A true relation of the vniust, cruell, and barbarous proceedings against the English at Amboyna in the East-Indies, by the Neatherlandish gouernour and councel there Also the copie of a pamphlet, set forth first in Dutch and then in English, by some Neatherlander; falsly entituled, A true declaration of the newes that came out of the East-Indies, with the pinace called the Hare, which arriued at Texel in Iune, 1624. Together with an answer to the same pamphlet. By the English East-India companie. Published by authoritie.

AN ANSWER TO THE DUTCH RE∣LATION, TOVCHING THE PRE∣tended Conspiracie of the ENGLISH at AMBOYNA in the Indies.

THE Compiler of this relation, perceiuing that hee had an hard taske, to make it probable, that eighteen Englishmen, Mer∣chants and their seruants, all vnarmed, should, with the helpe and assistance of tenne Iapons, likewise vnarmed, vndertake the surprize of a Ca∣stle, so prouided euery way, as that of Amboyna, is before in the relation of the English truely descri∣bed to bee: as also the same Author, well weighing that albeit all that he was to write, of this pretended Conspiracie, should bee taken for true, yet the fact would seeme very poore to beare so rigorous a pu∣nishment in persons of that qualitie, and of that rela∣tion to those that inflicted it; prouides more skilfully than fairely, for both these points in the preamble of this relation: To this end, he •…•…akes and heapes toge∣ther all the iealousies and dangers that the Dutch

had in the Indies: yea and more than they truely had, at or about the time of the pretended conspiracy, and applyes them all to the suspicion of this busines: as if all their enemies were likely to conspire •…•…ith the English; and therefore the fact, vnder colour whereof th•…•…y were condemned and executed, were possible and probable; and as if the state of the time had bin then so dangerous, that euery shadow of con∣spiracy was to bee exquisitely enquired of, and the l•…•…ast off•…•…ce to be seu•…•…rely punished. Wherefore al∣•…•… this be no direct charge of the English, but vs•…•…d by the Author to supply the want of probabili∣•…•…ies in the processe it selfe, it will not be amisse to ex∣amine the seuerall circumstances, and how far they may yeeld any suspicion against the said English.

Now this Author taketh the maine grounds of this s•…•…spicion of some great plot against the Prouince of Amboyna, from the vnwonted boldnesse and inso∣lencies, of the Ternatans; first in the Moluccoes, and then in Amboyna. For those in the Moluccoes, h•…•… saith, they had lately before the pretended con∣spiracy of the English, gone about, contrary to the Treatie, Anno 1606. betweene them and the Dutch, to make peace with the King of Tedore, and truc•…•… with the Spaniard, without the consent or know∣ledge of them, the Dutch: which how honestly and conscionably it is alleadged to this purpose, may ap∣peare by the Iournalls of those parts; which eui∣dently sh•…•…w, that this Treatie betweene those of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 and Tedore, was in Nouember, 1621. •…•…hat is to say, fifteene moneths before this forged conspiracie; and that with the knowledge of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the Gouernour of the Dutch, who, vpon

the 19. of Nouember the yeare aforesaid, acquainted M. Nichols the Agent of the English in those parts, with the preparations of this Treatie, which was a∣ctually holden at Ternata the 24. of the same month. But the matter was so well handled by the Dutch, to keepe those neighbour Islands in perpetuall warre, that the Treatie was dissolued re infectâ, And the seuenth of December following, an Edict was pub∣lished by the King of Ternata, commanding all the Tedorians forthwith to depart the Island of Terna∣ta, vpon paine to be made slaues. After this, the cor∣respondence betweene the Dutch and Ternatans in the Moluccoes, returned into as firme state as euer; the Ternatans performing daily exploits against the Spaniards, and communicating the triumph with the Dutch: As the seuenteenth of Februarie 1622. be∣ing a full yeare before the feined treason of the Eng∣lish, the King of Ternata, with twentie Curricurries, tooke a Spanish Galley, slew fortie in fight, and tooke 150. prisoners, whom they sold to the Dutch for Cloth and Rice: and comming by the Hollanders Castle of Maalaïo, the eighteenth of the same mo∣neth, with the heads of diuers Spaniards at his Stern, the Dutch saluted him from their said Castle with nine shot of great Ordnance. The 25. of Aprill fol∣lowing, the Admirall of the King of Ternata tooke a Prow of the Spaniards, slew some, and sold the rest to the Dutch. The 28. of the same moneth, both Dutch and English were feasted by the King of Ter∣na. The 22. of May next ensuing, the king of Terna∣ta went forth to Machian with sixe Curricurries, and at his departure was honoured with thirty shot of great Ordnance from the Dutch Castle. The 15. of

Iune the Admirall of the king of Ternata made a voyage towards Mindanow, carrying diuerse of the Dutch with him to assist him. The third of Iuly the Ternatanes tooke other prisoners, and sold them to the Dutch. The 24. of August the king of Ternata made one Vogler a Dutch Merchant, his Treasurer; at whose instalment in his new office, the Dutch gaue seuen great shot from the Castle. And this good cor∣respondence, betweene the Ternatans and the Dutch in the Moluccoes, continued euen vntill, and after the execution of the English at Amboyna: which was (as hath beene shewed) in February 1623. new stile. Vpon the 14. of which moneth, the Dutch gaue the king of Ternata, and other Blacks, two hundred Bailes of Iapan Rice, with other presents: at the de∣liuerie whereof, there were shot off from the Castle seuen peeces of Ordnance, and three Vollies of small shot. By all which may appeare, how sincerely this Author applyeth the diffidence betweene the Dutch and the king of Ternata, which was now none at all, to this businesse of Amboyna.

The next point is, that the Ternatans in the Mo∣luccoes went about also to make truce with the Spa∣niards, without consen•…•… or knowledge of the Dutch: wherein this dealing of the Author is worse than the former. For this Treatie of truce appeareth by the Iournalls to haue beene holden the 19. of Iuly 1623. which was fiue moneths after the execution of the English at Amboyna, and so came too late to mo•…•…e suspicion against them.

