The history of Quintus Curcius conteyning the actes of the greate Alexander translated out of Latine into Englishe by Iohn Brende.

¶The sixte boke of Quintus Curtius of the actes of the great Alexander Kyng of Macedonie.

HE preassed forwardes where the fyght was moste daungerous, and sleyng suche as made moste resistaunce put the greater parte of his enemies to flyght. Then suche as were vic∣torers before began to flye, till they had drawe•• their enemies, gredely folowyng them, out of the streyte in∣to a more playne ground. In the retire many of them were slayne, but when they had once recouered suche a ground where as they might staye and fall in ordre, the battailes ioyned equally againe on both sides. A∣monges them all, the kyng of the Lacedemonians, ap∣peared moste notable in all mens eyes, not so muche by the beawty of his armour and goodly personage, as through the greatnes of his courage, wherein only he could not be ouercome. He was layde to on all partes, both nere hande, and a farre of ye•• for all that he endu∣red long in armes against his enemies, auoiding their strokes parte with his target, and parte with his body, til suche tyme as he was thrust through both thies with a spere, when by great effusion of bloud he was not able any lōger to endure the fyght: Then the esquiers for his body toke hym vp vpon his target, and caried hym into their campe, that with great payne endu∣red the slurring of his woundes. The Lacedemoniās for all their kynges departure, gaue not ouer the fyght, but assone as they could recouer any ground of aduauntage, they cloosed them selues in battaylle

togither, and receyued stowtly ther enemies that came ful vpon them. Their is not found in any memorie of a battayl more vehemētly fought then that was, where the armies of two nacions that were moste excellent in the warres contended togithers the victory not yet enclyning to any part. The Lacedemonians called to mynde ther aunciente manhode and prowes, and the Macedons considred ther present estymacion they had in the world. The Lacedemonians striued for their li∣bertie, and the Macedons for the souereyntye. The one partie lacked a capteine, and the other rowme to fight in. The manifolde aduentures and causes that fel that daie, encreased both the hope and feare of both parties, fortune as it were of purpose bringing suche valiant men to fight togithers, neither of them preuai∣ling vpon other. But the streytnes of the place, wher∣in they fought, did not suffre them to ioyne with there whole force at ones: for more were beholders the figh∣ters, and such as stode without daunger encouraged the other with their crie. Atlength the Lacedemoniās began to faint, and scarsly able for sweating to sustain their armour began to drawe backe, to haue the more li∣bertie to fle from their enemies that preased sore vpon them. Whē they were ones brokē and scatered abrode the victor pursued after. And passing the place wheru∣pon the Lacedemonians batteyll was first araynged, with all haste, made a sore pursuyt vpon Agym, who seing his men flieng and his enemies approch at hāde, wylled his men to set him downe. Where stretching out him selfe, to fele if the force of his body could aun∣swere vnto his hart. When he found him selfe vnable to stand, remaining vpon his knees, put on his helmet, and couering his body with his target, shaked his spere

and prouoked his enemies to drawe nere, if any were desirous of his spoile, but there was not one that preas∣sed nere hym, but did cast dartes afarre of, which he al∣wayes toke and threwe at his enemies againe, till such tyme as he was thrust into y^e bare breast with a speare, which pulled out of the wound, he fainted and bowing downe himself vpon his target, shortly after fel downe dead bloud and lyfe failing both together. There were slayne of the Lacedemoniās .v.M.iii.C.lx. and of the Macedons, not passing .iii.C. but there was scarsely any of thē that escaped vnwoūded. This victory brake the hartes not only of the Lacedemoniās and of their confederates, but also of all other whiche lay in wayte loking for y^e successe of that warre. Antiparer was not ignorant howe the coūtenaūces of such as did gratefie his victory, differed muche from the ententes of their hartes: but desirous to finishe the warre that was be∣gonne, perceiued it necessary for him to dissēble, & suf∣fre hīself to be deceiued. And though he reioysed much in the fortune of the thing, yet he feared the enuy that might ensue therof, being a greater matter then the e∣state of a lieutenaunt did beare. For Alexāder was of y^e nature, that he desired that his enemies had wonne the victory, shewyng manifestly that he was not contented with Antiparers good successe, thinking that what ho∣nour soeuer chaunsed to any other man, was a deroga∣cion to his owne glory. Antipater therefore which knew full wel his stomake, durst not vse the victory according to his owne will. But assembled a counsel of Grekes to aduise, what thei thought expediēt. The Lacedemoniās made no other request, but that they might send Embas¦sadours vnto Alexander, whiche vpon their repaire to him and their suite made, obtained pardon to all men.

sauing to suche as were the authores of the rebellion. The Megapolitans whose citie did abide the sieg, were cōpelled to pay as a fine for ther rebellion .xx. talentes to the Aheians and the catolians. This was the ende of the warre, which being sodeinly begone was ended before that Alexander had ouerthrowne Darius at Ar∣bella. Assone as his minde was deliuered of those pre∣sent cares, as one that coulde beare better the warres then quietnes or rest, gaue him selfe al to pleasures. By the vices wherof ensewing he was ouercome, whom no powre of the Percians or any other was able to sub∣due. He was geuen to banquetting out of season, & to a fonde delight of drinking & watching, in plaies, and a∣monges flocks of Concubines y^t drwe him into straūg manners & custumes. Which he folowing as thinges better then the vsagies of his countrey, offended ther∣by greatly both y^e eyes & the hartes of his owne nacion, & caused many y^t loued hym before entierly, to hate him then as an enemy. For the Macedōs y^t were obstinate in keaping their own discipline, & accustumed not to be curius, but so scarse in their diet as might suffise na∣ture. Whē they sawe he went about to bring in amon∣ges them y^e vices of those nacions whych they had sub∣dued: cōspiracies then began to be made againste hym, mutyne risse amonges the souldiers, & euery one com∣playnning to an other frely vttred ther griefes, therby he was prouoked to wrath, to suspicion & sodeine feare, diuers other inconuenience ensuing therupon which shalbe declared herafter. Alexander being giuen as it hath bene saied before to vnreasonable banquetinge wherin he consumed both daie & night. When he was satisfied of eating & drinking, passed ouer the tyme w^t plaies & pastimes. And not cōtented w^t such musiciās as he brought out of Greace, caused the womē y^t were taken captiue tosing before him such songs as abhored

the eares of the Macedons not accustumed to suche thinges. Emonges those women Alexander spyed one more sadder then the rest, which with a certaine sham∣fastnes did striue with them that brought hir fourth. She was excellent of bewty & throughe hir shamfast∣nes hir bewty was augmentyd. Bicause she did caste hir eies towardes the earth, & couered hir face so much as she might: caused him to suspect hir to come of grea∣ter nobilitie, then y^t she ought to be shewed furth amō∣such banquetting plaies. And therfore being demaun∣ded what she was: she shewed hir self to be the dough∣ter of the sonne of Occhus y^t lately reigned in Perce, & the wief of Histaspis which was Darius kinsmā, and had ben his lieutennant ouer great armies. Their yet remaynned in the kinges hart some smalle sparkes of his former vertue. For in respect of her estate beinge come of kinges blood, & the reuerence he bare to such a name as the nese of Occhus, commaunded hir not on∣ly to be set free, but also to be restored to hir goods and hir husband, whō he willed to be sought out. The next daie he apointed Ephestiō to bring al the prisoners vn∣to the court, where enquering of the nobilitie of euery one commaunded them which were descended of no∣ble blood to be seuered from the reste amonges whom they found Oxatres brother to Darius, y^t was no lesse noble of mind then of blood. There was made of the laste spoile .xxvi.M. talentes, whereof .xii.M. were consumed in rewardes amonges the men of warre: & the smoe amōted to no lesse value y^t was cōuaied away by them that had the keapinge thereof. There was one Oxydates a noble man of Perce that was put in prison by Darius, and apointed to suffre death, whom Alexander delyuered and gaue vnto hym the signorie of Medya, and receyued Darius brother amonges the nombre of his frendes, reseruing to him all the ac∣customed

honour of his nobilitie. Thē thei came to the countrey of Parthenia, then being but obscure & vn∣knowen: but now the head of all those countreis which lie vpon Tigre & Euphrates, & be boūded with the read seas. This countrey, being frutefull & haboundaunt of al thinges, was taken by the Scithians, whiche posses∣sing part both of Asia & Europe, be troubleous neygh∣bours to them both. They, which inhabite vpō the Bos∣pheron sea, are ascribed to be in Asia. And such as be in Europe, possesse the coūtreis lieng on the lefte side of Thracia so far as Boristhenes, & frō thence right furth so farre as the ryuer of Tanais, that parteth Europe & Asia. It is certain that the Sythes, of whom the Per∣cians be descended, came not from Bospheron, but out of Europe. There was a noble cytie in those daies cal∣led Atomphilos builded by the Grekes, where Alexan∣der remained with his army, conuoieng vittels thether from all partes. Amonges the souldiers lieng there in idlenes, there did rise sodainly a rumour, y^t enterid into their heades without any certain auctour or beginnīg. The rumor was, how that Alexander satisfied with the actes he had done, purposed immediatly to returne into Macedon. This fame was not so sone sowen abrode, but y^t they ran like madde men to their lodginges, and trussed vp their baggage and their stufa: making such preparacion to depart, that euery man iudged warning had bene geuen to remoue, and that the thing had bene done by appointmēt. The tumult that rysse in the cāpe by lading of cariages, & the calling that one made vnto another, came vnto y^e kynges eares. This rumour ob∣tained y^e soner credite, by y^e dispatche of certain Greke souldiers, whom Alexāder had dismissed into their coū∣trey, with the gift of .vi. thousand deneres, to euery hor∣seman, wherupon they toke occasion to thinke that the

