Hexapla in Danielem: that is, A six-fold commentarie vpon the most diuine prophesie of Daniel wherein according to the method propounded in Hexapla vpon Genesis and Exodus, sixe things are obserued in euery chapter. 1. The argument and method. 2. The diuers readings. 3. The questions discussed. 4. Doctrines noted. 5. Controversies handled. 6. Morall observations applyed. Wherein many obscure visions, and diuine prophesies are opened, and difficult questions handled with great breuitie, perspicuitie, and varietie ... and the best interpreters both old and new are therein abridged. Diuided into two bookes ... By Andrevv Willet Professour of Diuinitie. The first booke.

3. The questions and doubts discussed.

1. Quest. Whether this vision in the 11. Chap. be diuers from the former vision in the 10. chapter.

1. Hierome, who taketh the first words of v. 1. to be vttered by Daniel, that he praied for the prosperitie of Darius, thinketh that this vision is diuers from the former, for that happe∣ned in the third yeare of Cyrus, c. 10. 1. this in the 1. of Darius: and so his opinion is, that at what time Daniel praied for Darius in his first yeare, then these things were reuealed vnto him by the Angel: and so there is in the text a sudden change of the person: for in the 2. v. the Angel speaketh, behold, now I will shew thee: whereas the former words were vttered by Daniel. And this he saith is not vnusuall in Scripture, for a person suddenly to be brought in not mentioned before: as, Psal. 32. v. 7. after Dauid had said, thou art my secret place, then v. 8. the Lord is brought in speaking, I will instruct thee, and teach thee the way that thou shalt goe, &c. Of this opinion with Hierome are the author of the scholasticall historie, Albertus, and Carthusian. Hug. Cardin.

2. But the better opinion is, that this vision conteyned in this chapter, is continued with the former: which Lyranus prooueth, because this chapter beginneth with the Hebrewe coniunction va••, which sheweth a coherence with the former. And it may further be thus confirmed, in the former chapter, v. 14. the Angel saith, I am come to shewe thee, what shall come to thy people in the latter dayes: But these things are not there declared to the Prophet: the things then which should befall the people of God, which the Angel came to declare to the people, are those things which are expressed in this chapter.

3. Some doe make this verse a part of the former chapter, and will haue this to be the sense, as Michael helped me, so I againe helped Michael, Vatab. Bulling. But it shall ap∣peare in the 3. question, that the Angel saith not here that he helped or strengthened Mi∣chael, but Darius rather.

Quest. 2. v. 1. Who it was that here saith, I stood vp, &c.

1. Hierome, whose opinion is in part shewed before, thinketh that Daniel speaketh these words, that he prayed vnto God for Darius, that his kingdome might be confirmed and e∣stablished, who had as much as in him lay, deliuered Daniel from his enemies, and sealed the stone vpon the mouth of the lions denne, that none of his aduersaries should goe in to hurt him: But the phrase sheweth, I stood vp to strengthen him, that this is not vnderstood of pray∣er or desire to strengthen him, but of a power whereby he was strengthened.

2. Some thinke, that these words were vttered by the Lord Iesus Christ, as the former also in the 10. chapter, Oecolampad. But Christ needed not the assistance of any Angel, as he saith that Michael helped him, v. 13. and Michael which helped the Angel is rather vn∣derstood to be Christ, see before, c. 10. quest. 22.

3. Therefore this was the Angel Gabriel, who spake before vnto Daniel, and continu∣eth his speach still: for whereas he faith, I stood vp to strengthen him, he speaketh not this, as though he did it by his owne power, but in Dei persona, in the person of God, Calvin. and officium suum solum commemorat, the Angel sheweth onely his office and ministerie, Polan. he did onely strengthen him, as Gods minister therein.

3. Quest. Who it was whom the Angel stood vp to strengthen.

1. Lyranus vnderstandeth here Daniel, whom the Angel strengthened in offring vp his prayers vnto God: that as Daniel prayed for Darius, so the Angel furthered therein Daniels prayers, quia efficacior est virtus angeli, quam hominis, because the strength of an Angel is greater then of a man: But beside that the Scripture doth not giue any such office vnto the Angels, to be the presenters of our prayers, the Angel speaketh to Daniel in the second per∣son, v. 2. I came to shew thee: but this speach is vttered in the third person, I stood vp to streng∣then him.

2. Some doe take this to be Michael the Arkeangel, whom this angel strengtheneth, Oecolamp. Vatab. and some make this the sense, that these two Angels ioyned together to suppresse Sathan, who animated and stirred vp the Persians against the people of God, O∣••••and. But in the first of Darius, nothing was attempted against the Lords people: all made for them: for the people then by the ioint edict of Cyrus and Darius, were set free: some ex∣pound it thus: that if these two angels Michael and Gabriel were able to assist Darius to o∣uercome the mighty Monarchie of Babylon, much more were they able to preserue the peo∣ple of God now, Bulling. This sense is much to the purpose, sauing that he vnderstandeth Michael here to be an Angel, who is before prooued to be Christ himselfe, c. 10. quest. 22. who could not be helped by a ministring Angel, beeing the commander and helper of An∣gels himselfe.

3. The meaning then is, that the Angl helped Darius to subdue the Monarchie of Baby∣lon: and herein is shewed the accomplishment of the vision of the hand, writing the destru∣ction of Balthazar and his kingdome vpon the wall, Dan. 5. which handwriting was made by the Ministerie of the Angels, who by Gods appointment assisted Darius in the subduing of the Babylonian state and Monarchie: so in effect the Angel thus reasoneth, that seeing by their ministerie, the Babylonian Monarchie was ouerthrowne, and the Persian state set vp: they are as able to bridle the rage and furie of the Persian kings, as they were first to set them vp, Calvi••▪ and the Angel here maketh mention of Darius, because he would briefely set forth both the beginning and ende of the Persian Monarchie.

Quest. 4. Why the Persian Monarchie is so briefely touched, and the Grecians set forth at large.

These reasons may be yeelded thereof. 1. because that the Empire of the Persians, was not so greiuous vnto the Iewes, neither did they so cruelly entreat the people of God, as did the Grecians, as the kingdome of the Seleucians, and P••olomies: therefore the Angel 〈◊〉〈◊〉 them lightly ouer. 2. And an other reason is, seeing the people were to endure much af∣fliction vnder the kings of Syria and Egypt, but especially of Syria, it was requisite, that the people should be comforted against those times: and therefore the Angel at large declareth such things, as should befall the people of God, vnder those kings, but chiefely vnder An∣tiochus Epiphanes, Iun. commentar.

Quest. 5. That there were more then three kings of Persia, as may be gathered out of the Scripture.

1. Concerning the iust number of the kings, that there were neither three onely, as the Hebrewes, nor 5. as Tertullian lib. aduers. Iudaeos, nor 8. onely as Isidor. lib. 5. Etymol. and Ioannes Annius, whom I••annes Driedo, and Ioannes Lucidus followe, not yet so many, namely 14. as Pererius, and the most doe hold, as is shewed before quest. 37. vpon the 9. Chapter.

2. But the opinion of the Hebrewes, who most of them hold that there were but 3. kings of Persia, Cyrus, Assuerus the husband of Esther, and Darius whom Alexander o∣uercame: and some of them name a fourth beside, Cambyses betweene Cyrus and Assuerus: This opinion may euidently be refelled by Scripture: which maketh mention at the least of 5. kings of Persia: Pererius thinketh that sixe are named in Scripture: 1. Cyrus. 2. then As∣suerus, called also Artaxerxes, which was Cambyses, who hindered the building of the Temple, Ezra. 4. 3. then Darius the sonne of Hystaspis, vnder whom the Temple was ree∣dified, Ezra. 5. vnder whom the Prophets Haggie and Zacharie prophesied. 4. Artaxer∣xes Longimanus by whom Ezra and Nehemiah were sent, Ezra. 7. Nehem. 2. 5. the fift was Assuerus the husband of Esther, which is thought to be Artaxerxes Mnemon. 6. and the sixt was Darius whom Alexander ouercame, in whose time Iaddua was high Priest, Nehem. 12. 22.

But in this collection Pererius diuersely faileth. 1. in that he maketh Assuerus and Ar∣tashasht mentioned Ezra. 4. to be all one, whereas the last named was Cambyses, the other Darius Hystaspis, as is shewed before quest. 58. c. 9. 2. he thinketh the Temple beganne to be reedified vnder Darius Hystaspis, which was Darius Longimanus, as is shewed before likewise, quest. 45. c. 9. 3. he taketh Assuerus, Esthers husband to be Artaxerxes Mne∣mon, which was rather Darius Hystaspis, for Mordecai his age, who was one of the captiui∣tie of Iechonia, will not suffer the storie to be deferred so long: see before c. 9. quest. 44.

3. This then may be affirmed, that at the least fiue seuerall kings of Persia, are named in the bookes of Ezra and Nehemiah: as Cyrus is mentioned, Ezra. 4. 3. then Assuerus, which was Darius Hystaspis, and before him, Artashasht, that is Cambyses, which first hindered the worke of the Temple, Ezra. 4. 6, 7. afterward Darius, which was Artaxerxes Longima∣nus, Ezra. 6. 1. called also Artashasht, v. 24. and Darius the last king, Nehem. 12. 22.

Quest. 6. Who were these fowre kings of Persia here named.

1. Hierome leauing out Cyrus, because the account beginneth from him, nameth Cam∣byses, then Smerdes the vsurper, after him Darius Hystaspis, and the fourth Xerxes: so also Hugo Car. and vnto this opinion inclineth Iunius in his commentarie: and he yeeldeth this reason thereof, because Smerdes, though he were an vsurper, yet quietly a while enioyed the kingdome: But this Smerdes is not to be counted any of this number, because both he was an vsurper: for this Smerdes, or as Polanus out of Ctesias calleth him Sphendadates, was he that accused Tanyoxares Cambyses brother, whom Cambyses caused to be taken out of the way by giuing him bulls blood to drinke, and then this Sphendadates was taken for Camby∣ses brother, and Cambyses beeing dead he vsurped the kingdome: But he beeing discouered by Tibethes Eunuch vnto Amytis, Cambyses mother, the 7. gouernours of Persia conspi∣red to kill him, and then Darius Hystaspis was elected king, because he procured by art his horse first to neigh at the rising of the Sunne, (whom the Persians worship as their God) as was agreed betweene them before. Beside, as this Sphendadates was an vsurper, so he raig∣ned onely 7. moneths, as Herodotus, therefore in both these respects, because he was an v∣surper,

and held not the kingdome long, he is to be excluded out of the number of the Per∣sian kings, Bulling.

2. The Hebrewes thus count them, Cyrus, Cambyses, Artaxerxes Assuerus, making Darius the fourth, whom Alexander ouercame: But it is prooued before quest. 5. that the Scripture maketh mention of more kings of Persia then these: and this Darius, as Hie∣rome saith, was the 14. king from Cyrus: but he was in true account the tenth at the least.

3. Pintus out of Metashenes thus setteth them downe, after Cyrus, the first was Arta∣xerxes Assuerus, then Darius Longimanus, after him Darius Nothus, and the fourth was Artaxerxes Mnemon: But here are two famous kings omitted: Cyrus, who must be numbe∣red for one, because this vision was in the 1. of Darius: from him Cyrus was the first: and Xerxes, who was indeede that rich king of Persia.

4. Melancthon likewise omitteth Xerxes and nameth Artaxerxes Longimanus for the fourth, because he raigned at home while Xerxes made warre abroad in Europe: But this fourth king must be he, that stirred vp all against Grecia, which was Xerxes, and not Ar∣taxerxes his sonne.

5. Oecolampadius and Pellican, doe thus name them. 1. Cyrus. 2. Cambyses. 3. Smer∣des. 4. Darius Hystaspis: But this Darius of purpose inuaded not the Grecians, but set vp∣on Asia minor, and then the Grecians chalenging Ionia to belong vnto them, by that occa∣sion Darius also encountred with the Grecians, and was ouercome by Miltiades at Mara∣thon: But Xerxes continued the warre begunne by his father, and did of purpose prouoke the Grecians to battell, Iun. commentar.

6. These then were the three Rings. 1. Cyrus. 2. Cambyses his sonne. 3. Darius Hysta∣spis. 4. and the fourth was Xerxes, who is described by his riches, and his attempting of warre against the Grecians: to the three first kings the Grecians gaue these titles: Cyrus was called, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a father, Cambyses, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Lord ouer them, and Darius, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a mer∣chant: a railer and extorter of tribute, H. Br. in Daniel. this reckoning followe Calv. Pol. Iun. in his annot. Osiand. Pappus.

Quest. 7. Of the fourth king of Persia his riches and power.

Two things are here expressed concerning this fourth king, 1. that he should be richer then they all: for beside the great summes of treasure which Darius Xerxes father had ga∣thered together, he was 6. yeares after in making preparation for the warres of Grecia: and beeing thus growne to exceeding great riches, then he beganne these wars against the Gre∣cians, which though intermitted a while, yet were not fully ended vntill the Monarchie of the Persians was finally ouerthrowne by the power of Grecia vnder Alexander. 2. it is said, he should raise all against the realme of Grecia; herein three things are to be considered: 1. the preparation to this warre. 2. the successe thereof. 3. the ende of this rich king. First his preparation was wonderfull, Polanus out of Ctesias saith his armie consisted of 800. thousand men, and a thousand shippes. Calvine reckoneth 900. thousand: Osiander out of Iostine counteth a 1000. thousand men, and a 1000. thousand shippes: but Herodotus goeth yet further, and maketh the whole summe 23. hundred thousand. Pererius excee∣deth them all, collecting that the whole armie, quinquies continebat decies centena millia, conteined 5. times 10. hundred thousand. But this number seemeth to be incredible: yet without question he prouided an huge armie, in so much that it is said, he drunke vp riuers, made bridges ouer the Sea, cast downe huge mountaines, and made them euen with the ground. 2. now for his successe, he was ouercome in 4. battells, and within the space of two yeares, all this huge companie was vanquished and destroyed: first, he was foyled at Thermopilae, where 300. Lacedemonians discomfited the whole armie of the Persians: then he was ouercome by Sea at Artemisium, afterward at Salamine, where finding the bridge broken downe, he was constrained to flie away in a small boate: lastly Mardonius, by whose counsell he tooke that warre in hand, was vanquished at Plateae; And such was the successe of that warre. 3. Now the ende of Xerxes was this, at his returne he fell into inordinate lust and cruelty: he committed incest with his brothers wife, and daughter, and caused his owne brother Masistes to be slaine, and he himselfe was killed by Artabanus, who a while vsurped the kingdome after him: And this was the ende of this rich and mightie king of Persia.

Quest. 8. Why the Angel leaueth at the fourth king of Persia, seeing there were more.

1. Lyranus his opinon here is not sound, that thinketh, following the Hebrewes, that none of the Persian kings are here omitted: and taketh this fourth king to be the last Darius, that was ouercome by Alexander: but both the continuance of the Persian Monarchie, and the number of the Persian kings agreed vpon almost by all historians, ouerthroweth this o∣pinion. 2. yet although there were more kings of Persia then sowre, diuerse reasons may be alleadged, why the Angel staieth at the fourth and proceedeth no further. 1. the spirit of God intended not to followe the order of the historie, sed praeclara quaeque praestringere, but to touch onely the principall and speciall things, Hierome, Hugo Card. 2. Theodoret saith the reason is, because the Angel would onely set downe the most mightie kings of Persia, omitting the rest: and to the same purpose Bullinger and Polanus, because it is said, there shall stand vp three kings of Persia: the Angel onely speaketh of the flourishing state of •••• at Empire, before it beganne to decay, as it did presently after Xerxes time. 3. Some giue this reason, that the other kings of Persia are omitted here, because they are supplied out of o∣ther bookes of the Scripture, as of Ezra, Nehemiah, and some of the Prophets, Pappus. 4. Iunius addeth, because the historie of the Persian kings following concerned not the people of God: their chiefe businesse afterward fell out with the Grecians, in commentar. 5. But the most speciall reason is, the Angel onely nameth those kings by whom the Iewes were held in captiuitie: and such as hindered the worke of the Temple; and as Oecolampad. out of Eudoxius, their gouernements are spoken of, in which there was 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the hinderance of the worke, and staying of the building of the Temple, which the Prophet tooke greatest care and thought for: to the same purpose M. Calvin. by standing, vnder∣standeth those kings, which stood against the people of God. 6. Adde hereunto that the Prophet maketh a cursary mention of them, to insinuate in what short time these foure kings should runne out the race of their kingdome; for first Cyrus, in whose third the Temple was hindered, raigned not long after: some thinke that Cyrus going against a people of the In∣dians called Derbices, which vsed to deuoure their parents when they were old, thinking it a more honourable ende for them, then to be eaten of wormes, fell from his horse, and then was wounded in the thigh by a dart cast at him by an Indian, and so died, Polan, ex Cresia. but the more receiued opinion is out of Herodotus, that he was slaine of Queene Tomyris, and his head beeing cut off was cast into a bowle of blood: yet Xe••ophon writeth that Cy∣rus beeing aged died in his bed, giuing fatherly and graue exhortations to his sonnes. After him Cambyses hauing raigned not much aboue 6. yeares, was wounded by his owne sword, and so died: Darius Hystaspis, beeing 20. yeares old when Cyrus went against Queene Tomyris, and liuing but 43. yeares in all, enioyed not his kingdome 36. yeares, as most thinke, nor yet halfe so much: Xerxes time could not be long: H. Br. giueth but 31. yeares to the Persian Monarchie vnto the second of Darius Longimanus, and maketh the 49. yeares, for the reedifying of the Temple, to coucurre with the 20. of Darius Longimanus, whom he supposeth raigning at home, while his father Xerxes was occupied in the Greeke warres, beeing but then a young man, to haue giuen libertie in his 2. yeare for the reedifying of the Temple: but if 30. yeares be onely allowed for the raigne of Cyrus, Cambyses, Darius, and Xerxes, Darius Longimanus cannot be thought to be then of yeares to haue sonnes, as he had, Ezra. 6. 10. But allowe 49. yeares vnto the 2. of Darius, as is further prooued, c. 9. quest. 58. this was but a short time for the raigne of fowre such potent kings.