And yet this pretended feare and iealousie of the Moluccoes is f•…•…rther 〈◊〉〈◊〉 by the strength of the Spaniard, beeing then (as this Author affirmeth) Ma∣ster

of the sea there, and that by default of the Eng∣lish; who, contrary to the treaty of the yeer 1619. had deserted the defense, and sent no more ships, nei∣ther to the Moluccoes, nor to the Manilliaes: whence now the Spaniards had means to send Ships, Gallies, and Pinaces, to the Moluccoes. What the strength of the Spaniard in the Moluccoes (by sea) was, at the time of this pretended feare, may appeare by the ex∣ploits before-mentioned, done vpon them by the Cur•…•…curries of the Ternatans, without help of the Hollanders. But for the default of the English, which is heer odiously alledged, it will bee requisite to set downe the true causes wherefore the English relin∣quished the action of defense, aswel at the Manilliaes, as elsewhere; being a matter much aggrauated vpon all occasions by the Holl•…•…ders, albeit themselues haue giuen the cause thereof. Wherefore shortly, the true motiues of the English, their desisting from the action of defense, were as followeth. The English had, by agreement of the Councell of defense, two yeers together maintained a Fleet of fiue tall & war∣like ships, to ioine with the like strength of the Hol∣landers, for the action of the Manilliaes, and the pro∣fit of the voyage (as the charge) to bee common to both Companies. The Dutch prepared another Fleet of seuen shippes, all of their owne, for Ma•…•…ao, bordering vpon Chyna, neer the Manilliaes, without giuing knowledge thereof to the English at Iaccatra, vntill their Fleet was ready to depa•…•…t thence; well knowing, that vpon such warning it would b•…•… impo•…•…∣sible for the English to prepare a like force •…•…o ioy•…•…e with them. To those they appointed also 〈◊〉〈◊〉 •…•…∣naces th•…•… were then abroad, to ioin; a•…•…d 〈◊〉〈◊〉

sent another ship with prouisions vnto them. This Fleet passing by two of the English ships, which were appointed for that quarter of the Manilliaes; the En∣glish welcomed them, and offered to ioyn with them in their exploit: which the Dutch refused, saying, That this being an exploit of their owne, the English should neither participate of the fact, nor of the be∣nefit that might arise thereby. Likewise, by agree∣ment of the Councell of defense of both Nations, there was another Fleet of ten shippes set forth at the equall charge of the English and Dutch, for the coast of Mallabar, to secure the trade in that part. Of the Dutch ships (about a moneth after they set saile) two were found to bee so weak and leak, that they were fain to returne to Iaccatra. The rest being come to their quarter, two of the best of the Dutch ships were sent away by the Dutch Admirall, for the red sea; contrary to their instructions and commission at Iac∣catra from the Councel of defense, and notwithstan∣standing the protestations, obtestations, and excla∣mations of the English against this preuarication. So that foure Caracks of the Portugals comming that way, the rest of the Fleet of the English and Dutch being thus weakned by the default of the four Dutch ships aforesaid; the fairest oportunity that euer hap∣ned either before or since the joyning of the English and Dutch Companies, or is euer likely to offer it selfe in the future, was lost and vtterly defeated. By this it appeareth, what cause the Dutch haue to com∣plaine of the English for deserting the action of de∣fense, and what reason and encouragement the Eng∣lish haue to continue the joint action and charge with 〈◊〉〈◊〉 that vse so little sincerity, euer contriuing the

common actions and charge to their priuate aduan∣tage; that when the joynt forces are imploied to giue the enemie work in one part, they (the Hollanders) might with ease oppresse them in another, and appro∣priate the whole benefit to themselues.

The next suspicion that this Author gathereth, is from the insolencies of the Ternatans of Amboyna, dwelling at Loho and Cambello, and thereabouts; who (as this Author saith) presumed now beyond former example, to outrage the subjects of the Dutch, slaying them, and carrying them away for slaues, yea burning two of their houses, one at Loho, & another at Manichells: for which when the Gouernor went out with a Fleet to craue justice and reparation, hee was braued by the Te•…•…natans with a stronger Fleet than his owne; yea, they threatned to come with an hundred Curricurries against Amboyna.

This dealing of the Author is like the former about the treaty of peace with the Tedorians, & truce with the Spaniards. For when the Gouernor of Amboyna set forth the last Fleet of Curricurries before the ap∣prehension of the English, he stood in good tearmes with the Ternatans at Loho; neither of the Factories heer mentioned beeing then burnt or injured. The Gouernor then went onely, according to his yeerly custome, to visit the skirts and out-parts of Amboy∣na, and had no affront offered him. After that, vpon occafion of a slaue of the English that ran away, and being afterwards laid hold on, was rescued by a re∣puted holy man of or neer that part; the English cra∣ued assistance of the Dutch Gouernor, who did his best, but was therein abused by those of Loho; and not onely some of his men outraged, but the English

Factor M. Beomont (to whom this slaue belonged) was way-laid by the people of the said holy man: and, in stead of him, one of the seruants of the Dutch was slain between Cambello and Loho. The next day also, was Beomont himself assailed, and shot in the hand by the same holy mans people, who also a little before did their best to kill William Grigs, another of the English Factors, that finding the said slaue at Loho, laid hold on him there. Vpon this occasion, both the English and Dutch left their Factorie at Lo∣ho, which was shortly after burnt by those Terna∣tans. That other, touching the burning of the Facto∣rie at Manichells; is more grossely applyed than the former; for that Factorie was burnt after the English were apprehended: besides that, this Author dissem∣bleth that there was a vehement and common suspi∣cion at Amboyna, that this Factorie at Manichells was burnt, not by the Ternatans, but by the Dutch Factor himself, who, being there alone, was said to haue first conueied away the goods of the Dutch and the English there for his owne vse, and then to haue burnt the Factorie; laying the fact vpon the Terna∣tans.

After this indeed, the Gouernour of Amboyna made out a Fleete of Curricurries, to procure repara∣tion of those excesses; and therein not going so strong as he might, was braued by those Ternatans of Amboyna. But this was after the apprehension and execution of the English; and so is as honestly appli∣ed to moue suspicion in this place, as the ioint quarrel of the English and Dutch with those of Loho, begin∣ning vpon occasion of the English; & as the burning of the Factorie at Manichells, done after the Eng∣lish

were apprehended and imprisoned. As for the threats of the Ternatans here mentioned, that they would come with 100. Curricurries against Amboy∣na, it is (for ought any of the English euer heard) a meere fiction; at most, it was a vaine bragge, and such as could not affright the Gouernour, that knoweth well that the Ternatans haue no gun-powder, nor o∣ther prouisions, for such an exploit; and yet are farre behinde the Gouernour of Amboyna for number of Curricurries, besides the Dutch ships and Castles.