warre had bene at an ende. Alexander, whose purpose was to passe into India, and the vttermoste bandes of the orient, was no lesse afraied of this matter, then the case required. And therefore called before him the cap∣teins of his army: And with y^e teares in his eies, made a great complaint vnto them: that in the middle course of his glorie should thus be pulled back, and compelled to returne into his countrey, rather as a man vainqui∣shed then as a victor. Whiche misfortune (he saide) he could not impute to his souldiers, nor iudge in thē any cowardnes, to giue impedimēt to his procedinges, but that it was only the enuie of y^e goddes, which put so so∣deine a desire of their countrey into the mindes of va∣liaunt men, that within a while should haue returned with great glory and fame. Therupon they al promised him to trauaill in reformation of the matter, offeringe them selues in al thinges (were they neuer so difficult) to do as he would haue them. And they promised also, the obedience of the souldiers, if so be that he would make some gentle & apt oracion to pacefie them: which were neuer yet sene departe from him in any despera∣cion or disturbāce of mind, if they once beheld the cher∣fulnes of his coūtenaūce and the courage that proce∣ded from his harte. He promised that he would so do. & required at their handes to prepare in the multitude an aptnes to gyue eare vnto hym. When all thinges were prepared which were thought expedient for the purpose, he assembled all his armye togither and made this oracion vnto them. When ye consider (my soul∣diers) the greatnes of the actes which ye haue done, & the manifolde conquestes that ye haue made, it is no merueill at all, though ye be enclined to the desyer of quietnes, and fully satisfied with fame and glorye. For

leuing to speake of the Illirians, & Triballes, of Boe∣tia, Thracia, & Sparta, of the Acheians & Pelopone∣sians, whom I haue subdued part in persone, & the rest by my apointmēt. I will not make rehersal of y^e warre we began at Hellespont, and how we deliuered frō the intollerable seruitude of the Barbarians nations, Io∣nas and Aeolides, and got vnto our possessiō both Ca∣ria, Lydia, Cappadocia, Phrigia, Paphlagonia, Pamphi∣lia, Pisides, Cilicia, Siria, Phenices, Armenia, Perce, Mede, and Parthenia. We haue gotten more coūtreis, then other haue taken cities, & yet (I am sure) the mul∣titude of them, haue caused me to leue some of thē vn∣rehersed. If I could thinke that the possession of these landes that we haue cōquered in so short time could re∣main sure vnto vs, thē (my souldiers) I would, though it were against your willes, breake from you, to visite my house and my home, to see my mother, my sisters, & my countreymen, to enioy there the laude & glory that I haue gotten with you. Where as the ioyfull conuer∣sacion of our wifes, our children, & parētes, peace, quiet∣nes, & a sure possession of thinges gotten through our valiauntnes, do tary for vs, as large rewardes of our victory. But if we wil cōfesse y^e truth, this new empire whiche we haue not yet at cōmaundement, but is kept as it were by way of entreaty, doth require a time, that this stiffe necked people, may learne to beare our yoke, & framing their disposiciōs to a more humanitie, bring their cruell nature to a more ciuill cōuersacion. Do we not see that the corne in the field axeth a time for his ri¦ping? and though the same be without sence, yet hath it his course to be brought to perfection. Do you beleue that so many nacions not agreing with vs in religion, in customes, nor in vse of tongue, accustomed to them∣pire,

and name of an other man, will be conquered and brought to subiectiō with the wynning of one battail? No, trust me, they be kept vnder with the feare of our powre, and do not obey vs of their owne good willes. And they whiche shewe you obedience when ye be here amonges them, when you be absent, wilbe your ene∣mies▪ you must thinke, that ye haue to doe with wilde beastes, whiche, being fierse of nature, whē they be first taken, must be shut vp, and tamed with tyme. Hetherto I haue reasoned with you as though we had conque∣red the hole dominion that perteyned to Darius, which is nothyng so: For Nabarzanes possesseth Hircania, and the traitour Bessus not only enioyeth Bactria, but also threateneth vs. The Sogdians, Dahans, Massagetes, Sagans, and the Indians, remayne yet in their owne libertie and iurisdiction, whiche shall not see our backes so sone turned, but they will followe vs in the tayles. They all haue a certayne frendshyp and amitie one with an other, but we be all straungers and foryners vnto them. There is no creature but that will more gladly be obedient to rulers of his own nacion, then to foryners, be their gouernement neuer so terryble. We are dryuen of necessitie therefore to wynne that we haue not, or els to lose that we haue all redy gotten. As phisicions in sick bodies will leaue no humour that maye hurt, so lykewyse we must cut away whatsoeuer shall be impediment vnto our Em∣pire. Haue you not sene great fiers risen of small spar∣kes not regarded? We may not neglect any thīg in our enemies, whom the more we dispise, the more strōg we make them. And because you shal not thinke it such an impossibilitie for Bessus to make him self kyng, where

as a kyng wanteth: you shall vnderstande that Darius came not to his Empire by enheritaunce, but got into the seate of Cirus by the benefite of Bagoas his E∣nuche. We commit an heinous offence (my souldiers) if we made warre to Darius, and put him downe for the entent to geue his kyngdome vnto his seruaunt, yea, and to suche one as attempted so vyle an acte a∣gainst his maister, at suche a tyme as he had moste neade of helpe, and whō, we being his enemies would haue spared, he being his subiect, put him in chaynes as a captiue, and finally slewe him, because he should not be preserued by vs. Shall you suffre this kynd of man to reigne? no, let vs make all the spede we may to see him crucified, and so to shewe vnto all kynges and na∣cions a iustice done vpon one, that so vilely falsefied his fayth. If the reporte should come vnto you, beyng in your own countreis, that thesame man were distroy∣eng of the Greke cities about Helespont. O God howe sorye would you be then, and howe muche would you lamente, that Bessus should enioye that you haue got∣ten, and vsurpe the rewardes of your victory? Then would you make haste to recouer your own, thē would you bend your selues to the warres. But how muche better is it nowe to oppresse him whiles he remaineth in suche feare, and is vncertayne what way to take? Shal we spare to spēd .iiii. score daies iourney to come to hym, that haue ouertroden suche snowes, that haue passed so many ryuers, that haue clymed so many moū∣taines? to whose iourney the flowyng sea could be no impediment, nor the streyte of Cilicia could shut vp our way. Nowe all thinges are made playne and open, and we stande in the entrey of our victory. There be but a fewe fugitiues, and killers of their maisters that do re∣maine.

What more notable worcke can you leaue vnto your posteritie, to be reges••red by fame vnto your glory then in reuenging such as were traitours to Darius? you shal therby shewe that whē you were enemies vn∣to him, yet your hatred ended with his death, & that no wicked person could escape your handes. Which thing if you bring to passe, howe muche more obedient do you thinke the Perciās shalbe vnto you, whē they perceiue that you take iust warres in hand, and it was not Bes∣sus name wherewith ye were offended, but with his faultes and euill doinges? His oracion was receiued of the souldiers with such gladnes, that thei streightwaies desired him to cary them whether he would. And he that could vse the occasion of their good mode, passed through Parthenia, and came to the boundes of Hirca∣nia, leuyng Craterus with the band wherof he had the rule, and six thousand horsemen, of whome Amyntas had the charge, with the like nombre of archers to de∣fend Parthenia from the incursion of the barberous naciōs. He appointed Erigonus a smal power to attēd vpō his cariages, willing him to passe with thē through the plaine countrey. And he himself with his fotemen, and with the reste of his horsemen, marched forwardes C. fyfty furlonges, and encamped in a valley at the en∣trey of Hircania. In thesame place, be greate woodes full of hyghe and thyck trees, and the botome of the va∣ley is very frutefull, by reason of the sprynges that come forth of the rockes. Out of the foote of the moun∣taynes, there ryseth a ryuer called zioberis, which with in thre furlonges of the head, is deuided by a rocke, stā∣dyng in the middes of the streame, causyng the water to go two sondrie wayes. Whiche afterwardes com∣ming again into one chanell, ronneth more violently

then before, by reason of the fall of the rockes. And so∣denly it sinketh into the ground, and so rōneth hidden by the space of .ccc. furlonges, and then cōmeth furthe againe as it were out of a newe spring, the same being then in bredth .xiii. furlonges, and as it ronneth fore∣wardes drawith more narow, and falleth into an other streame named Rhydago. The inhabiters of the coun∣trey affirmed that al thinges caste in, where the streme sunk into the ground, would apeare & come out again at the next issue. For the prouing of which conclusion. Alexāder caused two bulles to be cast in where the wa∣ter entered, whose bodies were found by such as were apoynted for the purpose, where the streame brake out againe. In this place he refreshed his army .iiii. daies, during which time Nabarzanes which was confederat with Bessus in killing of y^e king, did write l••es to him, in effect, howe that he was no enemie vnto Darius, but counseiled hym euer to doe suche thynges as he iudged moste proffitable, and for his faithfull counsell was put in daunger of his life by him, who went about against al reason to commit the custodie of his person to straungers, condemning therby the fidelitie of hys owne nacion, which they had kept vnspotted towards theyr kinges by the space of .ccxxx. yeares. Wherefore seing himself in that perill and daunger, toke counsel of his present necessite. And alledged that it was all∣waies admitted lauful for a man to kil such one, whom he knewe to imagyn his death, which was an excuse (he said) wherwith Darius satisfied the people, when he had slain Bagoas. He alledged y^t nothing was more deare to mortal creatures then life, for the loue wherof he was driuen to this extremytie, in committing an act which necessity rather cōpelled him to do, then his own

disposion. For in a generall calamitie eueri man hath his fortune. If he would commaund hym to come to his presence, he said he woulde not refuse to doe it, for he coulde not feare that so great a kyng would violat his promis, seing one God is not wont to deceiue an other. But if he shoulde seame vnworthy to whom he would giue his assuraunce, ther were many countries for him to fle vnto. For al men hauing vertue in them, counte alwaies that for their coūtrey, where they make their dwelling place. Alexander made no stay in giuing him his faith, after such sorte as the Parcians vsed to receiue it: which was to do him no harme if he came to him. Notwithstanding he marched in ordre of battell sending euer scourers before to discouer the ground. The light armed were apointed to the voward, y^e pha∣lanx folowed after, & the baggage behind. For by reasō the same was a warlik nacion, & the countrey harde to entre vpon, caused the kinge to loke ernestly vpon the matter. The same valley stretcheth out to the Caspian sea, the bākes therof resembling y^e hornes of the mone before it cōmeth to the full, the sea lieng betwyxt them like a great bay, vpon the lefte hand the people inhabite that be called Cercetes, whyche lye open towardes the north, and vpon the other parte the Leucosyrians, Mossynes, and Chalibes and the plaines of the Ama∣zones lye towardes the weste. This sea whiche some call the Caspion and some the Hyrcanian sea, being more sweater then anie other, bringeth forth Serpen∣tes of a wonderfull bignes, and fyshes differinge in colour much from all the reste. Theyr be dyuers of opynion that the lake of Meotis shoulde ronne into thys sea, whiche they coniecture of the water, thin∣kyng the same to receyue hys sweatnes of the lake.

