by Rocks, and that of Cassius's by the Marish; and the space between both shut up with Ditch∣es, Pallissadoes, Walls and Gates. Whilst the one and the other were busie at their Intrenchments, their Horse and Light armed Foot made tryal a∣gainst each other in some Skirmishes: But after that their Works were brought to perfection, and Caesar was come (though he had not yet recove∣red so much health as to be able to fight in Person, and was fain to be carri∣ed about the Ranks in his Litter) all their Forces drew out in order of Battel. On the other side, Brutus likewise drew out his Army upon the Hill, but of∣fered not to come down, for he had no desire to fight, being in hopes the E∣nemy would soon be in want of Provisions. There were on each side nine∣teen Legions; of which, those on Brutus side were not compleat, whereas in those of Caesar's there were Supernumeraries. As for the Horse, accoun∣ting the Thracian Auxiliaries on both sides; Anthony and Caesar had thirteen thousand Horse, and Brutus and Cassius had twenty thousand: So that both for the number of Men, the bravery and valour of the Commanders, the Arms and Artillery, it was a glorious sight to see these two Armies. Yet they lay several days without doing any thing; for Brutus and Cassius would not fight, but rather starve their Enemies; they having for them∣selves Asia and all the Countries adjacent to furnish them with all things ne∣cessary, which were brought to them by Sea; whereas the Enemy neither had Provisions, nor any place whence to fetch them; for the Merchants could not bring any from Egypt, at present afflicted with Famine: Pompey, Murcus and Aenobarbus stopped their coming from Africa, Italy and Spain; and Macedon and Thessaly, who only fed the Army, were not long able to maintain it. Cassius and Brutus knew all this very well, and were therefore in no haste to give Battel; but Anthony, who was apprehensive of Famine, resolved to force them to it. He imagined that if secretly he could contrive the making of a way cross the Marish, he might cut off the Enemy's Passage

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for their Provisions brought them from Thassa, Having therefore several times caused the Army, with all their Ensigns, to draw out into Battel, as if all his Force had been there; wrought night and day with a Party he had drawn out of the Gross, to make a little way through the Marish; cutting of Bushes, and raising a Causway; supported with Walls on both sides, lest it should tumble down; and driving in Piles on those places he could not fill up, on which he placed Bridges of Wood with such a profound silence, that the Enemy perceived nothing; for the Bushes they left on both sides the Causway hindred their Prospect. The Work being finished in ten days, he sent by night a great number of Cohorts to the other side; who seizing on some advantageous Posts, raised Forts which they soon brought into a condition of defence. Cassius was astonished at this Undertaking, and at the secrecy of its Execution: And to put the change upon Anthony, by hin∣dring his Communication with his Forts: He undertook likewise a like Work quite cross the Marish, from his Camp to the Sea. They therefore began to raise Terrasses, and to place Bridges of Wood on Piles in the deepest places, as had been done by Anthony; and already the Causway which he had made was broken, so that those which were passed over had no way of Return, nor could he, though he knew it, releive them. This put him in such a rage, that, though it was already Noon, he immediately made his Army which was on the other side march to the Intrenchment which first Cassius had made between his Camp and the Marish; making them bring with them Spades, Pick axes and Ladders; resolving after he had carried it, to storm Cassius his Camp. Mean while, as Caesar's Men made their Bravadoes in that Space which was between the two Camps, Brutus's Men thinking it a shame for them, if, armed as they were, they suffered their Enemies, unpunished, to affront them to their very Beards; without any other Orders than that of a Tribune, sallyed out; and charg∣ing them in Flank, killed as many as they could reach: and having once be∣gun the Fight, turned upon the Gross of Caesar's Army, which was march∣ing towards them; put them to flight, and pursued them to the very Camp, and at last became Masters of the Camp it self, which was in common be∣tween Caesar and Anthony. Caesar was not there because of a Dream, by which he was advertized to absent himself that day, as himself has writ in his Commentaries. But Anthony seeing the Fight grow hot, was very glad to see the Enemy engaged, for he was mighty fearful of wanting Provisions; yet he would not return into the Plain for fear of disordering his Ranks in countermarching his Army, but continued his March towards the Hill; which, in spite of the Darts lanced at him from above by the Enemy, he mounted, and came to handy strokes with Cassius's Army, which was there drawn up, and stood amazed at an Attempt so little judicious. Ha∣ving presently broken them, and put them into disorder, he assaulted the Trench between the Camp and the Marsh; and with an incredible brisk∣ness pulled out the Pallissadoes, filled up the Ditch, beat down the Ram∣part, cut in pieces the greatest part of those that defended the Gate, pas∣sed over the Bellies of the rest, and threw himself into the place. Many of his People entred by the Breaches of the Rampart, some clambered o∣ver heaps of dead Bodies: And all this was done in such a moment of time, that those who were at work in the Marish came not to the Assistance of their Companions till their Trench was gained; and then Anthony and those that entred with him charging them with fury, drove them back in∣to the Marish; and returned to assault Cassius his Camp, whilst the rest of the Army were still fighting with Cassius's People without the Trench. The