The next cause of suspicion, this Author makes to be an idle report in the East parts beyond Banda (vn∣certain which, or by whom) that the Hollanders were alreadie quit of their Castle at Amboyna. A poore pretence, and not worthy to bee answered; yet still further discouering what penurie of good matter this Author had, that he was faine to borrow such crazie stuffe.

But the last, and that which alone is expresly appli∣ed to the English, is, That about this time the Dutch vnderstood that those of Loho and Cambello held great and secret correspondence with the English. How did the Dutch vnderstand this? or why doth not this Author expresse the particular proofe, in a matter so pertinent? It is true, the English had their Factories at Loho and Cambello; but in the same houses with the Dutch, and for their ioint accompt, and had trafficke with the countrey-people, as the Dutch had: but what secret correspondence is this? or what danger to the Dutch? Was the burning of the Factories, which belonged to the English as well as to the Dutch, a note of good intelligence between the English and the Incendianies? What was that for

correspondencie with those of Loho, when at one time they way-layed M. Beomont to kill him, and at another time shot him in the hand with an Arrow, of∣fered to kill William Griggs, and from time to time a∣bused and outraged our people, equally with, and as the Dutch? Further, our people as well as the Dutch, had now dissolued their Factory at Loho, and were come all thence. What letters or messages did they euer send thither afterwards? or how, and by what meanes maintained they this correspondence? Yet this was vnderstood, saith this Relation. How vn∣derstood? Perhaps by the Gouernors dreames: for that (as he afterwards told M. Welden, Hill, and Cart∣wright, that came thither from Banda) was a motiue to him to examine the first Iapon, which was the be∣ginning of the whole processe.

The Author hauing thus quit himselfe in this pre∣face, proceedeth to the matter it selfe, first setting downe the occasion and maner of the discouerie of this pretended plot, and then the confessions of the Iapons and of the English: but he maketh no menti∣on of any torture vsed vpon the Iapons that first con∣fessed, nor of any other indicium or presumption to torture or examine that Iapon; but only his curious questioning touching the setting and changing of the Watch, and of the number of the Souldiers in the Castle: which, what sufficient indi•…•…ium and cause it was to torture a Souldier of their owne, that seruing them, had reason to desire to vnderstand the course of their Watches, and the strength of the ayde he might expect, if anie sudden attempt should happen in his quarter; is easily to be iudged. And how this poore man, and the rest of his countrymen were tortured,

appeareth in the English relation. Here also is con∣cealed, by what maner and kinde of questions, this and the other Iapons were ledde along in their con∣fessions, to make vp the plot iust as the Dutch had de∣uised it: as also, what other answers they made, be∣fore they were thus directed. That they, and the Eng∣lish both, confessed what the Dutch would haue them, is no doubt nor wonder, being so tormented and feared with torture; etiam innocentes cogit men∣t•…•…ridolor. But what likelyhood or possibilitie there is of the truth of their confessions (if yet they confes∣sed as is here related) may appear by that which hath beene alreadie discoursed in this poin•…•…, towards the end of the English relation; which for breuitie sake is here forborne to be repeated: yet some circum∣stances, which the Dutch Relation hath more than the English, deserue here to be examined. And first, that of Abel Price the English Barber, who is made the messenger & negotiator of this practice with the Iapons. It is true, that hee (and hee alone of all the English) had some kinde of conuersation with some of the Iapons; that is, he would dice and drinke with them, as he likewise did with other Blacks, and with the Dutch also. But is it credible, that M. Towerson would commit anie thing of moment, nay, so dange∣rous a matter as this, to a drunken debauched sot, who also (as the English that were there, constantly re∣port) threatned to cut his, the said Towersons, throat, for that he had punished him for his misdemeanors? Further, this Relation maketh this Abel Price con∣fesse, that all the English Merchants in the out-Facto∣ries, were priuie and accessarie to this pretended trea∣son: Yet the Gouernour and Fiscall in their owne

processe found Iohn Powle, Ephraim Ramsey, and two others, guiltlesse.

After Price his confession, he sets downe the gene∣rall substance of all the confessions in one body; where first hauing assigned Master Towerson a pre∣face to the rest, to induce them to the exploit, he tells vs; that they made doubt of the point of possibility, (as well they might) knowing the weaknesse of their owne part, and impregnable strength of the Dutch, in comparison of theirs: for satisfaction of which their doubt, he saith, M. Towerson told him that he had already won the Iapons within the Castle to his pur∣pose, and that he would attempt this matter; not when the Dutch were at their full strength, and the English at the weakest, but would expect till the Go∣uernour should bee some where abroad vpon some exploit, and some English ships, or ship at least, at Amboyna; the people whereof he would vse in the enterprize: Likewise, he would send for the Factors and slaues of the other Factories, and should haue a supply from the Ternatans of Loho, of certaine Curricurries, &c.

Here he hath inrolled a goodly armie for this acti∣on; but let vs see the manner how they should haue executed their exploit: and first for the Iapons in the Castle, wee must beleeue, if this Author or his voucher say true, that Master Towerson had acquain∣ted those, and wonne them to his plot, before he had imparted it to his owne countrey-men the English. And yet in the acts of the processe, Emanuel Tomson is recorded to haue confessed, that eight dayes after the consultation, Master Towerson told him, that hee had then sent out Iohnson and Price to treate with the

Iapons, and winne their consent to this enterprise. But what should these (being all but ten) haue done? Marrie (saith the relation by and by) Master Tower∣son had ordeined, that eight of them should haue been bestowed, by two in a company, vpon the foure points of the Castle, to kill all those that should re∣sist them, and to take the rest prisoners. It must bee (therefore) here imagined, that the Dutch and their Mardikers in their Castle, being three or 4. hundred, would scorne to take the aduantage ofse•…•…ding fortie or fiftie; much more of an intire company, to any point of the Castle, but would combate with the Iapons at euen hand by two at a time, and so giue the Iapons leaue and respit to kill or take them by two, and by two. A sweet conceit, and such a ser∣uice as perhaps hath beene sometimes represented vpon a stage, but neuer acted in surprise of a Castle in good earnest.

