An Account of a vindication of the English Catholicks from the pretended conspiracy against the life and government of His Sacred Majesty undertaking to discover the chief falsities and contradictions contained in the narrative of Titus Oates, &c.

SECT. III.

THE Observator introduces his Notes upon the Deponents Epistle Dedica∣tory with a florid and Rhetorical Excursion, which (pag. 6.) he winds up thus; that if the Narrative be True, (as it may be for any thing he has yet been able to prove to the contrary) no reward can be too great for the Author of it, if otherwise, there is no punishment but will seem too little for him: All this I shall not scruple to subscribe to. But then in the same pag. 6. he falls heavily upon him for presuming to say he was a Loyal Subject, when his Father was pretended to be otherwise. What is this but an endeavour to introduce that Maxime of their Inquisition here among us, that, Cornelius A∣grippa tells us, admits it to be a sufficient ground to condemn any Man for a Witch, whose Father or Grandfather before him had there been sentenced for dealing with the Devil. Yet still he runs on to represent all the Depo∣nents words that tend that way, as criminal, and to torture them to a com∣pliance with his own evil meanings. He next labours to take off the edge

of his Assertion, (Ep. Ded. to the Narrat. fol. 1.) that the Papists many past Treasons and Encroachments upon several Princes for these thousand years in the world, will prove their inclinations for the future: by opposing to it the like Practices of the Presbyterians: as if another mans stealing of a Horse were an excuse for my breaking open a House! yet he will needs have it, that they did more mischief in four years, than the Crimes charged upon the Jesuites (only an unfortunate Attempt to murther the King, subvert the Government, and massacre the People) had they been put into act, would in all likelyhood have produced in four thousand: (A moderate Stretch!) and that the Dis∣orders that happened in Popish (I should, for good manners sake, have said Catholick) Times, (as the several Irish Rebellions, for instance; the Parisi∣an and Piedmont Massacres, &c.) were like an Ague in the Spring, painful, but not dangerous, and leaving the Body more healthy than before; where∣as those of Presbyterians, (or Papists still; for, mutato nomine de Te) are like putrid Feavers, or the Plague, which leaves scarce hopes of Life. It is no new thing for a Jesuits Glass to represent other mens faults at Large to the Prospect, but their own in Little. But they are both bad enough of all conscience, to be better; which will never be (I fear) till they have changed their Principles for Ours.

Next; he is very pleasant upon some sneaking Monk or other (I suppose) for charging the Jesuites with the first Murther in the world, and with tempt∣ing Eve to eat the forbidden Fruit. This indeed is vastly disproportionate from the Character they give of themselves, (Mystery of Jesuitism, pag. 48. and 49.) viz. Men eminent for Learning and Prudence; a sort of People that have the Pillar of Divine Wisdom going before them, a surer Guide than any thing of Philosophy; they are that society of Men (Angels I should have said) where∣of Isaiah hath prophesied in these words▪ Go you swift and ready Angels. (Is not the Prophesie as plain as the back of your hand) They are Eagle-like Spirits, a flight of Phoenixes; there being an Author who hath not long since de∣monstrated, that there are more than one: They have changed the face of Christen∣dom, &c. This is the Substance of their own words: and whether This or the Former Panegyrick more becomes them, and is wider from Truth, I leave it to the world to determine. But now he reaches the Deponent a blow for hinting that King James 'scap'd not their Poyson. This I am very sure of, that he scap'd not the Presumption of it.

In pag. 7. he falls most bitterly upon him again for insinuating (Epist. Ded. to the Narrat. fol. 2.) what so many authentick Writers have averr'd be∣fore him, viz. that the Papists, by their known diabolical art of inflaming Par∣ties and Passions against each other, were the first Authors and Contrivers of the late Ʋnnatural War. I cannot imagine what harm there should be in this, save only that it contradicts (and justly too) the Observators fancyful and florid Blazonings of the Gigantick (not Romantick) Doings and Sufferings of