7. This also beeing ioyned to the former may make the former reasons more full, why the Angel endeth it at Xerxes, and so passeth vnto Alexanders time, because then the quar∣rell begunne betweene the Persians and the Grecians, which was neuer laid downe, till the Grecians had ouerthrowne the Persian Monarchie. And so Alexander in an epistle to Da∣rius Codomannus, as Arrianus writeth, lib. 2. pretendeth this as the cause of his warre a∣gainst the Persians: Maitores vestri Mecedoniam ingressi, &c. Your Auncestors invaded Ma∣cedonia, and all Grecia beside, and offred them many wrongs, whereas they had receiued none: wherefore I beeing created Emperour of the Grecians, beeing willing to reuenge their wrongs, am come ouer into Asia beeing prouoked by you.

Quest. 9. A briefe description of the rising and fall of Alexanders kingdome, v. 3. 4.

The Angel briefely toucheth both the rising vp and the fall of Alexanders kingdome. 1.

the rising of his kingdome is described, by two adiuncts. 1. he shall be mightie: for with 30. thousand footemen, and 5. thousand horsemen, he tooke vpon him to conquer the whole world. 2. and it is said he shall stand vp: whereby is noted the suddennesse of his ri∣sing, and the singular dexteritie that was in him to atchieue that which he intended and pur∣posed: the effects are likewise two, 1. he shall rule with great dominion: his Empire was large, for beside other countreys, which he subdued, he possessed all the great Monarchie of Per∣sia. 2. he shall doc according to his pleasure, he shall be prosperous in all his enterprises, and preuaile in his warres, according to his owne desires.

2. The fall and ruine of his kingdome is likewise described, first in generall, then in par∣ticular. 1. In generall both by the circumstance of time, when he shall stand vp, that is, after he hath stood a short time: for not aboue seuen yeares had Alexander raigned, when his kingdome, together with his life was dissolued, Iun. commentar. and euen when his king∣dome was come to the height, and he expected embassadours at Babylon from al the world, he died at Babylon: As also the manner is shewed, by a Metaphor, it shall be broken, like as when a brittle thing is broken into many peices and shiuers.

2. In particular two things are expressed, the subiect of this kingdome, and the qualitie and condition of it. 1. the subiect is declared affirmatiuely, it shall be diuided into the 4. winds, that is to fowre kings and chiefe gouernours, negatiuely, not to any of his posteritie, which is amplified by a Metaphoricall speach, it shall be pulled vp, as a thing by the rootes, in respect of his owne succession: and others shall be planted in their stead, in the place of his successors: for so is the meaning of those words, to others beside those, that is, it shall be giuen vnto those fowre successor, of Alexander, beside his owne heires.

2. For the qualitie of these kingdomes, they shall not be like in power vnto Alexanders. as it is said, not according to his dominion.

Quest. 10. Of Alexanders birth, and education, acts and life, ende and death abriged.

1. For the first, Philip king of Macedonia, was father to Alexander, and his mothers name was Olympias: he was borne about the 2. yeare of the 106. Olympiad: the same day, wherein he was borne, the great Temple of Diana at Ephesus was set on fire, which the Magicians interpreted to signifie, that one was then borne, who should set all Asia on fire: at 15. yeares of age he was committed to Aristotle to be instructed, and in his youth was of such magnanimitie, that when his father had conquered any citie he would say, that his father would leaue nothing for him to winne.

2. At 20. yeares of age he sit vpon the conquest of all the world: in his acts and life three things are memorable, his vertues, his monuments and exploits, his notable vices. 1. his vertues may be thus diuided, into his morall, and militarie vertues: As his morall were these, his continencie, before he tasted of the pleasures of Asia: he preserued the chastitie of Dari∣us beautifull wife and daughters, and would not so much as see them: his clemencie and hu∣manitie was great euen towad his enemies: but his liberalitie exceeded all the rest: he gaue 23. thousand talents among his souldiers: see more of his vertues, c. 2. quest. 48.

His militarie vertues were excellent. 1. his courage, that with 30. thousand footemen, and 5. thousand horsemen durst aduenture to bid battell to the whole world. 2. his patient labour in enduring hunger and thirst, frost and cold. 3. his dexteritie and celeritie in omit∣ting no opportunitie. 4. and hereunto may be added his singular successe, he neuer besie∣ged any citie but he tooke it.

2. His exploits were singular. 1. he enlarged the Empire of the Grecians, and made them Lords of the whole world. 2. he built many cities 70. in number as Plutarch writeth, whereof Alexandria in Egypt was one. 3. he reduced many barbarous nations from their sauage and brui••ish manners to ciuilitie, as is further shewed, c. 2. quest. 48.

3. And his vices which he fell into after he had glutted himselfe with the pleasures of Asia, were not inferiour to his vertues: fowre notable vices among the rest raigned in him. 1. drunkennesse, he would drinke so excessiuely, that he would lie 2. or 3. dayes till he had s••••pt out his drinke. 2. in his drinke he was cruell and outragious: in his rage he killed his deare friend Clitus, much lamenting his death afterward. 3. he was giuen to the wanton∣nesse and pleasure of the flesh. 4. And at length he grewe so intolerable proud, that he made himselfe Iupiters sonne, for which cause he commanded Calisthenes to be killed, be∣cause he refused to worship him: see before, c. 8. quest. 16.

3. Then Alexanders ende was this, in the 32. yeare of his age he died at Babylon. some thinke of poison: but he died rather of surfetting and drunkennesse, continuing quaffing so long, at a Phisitians house a Thessalian, that he fell into a burning feuer, at such time, as he expected embassadors from the remote countreys of the world, out of Africa, Europa, as out of Spaine, and Italie, and so in fewe dayes after he sickened, he died, hauing no time to returne into his owne co••ntrey, nor space to appoint his successor: see more c. 8. quest. 16.

Quest. 11. Of the fowre successors of Alex∣ander.

Concerning three of Alexanders successors there is no question: Ptolomeus the sonne of Lagus possessed Egypt the kingdome of the South: Seleucus raigned in Syria and Babylon, in the East, which in respect of Iudea was counted the North: and Antigonus held Asia minor in respect of Egypt on the North: but there is some question, who was Alexanders successor in the kingdome of Macedonia in the West.

1. The receiued opinion is, that Arideus called Philippus the brother of Alexander suc∣ceeded in the Macedonian kingdome, as Hierome, Lyranus, Hugo Card. Pintus, Bullinger. But Arideus cannot properly be counted Alexanders successor, because he was but chosen king for a time vntill Alexanders sonnes came to age: and he had but the name of a king: Perdiccas was chosen Tutor and protector of the Empire, and Seleucus master of the horse, which was the second place in dignitie: Craterus Treasurer, Antipater gouernour of Ma∣cedonia and Grecia: and beside the text saith, that the kingdome should not be left to any of Alexanders posteritie, that is, heires or kinred: But his brother was one of his posteritie and kinred.

2. An other opinion is, that Antipater one of Alexanders chiefe captaines succeeded in Macedonia, Osiand. but this can not be neither: for though Antipater were set ouer Ma∣cedonia, as other of Alexanders captaines were appointed their seuerall regiments, before the kingdome was shared and diuided into foure parts; yet because Aridaeus was then li∣uing, to whome by generall consent of the captaines, the name and title of the king was yeilded, during the nonage of Alexanders children, Antipater could not be said to succeede in that kingdome.

3. Wherefore Cassander rather the sonne of Antipater, who vsurped the kingdome of Macedonia, as soone as Aridaeus was dead, is rather held to be one of the foure successors in the kingdome, Iun. Polan. Calv. Pap. Calvin thinketh that Cassander was Antipaters fa∣ther: true it is that he had two sonnes, Antipater and Alexander; but they by mutuall parri∣cide made an ende one of an other, and held not the kingdome long after their father: But Cassander which raigned 18. or 19. yeares ouer Macedonia, was the sonne also of Anti∣pater.

Quest. 12. How all Alexanders posteritie was rooted out, that none of them succeeded in the kingdome.

1. Hierome thus expoundeth these words, not to his posteritie, quia Alexander liberos non habuit, because Alexander had no children, which Pintus thus with fauour interpreteth, that he had no sonne, which succeeded him: but if Hieromes words be well marked, he gi∣ueth this as a reason, why the kingdome was devolued to strangers, because Alexander had no children: whereas he had two sonnes, Alexander by Roxane, and Hercules of Barsines, as Trogus and Iustinus testifie.

2. Some writers thinke, that Alexander had a sonne called Alexander by Thalestra, Queene of the Amazons, as Q. Curtius, Clitarchus, Polycritus, Onexicritus affirme: but that is by other historians held to be but a fable: as Hecataeus, Philippus Chalcidicus, Duris Samius, Plutarchus Cheronens. Philo Thebanus, with others, ex Pinto. for this Alexander was Alexanders sonne by his wife Roxane.

3. This then was Alexanders posteritie and kinred which he left behind him: his mother Olympias, and Pyrrhus his vncle king of Epirus, his brother Aridens, and his sister Cleopa∣tra, his two wiues with their two sonnes, Roxane with Alexander, and Barsines with Her∣cules, they were eight in all: Olympias causeth Arideus to be killed: Cassander thereupon taketh occasion to put Olympias to death beeing almost 80. yeare old, and poisoneth both Alexanders sonnes, Alexander and Hercules, with Roxane Alexanders wife: Cleopatra Alexanders sister, the gouernour of the Sardians, who was base brother to Philip Alexanders

father, procured to be killed, therein thinking to gratifie Antigonus: last of all Pyrrhus was vanquished by Antigonus Demettius sonne, and his head cut off. And thus in few yeares all Alexanders posteritie was cut off, that none liued to succeede him.

13. Quest. Of the meaning of these words, v. 4. It shall be for others beside those.

1. Whereas it is said in the text in the ende of the fourth verse, it shall be giuen to others beside, Hierome readeth strangers for others: the word acharim, signifieth both strangers and others: by strangers Hierome vnderstandeth other captaines, beside these fowre, as Per∣diccas, Crateron, Lysimachus, which had some part of Alexanders dominions. Theodoret in∣terpreteth it of other strangers of forren nations: as in the raigne of some of the posteritie of the first successours of Alexander, the Parthians fell away from the kingdome of Syria and Babylon, by the instigations of Arsaces a Persian, of whome the kings of Persia a long time after were called Arsacidae. But neither of these expositions can stand here: not the first, be∣cause before in this verse, mention is made onely of the diuision of the kingdome into the fowre winds: so that we are referred onely to that famous diuision of the kindome into fowre parts, and to none other: not the latter, because that falling away of the Parthians was well nie an 100. yeares after Alexanders death, in the time of Seleucus grandchild to Antiochus the sonne of Seleucus Nicanor, as Iustine writeth, lib. 41. By others then, here are meant none els, but those fowre generall captaines, who diuided Alexanders kingdome among them: yet it shall not be amisse here somewhat to touch the petie diuisions of the kingdome, before it grew into fowre parts, and of Alexanders seuerall captaines, with their endes.

14. Quest. Of the petie diuisions of Alexanders kingdome among his seuerall captaines, before it grew into fowre, and of their mutuall dissension.

Three things here shall be briefly touched concerning Alexanders captaines, 1. of their feuerall diuisions. 2. of their ciuill warres, which they made one with an other. 3. of their bloodie endes.

1. After that Alexanders captaines had by a generall consent chosen officers for the whole kingdome, Arideus was appointed Viceroy during the nonage of Alexanders chil∣dren: Perdiccas, protectour, whome Antipater afterward succeeded in that place: Seleucus generall for the armie: Craterus Treasurer: then they sorted the seuerall Prouinces among them: Ptolomeus had Egypt, Laomedon Syria, Philotas Cilicia, Antigonus Lycia, Pamphy∣lia, and Prygia the greater, Cassander Caria, Menander Lydia, Leonatus Phrygia the lesse: Eumenes Cappadoeia and Paphlagonia, Phiton Media. ex Curtio. Lysimachus Thracia, An∣tipater Ma••edonia. H. Br. And Iustinus maketh mention beside of others: to Nicanor cal∣led Seleucus, were committed the Parthians, to Amyntas the Bactrians, to Neoptolemus the Persians, to Peucestes the Babylonians, to Philippus the Hircanians. And the other Pro∣uinces remained vnder their gouernment, which held them Alexander yet liuing. Thus A∣lexanders Empire beeing distributed among so many petie gouerners, 15. or 16. in all, could not long so continue vnder so many masters, but they presently fel at variance among them∣selues. And in this respect Demades wittily compared Alexanders armie when he was dead, to Cyclops the huge gyant when he had lost his eye: for as that huge bodie wanting light to direct it, hit here and there, and could not guide it selfe: so this vnruly companie wanting a guide, dashed one vpon an other, as a shippe without a pilote runneth vpon the rocks and sands.

2. We are in the next place then briefly to see the ciuill dissention and warres which were mooued among these captaines.

1. The first warre was begunne thorough the ambition of Perdiccas, who beeing in greater authoritie then the rest, intended to marrie Cleopatra Alexanders sister, and so to take vpon him the gouernement: which his purpose that he might the better atchieue, he first enterpriseth to remooue the lettes and impediments: and sendeth Eumenes against Antipater, and Antigonus, and he himselfe goeth against Ptolome into Egypt: but he was slaine of his owne souldiers: and not long after Alcetas his brother, and his sister were slaine also: and this was his ende, who was the first beginner of sedition.

2. After this a second stirre beganne betweene Eumenes, and Antigonus: in which bat∣tell

Neoptolemus and Craterus were slaine, and Eumenes was betraied by his souldiers vn∣to Antigonus, whome he killed.

3. Then Cassander after he had most treacherously extinguished Alexanders familie, quarrelleth with Antigonus, from whome he would haue taken certaine cities in Asia, and ioyneth with Ptolome, and Seleucus, who feared Antigonus greatnes: but Antigonus van∣quisheth Cassander, and maketh him to restore the cities in Asia.

4. After this Antigonus setteth vpon Seleucus, and Ptolome: but first he was ouercome by Ptolome at Tyrus, who tooke Demetrius Antigonus sonnes pauilion, with all the prince∣ly furniture, but restored it againe: afterward Demetrius surprized Cilles one of Ptolomes captaines, and 8000. men, but returned them safe to Ptolome, to requite his former huma∣nitie and kindnes.

5. Then followed a soare battell betweene all of the chiefe captaines remaining, not farre from Ephesus: on the one side were Seleucus and his sonne Antiochus, Lysimachus, and Ptolomes forces: on the other Antigonus: the night before the battel, Antigonus had a vision, wherein Alexander appeared, saying vnto him, that now he would goe vnto his e∣nemies: whereby Antigonus vnderstood, that hauing beene hitherto victorious, he should be ouercome now: And so it fell out, for as he pursued Antiochus in battell, he was slaine by Seleucus horsemen, beeing almost 80. yeare old: his sonne fledde to Athens, and renewed the warre, but he was taken by Seleucus, and long suruiued not his father: then the rest di∣uided the kingdome of Antigonus among them.