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Camp, because it was strong of it self, was very slenderly guarded, and therefore soon forced; whereupon, those who defended themselves with∣out, and were before hard put to it, seeing now their Camp in the power of the Enemies, betook themselves to a shameful flight. Thus the Advan∣tage became equal on both sides; Brutus beat the Enemy on the left Wing, and took their Camp; and Anthony on the other side, by a wonderful bold∣ness took Cassius's Camp, after having slain great numbers of his Men. The dust flew so thick in the Field of the Battel, that one Party knew not what had happened to the other. And when the Soldiers came to know the place where they were, they called to them their Fellows, who looked ra∣ther like Day-labourers than Soldiers; being so besmeared with dust, they could scarce be known; and certainly had one Party of them met another loaden with Booty, they had again fought for their Spoil. It is thought that on Cassius's side there might be slain about eight thousand besides Lac∣quies, and on Caesar's side twice as many more.

Cassius having lost his Camp, and all hopes of regaining it, retreated to [ XIX] a Hill hard by Philippi to see what passed; but because the dust was so thick that he could see nothing but that his Camp was taken, he command∣ed Pindarus his Esquire to kill him. As Pindarus was excusing himself from doing it, there came a Man from Brutus, to tell him that Brutus on his side had the better, and was Master of the Enemy's Camp: To which he made only this short Answer; Tell him I wish him an entire Victory. And turning at the same time towards Pindarus; Why delay you, said he, dispatch and free me from this Infamy. Pindarus thereupon ran him with his Sword into the throat, and so died Cassius, according to the opinion of some. O∣thers say, that some Horse-men coming to bring him the News of Brutus's Victory, he imagined they were Enemies, and sent to Titinius to know the certainty; and that those Horse-men having received Titinius as Cassius his Friend, with Caresses and Shouts of joy, he believed Titinius was fallen in∣to the hands of the Enemy; and saying, We have stayed to see them take a∣way our Friend, retired with Pindarus into his Tent, and was no more seen: wherefore, some think he slew his Master without having any Command to do it. However it were, Cassius died on his Birth-day after this Battel, which passed as we have described. Titinius likewise slew himself for grief that he was not come sooner, to give him an Answer: and Brutus, weep∣ing over Cassius's Body, called him the last of the Romans, whose Vertue would never find its Equal; lamented his haste and precipitation, and yet esteemed him happy in being delivered from those cares and troubles in which he was engaged, and of which he knew not the Success. At length, having delivered the Body to his Friends to be privately disposed, lest the sight of it might sadden the Army; without taking any food, or sleeping, he spent the night in rallying Cassius's Troops. On the Morrow the Enemies appeared in Battel, that they might make it be thought they had no disad∣vantage: but knowing their thoughts, Let us arm too, said he, and by a like Fiction conceal our loss. But the Enemy retreating at the same time that he drew up his Army in Battel, he jestingly said to his Friend; These people who came out to fight us, thinking us wearied, durst not make the Experiment. The same day of this Battel of Philippi, there happened on the Ionian Sea a memorable Defeat. Domitius Calvinus was bringing over to Caesar upon Ships of Burthen, two Legions; one of which was for its valour honoured with the Title of Martial; with a Pretorian Cohort, or Regiment of two thousand Men, four Troops of Horse, and other choice Foot, which were