Towardes the north the sea groweth into a fleat shore and putteth furth his waters farre vpō the lād, which rising high make many meares and plashes. And as by certaine course of the planets they flowe out, so at certaine time by an ebbe, they returne in againe resto∣ring the groūd to his former estate. Some beleue those waters to be no parcel of the Caspian sea, but that they come out of Inde and rōne into Hyrcania, which lieth low in the forsaid vailey. The king being remoued frō that place, marched forwardes .xx. furlonge in a wylde desert way. Where great woodes honge continually ner their heades, and brokes of water and myer gaue great impediment to ther iourney. But at length with out any impedimēt of his enemies he passed those dif∣ficulties, and came vnto a more faire countrei, wherin besides other vittells (whereof it dyd habound) grewe great plenty of appulles, and the ground was veray apt for vynes. There were also plenty of a certayne kynd of trees, much like vnto okes, whose leaues were co∣uered with hony, which the inhabitors gather before y^e sonne rising, for els the moister would be drie vp with the heate. When Alexander had passed .xxx. furlonges more forwardes. Phrataphernes mette him, yeldinge both him selfe, & such other as fled away after Darius death, whom he receyued gentely, and came to a towne called Aruas. Thether came Craterus and Erigonus bringing with thē Phradates that had the rule of the Tapurians: whose frendly receyuing and gentle en∣tertainment was the cause that many folowed his en∣sample in committing themselues to Alexanders mer∣cy Menape was made their prince of Hitcania, who, being a banished man, in the tyme of Occhus, came to king Philipp for refuge & Phradates also was restored

to the office he had before. When Alexander was come to the vttermost boūdes of Hi••cania, Artabasus, whom we declared to shewe hym selfe faithfull alway to hys Master, met Alexāder with Darius kinsmen and chil∣dren, and with a smalle bande of Greake souldiers. The kyng at his comming proffered him his hand, bi∣cause he had byn entertayned before by king Philippe when he was banished by Occhus? but the chief cause that he accepted him so well, was for the cōtinual fide∣litie that he obserued towardes his prince. He beinge thus gentlye receyued by Alexander, sayd vnto him: Sir, long may you florishe and reigne in perpetuall fe∣licitie. I that reioyce in all other thinges, with one ani chiefly greuid, that by reason of myne olde age. I shall not be hable long to reioyse your goodnes. He was iiii. score .v. yeares of age, & brought, with him .ix. son∣nes borne of one mother, whō he presented before the king, prayeng god to continewe their liues: so long as their seruice might be acceptable vnto him. Alexander was accustomed much to walk on fote, but then left he the olde man might be ashamed to ride, he goinge on fote called for horses for them bothe. When he was en∣cāped, he sent for the Grekes that Artabasus brought. But they made requeste firste that he woulde giue as∣surance to the Lacedemoniās that were amōges thē, or els they would take aduise amonges them selues what were beste to do: The same were the Embassea∣dours that the Lacedemoniās had sent vnto Darius. After whose ouerthrowe they ioyned them selues to the Greakes that were in his wages. The king willed thē to leue al assuraūces & cōposiciōs & come to receiue such apointment as he would gyue them. They stode long in a staye vareing in openions but at length they

agreed so to do: Sauing Democrates of Athēce which chefly had euer oppugned the successe of the Mace do∣ns, dispairing of pardon flewe him self. But thother, as they had determyned, submitted them selues to Alexā∣ders wil, being .x.M.vc. in nūbre, besides .iiii score & .x of such as were sēt Embassadores vnto, Darius. The more parte of the souldiers were distrubuted amongs the bandes, to fyll vp the nombres that wāted, and the rest were sent home except the Lacedemonians, which he commaunded to be put in prison. Ther was a na∣cion called Mardons bounding next to Hircania, rude in their manners and vsagies, accustumed to lyue by theft: They neither sent Embassadores, nor gaue anye significacion that they woulde be at Alexanders com∣maūdiment, he toke therat great indingnaciō that any one people should giue impediment to his victory. And therfore leuing a guard for his cariages, went against them with a strong powre. He merched forwardes in the night, and by the tyme that the day appeared his e∣nemies were in sight. But the matter came rather to a larom then to any fyght. For thennemies were sone driuen from the hilles. Who flieng away left their vil¦lagies to be sacked by the Macedons. But the armye could not passe into the inward partes of the countrey without great trouble & veracion, the same being com∣passed about w^t high montains, great woodes & desert rockes▪ & the partes which were plaine were defended with a straung kind of fortificacion, that is to say with tres set thick of purpose, the bowes whereof whē they were yong were wreathed one wythin an other: The toppes bowed downe were put into the groūd againe, from whence as out of an other rote ther sprong new b••aunches. Which they would not suffre to growe as

nature brought furth, but did knit them so one with an other, that when they were full of leaues they couered clene the earth. The trees thus wreathed one w^t an o∣ther, enclosed in the countrey as it were with a contin∣uall hedge, and were as snares to entangle suche as would go about to entre, ther was no way could be de∣uised to passe through y^e same but onliby cutting down of the wood. And therin they found a great difficultie and much trauail, by reason that the wreathing & wrap∣pinge togither of the bowes kept them of from the bo∣dies of the tres. And the weaknes of the bowes so yel∣ded to the strokes that they could not wel be cut a son∣der. The inhabiters of the countrey were accus••umed to creape amonges the brush like wilde bestes, and by pryuie salies breake out vpon their enemies. Alexāder therfore caused his men after y^e maner of hunters to sake out ther lurkīg places & killed many of them. But at length he enuironed the woode with his souldiers round about, to thintent they might breake in at euery place, wher they should spie any entrey, Wherby many wandred & lost ther company in places that they knew not, and were taken prysoners: And amonges them Bucephalus Alexāders horse, whom he did not esteame as men do other beastes, for he would not suffre any o∣ther man to come vpon hys back. and when the kynge would ride he would kneell downe vpon hys knees to receiue him, so that he seamed to haue the sence to vn∣derstand whom he caried. Alexander was more sorow∣full and sturred to a greater wrath for the losse of the horse thē was expedient for such a cause, for serching a∣bout to get y^e horse againe caused proclamaciō to be ma∣de by an interpreter, y^e except he were restored he wold not leaue one of them aliue. Whē they hard this terri∣ble threating, amōges other giftes they presented vnto

Alexander his horse. yet he was not therwyth pacefied but comaunded the woodes to be cut downe, & earth to be brought for making of the wayes smooth, which he cutt through the woodes. This worck went so wel for∣ward, that the inhabiters dispayring of habilitie to de∣fend their countrey, yelded them selues to the kinge, who receyuing their pledges, committed them to the keaping of Phradates. And from thence the fifte day returned againe to his campe. There he gaue to Arta∣basus the double honor that Darius did vnto him, and sent him home againe into his countrey. After that he came to that citie of Hircania where Darius Palace was Nabarzanes vpon assurance, came thither brin∣ging with him great giftes, and amonges the reste pre∣sented vnto Alexāder Bagoas an Enuche of singuler beauty, being in the firste flowre of youth, whom Da∣rius accustomed, and after Alexander. At whose inter∣cession speicially he did pardon Nabarzanes. The na∣cion of the Amazōs being nere vnto Hircania (as hath bene sayed before) did inhabite the playnes of Themi∣scirae about the riuer of Thermodoonta, & had a quene reigning ouer thē called Thalestris, which kept vnder her dominion all the countries betwene the Mount Caucasus, and the riuer of Phasis: who for the greate affeccion she had to see Alexander, trauailed out of hir owne countrey, and being come nere where he was, she sente certayne before, to declare that a quene was come of desire to visite him, and to make hir acquayn∣taunce. Whan libertie was giuen her to come to his presence, she caused all the rest of hir band to stay, and the came forwardes accompanied with .ccc. women. Assone as she parceyued Alexander, she leaped from her horse carieng two Lances in hir hande, The Ama∣zons

apparell is suche that it doth not couer all their bodies, for their brestes be bare on the lefte syde, nor their garmentes whiche they vse to knytte vp with a knot, come not to their knees. One breste thei alwaies reserue vntouched wherewith they noryshe their wo∣man children, but their ryght breastes thei vse to seare, to make them more apt to drawe their bowes, and caste their dartes. Thalestis behelde Alexander with a bold countenaunce, and considered in lokyng vpon hym, that his personage aunswered not to the same that she had heard of his actes. For the barbarous nacions ge∣ue great veneracion to the maiestie of the personage, thynking none to be sufficient for the doing of greate actes, but suche as nature haue endued with great per∣sonages. It was demaunded of her, if she had any re∣quest to make vnto Alexander: Wherat she abashed not to confesse that she was come thether to get chyl∣dren with hym, thynkyng her selfe a personage worthy of whome he should get heires to enherite his kyng∣dome. Couenanting that if it were a womā she wold kepe it styll, and if it were a man chylde, she would re∣store it to the father. Alexander enquired of her, if she would go forwardes with him in his warres, but ther∣in she excused her selfe, that she had left no ordre for the defence of her kyngdome. But she continued styll in declaration of the cause of her commyng, and re∣quired that her hope therein myght not be in vayne. The womans appetite, seamed to be more vehemently geuen to luste then the kynges was, yet she obtayned of hym to stay for her cause, and consumed thirtene daies in satisfieng of her desire. That done she depar∣ted to her owne kyngdome, and Alexander went to Patthinia, which was the place where he first shewed