6. The last battell betweene Alexanders captaines, was betweene Lysimachus and Se∣leucus. This Lysimachus was a man of valour: for beeing familiar with Callisthenes, whome Alexander killed, he was commanded to be cast vnto the lyons: but he killed the lyon, and so escaped: for which his valour he was afterward much made of by Alexander. But this Lysimachus among his vertues, had enormous vices: he married two sisters, and had children by them both, but the one killed the others child: the mother for succour fledde vnto the other kings allied vnto her: hereupon beganne the quarrell betweene Lysimachus and Seleucus: but Lysimachus beeing ouercome, was slaine. Melancth. ex Pausan.

3. In the last place let vs take a view of their bloodie endes. Perdiccas first killed Melea∣ger: Ptolome killeth Cleomenes Perdiccas friend: and Perdiccas himselfe is slaine of his owne souldiers, going against Ptolome. Craterus and Neoptolemus are slaine in battell: Philotas killeth Phiton: and he with Eumenes are slaine by Antigonus: Antigonus fighting against Seleucus is killed: Lysimachus by Seleucus, Seleucus is slaine by Ptolome Cerau∣nus brother to Ptolome Philadelphus then raigning in Egypt: and the same Ceraunus not long after was slaine by Brennus: Demetrius Antigonus sonne rooteth out the house of Cassander: and so he and his posteritie held the kingdome of Macedonia, vntill the Romans possessed it. And this was the ende of Alexanders captaines.

15. Quest. Why the Angel prosequuteth the storie onely of the king of the South, and of the North, omitting the the rest.

Two reasons may be yeelded hereof. 1. The other kingdomes, the one of Asia the lesse in the North to Egypt, which fell vnto Antigonus, after he was slaine and vanquished by Seleucus, was diuided among the other captaines, and so it was extinguished: and the other kingdome of Macedonia in the West, was translated from Cassander and his posteritie, vnto Demetrius the sonne of Antigonus: neither was it in power answerable vnto the other two kingdomes, of Syria, and Egypt: and therefore these onely are mentioned: for vers. 5. the Angel speaketh onely of two mightie kingdomes, which should preuaile aboue the rest.

2. An other reason is, Iudea stood in the middes betweene these two kingdomes of Sy∣ria and Egypt, by which occasion, these kings waging battell one against an other, Iudea beeing in the middes, went to wracke betweene them: Melancthon. And sometime the Iewes fauoured one, and sometime an other, and then the aduersarie part still afflicted them: and thus betweene these two kings were the Iewes molested the space of three hundred yeares. Lyranus. And a third cause there was of trouble vnto the Iewes: some∣time the Ptolomies of Egypt challenged the gouernment and soueraigntie of Iudea, some∣time

the kings of Syria: but in the last sociall warre against Antigonus it was agreed, that the most part of Iudea should belong vnto the Seleucians, as Antiochus the great allead∣geth in an embassage sent vnto Ptolome Philopator king of Egypt: Polyb. lib. 5. There∣fore mention is made onely of these two kings, because they onely had to doe with the people of God: and as Hierome saith, scripturae propositum est, non externam absque Iu∣dais historiam texere, it is the intent and purpose of the Scripture, not to follow a forren hi∣storie without respect vnto the Iewes. And Iosephus hereof thus writeth, Antiocho magno in Asia regnante, &c. While Antiochus the great raigned in Asia, Iudea was continually troubled and Coelesyria: for while he had warre with Ptolomeus Philopator, and his sonne E∣piphanes, whether he did ouercome, or were ouercome, they went to wracke, euen like vnto a shippe driuen to and fro of the windes: inter prosperam & adversam Antiochi fortunam ia∣ctat a est, Iudea was tossed vp and downe betweene the prosperous and aduerse fortune of An∣tiochus. Ioseph. lib. 12. antiquit. c. 3.

16. Quest. Of the Kings of Egypt, and Syria, of whome Daniel prophesieth in this Chapter.

The kings of Egypt which succeeded one another after the diuision of Alexanders king∣dome into foure parts, were these:

1. Ptolomeus the sonne of Lagus, called Ptolomeus Soter, which signifieth a sauiour; because he rescued diuers kings that fledde vnto him for succour, as Seleucus, and Pirrhus king of Epyrus: but he contrarie to his name made hauocke of Syria and Iudea.

2. Ptolomeus Philadelphus, so called, either because he married his owne sister, or by the contrarie, because he killed two of his brothers. Iun. in commentar.

3. Ptolome Euergetes, a benefactour: he was a great fauourer and patron of learning, as his father was: the Egyptians called him a benefactour, because he brought home the ima∣ges from Babylon which Cambyses had carried away.

4. Ptolomeus Philopator, so called by the contrarie, for he killed his father, mother, and brother.

5. Ptolomeus, surnamed Epiphanes, that is, the famous or renowned.

6. Ptolomeus Philometor, which signifieth a louer of his mother, or beloued of his mo∣ther, by the contrarie, for his mother hated him.

7. Ptolomeus Physcon, so called of his great bellie.

8. Ptolome Lathurus, so named because beeing exiled by his mother, he secretly practi∣sed to returne againe.

9. Ptolome Auletes, so surnamed the piper, because he would publikely in his princely habit contend with fidlers and pipers, to exceede them in fidling and piping.

10. He left behind him his sonne Ptolome Dyonisius, and Cleopatra: this Dyoni∣sius caused Pompey to be killed, that fledde thither for succour, beeing ouercome of Cesar: who because he afterward practised against Iulius Cesar, was by him commanded to be slaine, and the kingdome was giuen to Cleopatra his sister, who afterward married to An∣tonius. ex Melancth. Bulling. And these were the Egyptian kings, vntill the Romanes redu∣ced it into a Prouince after the death of Antonius and Cleopatra.

These also were the kings of Syria, called the kings of the North.

1. The founder and beginner of this kingdome was Seleucus surnamed Nicanor.

2. Next vnto him was Antiochus surnamed Soter, a sauiour.

3. Then Antiochus called Theos, which signifieth God, because he required diuine ho∣•••••••• to be giuen vnto him, Bulling. or, as Pausanias, he was saluted by that title of the Mile∣••ians for expelling their tyrants.

4. Seleucus Callinicus, which signifieth an excellent warriet, the sonne of Antiochus Theos by Laodice: his brother Antiochus Hierax, so tearmed for his rapacitie, raigned to∣gether with him in an other part of the kingdome.

5. Seleucus Ceraunus, that is, a flashing or lightning, was the next, but he raigned not long, therefore by some he is omitted, as Hugo Card. Melancth.

6. Antiochus surnamed Megas, the great, succeeded his brother Ceraunus.

7. Then Seleucus Philopator (so called, because his father loued him) raigned: but not long.

8. Antiochus Epiphanes, the famous, by the contrarie, for he was of a base nature, and

despised, v. 2. or rather as some call him Epimanes, the madde or furious Antiochus, succee∣ded Philopator.

Thus farre the prophecie of Daniel is extended to the 8. king of Syria, which was Epipha∣nes, and to the 6. of Egypt Ptolome Philometor. At these the prophesie staieth, because the principall intendement of this prophesie is, to foreshew the troubles, which the people of God should endure vnder Antiochus Epiphanes: and this prophesie there ending, signifieth that the comming of the Messiah was not farre off: and beside after this time, when such ••auocke was made of the people of God by Antiochus, the kings of Syria (as a iust recom∣pence for their crueltie against Gods people) did one cut an others throat, and so the king∣dome by ciuill dissention was rent a sunder, vntill it came vnto the Romanes. These then were the kings that succeeded Epiphanes.

9. Antiochus Eupator Epiphanes sonne, whome Demetrius his vncles sonne killeth.

10. Demetrius succeedeth, whome one Alexander faining to be Epiphanes sonne, kil∣leth, and vsurpeth the kingdome by Ptolome Philometors meanes.

11. Demetrius Nicanor sonne of the other Demetrius, killeth Alexander.

12. Antiochus Sedetes expelleth Demetrius his brother.

13. Tryphon killeth Sedetes, and is king.

14. Antiochus the brother of Demetrius called Eusebes for his pietie, because hauing besieged Ierusalem in the feast of the Tabernacles, for reuerence of their feast he did for∣beare them, and sent them sacrifices to offer, he killeth Tryphon: and he himselfe is slaine in a bat••ell by Arsaces king of the Parthians.

15. Demetrius Nicanor is restored againe to his kingdom.

16. One Alexander vsurpeth the kingdome, who is ouercome by Antiochus Gry∣phus.

17. Antiochus called Gryphus of his Eagles or hooked nose, was the sonne of Demetri∣us: betweene him and Antiochus Cyzicenus so named of the place where he was brought vp, the sonne of Sedetes, was great warre.

18. Seleucus the sonne of Gryphus prosecuteth his fathers quarrell, he killeth Cyzice∣nus. Thus the familie of the Seleucians by mutuall discord, was at the length extinquish∣ed, and then Tygranes king of Armenia taking aduantage of this ciuill dissention, vsurped the kingdome, and held it certaine yeares vntill he was subdued by Pompey. Melancth. Bulling.

17. Quest. Of the first Ptolome called here the king of the South.

1. This Ptolome was held to be the sonne of Lagus, but in truth he was the sonne of Philippus king of Macedon, who married his mother beeing great with child, vnto Lagus. 2. Alexander for his singular valour exalted him, Iustin. for when Alexander was in daun∣ger at Oxydrace, he onely of all his friends rescued him. 3. He was the chiefe author of diuiding the Empire, and tooke vpon him the gouernment of Egypt, slaying Cleomenes the gouernour thereof, and he ouercame Perdiccas, that came against him with an armie. 4. After the death of Perdiccas, he recouered Phoenicia, Syria, and Cyprus to his kingdome, and by his sonne Megas obtained Cyrene. Pausan. in Attic. 5. He restored Pirrhus king of Epyrus to his kingdome, and Seleucus expelled by Antigonus, fleeing vnto him for suc∣cour. Hierome. 6. But he was cruell to the Iewes, inuading them vpon the Sabbath day, when they suspected nothing, and carried many of them away captiue: but afterward he became more indifferent toward them, giuing them the like priuiledge in Alexandria, as the Macedonia••s had. Ioseph. lib. 12. antiquit. 7. He raigned well nie fourtie yeares after Alexanders death, and died in the 124. Olympiad, (as Polybius writeth) in the same yeare that Lysimachus, Seleucus, and Ptolome Ceraunus likewise ended their daies. 8. He left behind him Philadelpus, Ceraunus, and other children beside. Pausan. And this was the king of the South (that is of Egypt, which was South to Iudea,) which (the text saith, v. 5.) shall be mightie.

18. Quest. v. 5. One of his Princes shall preuaile, who is meant hereby.

1. Hierome, whom Lyranus, Hugo Card. Pintus follow, vnderstand this to be Ptolome Philadelphus, who succeeded Ptolome Lagi, and grew to be mightier then he: he had 200. thousand footmen, and 20. thousand horsemen, 15. hundred shippes of warre, and a 1000.

shippes for burthen: so Hierome.

2. Iunius in his commentarie, and in his annotations is of the same opinion, that the pro∣noune (his) hath reference to the king of the South before named: and by Princes, vnderstan∣deth sonnes: as Dauids sonnes are said to be his chiefe Princes, 2. Sam. 8. And they are cal∣led Princes, rather then sonnes, because they were not the legitimate sonnes of Ptolome. And beside this philadelphus, after the manner of the Persians, married his owne sister Ar∣sinoe, so that the children which he had by her, were rather called his Princes, then sonnes; Iun. in commentar.

But the words of the text following, he shall preuaile aboue him, (or, as some read) against him, G. B. will not beare this sense: for these words doe implie a contention, which should be the greater: but this was not betweene the father and the sonne: rather Ptolome the fa∣ther made his sonne great, beeing his younger sonne he appointed him to be heire of the kingdome, and as Iustine saith, resigned vnto him the kingdome beeing yet aliue, thinking it to be a greater honour to be a kings father, then the king: neither can it be shewed, that this Ptolome more enlarged the kingdome, then his father had done.

3. Therefore, by one of his Princes, is rather to be vnderstood, one of his, that is, Alexan∣ders Princes, and that was Seleucus Nicanor, who was king of Babylon and Syria, which was North to Iudea: so Melanct. Vatabl. Calvin, Osiand. Bulling. Genevens. B. Polanus. 1. This Seleucus was of such strength, that when a wilde bull, as Alexander was sacrificing, brake loose, he held him by the hornes alone and staied him, whereupon he gaue the hornes in his armes: which doth fitly answer vnto the description of the fourth beast with tenne hornes, c. 7. 8. which signified the kingdome of the Seleucians, Appian. in Syriac. it is said, that Seleucus and his posteritie had naturally the signe of an anchor in their thigh, Melanct. 2. This Seleucus ouercame Antigonus, though he were before by him expelled out of Ba∣bylon: and he diuided his kingdome: likewise he caused his sonne Demetrius to yeeld him∣selfe vnto him: he also slue valourous Lysimachus, who in Alexanders time, being cast vnto a lyon, slue him. 3. He much enlarged his kingdome: he raigned ouer Babylon, and Media, Mesopotamia, Armenia, Cappadocia: and ouer the Persians, Parthians, Arabians, Bactrians, Hyrcanians: and possessed all from the borders of Phrygia euen vnto the riuer Indus: and passing ouer that riuer, he likewise warred with Sandracotus king of the Indians: neuer any possessed more countries in Asia then this Seleucus, onely Alexander excepted. Polan. 4. He builded many goodly cities, sixteene of them he called after his fathers name Antiochia, sixe by his mothers name Laodicea, nine after his owne name, Seleucia: three by his wiues name Apamea, and one Stratonica by his other wiues name: the most famous of these cities, which afterward continued, were two called by the name Seleucia, one by the Mediterra∣nean sea, the other by the riuer Tygris: Laodicea in Phoenicia, Antiochia vnder Libanus, and Apamea in Syria. Many other cities he called by Greeke or Macedonian names: as Ber∣rhea, Edessa, Perinthus, Maronea, Callipolis, Achaia, Pella, Amphipolis, Arethusa, Cholcis, Larissa, Apollonia: In Parthia Sotera, Calliope, Hecatompolis, Achaia: in India Alexandropo∣lis: in Scythia Alexandrescota: So that Seleucus dominion was mightier and larger, then the kings of the South. H. Br. in Daniel. 5. This Seleucus was somewhat equall and fauoura∣ble toward the Iewes: he did enfranchise them in all his cities which he builded in Asia and Syria, with the same priuiledges which the Macedonians had, Ioseph. lib. 12. c. 3. which he did to make them his friends against Ptolome Soter. 6. But at length he was circumvented, and slaine by Ptolome Ceraunus, brother to Ptolome Philadelphus. Melancthon.

19. Quest. That this kingdome of the North is the same which Ezekiel calleth Gog and Magog.

That Ezekiel, c. 38. and Daniel here agree in their description of the same kingdome, may appeare by these reasons. 1. because the kingdome of Gog is also there called the kingdome of the North, Ezek. 38. 15. Come from thy place out of the North parts, thou, and much people with thee: and here also he is called the king of the North. 2. The nations which doe ac∣companie Gog, as Magog, Meshech, Gomer, Togarmah, Pharas, Put, the ••••ebrews themselues vnderstād to be the nations inhabiting, Cappadocia, Galatia, Iberia, Armenia: all which were vnder the command and obedience of the king of the North. 3. The building of cities tho∣roughout those countries, and the calling of them by the names of the Seleucians, and their kinted, are euident arguments of the foueraigntie which they had ouer those nations: so that

we neede seeke no further for that great Gog, whome Ezekiel speaketh of. 4. And further, as Ezekiel prophesieth, c. 38. 23. that after the ouerthrow of Gog, the Lord would be mag∣nified and sanctified among many nations, which was performed by the comming of the Messias: so it came to passe: for not long after the destruction of this kingdom of the North, and the ende of that familie of the Seleucians, Christ came into the world. And this is the common opinion of the Hebrewes, as Ab. Ezra, and Kimhi testifie, that after the ouerthrow of Gog, Messiah should ••aigne. 5. Wherefore seeing this Prophesie is fulfilled alreadie, they are deceiued, which deferre the fulfilling of Ezekiels prophesie vntill the ende of the world, wherein they giue great aduantage vnto the Iewes, who thinke that their Messiah, when he commeth, shall vanquish the power of Gog and Magog. H. Br. in Daniel.