his Party, upon that occasion. For it is as clear as the Sun, that the Scots began that Rebellion in 1637; and it is alike clear, even from their own Authors, that those very Commotions were raised, and fomented chiefly by the Arts and Activity of Richelieu and his Agents. So that they first set us all in a flame, and then, under the notion of Porters, Dray-men, Schis∣maticks, and Fanaticks, (for they can indue all shapes; being as mallia∣ble us the materia prima it self) rifled and dispoiled us. Some of them in∣deed perished in the Scuffle; but then those that scap'd had (or at least ho∣ped to have) the better bargain on't: and nothing venture, nothing win. 'Tis true (as Papists) they were never able to make a separate Party in England; but then it is as undeniable, that they influenced in all; this (in all proba∣bility) being their chief aim, to protract the Quarrel, till we had beaten one anothers Brains out, and wasted our strength, so to make way for their shoals of hungry Pilgrims to cross the Sea, possess, and re-people the Land. Yet God in his mercy disappointed them. But now, I would fain know of these Loyolists who they were that began the Irish Rebellion, (at the same time with the other,) where so many thousand Protestants of all Ages and Sexes were, without the least distinction or remorse, inhumanly butchered in a few months? I make no question but they will strive to shuffle even that too upon the wicked Fanaticks. Let me therefore tell them once for all, that these Traiterous Fanaticks, and those Trayterous Papists make up one and the same Pack of Rebels, under different Appellations; they are Bone of the some Bone, and Flesh of the same Flesh; a swarm of malignant Insects generated upon a commixtute and coition of the putrid Exhalations of the Rhosne and Tyber; bearing in their Faces the very Picture of their Sire: and tho', like Sampson's Foxes, they looked divers ways, yet with Them too they are tyed together by the Tails, and drive at one and the same End, I mean the fattening themselves upon the Substances of Others, and turning Order into Confusion. This Observation is now so justly & generally entertained and noted, that all these mens bitter and elaborate Invectives a∣gainst the Rogueries of the Fanaticks, have no other effect upon the wise and sober, than to be looked upon as a more gross and prostitute discovery of their own nakednesses: so that did they but well consider it, they would hold themselves concerned, in common prudence, to forbear the like for the future.

But since they are unwilling (and not without reason neither) to confess themselves (otherwise than as Popish Fanatick••) guilty of the Disorders that commenced in England in 1641; it may not be altogether impertinent, in this place, to inquire into their proceedings, under the name of Catho∣licks (a Title so immoderately affected by them) in the Civil Wars of Franc••, in 1572, I shall therefore presume (in imitation of our Learned Observators Method) to ask Who they were that massacred such numbers of

Hugonots in Paris and elsewhere, in cold Blood, and without any cause or provocation, other than that they were honester men and better Subjects than themselves? Man and Me must answer for them; these Catholicks! Who were they that, by force of Arms, drove their Lawful Prince (Henry the Third) out of the Capital City of his Kingdom; entered into a Treasonous Combina∣tion, or Holy League; (the Architype of our Solemn League and Covenant) raised a Religious Rebellion against him, under the Popes Banner; pursued him with Fire and Sword; and at length by the hand of one of their Priests stabbed him to the heart? The Catholicks! Who were they that prosecu∣ted the same Rebellion against his Rightful Successor Henry the Fourth; called in a Foreign Power upon him; fought him in sundry Pitched Fields; attempted upon his Person both by Sword and Poyson; swore themselves in∣to a fresh Engagement, never to admit him (or any other) to the Throne of France; but upon the terms of his being a Catholick, &c. In a word, who were they that, when they had brought him over to hear Mass (while he was in a good mind) spilt his Blood (by one of the Jesuits) in the face of the Sun, and in the open Streets of Paris? why, the very same pretended Catholicks still!

Now our hand is in, and that we see what these Modern are; I hope it will not seem tedious if we take a short view of the Behaviour, in the like cases, of the Primitive Catholicks. Who were they then that would soon∣er renounce their Breath, than their Allegiance; or then be engaged in Arms against their Lawful Soveraign (whether Christian, Jew or Gentile) or any duly Commissioned by him? The Primitive Catholicks! Who were they that held his person to be sacred; that accounted the least Violation of his Royal Prerogative, a Sacrilege; that would rather chuse to die by Inches, than to lift up their hand against the Lords anointed; and that were still in readiness to sacrifice their Lives, Fortunes, and all that was dear to them, in the ser∣vice of their King and Country? These! these were (and, in modern Praise, are the Church of England Men, or) the true Catholicks. The Use and Ap∣plication of all this is so natural, and obvious, that any Descant or Remark upon it would be a superfluity; the Goodness of the Tree being ever more known by the quality of its Fruit. So that I shall now return to tell the Ob∣servator, that the second Paragraph of this his seventh Page will readily be allowed him, upon the single condition of its being understood in the sense that himself really intended it (and that all other passionate Declamations of the like nature, by a private Key well known to themselves, are usually ex∣pounded in;) that is to say as an Encomium upon Holy Church for certain pi∣ous Villanies, by the successful courage & conduct of her Votaries perpetrated against a Race of unregenerate Hereticks. And whereas, in the fourth, he says that Papists leave Monarchy the full Liberty of the Law: I shall re∣member him, that it is only because they cannot do otherwise; and that a

greater liberty than that will allow, must be had, before such as he gain their ends upon us. But in his next Break he falls again to proclaiming the Merits of the Roman Catholicks, and the Malice of the Presbyterians at such a rate, as if Ireland had not stood in need of an Act of Indempnity as well as England. 'Tis a hard matter I find to make this Observator see on the Right Side.