Thus we see how eight of the Iapons were to bee imployed; what should the other two haue done? forsooth they should haue waited in the great cham∣ber to murther the Gouernor. Yea, but this relati∣on told vs yer while, that this plot should haue beene executed when the Gouernor was abroad vpon some action. How then should these two Iapons haue kil∣led him in the Castle, at the same time? But wee see how all the Iapons (that is) all the pretended partie of the English within the Castle, should haue beene occupyed. Who should haue opened the gates to the English, and their other aydes? who should haue killed the Court of guard at the gate? These parts were left for them that were without: therefore let vs take a reuiew of them, what they were. The rela∣tion

mustereth them to be fourteene English, where∣of eleuen were Merchants; one Steward of the house, one Taylor, and one Barber, to dresse the wounded, besides God knowes how many English shippers, slaues, and Ternatans. First, for the English Mer∣chants, of what dexteritie they are to take Forts, is easily iudged; and in all the English house when it was seized by the Dutch, vpon this pretended trea∣son, the whole prouision was but three swords, two hand-guns, and about halfe a pound of powder. Yea but the English ship or ships would haue brought both fitter men and better prouision. But how knew Master Towerson that those of the English ships, when they came, would ioyne with him in this worke be∣ing so contrary to the Treatie, and it selfe so dange∣rous? or why did he not stay the opening of the plot till this ship or ships were come, that he might sweare the shippers also, or at least the chiefe Officers a∣mongst them, and take their aduice? Is it possible that Master Towerson was so slight, as to open his plot to all the English at Amboyna, yea to the Taylor and Barber, so long before it was to be put in executi∣on, and before he knew the minds of his chiefest as∣sistants, of whose arriuall he was so incertaine? Yea, but he was sure of the slaues of the English, and of the Ternatans of Loho, with their Curricurries in quemlibet euentum. This indeed is the remainder of the Armie; let vs view them. The slaues were, in all the English Factories, iust sixe in number, and all boyes: The Ternatans were enemies aswell to the English as to the Dutch▪ as is before shewed in an∣swer to the preface. When were they reconciled? how commeth it, that in all the examinations of the Eng∣lish,

this point was not sifted, and somewhat confes∣sed of it amidst so many tortures? There is no con∣fession thereof in all the examinations; and M. Tow∣erson in his expresly denied it, and was pressed no fur∣ther. The truth is, the Gouernor and Fiscall of Am∣boyna knew, that what-euer had been confessed in this point, would not haue been beleeued by their owne people there; who knew well enough, that the first beginning of this breach between the Dutch & Ternatans at Loho, was about the slaue of the Eng∣lish: and the outrages thereupon following, were done vpon the English, aswell as vpon the Dutch. Yet this Author seems to hope, that that may be be∣leeued heer in Europe, w^ch had no colour at Amboyna.

Concerning the time of executing this plot, it was not (as the relation saith) yet prefixed, but left to the next meeting of the conspirators, which should bee shortly holden, wh•…•…n Gabriel Towerson had prepared all things, &c. H•…•…r was certainly a hot practice of treason, and worthy to be tearmed by this Authour, An horrible conspiracy. They met together on New yeers day, and plotted as is before related: and now it was th•…•… •…•…ue and twentith of February, and not on∣ly nothing done all this Interim, but not so much as a new consultation. But this (•…•…orsooth) is the body and substance of the vnanimous confession of all the English, by themselues seuerally subscribed. In the next place the Author relateth somewhat singular in M. Towerson▪s confession; as that he said, he was mo∣ued to this fact by hope and desire of honour & pro∣fit: and being demanded from whom hee attended this honour, and for whom •…•…e meant to hold the Ca∣stle, his answer was, That if he could hau•…•… compassed

his project he would forthwith haue giuen aduertise∣ment thereof to the rest of his nation at Iaccatra (which now they haue christianed Batauia), and haue craued their aid: which if they had yeelded him▪ then hee would haue held the Castle for the English Company; and if not, then hee would haue kept it for himselfe, and haue vsed meanes to haue agreed with the Indians; and so, by the one means or other, would haue compassed the enterprise.

Heer first is to be obserued, that hee would not (as this Author makes him speake) haue sent for aid to Iaccatra, vntill hee were first Master of the Castle: and yet in the generall confession before, it is said, he would attend the coming of some English shippes or ship, before hee would aduenture vpon the Castle. Next, let the ambiguous and alternatiue resolution, heer said to be confessed by M. Towerson, be conside∣red in both the parts thereof, and it will appear, that no man in his wits would haue any such conceit as is heer pretended. What hope could M. Towerson haue, that the President and English Councell at Iaccatra, liuing vnder command of the Dutch Fort there, and altogether subject to the Hollanders, durst joine in a∣ny such action, thereby to giue occasion to the Hol∣landers to arrest, torture, and condemn them of trea∣son? M. Towerson knew well enough, that about six moneths before, the Generall of the Dutch at Iacca∣tra, had caught at a very slight occasion to entrap the English President there: who hauing sent out two of his people in the night to the English Cow-house, to see what watch the Blacks in their seruice kept ouer their 〈◊〉〈◊〉▪ the •…•…aid two English were apprehended by the D•…•…tch 〈◊〉〈◊〉, kept in prison seuen dayes,

and charged, that they had said that they went the Round: and one of them, being last examined, was told by the Balieu (the officer of the Dutch in crimi∣nall causes), that his fellow had confessed, that they had said they went the Round, and that by the Eng∣lish Presidents commission; and if he would not con∣fesse the same, he should be tortured: but the fellow, being constant in the truth, came off at last without torture. yet this was Item enough to the English Pre∣sident and Councell, how the intent of the Dutch was to entrap them vpon the least occasion: and this, and other daily captious dealings of the Dutch at Iaccatra, which were too long heer to recite, were all aduertised from time to time to M. Towerson, who therefore was sure he could expect no assistance from them, that were themselues in such a predicament. The other part of M. Towerson's resolution is said to haue been, To keep the Castle for himself, and to a∣gree with the Indians, in default of help from the English. This is yet more improbable than the for∣mer. Were the Portugals and Indians not able to keep out the Dutch from Amboyna, when they had no footing there; and shall Captaine Towerson, with twenty or thirty English and Iapons, without Ship or Pinace, be able, with the help only of the poor na∣ked Indians, to driue them out, hauiug already three Ca•…•…tles in the Ilands of Amboyna, and at Cambello hard by, all well furnished with men and prouision, besides their power of shipping, which makes them stile themselues Lords of the sea? And yet how could M. Towerson hope to winne the Amboynezes (the Hollanders sworn subjects) to his side? He might rather assure himself, that after hee had mastered the