20. Quest. Of the first variance betweene the king of the South, and the king of the North: and of their ioyning together againe.

v. 6. In the ende of the yeares they shall be ioyned together againe. 1. It is euident then that first the league made betweene the first kings of the North and South Ptolome Lagi, and Seleucus, was afterward broken: which was vpon this occasion: Antiochus Soter suc∣ceeded Seleucus, and married his fathers wife Stratonica, by the aduise of Erasistratus his Physitian, by whome he had issue Antiochus Theos: Megas the brother of Philadelphus king of Egypt, married a daughter of this Soter, by which occasion Megas claiming to be king of Cyrene, which his father made him gouernour of, was aided by his father in law a∣gainst Philadelphus, and so the truce was broken.

2. Then Philadelphus to accord this dissention, giueth his daughter Berenice to wife to Antiochus surnamed Theos, the sonne of Soter: and Philadelphus accompanied her vnto Pelusium, giuing vnto her a rich dowrie of siluer and gold, whereupon she was called Pher∣nophoras, of her great dowrie.

3. But this coniunction did not long hold: for Antiochus Theos had a former wife La∣odice, by whome he had two sonnes, Seleucus Callinicus, and Antiochus Hierax: whome he did repudiate, and tooke Berenice to wife, by whome he had a sonne. But not long after La∣odice with her sonnes were receiued to fauour; which Laodice, suspecting the inconstancie of her husband, poisoned him: and her sonne Callinicus tooke Berenice, and her sonne, and all her companie, and put them to the sword: wherupon the quarrell was renewed between the kings of the North and South. Appianus in Syriac. thinketh that these were two si∣sters, Laodice and Berenice both daughters to Philadelphus: but that is not like, because the text speaketh but of the kings daughter (not daughters) of the South, that should come to the king of the North.

4. Thus haue we the meaning of these words, shee shall not reteine the power of the arme: shee, namely Berenice, should not long continue in grace and fauour with Antiochus, who was as an arme to embrace the two kings together: neither should be continue and his arme: some read, and his seede. L. Calvin. because vau is wanting in the latter word, whereas zero∣agh with vau signifieth an arme, which word was vsed before: but it is an vsuall thing in the Hebrew tongue sometime to expresse, and sometime to suppresse that letter: Lyranus ex∣poundeth it of Berenice and her seede: but that can not be, for the verb is put in the mascu∣line: some referre it to Antiochus, that he should not stand with his arme: he should cast off Berenice, who was suborned as an arme to bind them together, Iun. but it may better be re∣ferred to Philadelphus, that he should not long continue after, nor this his arme (his daugh∣ter) which he vsed as a band of peace: but shee shall be deliuered to death: for Callinicus tooke Berenice and all her companie, and put them to death, before they could be rescued: and her sonne, Iun. Polan. Lat. rather then he which begate her. Genevens. Vatab. And he which had comforted her, or made her mightie in his times, that is, Antiochus Theos, who had before aduanced her, and cast of Laodice, should not continue: for his wife poisoned him. Osiand. Polan. some vnderstand it of those which tooke her part, Iun. but because it is put in the singular number, and mention is made before of those which had brought her out of Egypt, and so attended on 〈◊〉〈◊〉, the former sense is better.

5. Thus we see fulfilled, that which was reuealed long before vnto Nabuchadnezzer, c. 2. 43. that they should mingle themselues with the seede of men, but they should not ioyne one with an other, as yron cannot be mixed with clay: this place therefore sheweth, that that vision of the yron and clay legs is vnderstood of the two kingdoms of the North & South.

Quest. 21. What king of the South this was whose daughter came to the king of the North.

1. It is agreed that this was Ptolome Philadelphus, as is before shewed, but some mistake Ptolome Ceraunus for Philadelphus his brother, affirming that this Philadelphus killed Se∣leucus, that had slaine Lysimachus, that had married his sister Arsinoe, Oecolamp. whereas it was Ceraunus not Philadelphus that killed Seleucus.

2. This Philadelphus, was the sonne of Ptolome Lagi, by his second wife Berenice: he had other sonnes by Euridice his first wife the daughter of Antipater, but he disinherited them, and for loue of his wife Berenice he made Philadelphus his youngest king, as Iustine ••aith, while he liued; but as Pausanias, it was a little before his death: he killed two of his brothers that he might be more secure in the kingdome, and therefore was called by the contrarie Philadelphus, a louer of his brethren, Iun.

3. He had an other enormous fault beside, he married his owne sister Arsinoe, who died before she was deliuered of child, and afterward had children by an other Arsinoe daugh∣ter of Lysimachus: of the first Arsinoe, was the region Arsinoitis called, Pausan. in A••tic.

4. This Philadephus was exceeding rich, as is partly touched before: Hierome here wri∣teth, that he had 200. thousand footemen, and 20. thousand horse, 400. elephants, and 1500. long shippes of warre, and a 1000. shippes of burthen: he receiued yearely out of Egypt 14. thousand and eight hundred talents of siluer, and 15. thousand measures of wheat, called artaba, which conteyned 3. bushels and almost an halfe: and least this might seeme incredible, that Egypt should affoard yearely so great a tribute, Strabo lib. 17. repor∣teth out of Cicero in one of his orations, that Ptolome Auletes, who was but a remisse and negligent Prince, receiued yearely 12. thousand and 500. talents of siluer.

5. This king is commended for his singular loue of learning, whom Tertullian affirmeth in Apologet. to haue beene most learned himselfe: he founded a famous librarie at Alexan∣dria, whereof Demetrius Phalereus had the ouersight: he caused the Scriptures to be tran∣slated into the Greek tongue by the 70. interpreters, whom Eleazar the high Priest sent vn∣to him: which booke was carefully kept in the kings librarie, wherein were many thousand bookes: for the question beeing asked by him of Demetrius, how many thousand bookes he had gathered together, he answeared he had gotten 200. thousand, but shortly he would make them vp 500. thousand, Perer.

6. This Philadelphus was verie beneficiall to the Iewes: he redeemed an 120. thousand of them, that were slaues in Egypt, and sent them home, and bestowed many rich gifts vpon the Temple at Ierusalem, Ioseph. lib. 12. antiquit. c. 2.

Quest. 22. Of the translation of the Septuagint, which was pro∣cured by this Ptolome Philadelphus.

Seeing mention is made of the acts of this Ptolome Philadelphus, among the which the most famous was the translating of the Hebrewe Scriptures into the Greeke tongue, it shall not be amisse to insert somewhat concerning that translation.

1. It is euident that the translation which goeth vnder the name of the Septuagint, in ma∣ny places is verie corrupt, and varieth from the originall: as Pagnin sheweth, Isagog. c. 9. And as it is euident, Gen. 5. and 11. they fained a 1350. yeares more, and Gen. 11. they put in Cainan one more then the originall text hath: and they make but 70. persons to descend into Egypt with Iaakob, to answer vnto the 70. languages, which they thinke to haue beene spread ouer the earth, Gen. 10. Hierome thinketh, that the speciall principles of our faith, they either omitted in their translation, or interpreted after an other manner, to the intent to conceale the secrets of their faith.

2. Ireneus, Iustinus, Chrysostome, Hilarie, Augustine doe ascribe verie much vnto this translation, and thinke that the interpreters were put into so many seuerall celles, and yet a∣greed together, except only in some certaine places: But Hierome praefat. in pentate••••. thin∣keth that to be a fable of their 70. celles at Alexandria.

3. But there is great vncertaintie beside. 1. Hierome writeth, that it is the generall opi∣nion of the Iewes, that the Septuag. onely translated the 5. bookes of Moses, in 5. cap. Ezech. 2. And there were diuerse copies of the Septuagint: Alexandria and all Egypt fol∣lowed Hesychius copie: Constantinople and all vnto Antioch, vsed Lucianus edition: And the middle Prouinces betweene them, preferred the translation amended by Origen, and set forth by Pamphilus, Hierome praefat. in Paralip. 4. And beside the translation of the Septuag.

whereof there were so many editions, there were other translations of the Scriptures into the Greeke tongue, as by Aquila, Symmachus, Theodotian: wherefore in so great varietie and vncertaintie of translations, the most sure way is, to haue recourse vnto the originall, as Hierome and Augustine doe well aduise, ex Bulling.

Quest. 23. Who was the bud of her rootes, v. 7. and of his exploits.

1. Theodoret giueth this interpretation here: these warres here prophecied of he vnder∣standeth of the warres betweene Ptolomeus Philopator and Antiochus the great: by one of his captaines before spoken of, v. 6. he would haue vnderstood Scopas generall of Philopa∣tors armie, who wunne diuerse places out of Antiochus iurisdiction, and ioyned them to his kingdome: After this Ptolome gaue his daughter in mariage vnto Antiochus: but she was returned home againe: yet there came a bud of her, she had a sonne that became an enemie vnto her father.

Contra. This exposition cannot stand. 1. the warres betweene Antiochus the great, and Philopator are afterward spoken of in this chapter. 2. It is vnlike that one of his captaines should be said to be greater then the king himselfe: seeing all his endeauour was to aduance the honour and dominion of the king. 3. neither did the king of Egypt giue his daughter to Antiochus the great: but he gaue his daughter Cleopatra in mariage to Ptolome Epiphanes. 4. beside this bud here spoken of inuadeth the kingdome of the North, whereas Theodoret vnderstandeth this bud to rise vp an enemie to the king of the South.

2. This then is the true interpretation. 1. This bud of her, that is, Berenices rootes, was Ptolome surnamed Euergetes, her naturall and Germane brother: who rose vp to reuenge his sisters death. 2. He came with an armie and invaded Syria, and wunne the strong holds: many cities abhorring the cruell fact and parricide of Callinicus reuolted, and submitted themselues to Ptolome: who tooke possession of the countrey, and caused himselfe to be crowned king. 3. but hearing of some commotion in Egypt, he returned, and carried a∣way with him many nobles captiues, and a verie great spoile beside, 40. thousand talents of gold, and many pretious vessels, and 2500. images of their gods, and among them those, which Cambyses before had carried out of Egypt, whereupon the superstitious Egyptians called him Euergetes, benefactor, Hierome.

3. After Ptolome was returned, Seleucus prepared a great nauie, which was ouerwhel∣med in the Sea, and he himselfe hardly escaped with a fewe of his companie, hauing nothing left of all that great preparation: in so much that his case was pitied of those which before had reuolted from him: Then he craued aid of Antiochus. Hierax his brother, which Ptolome perceiuing, made peace with Seleucus for 10. yeares, Oecol. Melanct. ex Iustin.

4. Hierax seeing this, then turneth his force against his brother Seleucus: which warre tended to the ruine and destruction of them both: for Hierax was slaine of certaine robbers and theeues, and Seleucus died of a fall from his horse.

5. All this beeing thus reported by forren writers, Iustin. lib. 27. Polybius lib. 5. agreeth with this prophesie of Daniel, both of the preparation and expedition of Ptolome Euergetes against Callinicus, v. 7. his successe in carrying away much spoile and captiues, v. 8. and his returne into his countrey, v. 9.

6. But where it is said, v. 8. he shall continue more yeares then the king of the North: some referre it to the time of their raigne: Calvin saith, whom the Genevens. followe, that Euergetes raigned 46. yeares▪ Oecolamp. 26. whereas Callinicus raigned but 20. yeares▪ but it is better vnderstood, that Euergetes continued diuerse yeares in this victorious estate, ha∣uing the chiefe dominion in Syria, Iun. Polan. for this best agreeth with the former words, wherein his victorie and prosperous successe is described: And Polybius writeth, that Euerge∣getes and Callinicus died much about the same time, lib. 5.

7. I•• his returne which is mentioned, v. 9. Iosephus writeth, that Euergetes comming to Ierusalem did offer sacrifices vnto God, for his great victorie, and bestowed great gifts vpon the Temple, lib. post. aduers. Appion. yet afterward he demaunded the ordinarie tri∣bute 20. talents of siluer, which was detained by the couetousnesse of Onias the high Priest: Euergetes sent vnto him, threatening that if the tribute were not paid, he would diuide their countrey among his souldiers. Then Iosephus Onias sisters sonne went in the name of the Iewes in embassage vnto Ptolome, and pacified him, and grewe in great fauour with him, Ioseph. lib. 12. antiquit. c. 3.

Quest. 24. Of the third battell betweene the king of the South, and the king of the North, v. 10. 11. 12.

This battell is described in three parts. 1. the preparation made by the king of the North, and their diuerse attempts, v. 10. 2. the resistance made by the king of the South, with his good successe, v. 11. 3. the euents, that followed vpon this victorie, v. 12.

1. The attempts made, are either ioyntly by the two sonnes of Seleucus Callinicus, name∣ly Seleucus Ceraunus, and Antiochus surnamed Megas the great: in these words, his sonnes shall be stirred vp, and shall assemble a mightie great armie; or seuerally, by Antiochus Megas onely in the latter part of the verse.

First, Ceraunus and Megas ioyning together, partly to reuenge their father Callinicus, and their grandmother Laodices death, partly in hope to recouer Syria, out of Ptolome Philopators hand, who succeeded Euergetes, whom some thinke he killed, and therefore was called Philopator, that is, a louer of his father, by the contrarie: they first set vpon Ptolo∣mies captaines, which held Syria for Philopator: But Cerannus passing ouer the mount Tau∣rus, to goe against Attalus, who possessed the countrey beyond Taurus, was slaine by the treason of Apaturius and Nicanor, in the 2. or 3. yeare of his raigne: of whom Acheus that went with Seleucus beeing his kinsman was presently reuenged, and put them to the sword, Polybius lib. 4. all this agreeth well with this prophecie, sauing that Polybius writeth that Acheus went in this battell with Seleucus, and that Antiochus the great liued as yet a priuate life, not medling at all, lib. 5. But it is euident by this prophesie, that both the sonnes of Callinicus ioyned together.

Now then Seleucus beeing dead, Antiochus Megas taketh vpon him the kingdome, be∣ing then, as Polybius writeth, not aboue 15. yeare old: two of his expeditions are here descri∣bed: the one in passing thor••gh in recouering Syria, and other parts of his owne coun∣trey: the other in assaulting Ptolome at home, euen at his owne fortresse and munition cities in the borders of Egypt.

In the first expedition, Antiochus had two great lettes in his way, which he ouercame, first two brethren Molan and Alexander, contemning Antiochus youth, would haue vsur∣ped all the countrey beyond Taurus: them first he ouercame: then he had to deale with Pto∣lomes captaines, which held Syria for him: but here Theodotus helped him, who reuolted from Philopator, both taking aduantage of his voluptuous and slouthfull life, and for that he had sustained some disgrace beeing called to Alexandria, where he was in daunger of his life: This Theodotus vpon these occasions betraied Syria into Antiochus hands: And vpon this aduantage he still proceeded, and recouered many cities and countreys, as Polybius sheweth at large, lib. 5.

Then sent Ptolome an embassage vnto Antiochus, somewhat to stay him, vntill he might make himselfe strong: and Antiochus admitted some parle and treatise of peace: But there could be no agreement, for Ptolome challenged those countreys as belonging vnto him by right of inheritance: Antiochus layd claime vnto them by a former composition, made by Cassander, Seleucus, Ptolome, when they ouercame Antigonus, that Syria and Palestina should belong vnto Seleucus: Thus they breaking off without any conclusion of peace, An∣tiochus goeth forward, and had diuerse conflicts with Nicolaus Philopators captaine both by Sea and land, and still preuailing he commeth euen vnto the munition townes in the borders of Egypt, and pitcheth at Raphia, which was 4. dayes iourney from Pelusium, Hierom. Bulling Oecolamp Perer Iun Polan.

2. Now followeth the second part of the description, how Philopator beeing thus pro∣uoked euen at his owne doores did come against Antiochus with a great armie, and encoun∣tred with him at Raphia and preuailed, as is shewed here, v. 11. more particularly thus is this storie reported by Polybius and Iustine. 1. Ptolome, while the treatise of peace was in hand, hired souldiers out of Grecia, and gathered together a great armie of 70. thousand footemen, and 5000. horsemen, and 73. elephants: Antiochus also came against him with an other great armie, of 62. thousand footemen, 6000. horsemen, elephants 102. 2. These armies meeting at Raphia, after certaine dayes ioyned battell: the fight was at the first doubt∣full: for the right wing of Antiochus had the better, but the left wing the worse: But at last the victorie fell out vnto Ptolome, but not without great slaughter of his mercenary men. 3. In the 3. booke of the Macchabes in the beginning an other circumstance is added, which furthered the fight on Ptolomes side: how Arsinoe Ptolomes sister, went vp and downe

the campe as they were in fight, calling vpon the souldiers, and encouraging them, promi∣sing to each man two pound of gold, if they got the victorie: But whether this were so or not, Ptolome obtained the victorie: and of Antiochus side there were 10. thousand foote∣men slaine, and 300. horsemen, 4000. taken prisoners, and 3. elephants were killed in the fight, and two afterward died of the wounds which they had in the battell: thus according to the text, the multitude was giuen into his hands.