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convoyed by some Gallies. Murcus and Aenobarbus engaging them with one hundred and thirty long Ships, part of the Ships of Burthen escaped at first with a fresh Gale; but the Wind ceasing all on a suddain, the rest were surprized with a Calm, and were not able to stir; as if God had delivered them up to their Enemies; who began to assault them one after another, and to send them to the bottom; for the Gallies, which were but few in number, could not releive them, being kept off by the long Ships: Not but that, in the danger wherein they were, they did all that was possible for Men to do; they at first lashed their Ships fast together with Booms and Cables, that the Enemy might not separate them. But when this succeed∣ed well for a while, Murcus at length cast into them great numbers of fla∣ming Darts, which forced them to cast off as fast as they had got together, and strive to get clear of one another, lest they should all burn together. So that they again saw themselves exposed to the shock of Murcus Prows, or else were soon encompassed each one by a great number. The Soldiers were in despair, especially those of the Martial Legion; that, brave as they were, they must die unrevenged. Some slew themselves for fear of being burnt; others leaped into the Enemies Ships, and were cut in pieces fight∣ing: Some Ships half burnt rowed a long time upon the Water, with the Men wherewith they were laden; some whereof perished by the Fire, o∣thers by Hunger and Thirst. Others grasping Masts or Planks, were cast either upon Rocks or desert Shores. Some were saved beyond all hopes; and some there were remained five days upon the Sea, licking the Pitch, or eating Sails and Cordage; till at last the Waves cast them on Shore. Many overpressed with so many misfortunes, yielded themselves with their Vessels; among which were seventeen Gallies, whose Sea-men and Soldiers turned to Murcus's Party, and swore Fidelity to him. Calvinus their Ca∣ptain, whom all Men thought lost, returned the fifth day to Brundusium with his Ship. And this, that may be called Ship-wrack or Sea-fight, hap∣pened on the Ionian Sea, the same day that the Battel of Philippi was fought, to the wonder of all the World that knew it.

[ XX] As for Brutus, having drawn together his Army, he spoke to them in this manner.

The Oration of Brutus.

IN what passed yesterday, Fellow-Soldiers, we gained the advantage of our Enemies in all points; for you begun the Fight chearfully, though you had no Command to do it; cut in pieces the fourth Legion, drawn up of purpose in that Station because of its Valour; and pursued them into their Camp, which you took and plundered: So that this Victory very much exceeds the Loss we suffered on the Left Wing. You might have made it perfect, had you not thought it better to rifle the Enemies Carriages, than utterly to ruin them; for most of you let the Men escape, to fall upon the Baggage. In which, yet we had the bet∣ter; for of two Camps we had, they took but one; whereas, we became Masters of all they had: so that in that point their loss was twice as great as ours. Hi∣therto then, we have had all the advantage of the Fight. And now, to know the whole of our Strength, you need only ask the Prisoners; they will tell you how scarce Victuals are in their Army, how dear they cost, with what difficulty

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they are brought to them, and that they can scarce find any more to bring: For Pompey, Murcus and Aenobarbus, who keep the Sea with two hundred and sixty Ships, prevent the bringing any from Sicily, Sardinia, Africa and Spain: They have already drained Macedon, and now only Thessaly affords them a Subsistance; and pray judge you if that can last any long time. Where∣fore, when you behold them urging you to fight; know that, ready to perish with hunger, they seek an honourable death: Therefore our endeavours ought to be to fight them first with Famine, and when we see it convenient for our purpose we may fall on; and shall then find them so weak and feeble, they will not be able to defend themselves; but let not us permit our Courage to transport us before it be time. If any one say this is retreating instead of advancing, let him look upon the Sea behind us; which brings us abundance of all Conveniences, offers us an opportunity of overcoming without danger, provided you can but have patience, and not grow hot when they come to make a Bravado, and defie you to the Battel: For it is not Generosity in them, as yesterday's Fight made appear; but that they may deliver themselves of another fear. But though I now desire you to moderate your Courage, yet pray remember to act with the same warmth and vigour when I shall demand the effects of it. And I promise you, when it shall please God to give us a perfect Victory, to pay you punctually the Rewards we have promised; in the mean time, for those brave things you did yesterday, I will this day give e∣very Soldier a thousand Drams, and the Officers proportionably.

These words were followed by the distribution of the Donative to each Legion; to which some say, he added the Promise of giving them the Plun∣der of Lacedemon and Thessalonica. On the other side, Caesar and Anthony foreseeing well that Brutus had no design to fight, drew together their Ar∣my; to whom Anthony spoke in this manner.

The Oration of Anthony.

THough when our Enemies talk of yesterday's Action, they may say, that in part they gained the Victory, because they put some of ours to flight, and took our Camp; yet in reality they confess you to be absolutely victorious; for I dare assure you that neither to morrow nor in a long time after it, they will not dare to engage you again unless they are forced to it; which is an indubitable proof of your yesterday's victory, and their present fear. As Wrestlers in the Gymnick Games, when they decline the strife, acknowledge themselves the weak∣er. They have indeed assembled all this mighty Army only to come and encamp in the passages into Thrace, and there continue: for the same fear that made them fortifie themselves at our first coming; hinders them from drawing out after the disgrace they yesterday received, which was such as obliged the most ancient and most experienced of their Generals to kill himself, a most ample Testimony of their disorder. These are the reasons why they come not down when we defie them, but trust more in their Rocks than their Arms. Now brave Romans make your gallantry appear, and force them to fight as yesterday you forced them, and certainly it would be dishonourable for you not to dare to as∣sault Cowards trembling with fear, or to suffer it to be said that men like you were of less strength than Walls. For we are not come hither to remain all our lifetime in the Field, where we cannot subsist, for all provisions will soon