Hollanders (if yet that must be beleeued to be possi∣ble), the Amboynezes would haue surprised him, and cast him out (beeing so weakly prouided to stand of himselfe), that so they might vtterly free themselues from their seruitude. Heer also must be remembred, that this Author himselfe in his preamble faith, that the Indians themselues durst not vndertake any such great designe (as he there feineth) against the State of Amboyna, without some great aid of some▪ Nation of Europe, either of Spaniards, Portugals, or some other. Whereby is not onely confessed, how weak the Indians of themselues are; but withall it follow∣eth, how small hope M. Towerson might haue, being deserted of his owne Nation (as heer the case is put), to hold the Castle for himselfe by the help of those Indians, if yet hee could once haue wonne it. In a word; they that knowe the power of the Hollanders in Amboyna and thereabou•…•…s, and the weaknesse of the poore Indians there, will judge this conceit of M. Towerson's (To keep the Castle for himselfe) to bee a mad plot; and for which, M. Towerson should rather haue been sent to Bedlam, or the Dullen Kist (as the Dutch call it), than to the Gallows.

But this Author hath one voluntary confession, vpon which he taketh speciall hold; to weet, that M. Towerson, after his examination was finished, beeing expostulated withall by the Dutch Gouernour, and demanded whether this should haue been the recom∣pense of his (the Gouernor's) manifold courtesies towards him; answered with a deep sigh, Oh! were this matter now to doe, it should neuer bee done.

This voluntary confession and penitent acknow∣ledgement, saith this Author, was made the ninth

of March, being the day when the execution was to be done: but the examination of Towerson was ended the eight and twentith of February, so many daies before.

But how shall we beleeue this? For∣sooth, hee hath it out of the Acts of the Processe of Amboyna. Yea, but in these Acts are omitted many materiall passages of these examinations, as is already shewed: why may they not then be guilty of additi∣on, aswell as of such mutilation and omission? But let vs peruse the words of the Act i•…•… selfe, which are these:

WEE, whose names are heerunto subscribed, do de∣clare vpon our troth, in stead of an oath, that Gabriel Towerson, after that hee had beene already examined touching his said offence, and that the wor∣shipfull Gouernor Van Speult had expostulated with him thereupon, asking him whether this should haue been the recompense of his courtesies from time to time shewed vnto him, the said Towerson: thereupon hee, the said Towerson, with a deep sigh answered him, and said, Oh! if this were to bee begun againe, it should neuer bee done. Actum this ninth of March, in the Castle of Am∣boyna, and subsigned.

• Harman van Speult.
• Laurence de Maerschalck.
• Clement Kersseboom.
• Harman Crayeuanger.
• Peter van Zanten.
• Leonart Clocq.

Thus we see the Act it selfe, and this pretended vo∣luntarie confession of M. Towerson; which is not de∣liuered

vpon the credite of the Court or Councell at Amboyna (and yet how small that is, is before she∣wed) but vpon the Attestation or Affidauit of the Gouernour and fiue others, the principall actors in this bloody Tragedie: And this not vpon their oath, but vpon their troth, or honest word (forsooth) in stead of an oath. The time when these words were vttered by M. Towerson, is not described by the day when he spake them, but only by the precedent Act of his examination. And yet the circumstance of time is not only an vsuall and customary solennity, and requisite in all such Attestations; but also in a businesse of this nature altogether necessarie: as like∣wise in this case, that of the place was. For if these words were spoken in the place of torture, or incon∣tinently after the examination ended, they are by their owne law, esteemed no more voluntarie, than the confession vpon the Racke it selfe. Neyther yet doth this Attestation affirme, that this confession was voluntarie. But this Author, vnconscionably repor∣ting the date of the Attestation, for the time of the confession, collects it to be voluntary, because (as he saith) it was made the ninth of March, being so many dayes after his examination, which was taken the 28. of February. Can a man attest nothing but what was done vpon the very day when he maketh Affidauit? The Attestation saith, that these words were spoken by M. Towerson after he had bin alreadie examined. Why may not that haue been rather vpon the very day of his examination, than vpon the day when this Act was entred; if yet he euer spake anie such words, or meant them, as he is here interpreted? the contra∣rie

whereof is the more probable by all the circum∣stances of this businesse, truely set downe in the Rela∣tion of the English.

But in that this Author makes so much of this poor circumstance, of M. Towersons profession of sorrow for what was done, naming it a voluntarie confessi∣on; it is plain how destitute he was of voluntary con∣fessions, and of all true and concluding circumstan∣ces. What? was there not a letter or other paper, to be found in all the Chests and Boxes of the English, so suddenly seised at Amboyna, Larica, Hitto, and Cambello, to discouer this treason? nor amongst so manie complices of diuerse nations, a false brother to betray the rest, and accuse them voluntarily; but the processe must begin with the torture, & the Heathens confession vpon torture, be sufficient to bring Chri∣stians to torture? the debauched and notoriously in∣famous persons (such as Price was) to draw torture vpon the sober, orderly, and vnstained? And yet this Relation it selfe confesseth, that Price's confession was drawne from him by the Examiners specifying of place, persons, and time vnto him. Certainly one of their owne Nation had reason to aduise, that more Aduocates might be sent ouer to the Indies, to ayde the accused, to make a legal answer; For, saith he, they goe to worke there so villanously and murtherously, that the blood of the poore people cryeth to heauen for vengeance.