3. The euents which followed this victorie are rehearsed to be three. 1. the insolenci•• both of Ptolomes armie, called here the multitude: for he had as great an armie as Antio∣chus: and of Ptolome himselfe: who thinking it sufficient that he had gotten the victorie, was content, giuing himselfe to case and pleasure, to accept of conditions of peace, which Antiochus entreated of him: whereas, as Iustine writeth, spoliavisset regno Antiochum, si fortunam virtute iuvisset, he had spoiled Antiochus of his kingdome, if by his owne valour he had helped his good fortunes.

2. An other euent was, he shall cast downe: housands: which Hierome vnderstandeth of his former victorie: but it may better be referred to his cruell outrage practised vpon the Iewes: for comming to Ierusalem he pressed to goe into the most holy place, but was gaine∣sayed by the high Priest: yet he forcing to enter, was striken of God, and carried away halfe dead: whereupon he afterward returning to Alexandria, gaue forth verie cruell edicts against the Iewes, commanding many to be killed, others to be fettred and imprisoned, and some to be trampled vpon vnder the camels feete, 3. Macchab. c. 7. Bulling. Melancth. Polan. And hereof Iosephus maketh mention, that betweene Antiochus Megas and Philopator, Iudea was as ship tossed to and fro of the waues, and went to wracke on both sides, lib. 12. c. 3.

3. The last euent is, he shal not preuaile, which was diuers waies effected: 1. for he neither preuailed against Antiochus, who escaped his hands, and held his kingdome still, Hierome, 2. And notwithstanding his rage against the people of God, the Lord defended them. 3. After this he gaue himselfe to all beastly pleasure: for he killed his wife and sister Euridice: he kept both a male concubine Agathocles, and Agathoclea his sister, Iustin. lib. 30. 4. And within fewe yeares he himselfe died, Melancthon.

Quest. 25. Of the first expedition of Antiochus the great against Epiphanes king of Egypt, v. 13. 14.

Now followe diuerse other expeditions and attempts of this Antiochus against the king of Egypt, vnto v. 18. with his ende, v. 19.

In this first is set forth his preparation, v. 13. then his successe, v. 14. In his preparation there are three things expressed, the number of his armie, the time, after certaine yeares, and his great riches: for Philopator beeing now dead, and Epiphanes his sonne left but young, whose tuition together with the gouernement of the kingdome was committed to Agatho∣cles an infamous person, Philopators minion, by which occasion many fell away from the king of Egypt; Antiochus took this to be a fit opportunity to recouer his former estate, both in the nonage of the young king, who was but 4. yeare old when his father died, and because the Egyptians were at variance among themselues: for they rose vp against Agathocles, and killed him, and the strumpets they hanged vp, and then sent embassadors to Rome, that they would take vpon them the protection of the young king and his kingdome, to whose trust Philopator dying had commended his sonne. The Romanes twice sent embassadours to An∣tiochus, who had inuaded diuerse cities in Syria, belonging to the king of Egypt: but for all this Antiochus surceased not, Hierome ex Iustin. therefore it is said in the text, veniendo ve∣niet, he shall certainely or speedily come, nothing could let him.

And concerning his rich preparation, this may be an euident proofe thereof: that after∣wards, when he prepared in like manner to encounter with the Romanes, and at that time, Hannibal beeing ouercome of the Romanes was fledde vnto him, he shewed vnto him his chariots and Elephants set forth with ornaments of siluer and gold, and asked him if this were not sufficient for the Romanes, who made this answer, satis esse credo Romanis haec om∣nia, licet sint auarissimi, I thinke these things may suffice and content the Romanes, though they were most couetous, &c. Gellius in Noctib. Attic. lib. 5. c. 5. his meaning was, that it would be a sufficient pray, whereas Antiochus had asked his opinion of the sufficiencie of his preparation.

2. Then in the successe described, v. 14. is shewed, 1. the helpe that Antiochus had. 2. how he preuailed against those factious persons which tooke part with the king of Egypt.

1. The text saith, that at that time, many shall stand vp against the king of the South: which some vnderstand of the Iewes which hitherto had taken part with the king of Egypt, who should now ioyne with Antiochus, Iun. but it is better vnderstood, of the league and con∣federacie which Antiochus made with Philip king of Macedon, that they should both ioyne together against the king of Egypt, and part his cities among them, each of them to take the cities next adioyning, Hierome. which confederacie was the occasion of warre betweene the Romanes and the said Philip: who beeing ouercome by Flaminius the Consull, lost a great part of his kingdome, euen all the cities of Thraci••, onely Macedonia beeing left him, Melancth. Bulling.

2. Then followeth what became of the rebellious sonnes of the people, that is, the refra∣ctarie Iewes, which stood against Antiochus, and were refractarie against God and his laws. 1. These rebellious and refractarie Iewes are well vnderstood to be those which fled with Onias (beeing expelled by Iason) vnto the king of Egypt, (which Iosephus saith was Philo∣metor) but by the words of the prophesie it is better referred to these times of Ptolome E∣uergetes, who gaue vnto Onias leaue to build a Temple in Egypt in the region of Hierapo∣lis, about 180. furlongs from Memphis, which Onias accordingly did: making it in some things like, in some things vnlike to the Temple of Ierusalem: So herein they are called re∣fractraie, because against the ordinance of God, that appointed the place of his publike worship onely at Ierusalem, where they should offer all their sacrifices, yet did erect a Tem∣ple in an other place.

2. Whereas it is said, to establish the vision: this also agreeth verie fitly: some vnderstand it, of the fulfilling this present vision, Iun. annot. Polan. but that fulfilling was against their will: now here their purpose and intendment seemeth to be noted: to establish the vision: and so Onias pretended, that herein he fulfilled the prophecie of Isay. c. 19. v. 19. that the altar of the Lord should be in the middes of Egypt, Hierome, Pellican. Calv. Melancth. whereas that place is vnderstood of the spirituall worship of God, which should be established in Egypt at the comming of the Messiah, which euidently appeareth out of the same place: for there the Prophet speaketh of a generall vnitie and concord, that should be betweene Assur, Egypt, and Iudaea, which was not now in the time of this Onias: for the Assyrians now vn∣der Antiochus were enemies to the Egyptians. And beside Eusebius out of this verie place sheweth, that the sacrifices and ceremonies of Moses law were to cease: for seeing by Mo∣ses lawe they were not to sacrifice, nor to set vp any altar but at Ierusalem, if that law should not be abolished, the prophesie of Isay of setting vp an altar, that is the true seruice of God in Egypt, could not haue beene fulfilled: to this purpose Eusebius, lib. 1. de domonst. E∣uangel. c. 4.

3. Then it followeth what shall become of those refractarie persons: they shall fall. 1. Hierome vnderstandeth it of the destruction of this newe Temple, and the citie, which came to passe, 330. yeare after, as Iosephus writeth, vnder Vespasian the Emperour: who when he had destroyed the Temple at Ierusalem, sent vnto Lupus president of Alexandria, to demo∣lish the other Temple in Egypt, least it might be an occasion of mutinie and rebellion to the Iewes: But this Lupus onely spoiled the Temple of the ornaments thereof: Paulinus suc∣ceeding him vtterly abolished the seruice, which the Iewes there exercised, and shut vp the Temple for euer, not suffering the same to be vsed at all: and so it came to ruine, Iosephus lib. 7. de bello Iudaic. c. 30. But this ruine and fall here prophecied of seemeth to haue been present, to shew how Antiochus preuailed against them. Some vnderstand it of the Iewes in Palestina, which rebelled against Antiochus, Polan. Iun. in his last edition: But in his first annotations he seemeth to referre it to the Iewes, whom Antiochus destroyed at his comming into Egypt.

Quest. 26. Of the second expedition of Antiochus the great against Ptolomeus Epiphanes.

v. 15. The king of the North shall come, and cast vp a mount, &c. In this expedition, first is described his preparation, then his successe.

In the preparation it is expressed, how he should cast vp a mount: Iunius and Polanus ex∣pound the word otherwise, taking it for a sling and other engins, which were vsed in the be∣sieging of cities: the meaning is, that Antiochus should besiege the strong cities of Egypt: and it hath speciall reference beside vnto the besieging of Scopas, Ptolomes captaine, whom the king of Egypt had sent against him: who encountring with Antiochus at Pan••as was

put to the worse, and fled vnto Sidon, where Antiochus besieged him with tenne thousand men: then Ptolome sent three captaines, Eropus, Menocleas, and Damaxenus to rescue him: but they could not raise the siege, till Scopas forced by famine yeelded himselfe. Antiochus also laid siege to the fortified place or tower in Ierusalem, which he tooke by helpe of the Iewes, Hierome ex Ioseph. lib. 12. antiquit. c. 13. And many other strong cities did Antio∣chus take at this time in Syria, which did hold with Ptolome before.

2. The successe was this. 1. concerning Egypt: the armies of Egypt were not able to re∣sist, nor his chosen people; that is, the armies and strength of the king of Egypt, and his vali∣ant captaines had no power to resist Antiochus, but he should do what he would. 2. Then it is said, he shall stand in the pleasant, beautifull, or excellent land, that is Iudea, so called, not for any terrene excellencie in it, but it was excellent because of the worship of the true God: This land he should also possesse, not so much by conquest, but the Iewes willingly submitted themselues vnto him: they receiued him into Samaria with his armie, and proui∣ded prouender for his elephants: of the which their kindnesse he wrote letters to his friends purposing to requi••e the same, Iosephus. lib. 12. c. 3. the words then following, which some reade, he shall co••sume it with his hand, Hierome, Iun. Calv. Genevens. (vnderstanding it of the miseries and afflictions which he brought vpon the Iewes) cannot haue that sense; be∣cause at this time he receiued kindnesse at their hands, and intended to recompense them with the like againe, as Iosephus saith. Some giue this sense, deficiet in manu eius, it shall faile or faint vnder his hand, Bulling. that is, shall yeeld themselues vnto him, Vatab. not resist him, but beare the tribute which was imposed vpon them, Melancth. rather this is the mea∣ning, consummatio in manu eius, consummation shall be in his hand; his hand shall consum∣mate and perfect his desire, in obtaining the land of Iudea, which willingly yeelded it selfe, Polan.

Quest. 27. Of the third expedition of Antiochus Megas against Epiphanes, v. 17.

Here two things are declared in this third exploit: first the attempt of Antiochus, then the euent.

His attempt was partly by force, but seeing he could not preuaile that way, he seeketh to compasse his desire by subtiltie and craft, (affecting the gouernement and kingdome of E∣gypt) in giuing his daughter Cleopatra to Epiphanes: wherein three things are expressed: 1. his subtill intent, he pretended peace and amitie, offred equall conditions of peace, vt recta faciat, to doe rights, as the Latine interpreter: some read, his confederates with him, B. G. but the other sense is better, Iun. Polan. for, as Appian writeth, Antiochus feared the Romane power, and when they sent vnto him embassadors to restore the cities which he had taken from Ptolome, he made answer, that there was amitie betweene him and Ptolome, and that he intended to make him his sonne in law, Appian in Syriac. 2. then it is said, he shall giue him the daughter of women: which Hierome thinketh to be a pleonasme, as when we say, he spake with his mouth: but it signifieth more: Iunius vnderstandeth by this phrase, to be a virgin: Polan. that she was ferme lactens, yet but young, and in a manner a suckling: but (though this were true) yet it is better interpreted, that she was bath nashim, a daughter of women, that is, of special womanhood: to the which answereth her name Cleopatra, the glo∣rie of the countrey: H. Br. concent. and so Vatablus translateth, pulcherrima foemina, she was a most beautifull woman, so also Perer. a choice woman, Osiand. And together with this daughter, Antiochus promised by way of dowrie, Coelesyria, Phoenice, Iudaea, and Sa∣maria, the reuenues to be deuided betweene them, Ioseph. lib. 12. antiquit. c. 3. 3. It followeth to corrupt her, not, as the Latine, to destroy it, that is, the kingdome: or as Perer. readeth, to destroy him, that is her husband: for the pronoune affix is of the feminine gen∣der: neither is the meaning, to destroy her, V. G. B. for Antiochus had no meaning herein to seeke the destruction of his daughter, but he corrupted her with euill cou••sell: for as yet neither of them were mariageable. Hierome saith, that Epiphanes was but fowre yeare old when he beganne to raigne, and Cleopatra was betrothed to him in the 7. yeare of his raigne, and married in his 13. yeare: In the meane time Antiochus had the keeping of her, and so corrupted her with euill counsell, and gaue her instructions how she should practise to take her husband away by poyson, or some such like meanes: and this is vnderstood by corrup∣ting her.

2. Then the euent was this, contrary to his expectation: for Cleopatra like a good wife

tooke part with her husband, and obeied not her fathers wicked counsell: and by her means Epiphanes recouered much in Asia minor.

28. Quest. Of Antiochus expedition against forren countries, v. 18.

Here is described first his attempt, with his successe; then the euent which followed.

1. Antiochus beeing disappointed of his hope for Egypt, both because his daughter had deceiued him, and Epiphanes was in league with the Romanes, then he set his minde to in∣uade other countries, which are here called the Isles, because they were diuided from him by Sea: as Hellespontus, Chersonesus, Euboea: then he stroke ouer into Europe, and tooke di∣uers Islands, Rhodes, Cyprus, Samos, Colophon: and so did bidde as it were open battell vnto the Romanes: which he before intending, thought to make himselfe strong, by a new alli∣ance with forren Princes: for as he had married his daughter Cleopatra to Epiphanes king of Egypt, so he gaue in marriage his daughter Antiochis to Ariaratus king of Cappadocia: and a third daughter he offered vnto Eumenes king of Pergamus, but he refused, because of the warres which he had with the Romanes. Appian.

2. The euent followeth: that in the ende Antiochus was foiled by the Romanes, and the shame returned vpon his owne head: but first the words of the text must be opened, and then the sense considered.

1. The words are diuersly read: 1. the vulgar Latin readeth thus, he shall cause the Prince of his shame to cease: which Lyranus expoundeth of himselfe, namely, Antiochus: but he misliketh this sense, because Antiochus rather still encreased his owne s••ame, he caused it not to cease. 2. Then he giueth an other interpretation, a Prince or Lord shall bring his shame vpon him, that is God, whome he had blasphemed, shall bring him to shame. Pere∣rius reiecteth this sense, because it is not found, that this Antiochus blasphemed God: wherein he is deceiued: for the contrarie is euident, that Antiochus, when all things went crosse against him, accused God, as though he were his enemie, Polan. but the word katin signifieth a leader, or gouerner, which is not so fitly referred vnto God. 3. Theodoret rea∣deth in the (plural) he shall cause the Princes of his shame to cease, that is, shall vanquish di∣uers Princes, and put them to shame: but the word is put in the singular. 4. Some applie it to Epiphanes king of Egypt, who by his captaine Scopas had put Antiochus to shame, in taking certaine cities from him: gloss. interlin. Hug. Card. and Pererius misliketh not this ex∣position: But the truth is, that Antiochus put Scopas to shame, causing him to yeeld him∣selfe. 5. The words then, are thus to be read, a Prince or captaine shal••••ause his shame to cease, beside that he shall cause his shame to returne vpon him, Polan. that is, the shame which he offered to others shall returne vpon himselfe.

Now for the meaning of the words, two things are declared. 1. the Prince or captaine shall cause his shame to cease. 2. then it shall returne vpon his owne head. 1. First, his contumelious and opprobrious words, and acts, spoken and done against the Romanes, cea∣sed, when first he was ouercome by Marcus Attilius Glabrio the Romane captaine, after∣ward by L. Scipio Nasica (accompanied with Publius Scipio Africanus his brother) by Sea: After this foyle Antiochus, beeing not ruled by Hannibals counsell, who was with him, who gaue him aduise to remooue his forces into Italie, and to occupie the Romanes at home at their owne doores, was in such feare of the Romanes, that he fled from Chersone∣sus, leauing all the furniture and prouision of his owne behind, which the Romanes surpri∣sed: then he sent Embassadours vnto the Scipios, offering to beare halfe the charges of their battell, and to relinquish all the cities which he had taken in Ionia, and Aeolia: but they made answer that they would haue all the charges of that expedition, which he had beene cause of, and he must surrender all the countrey on this side the mount Taurus: But Antio∣chus refusing these hard conditions, encountred with the Romanes againe, who had not a∣boue 30. thousand men, and he 70. thousand, in which battell he was discomfited, and lost 50. thousand men, and all his Elephants, sauing 15. which were taken aliue: and thus his proud spirit was abated, and his contumelies offered vnto the Romanes in word and deede, were at an ende.