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fail us, and if that were not, yet every wise Man will put an end to War with the soonest, and enjoy the sweets of peace the longest he can possibly: we will therefore give orders to lay hold on time and occasion. We I say whose courage and conduct you repent not to have yesterday followed, and you for your parts let your Generals ee your bravery, now that they demand the effects of it, and trouble not your selves for the baggage you yesterday lost; for our riches consist not in that, but in the victory, which if we gain will not only restore what our Enemies took from us, but make all they have ours; if therefore you are in hast to recover them, make haste to fight. Not but that yesterday we recovered a great deal, it may be more than we lost; for they had in their Camp all the riches of which they had robbed Asia; and you, when you came from home, left behind you whatever was precious, and brought nothing but what was necessary. So that if there were anything valuable in our Camp, it was your Generals Equipage, a loss they are so far from considering they are ready to venture all that they have left to make you perfectly victorious: nor shall that hinder us from giving as a reward of your Victory five thousand Drams to every Soldier, five and twenty thousand to every Centurion, and to every Tribune fifty thousand.

[ XXI] On the morrow he drew out his Army, but the Enemies not coming down, he was troubled, yet he continued every day to do the same; Bru∣tus on his side always kept one part of his Army at their Arms, in case he should be forced to fight, and planted the other upon the way by which the Victuallers brought their Provisions to favour their passage: there was a lit∣tle Hill near Cassis his Camp, of which the Enemies could not possess them∣selves but with difficulty, because from the Camp they might be galled with Darts and Arrows; yet Cassius had placed a Guard there for fear lest some might be so bold as to come and lodge there. Brutus having flighted it, Caesar's People one night seised upon it, bringing with them great quan∣tities of Hides and Hurdles to defend them from the Darts. This Hill being taken, ten other Legions went and encamped five Furlongs off, near the Sea, and two Legions advancing four Furlongs further, posted themselves so, that they might reach to the very shore. Their design was to make an attempt either upon the Shore, or cross the Marish, or by some other invention to cut off the passage of Provisions to Brutus, but he took care to prevent them by building Forts directly opposite to the Enemies Camp, which gave them no small vexation; for they were manifestly afflicted with Famine, which dayly more and more growing upon them, as much increased their fears. Thessaly was not able to supply them with Provisions enough, and by Sea they could not hope to have any, Brutus being Master, besides the news of the Sea Fight on the Ionian Sea was come to both Ar∣mies, which gave them fresh occasions of fear, and Winter approaching, it would be an unsufferable annoyance if they should be forced to endure it, encamped in the Marishes. To make the best provision in these straits they could, they sent a Legion into Achaia to get in what provision they could, and send it away speedily to the Army, but that could not all warrant them from the dangers wherewith they were threatned. Wherefore seeing all their endeavours could not oblige the Enemy to a Fight, and that in vain they every day drew out into the Plain, they advanced up to the very Trenches with shouts and revilings to incense Brutus's Men, who they re∣solved not to besiege, but to force to fight at what rate soever. But Brutus continued firm in his first resolution, the rather, because he knew they were ready to perish with hunger, and because his Fleet had got the better in the

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Sea Fight, so that perceiving the despair the Enemies want had brought them to, he chose rather to see himself besieged, or endure any thing than fight with hunger-starved and desperate Men, who expected no other re∣lief than from their Arms. But to this the Soldiers could not consent, nor endure to be thus shut up like Women, without doing any thing. The Officers themselves complained not that they disapproved Brutus's design, but that ascertaining themselves upon the disposition they beheld in the Sol∣diers, they believed they should advance the Victory. The mildness and courteous temper of Brutus to all Men occasioned much of this; for Cassius was severe and imperious, the Officers of his Army executed his Orders without asking a reason of them; and though they did not approve them, durst not contradict them. But Brutus was willing to do all things with the approbation and consent of those commanded in the Army. At last the Soldiers began to gather in Companies, and to ask one another, Why has our General so ill an opinion of us? what fault have we committed? have we not beaten and put to flight our Enemies, cut in pieces their best Companies, and forced their Camp? Yet he still dissembled it, and would not speak to them for fear of doing any thing might reflect on his Honour, by suffering him∣self to be led by a blind multitude, especially the Strangers, who as uncon∣stant as Slaves would every day be changing Masters, and on the first occa∣sion would desert him. But when he saw himself importuned by the Tri∣bunes and the Centurions, who advised him to take that opportunity, whilst the Soldiers burning with a desire to fight, would possibly do some∣thing great, (besides, if any misfortune happened, they could retreat with∣in their Trenches, and defend themselves) he grew angry that his Officers should give him such counsel, and suffer themselves to be so easily carried a∣way by the impatience of his Soldiers, who chose rather to hazard the loss of all, than to overcome without danger. However, he consented, though to theirs, and his own ruine; saying only this short sentence, I see I am re∣duced to make War as Pompey did, and rather to be commanded than to com∣mand. For my part I believe he said no more for fear of discovering what he most of all feared, lest the Army which had formerly served under Cae∣sar should upon discontent go over to the Enemy. For this was what both Cassius and he had from the beginning some suspicion of, and therefore took care not to give the Soldiers any cause of dissatisfaction.