But why haue we no particular of any mans con∣fession, but this of Price; and M. Towerson and all the rest blended together in one body? Did none of all the rest go 〈◊〉〈◊〉 than his fellowes, or 〈◊〉〈◊〉 more •…•…han they? Where is Sharrocks confession, that hee

was at Amboyna vpon New-yeares day, when tenne or twelue of the Dutch themselues witnessed he was at Hitto? Where is his confession of Clarkes plot to goe to Maccassar, to deale with the Spaniards there, to come and rob the small Factories? Where is Collins confession of another plot, about two moneths and a halfe before his examination, vndertaken by Tomson, Iohnson, Price, Browne, Fardo, and himselfe? Where be the leading Interrogatories, that directed them to the accusation framed by the Dutch, lest otherwise there had beene as many seuerall treasons confessed, as per∣sons examined? Not a word of all this, nor of a great deale more of this kinde, which is here in England proued by the oath of sixe credible persons, to haue passed in the examinations. Wherby appeareth, how faithfully the Dutch at Amboyna haue entred the Acts of this processe. Well, at last hee concludes the narration of the confessions, with the summing vp of the number and nations of the parties, that had thus confessed; which, he saith, were ten Iapons, foure∣teene English, and the Neatherlandish Marnicho, or Captaine of the Slaues. By which last words, hee would giue the Reader occ•…•…sion to thinke, that the fact was so cleere, and their owne proceeding so euen and iust, that they had executed one of their owne Neatherlanders for it. Which how true it is▪ is alrea∣dy declared in the conclusio•…•… of the English Relati∣on. The truth is, this Captaine of the Sla•…•…•…•…es was of the Portugall race, and borne in Be•…•…gala. His verie name, Augustine Perez, sheweth, he wa•…•… no N•…•…ther∣lander.

Hauing thus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 this relation, this Authour

proceedeth to a disputation: and taking notice of some aspersions in England cast vpon these procee∣dings at Amboyna, he diuideth them into two heads; the one, that the processe was without its due forma∣litie; the other, that there was excesse and extremiti•…•… vsed against the Conspirators. For the point of for∣malitie, he first taketh great paines to prooue, that the formalities of processe in Amboyna, are not there∣fore vnlawfull, because they agree not with our forme in England. Which labour he might haue spa∣red: for no wise man will deny him this point. And such as shall be so ignorant as to blame the Dutch for varying from vs herein, were not worthy the an∣swering. Herewithall also hee deduceth the title of the Lords States generall to the Soueraigntie of Am∣boyna; and so the Gouernour of Amboynaes iuris∣diction, in causes as well criminall as ciuill, to bee rightly grounded. Thence he concludes, tha•…•… the Ia∣pons being sworne seruants to the Dutch, and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 their pay, were subiect to the iurisdiction of the Dutch Gouernor. Then hee telleth vs, that the Au∣thor, and complices of murther and treason, are by the lawes of all nations to be punished with d•…•…ath; all which points may bee grant•…•…d him witho•…•… any preiudice to the cause of the English in this que∣stion.

At last he comes in partic•…•…lar to the•…•… case, and a•…•…∣firms, that the chiefe of the English there mig•…•…▪ not apprehend the English complices of this conspiracy, because themselues were complices of th•…•… f•…•…ct. All which also may be gran•…•…d in t•…•…is po•…•… of 〈◊〉〈◊〉, 〈1 line〉〈1 line〉

in the point of cognisance, shall bee anon in due place examined.

In the meane time, this Author, to make the point of apprehension cleere beyond exception, saith, that the English were not apprehended vpon the first sus∣picion, when yet there was euidence, and indicia sufficient to doe it; but after the examination of all the Iapons and their ioynt confession, that the Eng∣lish, whom they specified by name and surname, had moued aud hired them to this treason: yea, not vntill Abel Price had also confessed as much, and that all the English in the out Factories were priuie thereun∣to. For answer hereof, that must be repeated which hath beene vpon other occasions before alleadged; that the first beginning of the processe, was by the torture, there being no sufficienteuidence or indicium to torture the Iapon, that onely sought to enforme himselfe of the course of the Watch, and of the strength of the Castle, wherein himselfe was a soul∣dier: and so the whole Series of the examination proceeding from the confession of one tortured per∣son, to apprehend and torture another, without other euidence; though it brought forth more confessions, and those with name and surname, and other cir∣cumstances, according as the Interrogatories (or ra∣ther directories) of the Gouernour and Fiscall led the prisoners, was wholly against the forme and rule of all lawes of tortures;

Scilicet in fabriea •…•…i pra•…•…a est reg•…•…la prima, Caeter a mendose fieri atqu•…•… obstipa necesse est.

But here must be answered an obiection that may be made against this, from anothe•…•… part of this relati∣on,

that is, that some of the English confessed with∣out or before torture; yea, this Price here m•…•…ntioned, was either not tortured at all, or very lightly. Yea but he was shewed the tortured bodies of the poore Iapons, martyred with fire and water, and told, that vnlesse he would confesse that which they told him they had first confessed, he should be tortured as ill, or worse than they. This feare of torture is by their owne law, equalled to the torture it selfe, and con∣sequently, the confession thereupon made no better indicium or euidence to bring another man to the torture, than the confession made vpon the racke it selfe. Againe, it must be here remembred, that the very matter of Price his confession here mentioned, to wit, that all the English Merchants of the out Fa∣ctories, were priuie to the pretended treason; was re∣futed by the processe of the Dutch themselues, that found Powle, Ramsey, and two others of those Facto∣ries guiltlesse.

Next, this Author taketh notice of an obiection made in England against the iurisdiction of the Dutch Gouernor, and his Councell at Amboyna, ouer the English there; because this power is, by the Treatie of the yeere, 1619. disposed of, and agreed to consist in the Councell of defence of both nati∣ons at Iaccatra. For information in which point this Author saith, he hath perused ouer all the seuerall articles of the said Treatie, and findeth in the 23. article, that the Fortresses were to remaine in the hands of them that then possessed them; and in the thirteenth, fourteenth, and fifteenth, that the Coun∣cell of defence hath no other power, but onely ouer the Fleet of defence, ouer the commerce, and final∣ly,

to taxe the charges of maintenance of the Forts: But he could not see the thirtieth article; which or∣ders, that all disputes that cannot be decided by the Councell of defence, should bee remitted into Eu∣rop•…•…; first, to the two companies there, and in de∣fault of their agreement, to the King and States. Why then was not this dispute so proceeded in? There is nothing in the former articles, to limit the Councell of defence; and this generall article ap∣peareth to bee added by way of ampliation, to pro∣uide for that which was not particularly and expres∣ly •…•…ared for in the former. Which is most plaine by the words of the explanation vpon this thirtith arti∣cle, agreed vpon at the first, and subscribed by the Commissioners on both sides, An. 1619. where this course of proceeding is expresly directed, not only in disputes about the meaning of the Articles, but also about any other matter hapning in their common a∣boad. Since w^ch aso the Kings Maiestie hath, vpon a smaller occasion than the life of his Subiects, cleerly declared himself in the point of Soueraignty; That both nations in the Indies should wholly lay aside all pretence thereof. Which declaration was sent to the Lords States Generall, and by them accepted before this bloody butchery was executed. But if it were granted, that the Hollanders are absolute Lords of their partners the English in those parts, without respect to the Treatie, yet at least the Hollanders in Amboyna are bound to obserue the Lawes of the vnited Prouinces; for so saith this Author himselfe. Doe these allow to begin the processe at the tor∣ture, and to bring persons of honest fame to the racke, vpon others confession made in the torture?