2. Then last of all his shame was brought vpon his owne head: for vpon a second embassage he was forced to accept of most hard conditions. 1. that he should leaue all Asia on this side Taurus. 2. he should pay in present money fifteene hundred talents for the charges of the warre. 3. he should deliuer vp all his Elephants, and shippes

so many as they should require: and should be stinted afterward for the number of his shippes. 4. he should pay yearely 12. thousand talents for tribute for 12. yeares. 5. and giue 20. hostages, whereof one should be his sonne, for the performance of these conditi∣ons: all which he vndertooke: and thus his owne shame returned vpon him: and further in disdaine, whereas he was called before, Antiochus the great, it grew into a byword among the Romanes, Antiochus sometime the great king. ex Livio decad. 4. l. 8. and App. in Syriac.

29. Quest. Of the death of Antiochus the great, v. 19.

Two things are here declared, his shamefull flight, and his shamefull ende.

1. After that he had receiued the last great ouerthrow, with the losse of so many men, he fled away incontinently, and about midnight came to Sardis: thence to Apamea, from whence he sent Embassadors, which concluded the former peace with the Romanes vpon those hard conditions. Then he betooke himselfe to the remote parts of his kingdome, to his munitions and holds, beeing in such feare, as that he durst not endure the sight of Cn. Manlius, who succeeded L. Scipio. Thus Antiochus was confined within Taurus: who in this disgrace, was wont to say iestingly, as Tullie reporteth in his oration pro Deiotaro, be∣nigne sibi à Romanis factum, &c. he was beholding to the Romanes, who had eased him of the trouble of so great a kingdome, that he now contented himselfe with a lesse.

2. Now touching his ende, there are diuers opinions. 1. after that he had such an im∣position of tribute laid vpon him, partly through necessitie, and partly of a couetous minde, he went about 〈◊〉〈◊〉 robbe a Temple of their treasure: Lyranus thinketh it was the Temple of Naneas among the Persians, where he entring into the Temple with his companie, were hewen in pieces: as the storie is set downe 2. Macchab. c. 1. and therefore it is said here, he was no more found, &c. because his bodie beeing thus mangled could not be knowne: But that storie rather sheweth the ende of Antiochus Epiphanes, this Antiochus sonne, as may appeare by comparing that place with 2. Macchab. c. 9. see more before c. 8. qu. 33. 2. Some following Iustine lib. 32. thinke, that he would haue inuaded the Temple of Iuppiter Dyndinaeus, or Dodonaeus: but he was farre off from that place, Bulling. 3. Hierome follow∣ing Strabo, lib. 16. saith, that he with all his armie was slaine of the Elymeans, when he went about to robbe the Temple of Iuppiter Belus: so also Polan. and so it is said, he was no more found, because he was tumultuously killed of the rude people comming together to defend their Temple: Calvin. H. Br. in Daniel. and because he died in Persia, and returned not into his owne countrey. Osiand.

30. Quest. Of the acts and ende of Seleucus Philopator the sonne of Antiochus the great, v. 20.

First it must be agreed, who this was, who is said to rise vp in his place.

1. P••rphyrius, as Hierome sheweth vpon this place, taketh this to be Ptolomeus Epipha∣nes king of Egypt: but as Hierome well sheweth, he did not succeede Antiochus the great in his kingdome, and therefore can not be saide to stand vp in his place.

2. R. Levi vnderstandeth here the sonne of Antiochus Epiphanes, called Antiochus Eupator, who was slaine by his vncles sonne Demetrius: and the former part of the prophe∣sie he interpreteth of Antiochus Epiphanes: ex Oecolampad. But it is euident, that hitherto the Prophet hath described the acts and exploits of Antiochus, surnamed the great: for he it was, that gaue his daughter Cleopatra in marriage vnto the king of Egypt, as is prophesi∣ed, v. 17. And the rest of the prophesie can agree to none other.

3. Some Hebrewes, as Hierome also here writeth, thinke that this was Tryphon, which was the tutor of Antiochus sonne: but that can not be: for Tryphon followed many genera∣tions after: for after Antiochus the great succeeded in order, Seleucus, Epiphanes, Eupator his sonne, Demetrius, Alexander, Antiochus, before Tryphon vsurped the kingdome. He that rose vp in Antiochus place, was the 7. king of Syria, but Tryphon was the 13. or 14. Bulling. Perer.

4. Wherefore this that rose vp in Antiochus place, was Seleucus his sonne. Antiochus the great had three sonnes, Antiochus, Seleucus, and Antiochus Epiphanes: but Antiochus▪ beeing a Prince of great hope and towardnes, died about the same time, that his father flee∣ing to Apamea, sent Embassadors to the Romanes about the former conclusion of peace, not without suspition of poison: then succeeded Seleucus Philopator, so called because he was beloued of his father, called also Soter. Ioseph. lib. 12. c. 4. Polan.

Secondly we come to the parts of the description. 1. This Seleucus acts are described, he shall cause to passe vp and downe an exactor of tribute: not take away the exactor of tri∣bute, as Vatabl. for the word is ghabar, which signifieth to passe, and in hiph••l to caus•• to passe. And so was Seleucus a great exactor of tribute: for beeing giuen to voluptuous li∣uing, he must needes also be immoderate in his expenses: when he was admonished by his familiar counsellers, that he should take heede least he alienated the mindes of his friends, by his immoderate taxations, he would answer them, that his money was his friend. This Seleucus is he that sent Heliodorus to spoile the treasure of the Temple at Ierusalem, which Simo•• had bewraied vnto him: which Heliodorus comming thither, and offering by violence to take the treasure away, he and his companie were terrified by a fearefull 〈◊〉〈◊〉: they saw an horse with a terrible rider, and so they desisted from their purpose: see the sto∣rie 2. Macchab. 3.

2. Then the ende of Seleucus is prophesied of. 1. concerning the time, after a few daies he should be destroied: then can not 12. yeares be assigned to his raigne, as Oecolampad. and it appeareth 2. Macchab. 4. 7. that he liued not long after Heliodorus attempted to robbe the Temple at Ierusalem. 2. for the manner of his death: it should neither be by wrath, nor by battell, either by the generall hatred of his subiects, or by open warre: but it is thought that he was poisoned by Heliodorus, and that by the practise of Antiochus Epi∣phanes his brother, who was comming from Rome, where he was left as an hostage, and was at Athens at that same time when Seleucus died. And this was a iust recompence vpon him for his sacriledge, that he should be cut off euen by him, that was an instrument of his im∣pietie. Melancth. Polan.

31. Quest. Whether the rest of this chapter be properly vnderstood of Antiochus Epiphanes, or of Anti∣christ.

1. Some would haue this to be a propheticall narration of the acts and doings of Anti∣christ, and make no mention at all of Antiochus, as Polychronius: But it is euident that many things can not be otherwise applied, then to Antiochus: as v. 21. in his place shall stand vp a vile person, that is, in the roome of Seleucus Philopator, before spoken of: and v. 25. it is said, he shall stirre vp his power against the king of the South, who is vnderstood before to be the king of Egypt: so that it is euident, that this is a continuance of the same propheticall narration.

2. Some doe applie some part of this prophesie vnto Antiochus, yet as a type of Anti∣christ, and some things onely vnto Antichrist: and these things are intermingled together: as Matth. 24. Christ prophesieth of the destruction of Ierusalem, and of the ende of the world ioyntly: so in this place, they thinke that the manners of Antiochus and of Anti∣christ are described interchangeably: Theodoret. So also Lyranus, who thus distinguisheth of figures and signes: that some things are so figures, as the thing prefigured concerneth them not at all: as Psal. 72. His dominion shall be from sea to sea, and from the riuer to the endes of the world: this place he thinketh onely to be true of Christ, and not at all to agree vnto Salamon: some figures are such, that the thing affirmed, agreeth both to the figure, and to the thing prefigured: as, 1. Chr. 22. 10. He shall be my sonne, and I will be his father: this was true of Salomon in part, but of Christ more fitly: so some things here are spoken of Antiochus as of a figure of Antichrist, and some things onely agree vnto Antichrist: as from the 36. v. to the ende of the chapter: But, as Melancthon saith, non avellam hanc par∣tem ab historia Antiochi, I will not pull away this part neither from the historie of Antio∣chus: for mention is made after that of Edom, and other nations adioyning, which is euident to be historicall.

3. Some wholly referre this prophesie vnto Antiochus, without any relation at all vnto Antichrist, as Hierome here affirmeth of Porphyrius. But it is euident by the propheticall booke of the Revelation, which taketh many things from this prophesie, that there is some relation and allusion in this propheticall discourse vnto Antichrist.

4. Some doe make Antiochus a speciall type of Antichrist, and make him the image, and Antichrist the Archetypus, the principall person represented and resembled: and thinke that many things here done doe more fitly agree vnto Antichrist, then vnto Antiochus. Pappus. But it is euident, that the description of Antiochus, and his cruell outrage against the church of God, is principally intended by the Prophet; because this prophesie was deliuered for

the comfort of the Church in those daies, to the comming of the Messiah.

5. Wherefore the literall and proper sense of this prophesie aymeth onely at Antiochus: yet so, as by way of allusion and analogie, as a common type, Antiochus example, conditi∣ons, practises, may be drawne and by way of application accommodated to decypher Anti∣christ. Iun. Polan. But these typicall applications vnto Antichrist, shall be referred vnto their proper and peculiar place among the controversies.

32. Quest. of Antiochus Epiphanes first entrance to the kingdome.

Three things are orderly handled in this prophesie. 1. of Antiochus succeeding in the kingdome. 2. of his acts and exploits. 3. of his ende: In the handling of which things the rest of this chapter is spent: for seeing this Antiochus should be the greatest and most cruell aduersarie vnto the Iewes, and that vnder him, they should endure much miserie, it was necessarie that the people of God should afore-hand be prepared for those times.

First then his entrance to the kingdome is thus set forth, 1. by the very act of his suc∣cession. 2. by the small right which he had vnto it. 3. and by the euill meanes, which he vsed.

1. It is saide, that in his place one should stand vp: namely, Antiochus Epiphanes in the roome and stead of his father. 2. but his right should be small thereunto: for whereas suc∣cession vnto kingdomes is either by the naturall right of succession, or by election and con∣sent; he came by neither of these meanes to the kingdome: for he was the younger brother, and left hostage at Rome for his father, and so he was in that behalfe neglected and despi∣sed, not designed or appointed by his father vnto the kingdome: and when his elder brother was dead, he left behind him his sonne Demetrius, who was left as a pledge for Antiochus at Rome, whom Seleucus sent for to ayd him in his warres: thus Antiochus was despised and neglected in respect of naturall succession. Iun. Polan. And in regard of his vile conditions, and loathsome vices he was despised also: so that it seemeth, he was called Epiphanes, fa∣mous, by the contrarie, beeing indeede despised: which name was turned by the change of a letter, into Epimanes, which signifieth furious, madde. Athenaeus ex Polyb. And concer∣ning the right of succession, which is by election, Antiochus wanted it likewise: as it fol∣loweth in the text, to whome they shall not giue the honour of the kingdome: he was not called or adopted to the gouernment by the consent of the nobles of the land: Onely he was fauoured and helped by two forren kings, Eumenes, and Attalus. 3. Then the man∣ner is shewed how he attained to the kingdome: he at the first tooke vpon him to be the protector of the kingdome for his brothers sonne Demetrius beeing absent, vntill by flat∣terie he had established himselfe. He was very popular and familiar euen with meane per∣sons: he would stand in the streetes and cast abroad money, crying out, Let him that fortune fauoureth take it: he vsed to wash in the common bathes, and to drinke with common per∣sons, he would giue large gifts to whomsoeuer he met, though he had neuer seene them before: he would sport himselfe with those that attended vpon him, and hit stones at them in iest: and thus by his flatterie and popular behauiour he insinuated himselfe, and got the hearts of the people: as Absalom by the like meanes stole away the hearts of the people from his father. Thus Ptolome testifieth of this Antiochus, lib. 1. & 5. Hypomemnat.

33. Quest. Of Antiochus Epiphanes his first expedition against Egypt, v. 22, 23, 24.

Secondly the entrance of Antiochus into the kingdome beeing thus described, then fol∣loweth a declaration of his acts and exploits, which are of three sorts. 1. his practising a∣gainst Egypt. 2. his persecution of the people of God. 3. his inuading of Egypt, Iudea, and other countries.

Three expeditions he made into Egypt: the first whereof is here described. In this first the meanes are shewed, which he should vse, partly violence, partly fraud: and the successe of them both.

His forcible and violent attempt together with the successe, is expressed v. 22. his attempt is compared to an ouerflowing flood: Antiochus taking aduantage of the minoritie of Ptolomeus Philometor, the sonne of Epiphanes by his sister Cleopatra, and hauing a desire to ioyne Egypt to his kingdome, commeth with a great power with chariots, horse, Ele∣phants, and a nauie beside vnto Pelusium, ouerflowing like a great streame: his successe was this: First, the armes and power of the Egyptians were ouercome, the chiefe captaines of

Philometor Euleus and Leneus encountring with Antiochus betweene Pelusium and Casi∣um, were there vanquished and slaine: Hierome out of Porphyrius following Suctorius▪ so also Bulling. Melancth. Osiand. Polan. Iun. with others.

The second part of this successe was, the Prince of the couenant was ouerthrowne like∣wise. 1. which was not Ptolomeus Epiphanes, as Hugo Cardin. who was now dead. 2. nor yet Seleucus Philopater Antiochus brother, Iun. annotat. H. Br. concent. for it is said be∣fore, v. 21. that Antiochus named a vile person, stood vp in his place: his brother Seleucus was now dead. 3. neither was it Iudas Macchabeus, as Lyran. for as yet Antiochus had nothing to doe with him. 4. nor yet Ptolome Philopator, as Melancth. Oecolamp. Pellic. Vatab. for he was yet very young, and made no couenant: and beside the Prince of the co∣uenant here spoken of was slaine, which is expressed by the metaphor of breaking: but Phi∣lometor suruiued, and raigned long after. 5. And to applie it with Hierome to Antichrist, who shall faigne himselfe to be Prince of the couenant, that is, of the law and Testament of God, is not proper: for if Antiochus be a type of Antichrist, then is not this Prince of the couenant, which is ouercome by him, Antichrist also. 6. Wherefore this Prince of the co∣uenant was Tryphon, who was a chiefe man in compounding and making a league with Antiochus after the former ouerthrow, that he should haue the tutelage of the young king of Egypt Philometor his nephew: this Tryphon the chiefe contriuer of this coue∣nant, Antiochus causeth to be taken away, that he might worke his pleasure without a∣ny let.

Then followeth his second practise by fraud, with the successe: first Antiochus hauing now committed vnto him the protection of his nephew, vnder this pretence entreth into Egypt, but with a small companie, beeing not suspected as an enemie, but held as a friend: and therefore it is said, he shall strengthen himselfe with a small people, v. 23.

His successe by this his fraudulent practising was this. 1. he shall enter into the quiet and plentifull Prouince: for he setled himselfe in Memphis in the heart of the countrey. 2. then he robbed and spoiled, as neuer any of his predecessours did in Egypt before: for he is not said simply to doe that, which his fathers had not done, but onely in respect of Egypt, otherwise Seleucus Nicanor, their first founder, and Antiochus the great his father, had in other countries done more then he, Calvin. therefore this is no argument for Pererius to vnderstand this of Antichrist, and not of Antiochus, because his predecessours had beene of greater power: for, as is saide, it is not simply and absolutely so spoken, but in comparison of Egypt onely, which he robbed and spoiled▪ as none of his fathers had done before him. Hierom. ex Porphyr. And these spoiles he partly carried away, partly he distributed them among the Egyptians, to make himselfe stronger. Iun. 3. Then he cunningly cast about how to get into his hand the strong holds in Egypt: and therein shewed more cunning, then the wisest among the Egyptians: he deceiued them with his wiles and politike deui∣ses. Hierom. ex Porphyr. following Suctorius. Iun. Polan. But he did not long hold those places in Egypt, it was but for a time, as the text sheweth: for Philometor afterward reco∣uered them againe.