manifestly the vices that were in hym: there he tur∣ned his continency, and moderacion, being the moste excellent vertues appearing in any kynde of estate, into pryde and voluptuousnesse, not esteamyng hys countrey customes, nor the holsome temperaunce that was in the vsagies and discipline of the kynges of Macedon, whiche iudged their ciuill vsage and maner to be ouer base for his greatnes, but did counterfeit the heyghte and pompe of the Kynges of Perce, repre∣senting the greatnes of the Goddes. He was con∣tent to suffre men there to fall downe flat vpon the ground, and worshyp hym, and accustomed the victors of so many nacions, by litle and litle, to seruile offices, coueting to make them equall vnto his captiues. He ware vpon his head a diademe of purple, interpaled with white, lyke as Darius was accustomed, and fas∣shioned his apparell of the maner of the Percians, without scrupulesitie of any euell token that it signi∣fied, for the victorer to chaunge his habite into the fas∣shion of hym whome he had vanquisshed. And though he aduaunted that he ware the spoiles of his enemies, yet with those spoyles he put vpon him their euell ma∣ners, and the insolency of the mynde, followed the pride of the apparell. Besides he sealed suche letters as he sent into Europe with his accustomed seale, but all the letters he sent abrode into Asia, were sealed with Darius rynge. So it appeared that one mynde could not beare the greatnes that apperteyned to two. He apparelled also his frendes, his capitaynes, and his horsemen in Percian apparell, wherat though they grudged in their myndes, yet they durst not refuse it for feare of his displeasure. His court was replenis∣shed with concubines, for he still maynteined thre hun∣dred

& .lx. that belonged to Darius, & amonges them were flockes of Enukes accustomed to perfourme the vse of women. The old souldiers of Philippe natural∣ly abhorryng suche thinges manifestly withstode to be infected with suche voluptuousnes and straūge custo∣mes. Wherupon there rose a general talke and opiniō throughout the cāpe: that they had lost more by the vic∣tory, then they had wonne by the warre. For when they sawe themselues ouercome in suche excesse, & foreine customes so to preuaile amonges them, they iudged it aslender reward of their long being abrode, to returne home in the habite of prisoners. They began to be asha¦med of their king that was more like to suche as were subdued, then to them that were victorious, and that of a kyng of Macedon, was become a prince of Perce, & one of Darius courtiers. When he vnderstode that the chefe of his frendes, and his men of warre, were greuously offended with his doynges, he went about to recouer fauour againe with giftes and liberalitie, but it is to be thought that the rewardes of seruitude, be vngratefull to fre men. And therfore lest this mat∣ter might turne into a sedicion, he thought good to breake the imaginaciōs encreased by idlenes, with the exercise of warres, wherof an apt occasiō was geuen. For Bessus inuesting him selfe as a kyng, toke vpon hym the name of Artaxerses, drawing to his parte the Scithians and other that were the inhabiters of the Ryuer of Tanais: whiche thinges were reported to hym by Nabarzanes, whome he had receiued into his fauour, & geuen the rule of the countrey that he had be∣fore. When he had determined this new expediciō, he found his army so ouercharged and laden with spoyle, & other furnimētes of voluptuousnes, that they could

not scarsly moue. Wherfore he commaunded the bag∣gage and stuf of the whole army to be brought toge∣ther in one place, excepting only such thinges as were very necessary. The place was large and playne whe∣ther the cartes were brought laden, and when euery one stode wayting and musing what he woulde com∣maunde them to doe, he caused the beastes to be remo∣ued first out of the way, and then set his owne fardels on fyer, and after all the reste. Whiles these thynges were burning the owners were on fyer, to see those thinges consumed, for the sauing wherof they had oft quenched the flambes in Cyties of their enemies, yet no man durste lament the price of his owne bloud, se∣ing they sawe the fyer consume the kynges ryches, as well as their owne, but the rather to pacefie them, the kyng did mytigate their dolour with a briefe oracion. Whereupon they that were euer apt for the warres, and redy to doe all thynges, began to be ioyfull that with the losse of their baggage, they had saued their discipline accustomed in the warres. As they were set∣tyng forwardes towardes Bactria. Nycanour the sonne of Parmenio died sodainly, whome euery man greatly lamented, but chefely the kyng was so sorowe∣full, desiring to haue stayed for the celebracion of his buriall but that want of vitayles. caused hym to haste forwardes. Philotas therfore was left behynde with two thousand and syx hundred souldiers to perfourme the ceremonis apperteining to his brothers buriall, and he hym selfe marched towardes Bessus. In the way let¦ters were brought to Alexander from the lordes there about, that Bessus was comming towardes hym with a great army, adding thereunto that Satribarzanes whome he had made prince of the Arians, was newe∣ly

rebelled agaynste hym. For that cause not∣wythstandynge he was come nere vnto Bessus, yet he thought it best first to oppresse Satribarzanes, and for that entent brought forwardes his horsemen and footemen that were lyght armed, to come sodaynly vpon his enemies. His comming was not so pryuye, but Satribarzanes knewe and fled into Bactria with two thousand horsemen. For by reason he was not a∣ble to assemble any more in so shorte a tyme, the reste toke the next mountaynes for their refuge. There was a rock whiche towardes the west was hyghe and steape, but towardes the east more lowe and easye to be clymbed, vpon whiche parte it was full of trees. The same rock had a fountayne that ran continually with great plenty of water, and was in compasse two and thirty furlonges. In the toppe was a grene plaine full of grasse, where they placed the weaker multitude, but the rest that were apt for defence beyng to the nō∣bre of thirtene thousand, got them selues to the eggies of the rock, and there threwe downe stones and stoc∣kes of trees againste the Macedonians that came to assayle them. He left Craterus to besyege this rocke, going him self to pursue Satribarzanes. And because he vnderstode that he was gone farre on his waye, returned backe agayne to the siege of them that were vpon the rocke. Fyrst he caused all thynges to be taken away, that myght be any impediment to them in the as∣sault therof. But whē they came to the bare and steape rock, y^e labour semed waste, where nature had wrought against them. But he that was of a disposiciō alwayes to striue agaynst difficulties, consideryng howe hard a matter it was to go forwardes, and daungerous to re∣turne backe agayne, did caste in his head all the wayes

and deuises that could be Imagined, and nowe fante∣sied one thing, and then an other, as men be wont whē the waies they haue found out first, do not please them. As he stode in a stay in doubt what to doe, fortune did minister vnto him a meane, which neither wit nor rea∣son could inuente. It chaunsed that the wynde blewe sore at the southwest, what tyme the souldiers had fel∣led great plenty of wood, wherof thei thought to make them selues away vp against the rocke, and the heat of the sonne had made thesame drye. When Alexander perceiued the wynd to blowe after that sorte, and the woode lieng in that place, cōceiued by and by his pur∣pose, and willed more trees to be cut downe, & laid vpō them, putting all other thinges to it, that were apt to kyndle and noryshe fier: So that trees heaped vpon trees, became as it were a mountaine, so hyghe as the top of the rocke. The same being set a fire in al partes at once, the wynde caried the flambe into the face of their enemies, & the smoke couered ouer the sky. The noise was then great that the fier made, which burned not only the trees that were fired of purpose, but also the rest of the woode growing nere there about. The enemies were so tormented with the flambe & heate of the fire, that they were enforced to forsake their place of strength, & attempted to escape away where the fyer gaue them lest impediment. But where the fier gaue place, the Macedons stode in redines to receiue them, so that they were consumed & slayne, diuers kynde of wayes. Some threwe them selues downe the rockes, some ran into the middes of y^e fier, other fell into their enemies hādes, and a fewe, haulf consumed with fier were takē prisoners. Whē Alexāder had done this act, he returned to Crater{us}, which besieged Artacnan, who

hauing prepared all thinges in redines taried only for the kinges cōming to giue him the honour of the win∣ning of the Cytie. When Alexander was come he ap∣proched nere the walles with the towres of timbre that he had prepared for the assault, at the syght whereof the inhabitaunts were so afrayed that they held vp their handes from the walles requiring hym to spare them, and execute his wrath vpon Sattibarzanes that was the aucthour of their rebellion. Alexander pardoned them frely, and not only leuied his siege, but also restored to the inhabitauntes, all thynges that pertayned to them. As he remoued from this Cytie, there came vnto hym a newe supply of souldiers. zolus brought out of Grece fyue hundred horsemen, and thre thousand footemen, whiche Antipater sent out of Iliria, and hundred and thirty Tessalian horse∣men that came with Philip, who also brought of soul∣diers straungers out of Lidia, two thousand fiue hun∣dred footemen with .iii. hundred horsemen. Alexander hauing thus encreased his power, entred into the countrey of the Drangans, whiche were a warlyke nacion, and vnder the gouernement of Nabarzanes, who beyng of counsell with Bessus in the treason that he committed against his prince, when he heard of A∣lexanders commyng, for feare of the punishement that he had deserued, fledde into India. Thus had they lien in campe nyne dayes, when Alexander being without feare of any enemy, and inuincible againste all foren powers was brought in perill by treason of his own people. It chaūsed that one Dymnus a mā of meane behauour and aucthoritie with his prince, was greatly enflābed in the loue of a young man called Ni∣comachus, with whō he vsed much familier cōuersatiō