Doe their lawes allow of the leading interroga∣tories aboue mentioned, to direct the prisoner what to say, to auoide the torture? Where, in the vnited Prouinces, is that drowning with water, in vse? or the torture with fire, vsed to Iohnson, Tomson, and Clarke? or especially the splitting of their toes, and launcing of the breast, and putting in gun-powder, and then firing the same, whereby the body is not left intire, neither for innocency, nor execution? Clarke and Tomson were both faine to be carried to their execu∣tion, though they were tortured many dayes before.

Lastly, their confessions were contradictorie, ap∣parantly false, and of things impossible to bee done, much lesse practised before by the said parties; and therefore ought not by their law to haue been belee∣ued, nor the prisoners to haue beene condemned thereupon, without other sufficient indicia or eui∣dence besides.

In the last place, this Author handleth the excesse of torture whereof (hee taketh notice) there is much complaint in England; and saith, That the Lords States generall take great care to enforme themselues of all the passages of this businesse; and to that end haue desired to see all the letters, peeces, and papers that concerne this processe: by which it appeareth not, that there was any cruell torture vsed. But suppose the acts make no mention of them; is it any maruell that the Authours of this murtherous and tyrannous processe, being themselues the per∣sons that also formed the acts, would omit those things that made against them? It is to be presumed also, that the acts kept by their people at Poloway in Banda, haue omitted many things of their pro∣cesse,

against the poore Polaroones, whom in Au∣gust, 1622. being about sixe moneths before this ex∣ecution of the English, their Gouernor there vsed in like sort, as the Gouernor of Amboyna did the English, and gaue him a modell and precedent of this processe; which it will not bee amisse to relate briefly, because this Authour, in the next place, al∣leadgeth the mercifull disposition of the Nether∣lands nation in generall; to inferre thence, that it is therefore vnlikely, that their Gouernour at Am∣boyna was so cruell as is reported in England.

Polaroon, one of the Islands of Banda, was in pos∣session of the English at the time of the treaty, Anno 1619. and by the agreement was to remaine theirs. After the treaty came vnto the Indies, the Hollanders forbare publishing thereof in the Ilands of Banda, vntill they had taken Polaroon. But, knowing that it must be restored again, according to the treaty, they first take all courses to make the Iland little or no∣thing worth: they demolish & deface the Buildings, transplant the Nutmeg-trees, plucking them vp by the roots, and carrying them into their owne Ilands of Nera and of Poloway, there to bee planted for themselues; and at last finde a means to dispeople the Iland, and to leaue it so, as the English might make no vse of it, worth their charge of keeping; and that vpon this occasion: There was a yong man, the son of an Orankey, or a▪ Gentleman in Polaroon, that had committed felony; for which, by the Lawes of his Country, he was to die. This fellow, to saue his life, •…•…ed to another Iland of Banda, called Rofinging, and there turned Christian: but quickly vnderstanding, that that would not make him safe from punishment,

hee went back secretly to his owne Countrey of Po∣laroon; and, hauing lurked there a few daies, tooke his passage for N•…•…ra, another Iland where the Dutch haue a Fort; and told the Dutch Gouernor, that the Orankeys of Polaroon had conspired to massacre the Dutch, as well at Polaroon, as at Poloway, with help of the people of Seran, that should send▪ ouer thirti•…•… Curricurries for that purpose. Immediately vpon this indicium of this malefactor, certaine Prows or Fisher-boats of the Polaroons, that were fishing at Poloway, were seized, and the people made priso∣ners. Command was sent by the Dutch Gouernor to Polaroon, that the Orankeys should come ouer to him, that there might be further inquisition made of this matter. The Priest of the Polaroons and seuenty Orankeys instantly took a Prow or small vessell of their owne, and imbarked themselues for Poloway. As they were at sea, and yet out of the sight of the Dutch Castle, they were met by a Fisher-boat of Bandanezes, and told, how all the rest were appre∣hended; and that, if they went to Poloway, they were all but dead men. Neuerthelesse, the Priest and the rest, although they had space and means to haue esca∣ped to Seran and other places safe enough from the Hollanders, yet were so confident of their innocency, that they would needs to Poloway to purge them∣selues. Where, as soon as they were arriued, they were instantly carried prisoners to the Castle: and withall the Gouernor, with a force of two hundred men, went presently for Polaroon; whence hee fe•…•…∣ched all the rest of the Orankeys, and bro•…•…ght them prisoners to the same Castle. As soone as they were comne, they were presently brought to the torture of

water and fire, euen in the same sort as our people were afterwards at Amboyna; onely heerein diffe∣ring, that of those at Poloway, two were so tortured, that they died in their tortures: the rest, beeing one hundred sixty two persons, were all, vpon their own forced confessions, condemned and executed. The Priest, when he came to the place of execution, spake these words in the Mallaian Tongue: All yee, great and small, rich and poor, black and white, look to it: we haue committed no fault. And when hee would haue spoken more, he was taken by the hands & feet, laid along, & cut in two by the middle with a sword. Forthwith, the Gouernor caused the wiues, children, and slaues of those of Polaroon, to be all carried out of the Iland, and distributed in other Ilands subject to the Dutch; and so haue made a cleer Country for the English; where they may both plant and gather themselues, destitute of the help of any of the Coun∣trey-people; without whom, neither the English nor Hollanders can maintaine their trade in the Indies. And yet this is not heer recited, to the end thereby to charge the Neatherlands Nation with those cruell proceedings, but the persons themselues that haue committed those barbarous tyrannies: Who, if wee shall beleeue an Author of their owne, are not of the best of that Nation. For the Maiores (as this Author sayes) vse the Indies as a Tucht house or Bridewell, to manage their vnruly & vnthrifty children & kindred; whom when they cannot rule & order at home, they send to the Indies, where they are preferred to offices and places of gouernement. Yea, saith he, they prefer such to be Fiscals there, as neuer saw studie nor law. So that it is no maruell, that such persons proceed

not with that iustice and moderation as is vsed gene∣rally in the Low Countries, by the choyce of the Na∣tion there. And this agreeth well with the report of our Merchants of credite, that came lately from Am∣boyna; who auerre, that, excepting the Gouernour himselfe, who is well stept in yeares, of the rest of the Councell there, as well the Fiscall as others, there was scarce anie that had haire on their faces, yea, that most of them are lewd drunken debauched persons; and yet must be Iudges aswell of our English, as the poor Indians there.