Thus Brutus drew his Men out of the Camp much against his will, and [ XXII] drew them up in order, but still forbad them going too far from the Hill, that their retreat might be more easie, and that they might from above charge the Enemy more advantageously with their missile Arms. Both Par∣ties were in a brave and fighting condition, and therefore came resolutely forth to the Battel, animated by reasonable considerations; on the one side the fear of Famine, and on the other by a just Shame, for having forced their General to fight before he had a mind to it. Wherefore they burn'd with desire to make him see in their deeds the same Bravery and Courage they had boasted in words, for fear lest he should reproach them of having been carried away rather by rashness than prudence. Brutus going on Horseback from Quarter to Quarter with a severe look, put them in mind of it, and the better to imprint it in their thoughts, as time gave leave, spoke these words, You would needs fight, and have forced me to conquer in a∣nother manner than I desired. But have a care you do not deceive both your own hopes and mine: you have the advantage of the Hill, which fights for you all behind you is on your side, whereas the Enemy are to defend themselves both

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against you and Famine. To which discourse which he made as he went up and down the Army, they answered him with shouts of joy and promises of well doing. Caesar and Anthony in the mean time went each on their side through the Ranks, encouraging their Soldiers with hand and voice, without flattering them, or dissembling the condition wherein they were, being certain to die by Famine if they got not the Victory, which was a powerful motive to spur them on: We have found our Enemy, said they, and have got him now, Fellow Soldiers, out of his Trenches▪ from whence we have taken so much pains to draw him; but after having provoked him by so many defiances, have a care of your Honour, and let your Actions make good the threats you have ttered. Chuse now either to fight against hunger an in∣vincible Enemy which gives no Quarter, or against Men who cannot stand be∣fore you, if you employ but your Arms, your Courage, nay, your very Despair, as you ought to do. For our Affairs are in such a condition, they admit of no delay, this day must put an end to the War, either by an entire Victory, or a glorious death. If you come off victorious, you will in one sole day and one only Fight get Provision, Treasure, Fleets, Arms, and besides all the Donative we have promised you for the Victory, which will surely be ours, if in giving the onset we remember the necessity to which we are reduced; and after having put them in disorder, seise the Gates of their Camp, and drive them either among the Precipices, or into the Plain, so that they can no more rally, or shut them∣selves up in those Trenches, where, by a cowardise unheard yet in any Enemy, they place their hopes not in fighting, but in not fighting at all. By these words Caesar and Anthony so encouraged their Soldiers, that they would have blushed not to have answered their Generals expectation, besides there being no other way to remedy their want of Provisions, which was aug∣mented by what had happened on the Ionian Sea; they chose rather to un∣dergo the worst that could befal them in Fight, than to perish by a misery inevitable, Upon these Motives the two Armies were inflamed with an incredible ardour. The Soldiers no more remembred they were Fellow Citizens, but threatened each other as if they had been two Nations that had been at a perpetual enmity. Such power now had anger got over them above either reason or nature. And in short, both Parties divined that this Battel would decide the destiny of the Roman Empire, as in∣deed it did. After having employed one part of the day in preparing themselves, about nine of the Clock two Eagles began to fight between the two Armies, who observed them with a profound silence, till such time as that on Brutus's side turning tail, gave occasion to the contrary Party with great shouts to run on upon their Enemies. The Charge was fierce and cruel, for they threw away, as useless, their Piles and all other Weapons ordinarily used in Fight, to come to the Swords point; they gave neither blow nor thrust in vain, and each side endeavoured to break through, and disorder the opposite Ranks, the one Party fighting for safety more than for Victory; and the other for Victory only, remembring that by their importunity they had forced their General to engage. Nothing was to be seen but slaughter, nor heard but groans: as soon as any one fell, those of his Party drew him off, and another fresh Man stepped in out of the next Rank to supply his place. Mean while the Generals acted wonders, they run from place to place, and shewed themselves every where, encouraging those whom they saw had the advantage, and exhorting others whom they perceived overpressed, yet to hold out a little till they could send fresh Men to disengage them. Thus the Front of the Battel was always full: yet at last Caesar's People either pressed forward by their fear of Famine, or spur∣red