This Dimnus on a tyme beyng in a passion, as it wel appeared by his countenaunce, allured this yong man into a Temple, where remayning alone togethers, de∣clared that he had certaine secretes to shewe him, whi∣che in no wise were to be reported againe. Thereby he brought Nycomachus in great suspection, what the matter shoulde be: For before he woulde tell him, he made a protestation by the loue & familiaritie betwixte thē, that he would assure him by his oth to kepe y^e thing secrete, who supposinge the matter to be of no suche weight, that he ought with periurie and breakynge of his othe to disclose the same againe, sware by the god∣des there presente. Then Dymnus opened vnto him howe there was a treason conspired against the kinge, whiche within three dayes shoulde be put in execution, wherof (he saied) he him selfe was prittie with diuers men of nobilitie and estimation. When Nicomachus did heare it to be suche a matter, constauntlye denied then that his promise extēded to conceil treason, wher∣vnto no othe nor religion coulde binde a man. When Dymnus hearde him saye so, he became in a rage be∣twixte loue and feare, and clasped the yong man by the hand, requiryng him with wepyng eyes that he would not stycke to be a partaker in the execution of this cō∣spiracye, or at the leaste, if his harte woulde not serue him, that he woulde kepe his counsaile secrete, in re∣specte that he had founde suche proufe of loue in him, to commit his life into his hādes without any further proufe of his fidelitie. But in conclusion when he per∣ceiued that Nicomachus woulde in no wise agree to his purpose, but manifestly abhorred the acte, he vsed diuers meanes to bring him to his counsaile, one while entreatyng him with fayre wordes, and an other while

threatenynge to kyll him. He called him towarde and traitour to his frende, commendyng the goodlines of the enterprice, and putte him in hope of greate prefer∣mentes, in that he shoulde be part••ener of the King∣dome thei went about to get. When he had proued all these waies, and yet founde him straunge, he thruste his swerde one while to Nicomachus throte, and ano∣ther while to his owne, so that at lengthe by threating and faire speakyng, he brought him to promise, both to kepe his counsaile secrete, and also to be assistaunte to the dede doyng, yet neuerthelesse as one of a constaūt mynde (though for the time presente he seamed to be wonne with the loue of his frende, & become agreable to his requestes) chaunged no parte of his former pur∣pose. This done, Nicomachus required to know what the men were, that had confederated them selues in so weightie a matter, because the persons (he saied) were muche materiall that shoulde take so greate an enter∣price in hand. Then Dimnus, though he were in great trouble of minde that he hadde brought the matter so farre forth, yet when he hearde him aske that question, reioysed, and thanked him greatlye, that he would fre∣ly associate him selfe with suche maner of men, as De∣metrius of the priuie chābre was, Peculaus, Nichanor, Aphobetus, Loceus, Diosenus, Arche••••is, & Amintas This communication once ended betwixt•• theim, Ni∣comachus departed, and disclosed all the ma••er whi∣che he had hearde before, to a brother of his called Ce∣ballinus: agreyng betwixt them two, that Nicomachus shoulde remaine styll secrete in his tente, least by his commyng to the kynges lodgynge, not vsyng to haue accesse vnto the kynge, the conspiratours might per∣ceiue them selues bewraied.

Ceballinus repaired to the kynges lodgynge, and taried before the gate, waitynge for some man nere a∣bout the kynge, to brynge him to his prince. It fortu∣ned that amongest many whiche passed by, onely Phi∣lotas the sonne of Parmenio, demaūded why he wai∣ted there. To whom Ceballinus with a bashed coun∣tenaunce (wel declaring the vnquietnes of his minde) reported all those thinges whiche he had hearde of his brother, requiryng him that he would declare the same immediatly vnto the kynge. Philotas departed from him vnto the kynge, with whom that daie he had much communication of other thinges, and yet opened no parte of the same matter whiche was tolde him by Ce∣ballinus. At nyght as Philotas came forthe. Ceballi∣nus mette him at the court gate, and enquired whether he hadde done his message to the king or not. He ex∣cused the matter, that he could find him at no leasure. The nexte daye Ceballinus mette him againe goynge to the kynge, and put him in remembraunce of that he hadde tolde him before, to whom he aunswered that he remēbred it wel, but yet for al that? he disclosed no part of the matter. Ceballinus began then to suspecte him, and intended no lenger to differ the thynge, but ope∣ned the same to one Metrone master of the Kynges armorye, who immediatlye conueied Ciballinus into the armorye, and wente strayght to the kynge whyche was bath••nge, and enfourmed him of all that he had hearde Alexandre then made no delaye, but sente cer∣taine of his guarde to take Dymnus, and after came him selfe into the armorye. Whom assone as Ceballi∣nus lawe, he ranne to him with great reioysynge, and sayd: loe, I haue preserued the from the hādes of thine

enemie. But Alexander examined him of all the cir∣cumstaunces, and when he againe aunswered to eue∣rye poynte in order. The kynge was earnest to know howe longe it was sence Nicomachus had geuen him this information, he confessed that it was three dayes, wherupon the kynge consideringe that he coulde not with trueth haue conceiled this matter so longe, com∣maunded that he shoulde be put in warde. Then cried he out, and declared that at the same instaunt he knew of the conspiracye firste, he opened it to Philotas, of whom (he saied) he might enquere the trueth. Therupō it was demaunded of him, whether he hadde required Philotas to be broughte to the kynges presence or no. Whiche thynge when the kyng by his confession per∣ceiued to be true, and that he did stifly abide by his first tale, he lifted vp his handes to heauen, the teares fal∣lynge from his eyes, greatlye complainynge that Phi∣lotas shoulde requite him with suche vntruthe, whom he moste assuredly trusted. Dymnus in the meane sea∣son knowynge for what cause he was sente for, woun∣ded him selfe to death, but yet somewhat letted by thē that were sente to take hym, was broughte before the kynge, whom as sone as he behelde, saied vnto him. Dymnus, what haue I offended the, that thou shoul∣dest thinke Philotas more worthy to be kynge of Ma∣cedon then I. At whyche wordes Dymnus became speacheles, and castynge forthe a greate sighe, turned his face from the kynges sight, and fell downe deade. The kynge called Philotas before him, and saied: this man whom thou here seest should haue suffered death if it could haue bene proued that he hadde conceiled two dayes. the treason prepensed againste me.

with the whiche matter he chargeth Philotas, to whome (as he sayth) he gaue knowledge immediatly: the more nere thou art about me, so muche more grea∣ter is thy offence, and the fault had bene more tollera∣ble in hym then in the. Howbeit thou hast a fauorable iudge, for if there be any thyng that cannot be excused, yet at the lest it may be pardoned. To this Philotas nothing abasshed (if the hart may be iudged by the coū∣tenaunce) made aunswere, that Ciballinus brought hym a tale, the reporter wherof was ouer light of cre∣dit to be beleued, and that he feared lest by the presen∣tyng of suche a matter whiche did ryse vpon brabling betwixt two persones of euill disposiciō, he might haue bene laught to scorne: But afterwardes when he once knewe that Dymnus had slayne hymselfe, he was cle∣rely then resolued no longer to haue prolonged the thyng. And so fallyng down before the kyng, be sought him that he would rather haue respect to his life paste, then to his fault whiche was only a consealement and no acte done. It is hard to say, whether the kyng bele∣ued hym, or grounded his displeasure more deapely in his harte, neuertheles in token of pardon, gaue hym his hand, sayeng: howe it appeared that thaccusacion was rather miscredited by hym, then consealed of ma∣lice. Notwithstanding he called his counsell together, amonges whom Philotas was not admitted, but Ny∣comachus was brought in before thē, where he decla∣red all suche matters as he before had shewed to the kyng. There was one Craterus in speciall fauour with Alexander, whiche for thenuie he had to Philotas aduauncement, bare him alwaies grudge: Who knew very wel that the kyng had often bene displeased with Philotas, for the ouermuche auaunting of his good

seruice and valeaunt actes: but yet for all that in those matters he was not suspected of treason, but onelye noted of presumption and arrogancie. Craterus thou∣ght that he could not haue a better occasion to oppresse his enemy, by colouryng his priuate hatred with a pre∣tence of dutie towardes his Prince. Woulde God (quod he) ye had taken our counsaile in the beginnyng of this matter: for if ye woulde nedes haue pardoned ye shoulde haue kept from his knowledge how muche he was in your daunger, rather then to haue brought him in feare of his life, wherby ye shal make him more mindefull of his owne perill, then of your goodnesse. For he maie alwayes imagine your death, but you shal not be alwaies in case to pardō him. Let it neuer sinke in your hart, that he which purposed so haynous a trea∣son, woulde chaunge his purpose for the beneuolence of a pardon. you knowe well that such as offende are often in dispayre of mercy. And though he perchaunce either with repentaunce of his faulte, or remembraūce of your goodnes woulde chaunge his minde, yet I am sure that his father Parmenio, generall capitaine of so greate an armye, and of so grounded aucthoritie a∣mongest your souldiours (that is with theim in maner as your selfe) would be euill content to be in your debt for his sonnes life. There be certaine benefites hate∣full to men, and it is shame to confesse to haue deser∣ued death. Therefore I conclude, that he had rather it shoulde be thought you had done him wronge, thē that ye had geuen him his life. I can not see therefore, but you shall be enforced to destroye theim for your owne suertie. There be enemies enoughe remainynge yet vnconquered, against whom we be goyng: make your selfe sure from your foes at home, so shal ye haue lesse

nede to feare your enemies abrode. These were Cra∣terus wordes, and the residue of the counsail were of opinion that Philotas woulde neuer haue conseiled this conspiracie, excepte he had bene either principall or priuye therunto. For thei thought there was no true man, or of honest hart, though he had bene none of the kynges familiers but one of his meane Seruauntes, hearinge so muche as Philotas hearde, but woulde forthwith haue opened the marter, yet he beynge the sonne of Parmenio, the master of the kynges horse, & of his priuie coūsaile, did not so much as the straūger, which straight waies made relation of that his brother had told him. And where as he pretended that the king was at no leasure, that thei iudged to be done to then∣tente the accuser shoulde not seke any other to whom he might vtter it. Wher as Nicomachus albeit he was bounde by his othe to the cōtrary, yet woulde he neuer rest till he had discharged his conscience. But Philo∣tas when he cōsumed in maner the whole daie in sport and pastime with the Kynge, coulde not finde in his harte to caste forthe a fewe wordes, specially in a mat∣ter so muche concernyng the kynges safegarde. But admit (quod they) he had geuē no credite to the matter throughe the lightnes of the reporter, why shoulde he haue differred the accuser .ii. daies, as thoughe he had beleued it. For if he had misliked y^e tale, he might haue dismissed the partye. It was also alledged that euerye mans mynde muche misgeueth him, when the matter concerneth his owne ieopardye. Muche more ought men to be credulous when it touched the suretie of a kynges person, in whiche ease it ought to be examined though it be of small weight. Thei al therfore determi∣ned that Philotas should be enforced to disclose y^e par∣teners