Some otherwise vnderstand this whole description: that the league spoken of was made with Seleucus Philopator, who vpon agreement with Antiochus then hostage at Rome, sent thither his owne sonne Demetrius, to be in his stead: and so Antiochus returning first practised by the meanes of Heliodorus to take away his brother Seleucus, called here the Prince of the couenant. Iun. in annotat. And this plentifull Prouince which he inuaded, some vnderstand to be Syria, Iun. Oecolampad. some Phoenice, where the rich citie Tyrus was, which Antiochus spoiled, Melancthon.

But this exposition can not stand. 1. Seleucus Philopator was dead before these things were done, and Antiochus tose vp in his stead: these things followed then after Seleucus death. And before the Prince of the couenant is taken away, it is said the armes were bro∣ken, which were the captaines with their power: but Antiochus had no open warre with his brother Seleucus, he was dead before his returne.

2. This pleasant Prouince was not Syria, but Egypt. 1. for it is saide, that he did that, which none of his fathers before him: now both Seleucus Nicanor, and Antiochus the great had done greater exploits in Syria and Phenice, then this Antiochus: but none of them had spoiled Egypt like vnto him. 2. he held these strong places onely for a while: but the strong cities of Syria & Phenicia he held and possessed as his own, as of right belonging vn∣to

to him: he soone lost the strong cities and holds in Egypt, which Philometor recouered a∣gaine: therefore this expedition vpon the former reasons is better vnderstood to haue beene made against Egypt, then Syria.

34. Quest. Of the second expedition of Antiochus Epiphanes against Egypt, v. 25, 26, 27, 28.

In this second expedition, three things are declared, 1. the attempt, which these kings made one against the other, with the successe, v. 25. and the meanes thereof, v. 26. 2. the e∣uent, which happened hereupon, v. 27. a dissembled peace. 3. the consequents, and such matters as followed, v. 28.

1. The king of the North Antiochus, seeing he could preuaile no longer by his fraud and deceit, who hitherto vnder colour of his protectourship, robbed and spoiled Egypt, (Philometor beeing now somewhat more growne in yeares) he seeketh now by open force to inuade Egypt: and the king of Egypt, called here the king of the South, prepareth to meete him with a great armie likewise: this was the preparation. But the successe was this: the king of Egypt was not able to stand, he is ouercome with his armie: and the meanes which Antiochus vfed, was this: he corrupted Ptolomes captaines and counsellers with gifts, who betraied Ptolomes armie: euen his owne feed men, and courtiers, that liued vpon him, should deceiue him, v. 26.

2. The euent was this, that after Philometor was ouercome, he should make some peace with Antiochus: but it was a fraudulent peace: where 1. their intent and purpose is expres∣sed; both the kings hearts shall be to doe mischiefe. 2. their dissimulation, they shall speake deceitfully at the same table: for Philometor feasted Antiochus, and gaue him great gifts. 3. but the issue was this, nothing was effected or concluded by this peace: for the time appointed of God was not yet, v. 27.

3. The sequele was this. 1. Antiochus returneth into his countrey with great substance, partly by the gift of Ptolome, partly by spoiling with his armie. 2. In his returne he set his heart against the holy Couenant, that is, the people of God: for he entred into Ierusalem beeing receiued by wicked Iason, and robbed and spoiled the Temple, though as yet he set not vp the abomination of desolation: as is further shewed, 1. Macchab. 1. 18. and 2. Macch. 4. 24.

Some vnderstand this battell to haue beene fought vnder Euleus and Leneus Ptolomes captaines, at which time Antiochus entred into Egypt, robbing and spoiling, and came to Memphis. Iun. annotat. 1. & 2. edit. Oecolampad. Bulling. But this can not be: 1. this was Antiochus second voyage into Egypt, 2. Macch. 5. 1. but that battell vnder those captaines was fought in his first voyage. 2. at this time Ptolomes captaines were corrupted, which could not be the foresaid Euleus and Leneus, for they were slaine in battell. 3. hitherto Antiochus had dealt by cunning and fraud, but now he went about by force to raigne ouer Egypt, 1. Macchab. 1. 17. which he did not attempt at the first: for he had sent in peaceable manner before Apollonius to the coronation of Philometor, 2. Macchab. 4. 22. 4. the kings now practised deceit one against an other: it seemeth then that Philometor was of yeares of discretion: but when Euleus and Leneus were slaine, he was vnder their tuition: this Hierome foreseeing, that Philometor beeing a child could not practise any deceit or mischiefe against Antiochus, thereupon saith, that some will haue it vnderstood of Anti∣christ, who should first ouercome the king of Egypt: But Philometor was not now a very child in Antiochus second expedition: he was somewhat growne in yeares, Osiand. for this happened in the sixt yeare of Antiochus raigne, who beganne to raigne in the 137. yeare of the raigne of the Greekes, and this was in the 143. yeare, 1. Macchab. 1. 11. 21. Wherefore I rather follow Iunius interpretation in his commentarie, with Polanus, who referre the bat∣tell of Euleus and Leneus to the first voyage of Antiochus into Egypt.

35. Quest. Of the third expedition of Antiochus Epiphanes against Egypt, v. 29, 30, 31.

Three things are here declared, 1. his attempt: he shall come againe against the king of the South: and the time is set downe, at the time appointed: which was about two yeares af∣ter, as may be gathered, 1. Macchab. 1. 30. Bulling. then entring into Egypt, and hauing ta∣ken Memphis, Philometor fled to his younger brother Physcon to Alexandria: and thither Antiochus followed, and besieged the citie, Ioseph. l. 12. c. 6.

2. Then the successe is shewed, not to be like vnto the former: it should not be as at the

first, and as at the last: for so are the words, not, the last shall not be as at the first, Geneuens. for two expeditions or voiages are mentioned before: then the reason is shewed of this crosse, successe, he shall be staied by the Romanes, which arriued there in shippes of Cilicia, called the shippes of Chittim: for Ptolome had sent vnto the Romanes for aid, who sent Po∣pilius, or as some call him Pompilius, who in their name should charge Antiochus to depart: who arriuing at Alexandria found Antiochus vpon the shore, who first would haue saluted Popilius with a kisse, being of his old acquaintance in Rome, & would with flattering words haue put off that matter for which Popilius came, and haue craued some time to consider of it: But the couragious Romane, bid him leaue off his trifling, and vpon the sand did with his rod make a circle before Antiochus, requiring his present answear before he went from that place: who, though much against his will, there yeelded himselfe to obey his embassage: and therefore it is said in the text, he shall be sorie and returne: thus Hierom. out of Iustin. lib. 34. the same is reported by Florus, in epitom. lib. 45.

3. The euent was this, that this cruell Tyrant beeing disappointed of his hope in Egypt, shall freat against the holy couenant: for in his returne he entred into Ierusalem beeing re∣ceiued in peaceable manner at the first: but afterward he made hauocke of the citie, put them to the sword, caused the daily sacrifice to cease, and set vp the abhomination of desolation, a filthie idol in the Temple, and burnt the bookes of the lawe: as is declared, 1. Mac. 1. 57. 58.

And the meanes is shewed also how he compassed this his wicked purpose: he had inelli∣gence by those which did forsake the holy coueuant, he was brought in by the wicked counsell and practise first of Iason, then of Menelaus, 2. Macchab. 4. Iunius, Polanus, Oe∣colampadius.

Quest. 36. Of the meaning of the word Chittim, v. 30.

1. Here are two words vsed, tziim, and Chittim, which some Hebrewes vnderstand to be the Italians and Romanes, Hierome: but the first word signifieth shippes: it commeth of tzi, which properly betokeneth a bird, and so consequently a shippe, which beeing vn∣der saile is like a bird that flieth. 2. Iosephus whom Theodoret followeth, and Vata∣blus, vnderstand the shippes of Chittim to be shippes of the Isle Cyprus, where was a towne called Citium, where Zeno the Stoike was borne: But the word Chittim is more ge∣nerall, then to be taken for one small Island: and Cyprus was vnder the command of Alex∣andria, which nowe Antiochus besieged, and therefore the shippes of Cyprus could not re∣pell Antiochus. 3. Some take Chittim directly for the Romanes, as Hierome, so also the Chalde paraphrast. and the Tharg. Hierosol. so interpreteth that place of the Italians and Romanes, Numb. 24. 24. the shippes shall come from the coasts of Chittim, and subdue Ashur, and shall subdue Heber: But originally Chittim, are not the Italians or Romanes: for Chittim was one of the sonnes of Iavan the father of the Grecians: as likewise were Elisha the foun∣der of the Aeliseans or Aeolians, and Dodanim of the Dodoneans, and Tharshish of the Cilicians where Tarsus was: all these were countreys belonging vnto Grecia. 4. Some thinke that Chittim signifieth both the Grecians, Macedonians, and Romanes, Calvin: but so we should make it too generall a name. 5. Some vnderstand the shippes of the Romanes which were kept in the coasts of Cilicia, (where the Isle Cetis was) that they might the better command the Seas, Polan. Iun. But that seemeth not to be so proper to call them shippes of Chittim, that is of Cilicia, because they onely harboured there. 6. And it is too slender a conceit, to thinke that the Romane Embassadour came thither in shippes of Grecia, ex Bulling. as if that potent nation of the Romanes had no shippes of their owne. 7. nor yet is Chittim taken only for Grecia, for the shippes of Chittim came now against Antiochus, which were not the Grecians, but the Romanes. 8. Wherefore, I thinke with Melancthon, that Chittim originally is taken for some countreys of Grecia, and comprehendeth also Ma∣cedonia: whereupon Alexander king of Macedonia, is said to haue come from the land of Chittim, 1. Macchab. 1. 1. and the two last kings of Macedonia Philip and Perses, are cal∣led kings of Cittim, 1. Macchab. 8. 5. And the word 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, a Macedonian, hath some affinitie with Chittim, the first letter beeing added: And further Melancthon sheweth out of Homer how the 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, the Citians, came with Telephus the king of the Mysians to the bat∣tell of Troy, as next adioyning.

But yet though originally Chittim are the Grecians; which name might first be giuen vn∣to the Islands of Grecia, as Cyprus, Rhodes, and the sea coasts as of Cilicia, and then gene∣rally

was taken for other vpla••d countreys of Grecia: this name also was extended to the I∣talians as hauing their originall from the Greekes: Melancthon sheweth out of Suidas, that Latinui the sonne of Telephus brought the Citians into Italie, and gaue the name to the countrey: but howsoeuer this is, it is certaine, that the Grecians came into Italie and there inhabited, whereupon it might be called magna Graecia, great Greece: and thus much for the word Chittim.

Quest. 37. Of the persecution of the people of God by Antiochus, and the manner thereof.

This is the second persecution raised by Antiochus against the people of God, the first was touched before, v. 28. the occasion of the second is expressed in the former verse, part∣ly because Antiochus beeing disappointed by the Romanes, turneth his rage against the Church of God, and partly beeing thereunto induced by such amongst the Iewes as had forsaken the couenant.

In this second persecution, 1. there are declared the meanes, which Antiochus vsed in oppressing Gods people: which were partly the forces, and captains, and forren helps which he vsed: partly the seditious and factious among the people themselues. 2. the godly are described which shall suffer persecution, to v. 36. 3. then it is shewed, what Antiochus should doe himselfe, thence to v. 40.

Now in v. 3. the forren helpe is described, which Antiochus should vse: namely, his cap∣taines with their forces, which are called armes: and the effects and workes which they shall doe are fowre. 1. They shall pollute the Sanctuarie. 2. then the citie it selfe, called the mu∣nition. 3. the daily sacrifice shall be taken away. 4. and the abhomination of desolation set vp.

Quest 38. What is vnderstood by the armes, v. 31.

1. Some of the Hebrewes by the armes doe vnderstand Thus that came of Vespasian, and was as his arme, that destroyed Ierusalem and the Temple. 2. Oecolampadius by the armes interpreteth the captaines of the Romanes, Pompey, Crassus, Sabinus, Cumanus Florus, with others, which diuerse times made hauocke of the citie, spoiled and profaned the Tem∣ple: But the coherence of the text will allowe neither of these interpretations: for the storie of Antiochus still is continued: he that set his heart against the holy couenant, v. 28. is the same that fretteth against the holy couenant, beeing repelled by the shippes of Chittim, v. 30. and he that there fretteth, is the same that here polluteth the Sanctuarie. 3. Some by the armes vnderstand the towers and fortresses of the citie, which are as the armes of it, Pintus. But the armes are said to pollute the Sanctuarie: this cannot be properly vnderstood of the towers. 4. Calvin, whom Geneuens. followe, by the armes thinketh to be meant the faction of the wicked Iewes, that held with Antiochus, but they are spoken of in the next verse, which shall wickedly breake the couenant. 5. Therfore by the armes are better vnderstood An∣tiochus Princes and captaines, whom he sent to spoile Ierusalem, Bulling. Melancth. as Philippus a Phrygian, whom he left at Ierusalem, after the first taking of it, and Andronicus at Garazin, 2. Macchab. 5. 22. to them he ioyned Bacchides, of whom Iosephus maketh mention, lib. 1. de bello Iudaic. c. 1. And he sent also Apollonius two yeares after to Ieru∣salem, who made great hauocke and spoile of all, as is shewed, 1. Macchab. 1. and 2. Mac. 5. Polanus.

Quest. 39. Of the defiling of the Sanctuarie and the manner thereof.

Fowre wicked exploits done by Antiochus forces are expressed here. 1. they defiled the Sanctuarie: for they entred into it, robbed, and spoiled it; as Antiochus had done before himselfe: for he entred into the Temple Menelaus beeing his guide, and touched the holy vessels with his owne hands, 2. Macchab. 5. 15. and carried them away, 1. Mac. 1. 23. 24.

2. They tooke also the citie, and the munition, the strong places thereof. Some referre it to the Sanctuarie, thus reading the Sanctuarie of strength, so called, because it was situate in a strong place, and had the tower of Dauid adioyning vnto it, Osiand. or because the peo∣ple fled thither as to a sure hold, when the citie was taken, Oecolamp. or because the people put their confidence in the Temple, as the rocke of their defense, Bulling. or to put them in minde that they should trust in God, who was yet their strength, although for their sinnes he suffred his Temple to be defiled for a time, Calvin. But it is better vnderstood of the ci∣tie,

which is called the munition, because of the strength thereof: for as Strabo writeth, lib. 16. Geograph. it was compassed with a strong wall of stone, and within was a ditch 60. foote deepe, and 200. foote wide, made out of a rocke, the stone hewne out made the walls about the Temple: Apollonius beeing sent to Ierusalem by Antiochus, was receiued peacea∣bly into the citie: but being entred he went vp and downe killing and slaying, sparing none: but fell vpon the Iewes (hauing an armie of 22. thousand) vpon the Sabbath, while they were keeping their feast, 2. Macchab. 5. 24. 25. Iun. Polan. as also they fortified the citie of Dauid, with a great and thicke wall, and mightie towers, and set people to keepe it, and brought in the spoyle of the citie thither, 1. Macchab. 1. 35. 36. this may be well vnder∣stood, (the euent so fitly answering the prophesie) to be the munition or strong place here.

3. They caused the daily sacrifice to cease, that is, discontinued the seruice of God which was celebrated by sacrifices in the Temple: one kind of sacrifice is taken for the rest: for An∣tiochus commanded that they should forsake their lawes, and he would haue them all brought to an vniformitie, to liue according to the lawes of the heathen: likewise he enioy∣ned his captaines to forbid burnt offrings and sacrifices, and all manner of offrings in the San∣ctuarie: this was accordingly done, as we may read, 1. Macchab. 1. 47.

4. Then they set vp the abhomination of desolation, which 1. some take for the souldi∣ers placed in garrison, who were addicted to abhominable idolatrie, and brought both the citie and Temple to desolation, Iun. Pol. but the souldiers are before signified by the armes, and this is one of their effects, to set vp the abhomination: and they were rather abhomina∣ble, not the abhomination it selfe. 2. some translate the word shamam, by an other sense: it signifieth both to make desolate and to astonish: and so they read, they shall set vp the abho∣mination, which shall cause them to wonder, or astonish them, Pagnin. Vatab. they should wonder to see the Temple so defiled and forsaken, Calvin. but that the word rather signifi∣eth here to make desolate, then to astonish, appeareth both by the former vse thereof, c. 9. v. 26. 27. for the further explication whereof I referre the Reader to the questions vpon that place. 3. Some vnderstand nothing els here, but abhominable desolation, Bulling. but that was signified before, they shall take away the daily sacrifice: and beside, the phrase of setting vp sheweth, that there was somewhat actually set vp in deede. 4. Oecolampadius re∣ferreth it to the Romane ensignes and banners which were set vp in the Temple, and round about: But this place is not vnderstood of the Romanes: Antiochus profanation of the Temple is here described. 5. Wherefore this abhomination of desolation, or making deso∣late, cannot be better vnderstood, then of those filthie idols which Antiochus and his cap∣taines caused to be set vp in the Temple: as there was set vp vpon the altar, the abhomina∣ble idol of Iupiter Olympius: Pellic. Melancth. Osiand. Lyran. Perer. for both idols are v∣sually in Scripture called by that name, abominations, and the sequele and euent sheweth it to be so vnderstood, as 1. Macchab. 1. 57. it is said, they set vp the abhomination of desolation vpon the altar: there was then some abhominable thing in verie deede set vp vpon the altar.