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on by his good fortune (for Brutus's Men were no way faulty) made the first Line of the Enemies a little recoil, who gave ground without any trouble or disorder, as if it had been a great Machine removed at once; but at last the first Rank being broken, those who fought in it retreated more nimbly into the second, and those of the second into the third, that it begat some confusion, for they were both pressed upon by the Enemies and those of their own Party, so that they betook themselves to a disorderly flight. And now Caesar's Men, according to the command they had received, seised upon the Gate, though with a great deal of danger; for they were sorely galled by Darts from the Rampart, and by those who yet stood their ground without, till such time as the Enemy, utterly defeated, and put to the Rout, not being able to gain entrance, fled some towards the Sea, o∣thers to the Mountains by the Valley of the River Sygastus. The Generals parted betwixt the Remainder of the Work; and Caesar staying to oppose those who made offer to fally out of Brutus's Camp, and to guard their own; Anthony took upon him the whole Function of General: he pursued the Fu∣gitives, cut in pieces those who yet made any resistance, and fearful lest the chief Commanders escaping from this Defeat should get on Foot another Army, he sent his Horse to all the Avenues, some to one side, and some to another: one Party under the Command of Rascus the Thracian, who knew the Country, fetched a turn about the Mountains, so that the Trenches and Precipices of the Camp were surrounded on all sides by Guards placed by Anthony, to hinder any person from retreating, and if any did come out, they hunted them like Beasts: others followed Brutus upon full speed, and were not far from him when Lucilius Lucinus seeing them come, stopped, and as if he had been Brutus, prayed them to carry him to Anthony, and not to Caesar, which confirmed their opinion that it was Bru∣tus indeed, because he would not fall into the hands of his mortal Enemy: Anthony having notice that they were bringing him, went forthwith to meet them, making reflection upon the Fortune, Dignity, and Virtue of the Man, and consulting with himself how he should receive him. When he was near, Lucinus advancing, fiercely told him, Brutus is not taken, nor shall basenss ever make a Prisoner of Virtue: for my part, I only deceived those that would have taken him, and behold me now in your power. Whereupon Anthony seeing the Horsemen that brought him ashamed at their mistake, comforted them with these words: The Prize you have taken is not of less value then that you thought to have made; nay, 'tis rather of much greater, as a Friend is worth more than an Enemy. And at the same instant delivering Lu∣cinus into the hands of some of his Friends to have a care of him, he after∣wards treated him like a person in whom he had confidence.

As for Brucus he escaped into the Mountains, where rallying some con∣siderable [ XXIII] Forces resolved to return by night into his Camp, or get down to the Sea side; but because the Enemy had seised of all the Passes, he stayed there all that night in Arms with the People he had: and it is said, that looking up to the Stars he pronounced this Verse:

Thou know'st, O Jupiter, who causes all these woes.
Meaning it by Anthony: and indeed as 〈◊〉〈◊〉 relate, Anthony himself, when in his own misfortune he was touched ith repentance, acknowledged, that whereas he might have made an accommodation with Brutus and Cas∣sius, he made himself Serjeant to Octavius. That same night Anthony en∣camped