of the conspiracie. The king cōmaundyng thē to kepe the matter secrete, departed, and to the entente no inglynge shoulde appeare of this newe counsaile, he caused it to be proclaimed that the armye should set forwardes the next daye. The same night the Kynge called Philotas to a bācquete, with whom he vouchsa∣fed not onelye to eate: but also familiarly to commen, notwithstandynge he hadde before in the counsayle determined his deathe, after in the seconde watche of the night, Ephestion, Craterus, and Erigonus whiche were of the Kynges counsaile, came priuelye into the courte without lyghte, and of the esquiers, there came Perdicas, and Leonatus, by whom commaundement was geuen, that all suche as laye neare the Kynges lodgynge shoulde watche in harneys. By this time souldiours were appoynted to all the Passages, and horsemen were sente to kepe the wayes, that no man shoulde passe priuelye to Parmenio, whiche then was gouernoure of Media with a greate power. Then At∣taras came into the courte with .ccc. armed men, vnto whom there were appoincted ten of those that had the charge of the kynges person, euerye one of theim ac∣cōpanied wyth ten Esquiers, whiche were sorted into diuers cōpanies to take the other conspiratours. But Attaras with his .ccc. was sent to Philotas lodging, where wyth fiftye of the hardiest brake vp his cham∣bre dore that was shutte againste them. The residue were commaunded to beset the house, least he might es∣cape by some secrete waye. Philotas, whether it were through the suertye of his owne conscience, or through wearinesse of suche trauayle of mynde, was in so pro∣founde and deade sleape, that Attaras brake in vpon him before he wyste.

But at length when he was awaked and come to him selfe, perceiuing them about to binde him: he exclamed and saied: O Alexandre, the malice of mine enemies haue preuailed aboue thy mercye. Speakyng these wordes, thei couered his face, and brought him into the courte. The nexte daye the kynge gaue commaunde∣ment that certaine of the men of warre shoulde assē∣ble in harneys to the numbre of .vi.M. besides slaues and rascalles that filled full the courte, whiche beyng assembled together, the guarde compassed in Philotas with their bande, to the entent he shoulde not be espied of the people, vntill such time as the king might speake vnto them. For by an olde lawe of the Macedons the kynges in their owne persons were wonte to enquire in matters of treasō, yet could not the kinges aucthori∣tie preuayle to condempnation, except it were confir∣med by the consent of the men of warre. Therefore the bodye of Dymnus was first brought into the place (the moste parte vnknowynge what he had done, or by what chaunce he was slayne.) Then came the Kynge forth to speake vnto the multitude, whiche in his coun∣tenaunce declared the doloure of his hart, and the sad∣nesse of such as were nere about him, caused vnto the reste great expectation of the matter▪ He did caste his eyes towardes thearth, and stode long astonied and in a muse, but at length he plucked vp his spirites, & spake vnto them on this wise.

By the treason of some men I was almoste taken from you, but through the mercy and prouidence of the Gods, I am yet preserued, your honourable presence dothe constreine me more vehe∣mently to be moued against those traytours. Because the onely comforte and fruite of my life is, that I re∣mayne to geue thankes to so many noble men, to whō

I am so muche bounden. With speaking of these wor∣des the murmur of the multitude did interrupt his ta∣le, and the teares did fall from their eyes. Then the king began againe his tale. Howe much more will you be moued when I shall shewe you the authours of so horrible a treason, the rehersal of whom I yet refrain, as one very loth to discouer their names. But I must ouercome the memory of my former fauour & vtter the conspiracie of my vnnatural people, for how is it possi∣ble for me to hide so great a treason. Parmenio a man of that age so depely in my dette, through the most am∣ple benefites both of me and my father, and whome I moste estemed of all my frendes, is the captaine & con∣triuer of all this mischief. His minister Philotas hath procured Lencolaus, Demetrius, and this Dymnus (whose body here you se) with other parteners of their fury to my destructiō. Whē he came to that point there rose throughout y^e multitude a great cherme of a mur∣mur and complaint, suche as is wont to be amonges a nombre, and specially of men of warre, when they are moued either with affection, or displeasure. With that Nichomacus, Metrō, & Ciballin{us} were brought furth, euery one of thē geuing in euidence that they had spo∣ken afore. Yet appered it not by any mās tale that Phi¦lotas was priuy to that conspiracy. But at the last whē the noyse was cessed, & the witnesses had said all they could, the king proceded in this wise. Of what maner mynd thinke you was this man whiche hearing the whole report, could find in his hart to cōseale y^e matter the truth wherof is wel declared by the death of Dim∣nus. Ceballinus that reported an vncertaine tale, for y^e triall therof was afrayed of no tormentes, & neuer de∣laied the lest moment of time, vntill he had discharged

hym self, insomuche that he brake into the place where I was bathing, but Philotas only feared nothyng, he beleued nothing. O how greate a harte had this man whiche hauing knowledge of the daunger of his king, did neuer chaunge coūtenaunce, neither take so much paine as to heare out the tale of thaccuser: but in this silence and consealement there is treason hidden, and the gredy desire he had to reigne, did driue him hedlōg to attempt extreme mischief. His father is gouernour of Media, and heareth suche a stroke amonges the capitaines and men of warre thorowe myne aucthori∣tie, that he hopeth for a great deale more then he hath. And because I am without children he estemeth me not. But Philotas is deceiued. I haue children, fren∣des, and kinsfolke amonges you. So long as you be in sauegard, I shal not recken my self without heires. Then did he resite a letter that was taken, whiche Parmenio had writtē to his sonnes Nicanour, & Phi∣lotas, wherein there appeared no greate proufe of any great treason intended. Theffect was this: First take good hede to your selues, and then to those that long to you, so shall we bring to passe that we haue purposed. Whiche letter the king enforced, sayeng: it was writtē after suche a manner, that if it came to his sonnes hā∣des it might be perceiued of them that knewe the mat∣ter. And if it were caught by the way, it shuld deceyue them that knewe it not. Then proceded he: nowe wyll Philotas perhappes saye that when Dymnus named all that were partakers of his conspiracy, he named not him: as for that it is no prouf of his innocency, but a token of his power and aucthoritie, because he was spared of them that might best bewray hym, that con∣fessing of them selues, durst not yet speake of hym. But what maner mā he hath bene, his lyfe doth shew.

He was fellowe and companion to Aniyntas my kyns∣man, whiche conspired highe treason againste my per∣sone in Macedon. He gaue his suster in mariage, to Attalus, then whome I had neuer greater enemye. When by reason of olde frendship and familiaritie I wrote to hym of the title geuen to me by the oracle of Iupiter Hammon, he did not stick to aunswere: that he was very glad that I was admitted into the nom∣bre of Goddes, howbeit very sory for those that should liue vnder suche o••e•• as woulde ox••••de the state of a man. These were playne tokens that his harte was turned from me and that he ••pitedony glory. Whiche I kept close in my hart so long as I myght. For I thought my bowels pulled from me, if I should make a litle store of them, for whome, I had done so muche. But, now it is not their wordes that must be punished for the rashenes of their tōgues is turned to swordes, whiche (if ye beleue me) Philotas hath wh••tted to my destruction. Whome if I should suffer to escape, alas my souldiers whether should I go? to whom should I commit my person? He was the man that I made ge∣nerall of my horsemen of the greatest part of myne ar∣my & of all the noble yong gentlemen. To his trouth & fidelitie haue I committed my saueguarde, my truste, & victory. His father did I preserue vnto the same estate, wherunto you aduaunced me. Media then whiche there is not a richer countrey, with many thousandes of your frendes and fellowes I haue put vnder his go¦uernaunce, and aucthoritie. Where I trusted of moste surty, there found I moste perill. Howe muche more happy had I bene to haue died in battell, and rather slayne of myne enemies, then thus betrayed of my subiectes. For now being saued frō the daungers that I moste feared, I haue fallen into those that I ought

to haue doubted lest. You haue bene wont often times to warne me that I should regard my surtie. It is you that may make me sure of that that you coūseil me. To your handes & to your succour I fle. I would not liue though I might agaīst your willes, & though you wold yet can I not, except I be deliuered from these my ene¦mies. Hereupon Philotas was brought furth in an old garment, his hādes bound behind his back. It wel ap∣peared how much this miserable sight moued thē whi∣che late before enuied him. The daye before they sawe him generall of the horsemē, they knew that he was at supper with the king, & sodainly they sawe him both pri∣soner, bound like a thefe, & also cōdempned to dye. So did it pity their hartes to cōsider how Parmenio so no¦ble a mā, so great a captain, which late hauing lost two of his sonnes, Hector, & Nicanor, shuld be put to answer absent, with the third sonne, whō euell fortune had left him. The multitude being thus enclined to pitye. A∣mintas one of the kinges officers, with a cruel tale set them all against the prisoner, we be all (qd he) betrayed to the barbarous naciōs, none of vs shal returne home to his coūtrey, wife nor frēdes, but as a maymed body without an head without honour, without fame, in a straunge countrey, shalbe a mocking stock to our ene∣mies. His tale was nothing pleasaūt to y^e king, because he put the souldiers in remēbraunce of their wifes & coūtrey, wherby he thought they would be the lesse wil¦ling to go forwardes in his warres. There was one Cenus which though he had maried the suster of Phi∣lotas, yet did he more extremely ••••uay againste hym then any other, calling hym traitour against his kyng, to his countrey & to the whole army. And therupō toke vp a stone that by chaunce laye at his feete, to haue