In Pag. 8. he will not allow the Jesuites, Simond and Carleton, to have of∣fered a thousand pounds for the King's Discovery after his escape at Wor∣cester, because he knows there were others then to be found, as able and wil∣ling as they, to disburse such a Sum upon that account. To the Deponents affirming that Oliver kept a Convent (they call the same thing by another name) of Benedictines, he shapes an Answer as if he would have it thought that there are no such people as the Benedictines in the world. Then he passes his Word (which is of little value, upon this Score especially) for Mannings honesty, whiles a Papist, only because the Deponent avows the contrary. And thus having, in his own imagination, cleared the Coast, and got the wind of his Antagonist, he falls to insulting over him, in this manner; By your honesty (says he) in relating things done in the sight of the Sun, and known to all men, we see what credit you deserve in things done in corners, and known only to your self. A mighty Cry truly; but I'm afraid we shall find but little Wool come after it!

The Deponent then asks (Ep. Ded. of the Narrat. fol. 3.) What Arguments can perswade them to be true to their Natural, who profess allegiance, out of conscience, to a Foreign, contrary Soveraign? And the other answers to this purpose; that the Papists profess allegiance to a foreign Soveraign in temporal Concerns only in order to spirituals. An acute Reply! I promise you. He next pinches him for recommending it to the King to trust to, and rely upon his Parlia∣ment; chopping and changing his words most Jesuitically, to make them speak as he would have them. But I'll give both fair Play, by transcribing the passage it self; and so leave it to be judged which has the better on't.

Next to Christ and the Truth (says the Deponent, Epist. Ded. to his Narrat. fol. 4 & 5,) I shall with the utmost of my breath and power, ac∣cording to my Oath and Duty, in what place and station soever I am, endeavour to be found ever Loyal and True to your Majesty in all your Rights and Honours, as all good Subjects and Christians ought, and as I find this Noble and Loyal Parliament are resolv'd to be to an hair, or an expression; and therefore cannot forbear to pray to God, out of my sin∣cerity and zeal for publick Peace and Concord between King and People, that, seeing your Majesty must highly trust some or other for your neces∣sary ease and help, God would put it into your Majesties Heart more to trust and rely upon your two Houses of Parliament (who will be most true to your Laws, and consequently both to You and your People) than

to any single Minister or Ministers whatsoever, unaccountably, who may pretend to more Loyalty, or more comply with any humour, or hu∣mane frailty of your Majesties, but are not true Friends either to your Majesty or their Country, or themselves, therein; but erect and prefer an Imperial Paramount Self-end, or Lust, before all; which your Maje∣sty, by their art, must be brought unworthily to serve and promote, to publick disturbance always, and the confusion of themselves and their po∣sterity most an end, by God's just vengeance. It is a false suggestion which such tempters use, that a King that rules by will is more great, or glorious, or strong, than a King that rules by Law. The quality of the Retinue best proves the State of the Lord; the one being but a King of Slaves, while the other, like God, is a King of Kings and Hearts. No Prince was ever more absolute, to have what he wished, than Queen Eli∣zabeth, who wished for nothing more than the Subjects Right and Well∣fare—But nothing will make your Majesty so amiable and acceptable in the Eyes of God and Man, and your Name and Memory blessed and glorious for ever, as the copying of the Laws of our Saviour in your Life, by a decent, paternal Example before the Sons and Daughters of your People, to encrease the fear of God, and its Consequences amongst us; it being the chief end and work of all supreme Powers to suppress Vice, and encourage Virtue amongst their Charge, according to S. Paul, Rom. 13. which is best done abroad, when it is first and effectually begun at home in your own House and Family, (according to the same Apostle, 1 Tim. 3.) by banishing all vicious Livers from your Presence and Converse, and advancing the Virtuous in their stead: by the neglect of which princi∣pal part of their Royal Trust, and Office, Princes depose themselves as useless before God and their own Consciences, whatever may be their State and Glory in fact, and by humane Laws and Power, before Men, &c.

After this; only with questioning the sincerity of the Deponents Prayers for the King, he shuts up his Observations upon the Epistle Dedicatory, and undertakes for a Discovery of the Lyes in the Narrative it self: as fol∣lows.