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directly opposite to Brutus, without other intrenchment than heaps of Arms and dead Bodies, which served him instead of Ramparts; and Caesar having watched till Midnight, being sick withdrew, and left the Guard of the Camp to Norbanus. On the morrow, Brutus seeing that the Enemy quitted not their Post, and that he had with him but four Legions, and those too not complete, he believed it not secure for him to speak to them himself, but sent the Tribunes, ashamed of the fault they had com∣mitted, to sound the minds of the Soldiers, and know of them whether they would undertake to open themselves a way through their Enemies to regain their Camp where their Companions still guarded their Equipage: but these People went so chearfully to the Fight, and had so long and so ge∣nerously sustained the Enemy, as if God had now forsaken them, returned answer to their General, that the counsel he gave them was worthy of him but that for their parts they had so often tempted fortune, that they would not now quite lose all hopes of making conditions for themselves. Then said Brutus to his Friends; I can do my Country no farther service, if they have taken such resolutions. And at the same time he called Strato the Epi∣rot his Friend, whom he intreated to kill him; Strato advising him to think more seriously upon it, he called to one of his Domesticks, upon which Strato said, Brutus, since you are resolved, you have a Friend more ready to exe∣cute your last command than all your Slaves. And saying so, thrust his Sword betwixt his Ribs, which he received without moving. Thus ended Bru∣tus and Cassius the most generous and illustrious of the Romans, whose Vir∣tue had never been equalled, had it not been sullied with Caesar's Blood, who though they were of Pompey's Party, from Enemies had made them Friends, and afterwards loved them like his Children. The Senate had al∣ways a great inclination for them, and after their death did much compas∣sionate their misfortune; for their sakes only they had passed the general Amnesty, and when they left the City gave them Government for fear they should pass for banished Men. Not that all that composed this noble Body hated Caesar, or were satisfied with what was done; for living they had been admirers of his Virtuee and Fortune; and dead, they had solemnized his Funeral at the publick Charge, confirmed all that he had done, and granted places and trusts in the City according to the Memorandums by him left, not thinking it possible for themselves to dispose of it more pru∣dently: and yet the affection they bore these great Men, and the care they took of their safety, gave occasion to suspicions and scandals, so mightily they were favoured by the Senate. And the greater part of the Exiles pre∣ferred them before Pompey himself; for Pompey being near the City might incline to an Accommodation, whereas they were far off and implacable. Moreover, when they saw themselves forced to take up Arms, they had in less then two years got together more than twenty Legions, almost twenty thousand Horse, more than two hundred long Ships, and considerable Stores of all warlike Provisions. They had raised likewise vast Sums in Asia, ei∣ther by good will, or by force: and in those Wars they waged with divers Cities who held on the adverse Party, they almost continually came off vi∣ctorious, till they became Masters of all that Country extending from Ma∣cedon to the Euphrates: and all those with whom they had mad War ranged themselves on their Party, and continued faithful to them. They likewise made use of many Kings and Prices; nay, of the Parthians themselves, though Enemies to the Romans; but this was only in matters of small con∣sequence, for in the great Affairs when all was disputed, they stayed not their coming for fear of teaching a Barbarous Nation, and always an Enemy,

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how to fight with the Romans. But what most of all ought to be admired at, is, that the greatest part of their Army was composed of Soldiers that had served under Caesar, and that after his being slain, the affection of the Soldiery was unhappily transported to these his Murderers so firmly, that they afterwards were more stedfast in observing their faith to them against his Son, than to Anthony himself who had commanded them under Caesar, for none of them deserted Brutus or Cassius, even in their utmost misfortune, whereas all of them revolted from Anthony at Brundusium in the very begin∣ning of the War he had with Octavius. They made their pretence of ta∣king Arms, both now and in Pompey's time not private advantage, but the name of the Common-wealth; specious indeed, but usually of little effect, and when they thought themselves no longer serviceable to their Country, they equally despised their lives. As for their particular conduct, Cassius like the Gladiators which mind only their Enemies, had fixed his thoughts upon War, and thought of nothing else. But Brutus who in all times and occasions was a Philosopher, was pleased to look into, and understand many things; yet when all is said that possibly can be to assure them great Men, the assault they made upon Caeser's person was the only cause none of their designs prospered: and certainly it was no ordinary crime, nor of little consequence, for they had unhappily murdered their Friend, their Bene∣factor, one who by right of War might have disposed of their lives, and yet had saved them, their General in the Senate, in a sacred place, cloath'd in his holy Robes, the most powerful of all the Romans; and which is most of all, the Man of all the world most serviceable to the Empire and his Country. And Heaven accordingly sent tokens of its anger, and presages of their ruine; for when Cassius offered Sacrifices to purge his Army, one of the Lictors put a Crown reversed upon his Head; a Golden Image of Victory, which he then offered, fell down of it self, many Flocks of Birds of Prey came and set about his Camp without making any noise, and al∣most dayly they saw Swarms of Bees. They saw likewise that Brutus cele∣brating at Samos, in the midst of their Jollity and Feasting, wherein he was not used to be out of temper, with a sudden passion uttered these Ver∣ses:

But 'twas Latona's Son, and angry Fate Advanc'd my death—
And that when he was designing to pass out of Asia into Europe with his Army, as he watched by night, and his Candle almost spent, there appear∣ed to him a Ghost with a strange kind of countenance, at which not moved, he asked what it was, God or Man, to which the Ghost answered; Brutus, I am thy evil Genius, thou shalt see me again at Philippi. And in truth, 'tis said, it appeared to him the day before the last Battel, and that when he drew his Army out of the Camp an Ethiopian met him, whom presently the enraged Soldiers cut in pieces. This was likewise a token of their mis∣fortune, that Cassius after a Fight, wherein the loss had been almost equal, fell so easily into despair; and that Brutus, forced to violate the prudent re∣solution he had taken, to temporize, yet engaged with starved People, whilst he had abundance of Provisions, and the conveniency of the Sea. Though these two Men had often been in many perillous occasions, yet they were never wounded, but they murdered themselves as they had murdered Caesar, and so received punishment for the crime they had committed. An∣thony finding Brutus's Body, covered it with a Purple obe, and after having

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burned it, sent the Ashes to Servilia his Mother; his Army which yet con∣sisted of fourteen thousand Men, as soon as they knew of his death sent De∣puties to Caesar and Anthony, who having pardoned them, divided them betwixt them. Soon after, those that were in the Forts yielded likewise, but on condition that the Plunder both of the Forts and the Camp should be the Prize of Caesar's and Anthony's Soldiers. As for the persons of Note and Quality who had sided with Brutus, some fell in the Fight, others like their Generals slew themselves, and others forced their deaths from their Enemies hand, of which number were L. Cassius Nephew to the General, and the Son of the famous Cato of the same name, who several times threw himself into the midst of his Enemies, and at last took off his Head-piece, either that he might be the easier known, or the easier killed, or both: La∣beo known for his wisdom, and for being Father to that Labeo to this day holding a prime degree among the famous Doctors of Law, caused a hole to be dug in his Tent, to the proportion of his Body, and after having given his Orders to his Servants, and writ to his Wife and Children Letters, which he gave to his Slaves to carry, took by the Right Hand one of the faithful∣est of them, and having made him walk round about him, according to the Roman custom when they enfranchise a Slave, commanded him to take a Sword, and presented him his Throat, and so made his Tent his Grave. The Thracian Rascus brought back many People from the Mountains; and for all the service he had done Anthony and Caesar, asked only the par∣don of his Brother Rascupolis, and obtained it; which was enough to signi∣fie, that at the beginning of the War these Thracians had no private dif∣ference, but seeing two great Armies coming into their Country to make War, not knowing which would have the better, one took one part, and the other the other, that happen what would he on the conquering side might make his Brother's composition. As for Portia Brutus's Wife and young Cato's Sister, when she heard they were both in this manner lost, in spite of all her Servants care to prevent her death, she swallowed burning Coals, and died. Many persons of Quality being escaped to Thassa, some of them embarqued to retire elsewhere, others with the remainder of the Army chose Messala Corvinus and Lucius Bibulus for their Chiefs, to whom they promised to do what they pleased; and the rest treating with Anthony's Men, as soon as they came to Thassa delivered into their Hands all the Mo∣ney, Provisions, and store of other warlike Preparations. Thus by a ha∣zardous boldness Caesar and Anthony in two Fights won the greatest Victo∣ry that ever till now was gained; for never did two such Roman Armies fight together. Nor were their Forces raised in haste out of the Citizens, but all chosen Men, not Apprentices, but old Soldiers, experienced both in Foreign and Civil Wars, all speaking the same Language, all exercised in the same Military Discipline, equal in experience and valour, which made it not easie for them to vanquish each other: besides never in any War did so many Citizens once Friends and Comrades fight with so much heat and courage, which is sufficiently proved in that, considering both Battels, the Vanquisher lost not less than the Vanquished. However, Cae∣sar's and Anthony's Men found the prediction of their Generals true; for in one day, and one Battel hey were not only delivered from the danger of Famine, and the fear they were in of perishing, but this glorious Victory gave them likewise all things in abundance, and the conceptions of many Mens minds when they went to fight, that this day would decide the state of the Empire, were accomplished; for the Common-wealth was never more restored, nor was there any more need for the Citizens to come to

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these extremities, except in the quarrel between Caesar and Anthony, which was the last of the Civil Wars; for as to what happened in the mean time, when after the death of Brutus, Pompey and all those who escaped from the Defeat, having yet considerable Forces renewed the War, there was no∣thing parallel to it, either for Gallantry, or affection of Cities, or Soldiers towards their Generals, besides no persons of Quality were concerned, nei∣ther did the Senate declare for them, nor had they ever such Reputation and Glory as Cassius and Brutus.

The End of the Fourth Book of the Civil Wars of Rome.

Notes

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