cast at Philotas; which he dyd (as some thought) to thende he might rid him from racking. But the king kepte backe his hand, & said y^t the prisoner should haue libertie to speake for him self, & would not suffre him to be cōdempned otherwise. Then Philotas being admit∣ted to speak, were it through y^e cōscience of his offence, or through the greatnes of his perill, as a mā astonied, and besides him self, durste neither loke vp nor speake, but burste out into teares. Wherupon his hart fain∣ted, and he swowned downe vpon those that ledde him But afterwardes when he had wiped his eyes, and by little and little recouered his hart, and tonge, he made countenaunce to speake. What tyme the kinge be∣held hym and said. The Macedons shalbe thy iudges. I woulde knowe therefore whither thou wilt speake vnto them in thy countrey language or not, to whom Philotas aunswered? There be diuers nacions here besides the Macedons, which as I trust shall perceiue my wordes the better. If I vse the same language that you did, bicause the moe myght vnderstand your tale. Then said the kinge marke howe this man hath his o∣wne Countrey tonge in hatred, for ther is none but he that will dysdaine to speake it: but let him say what he will so long as you remembre, that he not onely disday∣neth our custumes but also our language. And with y^t word the king departed from thassemble. Then saied Philotas. It is easy for an innosent to finde words to speake, but it is very hard for a mā in misery to keape a temperaunce in his tale. Thus standyng betwixt a cleare cōscience & most vnhappie fortune. I know not in what wise I shal satisfie my self, & the time both to∣gither. For he y^t might beste haue iudged my cause is gone, what y^e cause is he would not here me, I cannot

well imagen, sith vpon the matter heard, it lieth onely in his hādes both to discharge, & cōdemne me. For the matter not heard, he can not acquite me beyng absent, since he cōdēpned me whē he was here presēt. But not withstanding that the defence of a prisoner is not only superfluous, but also hatefull, which semeth not to en∣forme, but to reproue the iudge. Yet wil I not forsake my self, nor so do, that I shal seme cōdempned by mine owne defaulte. I se not of what treason I shoulde be gilty, emong the cōspiratours no man named me. Ni∣chomacus saied nothing of me. Ceballinus could not tel more of me then he heard. And yet doth the king be∣leue that I should be head of this conspiracye. Was it possible that Dymnus should forget to name him that was chefe? or is it likely that he wold haue ouerslipped me, whē the names of the conspirators were demaun∣ded of him? he would rather haue named me falsely to alure the yong man the soner to his opinion, yet when he tolde y^e matter priuely to Nichomacas, which he be∣leued verilye would haue kept it secrede, namyng hym selfe and all the rest, of me only he made no mencion: wherin it can not be gathered: that he omitted me, for bicause he woulde haue spared me. I ••raye you my fe∣lowes if no man had come to me, no••ge••••en me know∣ledge of the matter, should I this day haue bene put to answere, whē no man could haue accused me? But beit that Dimnus were aliue & wold spare me, what thinke you by the other? would thei cōfesse of thēselues, & for∣beare me aduersitie as subiecte to manye miseries. An offender whē he is punished him self, vseth not to kepe silence to spare another man. Comonlye he that goeth to death wil spare no man nor no mā wil spare him y^t is ready to dye, & yet so many as be giltye & put to tor∣mentes,

wil there none cōfesse the trueth? But now I must aunswere to the point y^t was offence, if there were any. Why did I cōceile treasō? why did I heare it with so small regarde? this fault, if it were a faulte, thou hast pardoned me O Alexander whersoeuer thou a••t, by ge∣uing me thy hand, & bidding me to thy banc••uet in to∣ken of atonement. If thou didst beleue me, I am clere. If thou forgauest me, I am quitte. Stand at the least to thine owne iudgemēt. Alas what haue I done sīce this laste nyghte▪ I wente from thy bourde? What newe reporte hathe chaunged thy mynde?

I rested in a sound slepe, when mine enemies by their bindyng waked me that was sleapyng in myne, owne misfortune? Offēders whē thei can not slepe through their vnquiet coscience are wont to be vexed with ra∣ges, not onely when their mischiefe is intended, but al∣so whē it is ended. But this ••uietnes came to me first throughe mine owne innocencye, and then by the kin∣ges pardon. I feared not that others cruel••y, shoulde take more place then his mercye. But least he shoulde forthinke that he beleued me, ye shall vnderstande that the matter was firste shewed me by a light felow, who could not bring any witnes or warāt of his tale, which if I had disclosed, should haue put many men to trou∣ble. O vnhappy man. I thought mine eares had bene seduced, with the brabblemētes of two boggerers, and I suspected the trouth of the partie, because he did not vtter the matter him selfe, but procured his brother to do it. I was in feare that the one shoulde haue de∣nied that euer he shewed anye suche matter to the o∣ther, and then shoulde I haue seamed to procure much trouble to manye of the Kynges frendes.

So that where I offended none, I haue found some

more desirous to procure my death then to saue my lief What hatred suppose ye shuld I haue gotten if I had accused innocents? But Dymnus slew him self? could I therefore deuyne afore that he would so do? no surely Thus his death being the thing that only tried thaccu¦satyon trewe, could not moue me to vtter it being pre∣uēted by an other. And if I had bene cōspiratour with Dymnus of so great a treason: It is not like that I would haue dyssimuled by the space of two daies after it was discouered? As for Ceballinus it had bene smal mastery to haue dispatched him out of y^e way. After the thing dysclosed wherefore should I haue delayed the matter? I entred into the kings chambre alone hauing weapon about me, whye deferred I my purpose? durst I not attempt it with out Dymnus? no parchaunce ye wyll saye, bicause he was the cheife conspirator howe then standeth it to gither, that I should be hys vnder∣ling, which did couet to be king of Macedon? which of you al hath bene corrupte of me wyth bribes, what ca∣pitaine, what officer haue I made of aboue other? It is laide to my charge that I abhorre the speakinge of my countrey language, and that I disdaine the man∣ners of the Macedons. What? do I so dispise the kyngdome that I couet? Ye knowe well that our na∣turall tounge through the conuersacion of straung na∣cions is gonne out of vre, as wel we that be victorers as they that be subdued must learne a newe language. But suerly these things make no more against me thē dyd the treason that Amintas the sonne of Pardycas intended agaynste the Kynge. Wyth whom I had frendshyp I wyll not deny, excepte ye wyll make it a thinge vnlawfull to loue the kynges brother. But ••y∣thens it was our dutie to honor a mā called to y^e degre

of fortune I besech you am I gilty bicause I coulde not gesse before that he would offend. Is the lawe so y^t the frends of offenders must suffre being innocents? If that be reason why liue I so longe? if it be no reasō why am I cōdempned to die? But then I wrot that I had pietie of those that should liue vnder such a one as beleued him selfe the Sonne of Iupiter. O faithfull fendship and daungerous libertie of true counsel, that deceiued me, that compelled me not to hide y^t I thought I confesse that I wrote so to the kinge but not of the king. I dyd it not for spite, but for my duities sake. Mee thought it more meter for Alexander to haue knowledged the kindred of Iupiter wyth silence, then to haue made auannt therof with vaine bosting. But forbicause the truth of goddes Oracle is certeine, lette god be witnes in my cause. Retaine me in prison till ye may know Iupiters aunswere concerning this cō∣spirasie. And in the meane season he that hath vou∣chsaued our kynge to be his sonne, will suffre none of them that haue cōspired againste his ofspring to be vn∣known If you suppose tormentes more certaine then Oracles I wil not desire to be saued from them in tri∣all of the truth. There is an olde vsage that such as be put to aunswere vpon life & death are wont to bring there parents and kinsfolks before you. Two brothers of late haue I loste, my father neither I can bringe forth, nor dare cal for, bicause he is accused of this trea∣son likewise. Is it a small thing for him that was the father of many children, and hauing but one sonne lest him in whom to take pleasure, not only to lose him, but also to lease his owne life with him? Therfore my most dere father shalt thou dye for me, & with me it is I that take thy liefe from the. It is I that ende thyne olde

dayes. Why diddest thou beget me vnhappy wretch in hatred of the gods? to take such frute by me, as is pre∣pared for the. I am in doubt whether my youth be more vnhappy or thy age. For I in the very floure of myne yeres am wedded vp▪ & there cutioner shall bereue the thy life. Whiche if fortune would haue suffred to con∣tinew, yet nature would haue asked or it had bene lōg. The remēbraunce of my father doth put me in mynd, how loth & timerous that I ought to haue bene in re∣porting of tales. For when my father was enfourmed that Philip the phisiciō had prepared poyson for y^e king, he wrote a letter to warne the king, that he should not receiue the medicine, that his phisicion had prepared: was my father beleued? was his letter of any auctho∣ritie? I my self when I haue reported such thinges as I hard, how often haue I bene shaken of with a check for my light belefe, so that when we tel thinges we are hated, & whē we hold our peace, we are suspected: what would you haue vs do? Then one of the company that stode by, cried out, y^t none ought to be traitours to them that put them in trust. Thou saiest well (qd Philotas) whosoeuer thou art. And therfore if I haue done trea¦son. I require no respect of my paine. And here will I make an end of speaking, because my last wordes seme tedious to your eares.