Now to returne to this Authors proofes, that there was no excesse vsed in the proceedings; at the last he taketh one argument by way of comparison, from the Law of England to presse men to death: which he saith, hath much more cruelty than their course of torture, vsed by the Dutch in Amboyna, and is holden, as well by some authors of our owne nation as others, for damnable. How pertinently is this matter of Pressing alleaged, for iustifying of their tortures, since no man in England is pressed for not confessing, which is the cause of torture in Dutch∣land? But the cause why any is pressed, is, for that he obstinately refuseth the tryall of his countrey, and challengeth the Iudges as incompetent, which the Law appointeth him: which hee doth (for the most part) to saue his goods, which, but by that ordinarie course of tryall, cannot be confiscate. What is this to the point of confession, for refusall whereof, the Dutch vse the Torture? And yet no man blameth them for proceeding according to the Law of their countrey herein; nor yet in their execution, when they breake the legges, armes and thighes of the ma∣lefactors,

and then set them vpon a wheele on the end of a great pole, there to languish to death: an execu∣tion farre more direfull than the English pressing, which is so suddenly done, and so seldome vsed. But why doth he not name the Author of our owne or foraine Writers, which condemne this kinde of exe∣cution? Let him do it yet, and he shall haue moe Au∣thors of his owne Countrey, that condemne their course of tortures: and yet the English complain not of the course in generall, but of the vnlawfull vse of it; contrary to the rules of the Lawes euen of the v∣nited Prouinces. Lastly, in this point the Author pretendeth, that little or no torture was vsed in this Processe. What the torture was, and in what degree, appears in the English Relation: but he can find little or none mentioned in the Acts. What if he will not find it? or what if their Officers of Amboyna haue conceal'd it? shall we not beleeue those that suffred it themselues? shall we not beleeue those, that beeing themselues acquitted, yet heard the cryes, and saw the bodies of Iohnson, Clarke, and Tomson, and haue con∣firmed their relation by their corporall oathes? As for the Act of the fiue & twentith of February, which this Authour hath here transcribed; it cannot be a true Act: for therein it is said, that that day all the English were examined one by one, and some before torture, and some after confessed the fact. Whereas it appeareth not onely by the English Relation, but by this very Author in the precedent page, that they were not all examined the same fiue and twentith day of February; but that the examination continued six daies together, euen to the third of March inclusiue. How then could the Act of the fiue and twentith of

February haue all their confessions? By this may ap∣peare, what credit may be giuen to these Acts, or else to this Author. Here also by the way he tels vs of the deliberation of their Councell; whether the punish∣ment of the fact might be respited, or the cause remo∣ued: wherein it was resolued, that execution must needs be done in the place of the delict, for example sake; and might not bee respited, for feare lest the conspirators (as hee tearmes them) might haue moe dependances than yet were knowne; and in particu∣lar, the Ternatans and other Indians about Amboy∣na. A poore pretext: as if, hauing all the English in irons aboard their seuerall ships, they should need to fear their joyning with the Ternatans. But it may be, they feared some English ships also to come thither: for so they had made their owne people beleeue. And therefore, two ships being descried at sea, the Dutch and their free Burghers cried out, That there were the English that should haue holpeh to take the Castle: but when they arriued, they proued to bee two shippes of the Hollanders come from Iaccatra; wherein was a Letter from the President of the Eng∣lish there, to call away Captain Towerson and all the English from Amboyna to Iaccatra. Which Letter was opened and read by the Dutch Gouernor, while our people were yet in prison, and not executed; and might well haue secured him, that there was no fur∣ther danger to bee feared of the English aids of ship∣ping, what-euer the English prisoners had through torture confessed.

At last the Author comes to the sentence it selfe, transcribing out of the Acts of the ninth of March, That the Colledge of Iudges being then competent,

and calling vpon the name of the Lord to assist the•…•… in this mournfull assembly, to preside in their hearts, and inspire them with equity and iustice; proceeded to sentence, &c. Who knoweth not, but the Act may be thus formed, and yet no prayer at all made? or if there were any such prayer, yet the proceedings well weighed, will shew it to be but like Iezabels Fast, the preparatiue to the false iudgement against Naboth. Neyther will the wise and indiff•…•…rent Iudges of this whole matter, conceiue the better of the cause, for the hypocriticall formalities therein obserued.

Last of all, he concludes his treatise with a iustifi∣cation, yea an Elogie and commendation of the whole proceedings of the Dutch at Amboyna a∣gainst the English; not finding the least to be blamed in the Dutch, but aggrauating the crime of the Eng∣lish very ridiculously, because (forsooth) that this plot amongst other things, was against the great meanes of the Netherlands East India company: as if a con∣spiracy to rob them, (if any such had beene) must needs bee treason; •…•…r as if the intent onely in any crime but treason, were capitall.

Thus haue we examined this strained iustification of that most barbarous and execrable processe of Amboyna; consisting of a preamble, full of false and forged suspicions; a narration of the fact, fraught with ridiculous absurdities, contrarieties, and impos∣sibilities, and of a dispute of impertinences, with concealement of the maine grounds of the English griefs. All which verifieth that of Papinian, That Par∣ricides are more easily committed than defended.

FINIS.

Notes

• A
• B
• C
• D
• E
• F
• G
• H
• I
• K
• L
• M
• Demonstra∣tion to the Lords States, touching the gouernment of the Ma∣iores.
• N
• O
• P
• Q
• R
• Nootwendich discourse, printed ann. 1622. vnder the name of Ymant van Waarmond.
• S