And as he was speaking so, his keapers led him away. There was amōges the captai¦nes one Belon, a hardy man, but very rude of al honest maner & ciuilitie, who being an old souldier, was pro∣moted frō lowe estate to the rowme of a captain. This Belon presuming vpon a folishe audacitie (when all o∣thers had done) began to tell thē: that whē diuers had taken vp their lodginges in the campe, how they were thurst out by the seruauntes of Philotas, which would

lay their baggage, where other mē were placed before. And how all the streates were ful of his wagons, ladē with gold and siluer. He added further that Philotas would suffre none to lodge nere him, but alwayes ap∣pointed certaine to wayte whiles he stept, which should voyde al men alowf to thintēt he should not be disquie∣ted with any noyse, not so much for wakening of him. as for his diseasing. And howe he was so hault that he dispised the plaine men of Phrigia, and Paphlagonia, & being a Macedō borne, would not be ashamed to here men of his owne nacion by an interpreter. And where as Philotas had before moued to haue the oracle of Iu∣piter enquired of, he sayd it was ment therby to make God a lier, for knowledging Alexāder, to be his sonne, as though any man should enuie the king for that title whiche the goddes had geuen him. But why (qd he) did he not aske counsel of Iupiter afore he did offend, For nowe he would haue vs send for an oracle, that in the meane season his father which ruleth in Media might raise a power vp, & with the money y^t he hath in custody might assemble disperat persones to the felowship of his mischief. Neuertheles we shal (qd he) send to Iupi¦ter, not to enquire of any thing towching the matter, but to geue him thankes, & do him sacrifice, for the pre∣seruacion of so good a king. Then all the cōpany was moued, and amonges the kinges houshold there began a crye that the traytour shoulde be rent in peaces. Whiche thyng Philotas (who feared more greuous punyshement) was content to heare. The kyng retur∣nyng into the prease, deferred the counsell till the next day, to thintēt to cōmit Philotas either to prison there to be racked, or els in the meane season to get further knowledge of thinges. And albeit, it drue towardes

night yet commaunded he hys counsell to be called to∣gether. Some of them thought it best Philotas should be stoned to death after the Macedōs lawes. Ephestiō Craterus, and Cenus determined to haue the trouth tried by tormentes, and then they which counseled the contrary turned to their opynion. Therfore when the counsel was broken vp. Ephestion, with craterus and Cenus arose to take Philotas thexaminacion. The king called Craterus vnto him, and commauding the rest to auoide, had secret cōmuinicacion with him in the innermoste parte of his lodging, theffect wherof came not to any mans knowledg. And their taried tyll the night was farre passed, to here thend of thexaminaciō The executyoners set forth al sortes of cruel torments in the sight of Philotas who of his own mind said vn∣to them. Why deferre you to kill such one as hath con∣fessed hym selfe the kings enemy and a traitour? what nedeth more examinacion? It was myne intent, It was my wil. Crater{us} mind was that whatsoeuer was confessed before, should be cōfessed by Philotas againe vpon the racke. Whych whiles he was taken vp. hys eyes bounden, and spoyled of his clothes, cried out vp∣on the lawe of nature, and the gods of the countrey. But al was in vaine to their death eares. Fynally as a condempned man, he was torne wyth moste extreame torments by his enemies, that wronge him sore for the kinges pleasure. And notwithstanding that at the first fire on the one side, and scourges on thother were mi∣nistred vnto him, more to payne him then for any exa∣minacion sake, yet he had powre of him self to refraine both from speaking and groning. But after that hys body beganne to be bolne with stripes, & that he coulde not abide the scourges that persed vnto the bare bones

Then he promised if they would torment him no more, he would confesse whatsoeuer they shoulde require to know. But first he would haue them swere by the life of Alexander, that thei shoulde cesse their tormentes, & set the racke aside. The which thing obteyned, he saied to Craterus: Tell me what wil ye haue me to cōfesse? Therat Craterus was displeased, thinkinge by those wordes y^t he had mocked him, & caused his tormentes to be renued. Then Philotas besought him to haue a time of respite, whiles he might take his breath, & then he would vtter all that euer he knewe. In the meane season, the chefe of the men at armes, & especially such as were nere to Parmenio in any degre of kinred, af∣ter that the fame had bruted that Philotas was tormē∣ted, fearing the Macedōs law, wherin it was ordeined that the kins••olke of suche as had done treasō against the king, should be put to death w^t the traitors: Some slew them selues, some fled into wilde moūtaines, and waist wildernesses, & great dreade & feare fell through all the host, vntil such time as the king hauing know∣lege of that vprore, made proclamation y^t he would par∣don the rigour of the lawe to the kinsfolke of the trai∣tours. But in cōclusion Philotas made this cōfession, whether it were to deliuer him self out of paine, by ac∣cusyng him self falsly or not it is doubted. Seing it is cōmunely sene, that both such as truely cōfesse, & fals∣ly denye, come all to one ende. You are not ignoraunt (quod he) how familier my father was w^t Egilocus. I meane the same that was slaine in the feild: he was the cause of all our mischiefe: For when the kyng toke vpō him the title of Iupiters sonne, he disdained therat. Shal we knowlege him (quod he) to be our kyng y^t ta∣keth scorne that Phillip was his father? We are al vn∣done

if we can suffer this. He doth not onelye despise men, but y^e Gods also, which wil be reputed a God. We haue lost Alexander, we haue lost our kyng. We are fal∣len to presumption, nether tollerable to the Gods with whom he cōpareth, neither to men whom he despiseth. Haue we with our bloud made him a god, which despi∣seth vs which disdayneth to be in the numbre of men? Trust me y^t we also if we be men shall be adopted like∣wise of the Gods. Who hath reuēged the deathes of A∣lexādre his great grandfather, or of Archilaus or Per∣dicas? But this man (quod he) hath forgeuen thē that slewe his father. These were the wordes y^t Egilocus spake about supper time, and on the morowe early my father sent for me, who was heauy and sawe me sadde, for we both had heard that, which made vs out of quiet. Therefore to proue whether he babled those woordes through excesse of wine, or of an aduised purpose cōcei∣ued before, we thought good to send for him, & sekyng occasion of the same cōmunicatiō he of his own mind said further: that if we durst vndertake the aduenture, he would not shrynke from vs, or if our hartes serued not he would kepe our counsayle. Yet so long as Da∣rius was liuyng my father thought all the matter out of time because the death of Alexāder should be to the auaile of our enemies, and not of our selues. But Da∣rius once ridde out of the waye, then he that could de∣stroy the kynge should obtaine the empire of Asia, and all the orient for his reward, whiche coūsaile beyng ap∣proued, faieth and trouth was geuen therupon. But concernyng Dimnus I know nothing. When he had confessed all thys matter, I perceyue (quod he) that it dothe not auayle me that I am vtterlye gilties of this treason. Then thei renued his tormentes againe, and

so beate his face and his eyes with the troncheons of their speares, vntil they enforced him, not onely to cō∣fesse of him selfe, but also to shewe the circumstaunces of the whole treason prepēced. Because (quod he) it se∣med y^t the king would soiourne long among the Bac∣triās, I was afrayed least my father that had so greate a power in his handes, and the keping of so much trea∣sure, (beyng .lxx. yere of age) should happe to die in the meane season, & thē being disarmed of so great a strē∣gth, should not get oportunitie to slea the kyng. Wher∣fore I hasted the matter, while the praye was in hand. Thus discouered he the conspiracye, wherof if thei be∣leued his father to be aucthour, he saied for his trial he refused not to be tormented againe, though it were to greuous for him to endure. The officers then whispe∣ryng together thought the examination to be suffici∣ent, returned therwithall to the Kynge, whiche on the morow caused al the cōfession there to be opēly recited before Philotas, whō he caused to be led into the place, because he was not able to go, where he cōfessed all the matter againe. Then Demetrius was brought forth, whiche was counted the greatest doer in this conspi∣racye next to Philotas. But he with great protestatiō and incredible sloutenes both of harte & coūtenaunce, denyed that he euer intended any euill against y^e king, and for his triall desiered to be tormented. Then Phi∣lotas castyng his eyes about, spied one Calis standing by, and made a sygne to him to draw nere. Who being abashed, & refusing to come forwards. Wilt thou (quod he) suffer Demetrius to lye, & me to be strayned again. With those words Calis became speachles, & chaūged color. Thē the Macedōs begā to suspect y^t he wold ac∣cuse innocēt, bicause y^e same Calis was nether named by

Nichomacus, nor by Philotas him selfe in his tormen∣tes. But finallye Philotas before the kinges officers standing therabout, cōfessed that all the treason was conspired by him self & Demetrius. Wherfore as ma∣ny as were appeached by Nichomacus, vpon a tokē ge∣uen, were stoned to death according to the Macedons lawe. Thus was Alexander deliuered frō great peril not only of his life, but also of his surety. For Parme∣nio and Philotas, beyng of suche power▪ if thei had not openly bene found culpable, coulde not haue bene con∣dempned without the great grudge of the armye. So long therfore as Philotas as denied the thing, the matter semed doubtfull, and many men thought him cruellye handled. But after he hadde confessed the cir∣cumstaunces, no man, not so muche as his neare frendes toke any pitye of him.

Notes

• The batail betwyxt A∣gys kynge of Lacede∣mon and Antipater laeutenāt in Macedonia
• Agi•• was slayne.
• Megapoli∣tane.
• Howe Alex∣ander in prosprytie ••ell to vice.
• Histaspis.
• Oxydates.
• Parthenia.
• Baspheron.
• Boristenes.
• Ato••philos
• A tumulte that rose v∣pon a ru∣mour.
• Alexanders oracion vn∣to the soul∣diers.
• Hircania.
• zioberis.
• Rhydago.
• The effecte of Nabarza∣nes letters to Alexāder
• Cercetes,
• Leucosiriās
• Mossynes. Chalybes.
• The caspyō sea,
• Aruas. Phradates.
• Tapurians
• Menape.
• Artabayus yelded to A••exander.
• The Mar∣dons
• Bucepha∣lus Alexan∣ders horse.
• The Ama∣zons.
• Thermo∣doonta.
• Phasis.
• Thalestrys me••te Alex∣ander.
• Here Alexā∣der first for∣soke vertue and fell to vice.
• Bessus toke vpon him as kyng.
• Nycanour.
• Satribarza¦nes.
• The siege of a rocke.
• Art••cnan.
• Drangans.
• A treason cō¦spired agai∣nst Alexand
• Dimnus.
• Nichoma∣cus.
• Ceballinus·
• Philotas.
• The treasō disclosed.
• Dimnus slew him selfe,
• The kings wordes to Philotas
• Philotas aunswere
• Alexander called a coū¦sell,
• The opiniō of the coū∣saile.
• Attaras
• Philotas taken.
• The Oratiō of Alexan∣dre againste Philotas.
• A letter.
• Amyntas tale.
• Cenus.
• The auns∣were of Philotas.
• Belons eui∣dence,
• Philotas. ••acked
• The confes¦sion or Phi¦lotas.
• The secōde cōfession of Philotas.
• Demetrius
• Calis
• Philotas put to death