Quest. 40. How Antiochus vsed as his instruments certaine wicked persons of the Iewes, that forsooke the lawe.

1. The second kind of helpe which Antiochus vsed, was beside his captaines and souldi∣ers, certaine wicked factious people among the Iewes: which were seduced by his flatterie to betray their owne countrey. Such were wicked Iason, that entred into the citie with a thousand men, and slue his owne citizens without mercie: and wicked Menelaus that was himselfe a guide vnto Antiochus, and brought him into the Temple, to robbe and spoile it, 2. Macchab. 5. As these assisted Antiochus in his first taking of the citie: so afterward when he sent Apollonius, diuerse of the people ioyned with him: as 1. Macchab. 1. 55. then went many of the people vnto them by heapes, euerie one that forsooke the lawe. And after these times such an one was Alcimus the high Priest, who came with Bacchides, the kings cap∣taine: the people trusted Alcimus, because he was the high Priest, and he sware vnto them, that he would doe them no harme, but he tooke 60. men and killed them, 1. Mac. 7. 15. 16.

2. The other part of the verse is diuersly read. 1. Iunius and Polan. thus interpret, and the people of those that knowe God, they shall apprehend, that is, the wicked apostataes shall betray their owne brethren: but in this sense the word chazak is put with the preposition beth most commonly: as Isay. 4. 1. and Zachar. 8. 13. as our English phrase is, to lay hold on, and the word people, beeing set first, is rather the nominatiue then the accusatiue case, which for the

most part followeth the verbe in the Hebrewe tongue. 2. Therefore here I rather approoue the receiued interpretation: that though many shall fall away, yet those among the people, which feare and knowe God, shall encourage themselues, and goe on in their dutie: which is the meaning of the last word: they shall doe, doe their part and office, Bulling. Melan. Calv. Osiand. Genevens. cum caeter.

Quest. 41. Of such things as the faithfull people of God should doe and suffer in this persecution.

v. 33. They that vnderstand, &c. shall instruct many: Three things are expressed con∣cerning the faithfull people. 1. what they shall doe, they shall not giue ouer one instructing and conforting another. 2. what they shall suffer. 3. how they shall be comforted, v. 34.

1. Concerning the first. 1. Some because mention is made here of instruction, will not haue it here vnderstood of the persecution of the Iewes, in the time of the Macchabees, for they were fighters rather then instructors: and therefore they thinke it more fitly to be refer∣red vnto the persecutiō of the seruants of God in the times of the Apostles, as is declared in the booke of the Acts: for then the Apostles ceased not to instruct the people and Church of God, Oecolamp. 2. But though Mattathias and his sonnes were stirred vp to defend the innocent by their valiant resisting of wicked Antiochus proceedings, yet they also instructed and encouraged the people, and exhorted them to continue stedfast, as we may further see 1. Macchab. 2. and 2. Macchab. 8. 16. 21. And that this persecution is not that which the historie of the Acts maketh mention of, is euident by this; that the Romanes and their agents were then the persecutors: but here this Tyrant and persecutor was somewhat curbed by the Romanes, as is before shewed v. 30. And for the same reason this cannot be referred vnto the last destruction of Ierusalem by Vespasian and Titus, as some of the Hebrewes thinke. 3. Those then which instructed the people, were chiefely the faithfull Priests, the Maccha∣bees, the father and his sonnes, 1. Macchab. 2. and other faithfull people are not excluded, who did their part one instructing and encouraging an other.

2. Then it followeth, what they endured and suffred, euen all kind of most grieuous tor∣ments, by the sword, by flame, by captiuitie, by spoyle: how they were put to the sword, when Apollonius with an armie of 22. thousand entred the citie, as is shewed, 2. Macchab. 5. 25. and the younger sort with the women were sold into captiuitie, v. 24. the spoile of the citie is described, 1. Macchab. 1. 37. And how they were tried by the flames of fire and other torments, is declared in that lamentable storie of the mother with her 7. children, how cruelly they were put to death, 2. Macchab. 7. their skinne was fleyed off, their tongues cut out, and their vtmost parts cut off: their flesh was boyled in hoate caldrons: The like report Iosephus maketh of that cruell persecution, verberati, & diuersis cruciatibus fatigati, &c. they beeing scourged and wearied with diuerse torments, yet beeing aliue were hanged vp vpon pearches: the children which were circumcised, were strangled and hung about their parents neckes, lib. 12. antiquit. c. 6. 7. And of these persecutions seemeth the Apostle to speake, Heb. 11. 35. 37. they were racked, &c. they were stoned, they were hewed asunder: they were tempted or they were burned, as Iunius and Polanus thinke it should be reade 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, rather then 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, they were slaine with the sword, &c.

Quest. 42. Of the consolation of the afflicted Church of the Iewes, v. 34. 35.

v. 34. They shall be holpen with a little helpe. The Lord forgetteth not his Church in their affliction, but sendeth them a breathing time, and some helpe to comfort them in the middes of their trouble. This consolation here propounded, consisteth of three parts. 1. it is descri∣bed by the adiunct, the small helpe, that shall be raised vnto them. 2. by the ende, wherefore God suffreth them to be afflicted, namely, to purge and trie them. 3. by the circumstance of the time, which shall not continue, but so long onely as God hath appointed.

Concerning the first (for the other two parts are plaine enough) 1. the Hebrewes vnder∣stand this small helpe of some Emperours, which fauoured the Iewes, such were Seuerus and Antoninus.

2. Some referre it vnto the time of Iulian, who gaue the Iewes libertie to build the tem∣ple againe: but he did it fainedly, for he intended thereby onely the aduancement of idola∣trie, and the defacing of Christian religion.

3. Oecolampadius interpreteth this little helpe of the fauour shewed by some Emperours vnto the Christians, as Marcus Aurelius protected them: and by those, that should cleaue

vnto them fainedly, he vnderstandeth the heretikes, as Cherinthus, Menander, the Ebonites, with other who ioyned with the Christians, yet were great enemies vnto the truth of Chri∣stian religion: But all these opinions may be confuted by one and the same argument: be∣cause here is a continuance of the same historie, from v. 30. he which was repelled by the shippes of Chittim, which were the Romanes, is the same which persecuteth the Church here: the Romanes are not these persecutors, but they somewhat bridled and stayed the persecutor.

4. Some further applie this to the last times of persecution vnder Antichrist, that then the Saints shall resist him, but by small helpe, Hierome. Indeede typically this Scripture may be so applyed, but historically it was performed in the time of Antiochus, as Pererius obserueth.

5. Wherefore here there is euident relation vnto the Macchabees, vnto Mattathias and his sonnes, who beeing but an handfull and a small companie in respect of Antiochus, and his armie; yet God so prospered this small helpe, that the tyrannie of Antiochus was somewhat stayed for the time: and in the ende of the appointed time, after three yeares and certaine dayes from the abolishing of the daily sacrifice, which beganne the 15. day of Ca∣sleu, in the 145. yeare 1. Mac. 1. 57. the Temple was cleansed on the 25. of the same moneth in the 148. yeare, 1. Macchab 4. 52.

Now while this small helpe prospered, some as the text saith, did but cleaue fainedly vn∣to them: there were diuerse, that as long as they preuailed, which stood for the lawe, would seeme to ioyne with them, but if their busi••esse went not forward, then they were as readie to take part against them: and such we shall finde to haue beene am••••g the Iewes in the time of the Macchabees, as that storie maketh mention, that were but false brethren, Bul∣ling. Polan.

Quest. 43. Of Antiochus pride, and the exalting of himselfe against God.

v. 36. And the king shall doe what him list, &c. In this second persecution which Antio∣chus mooued against the Iewes, which consisteth of three parts, first it hath beene shewed what ministers and instruments he should vse: secondly, what the faithfull should endure and suffer: now followeth the third part, what Antiochus himselfe should doe: And his acts are either concerning religion, in abrogating all religion both true and false, v. 36. 37. and in establishing a newe religion of his owne, v. 38. or such as concerne ciuill and politike mat∣ters, vers. 39.

But interpreters doe much differ in the exposition of this Scripture, of whom it should be vnderstood. 1. The Hebrewes take this king to be Constantine the great: of whom Ab. Ezra is not ashamed to tell these lies, that there were but 318. which receiued the Christian religion, which afterward he cōpelled all Princes and people to embrace: But all this is false: he thinketh there were no more Christians but onely those 318. Bishops which were assem∣bled in the Nicen Councel: neither did Constantine cōpell any to receiue the Christian faith, but forbad the worship of Idols, and protected the Christian religion: but he was so farre from lifting himselfe vp against God, that euerie where he commanded Churches to be ere∣cted to the honour of Christ, in whose name he ouercame his enemies. Some of the Iewes vnderstand this king to be Vespasian; some an Emperour, that should rise vp after Iulian, who seemed to fauour them: so well they agree together.

2. Oecolampadius and Melancthon, will haue this king to be the Pope and Turke, who both are blasphemous against God: but the Prophet speaketh but of one king: neither is it like that the Angell breaking off at the persecution vnder Antiochus, would immediately ioyne the historie of such things, as should come to passe aboue a thousand yeare after: for so many yeares and more came betweene Antiochus persecution, and the beginning of the Monarchie of the Turke, and of the tyrannie of the Pope.

3. M. Calvin thinketh this place not to be vnderstood of any one king, but of a continu∣ed gouernement: which he referreth to the Monarchie of the Romanes, not beginning at Iulius Caesar, but at such time as they beganne to oppresse Iudea: as first Pompey tooke the citie, though he spared the Temple: after him Crassus spoiled and robbed the Temple: whose insatiable couetousnesse was such in those countries, that he was hated of all: in so much that when he was slaine they filled his skull full of gold, and carried it vp and downe in derision. The Romanes exalted themselues against God: for they tooke vpon them to determine who

should be counted Gods: and Cicero in his oration pro Flacco, speaketh basely of the God of the Iewes, not holding him worthie to be compared with Bacchus or Venus: and that Iudea beeing so often ouercome, was hated of all the gods: T••us M. Calv. But although diuerse of these things here prophecied of may by way of analogie be applyed to the Ro∣manes, whose pride was into lerable, and their superstitious religion, a verie prophanesse: yet they cannot well be vnderstood here: seeing at that time there was no king among the Romanes: but here the Angel directly speaketh of a king: and the inuading of the citie by Pompey was an 100. yeare and more after this: which distance of time, the continuance and coherence of this storie will not admit.

4. Lyranius, with other writers of that side, Pererius, with the rest, and before him Hugo Card. doe vnderstand this prophesie directly of that Antichrist whom they suppose shall come in the end of the world, and raigne but 3. yeares and an halfe: and so Hugo a little before expounded that little helpe of Henoch and Elias, which shall stand vp against Anti∣christ. And to this purpose Pererius alleadgeth out of Hyppolitus, how Antichrist shall send his mandates through the world, to call together people and nations to come to worshippe him: who shall cause to be proclaimed in their hearing: quis Deus magnus praeter me, quis potentiae meae resistet? who i•• so great a God as I, who is able to resist my power? &c. But that this deuise of some singular man, which shall stand vp in the ende of the world to be Antichrist, is but a meere fiction, is afterward more at large declared among the controuer∣sies handled out of this chapter: And beside it is not like that the Angel would ioyne toge∣ther two stories so farre asunder.

5. Some other writers doe so vnderstand this of the verie Antichrist the Pope, as that they apply it not to Antiochus at all: but thinke that Antichrist is properly described from hence to the ende of the prophesie of Daniel, Osiander, Pappus. But it is one thing histori∣cally to interpret a prophesie, an other typically to apply it.

6. Now then that all these things were historically performed by Antiochus, and are in the intendement of the prophesie specially meant of him, thus it may be shewed:

1. The time, when all these things should be fulfilled, is expressed, c. 12. 11. the dayes are summed to a 1290. dayes, that is, 3. yeares, 7. moneths, and about 13. dayes: therefore this prophesie could not be put off so long.

2. The word hamelech, this king, hath reference to the former historie: and the article ha, is a note of demonstration, pointing out the king before spoken of:

3. All the other expositions bring vs to a time farre distant and remoote, from the for∣mer historie of Antiochus; but these things here described followe, as the next in the conse∣quent of time.

4. Beside, the Angel in this propheticall narration satisfieth Daniels desire, which was to knowe, what should befall his people: but these things as the other expound them, do no∣thing concerne the Iewes: neither came they so much as into Daniels thought to enquire.

5. The sequele of the storie answeareth to the prophesie: for Antiochus did all this: he aduanced himselfe aboue God, and spake blasphemous things against him, in defiling his Temple, abrogating the sacrifices, burning the bookes of the lawe: he wrote also his letters, that they should forbid the offrings and sacrifices, and defile the Sabbaths and feasts, and pollute the Sanctuarie and the holy men, and to set vp altars, and groues, and chappels of i∣dols, and to offer vp swines flesh and strange beasts, 1. Mac. 1. v. 47. to 51. and v. 57. 58. Thus ti is euident that Antiochus magnified himselfe against God: see further Appendix following, exercis. 2. argum. 3.

Quest. 44. Antiochus impietie and inhumanitie further described out of the 37. v.

Some take not this to be vnderstood at all of Antiochus, but doe otherwise apply it: the Hebrewes of Constantine, and of some other Emperours: Calvin of the politike state of the Romanes before the comming of Christ: Melancthon, Oecolampad. of the Turke and the Pope: some of the Pope onely, Bulling. Osiand. some of Antiochus onely, Porphyrius, Pelli∣can, whose opinions are discussed in the former question.

But most of these will not haue Antiochus here vnderstood. 1. because we doe not finde that Antiochus neglected the worship of all gods, especially the god of his fathers, Calvin. for he set vp the idols of the Gentiles, Lyran. 2. and whereas it is said, he shall not regard the desires of women: it is euident, that Antiochus was giuen ouer vnto all carnall lust and li∣centious

life: thus obiecteth Pererius, that these things can not quadrare in Antiochu••, a∣gree vnto Antiochus, who was famous for his beastly and filthie lust: and he set vp temples to Iuppiter Olympius, and Iuppiter Hospitalis, which were his fathers the Grecians gods: to these obiections answer shall be made afterward: now we will examine the seueral opinions.

1. Ab. Ezra thinketh this prophesie to haue bin fulfilled in Constantine the great, whe•• he embraced the Christian faith, and abrogated Gentilisme and Pagan idolatrie: But Danie•• saith not, he shall abrogate or denie the gods of his fathers, but he shall not regard them.

2. Some applie this vnto the Turke, who honoureth Mahomet before Christ the aunci∣ent God of Christians, and preferreth Mahomets lawes before Christs: Melancth. Oecolamp. But, as Calvin well noteth, voluit Deus sustinere animos suorum vsque ad Christi exhibitio∣nem, God in this prophesie doth intend onely the releefe and comfort of his, till Christ should be exhibited.

3. The same reason may serue against their opinion, which thinke the Atheisme, irreligi∣on, and new worship brought in by the Popes to be here described: as Illyricus, lib. advers. primat. Pap. Osiander, Bulling. Graser. exercit. 3. p. 185. all these shew how the Pope hath left the auncient faith, and true worship of Iesus, in setting vp other Mediatours, and bringing in traditions, making them equall, if not superiour to the lawes of Iesus Christ: so that in effect he worshippeth Christ but in name and shew onely. All this may fitly be applied vnder the type of Antiochus, to the Romane Antichrist, but there is difference betweene the histori∣call and typicall sense.

4. The Romanists, as Pererius, Vatablus, doe here dreame of their imagined Antichrist, that shall come before the ende of the world, and grow into such pride, that he shall cause himselfe onely to be worshipped, as God: But this their fantasticall conceit is reiected be∣fore, qu. 43. 4. and shall be at large confuted among the controversies.

5. Calvin vnderstandeth the Romane state, who daily inuented new gods, but in effect cared for none: but at this time there was no king or Emperour of the Romanes: as the An∣gel here speaketh directly of a king, hamelech: the article set before the word sheweth, that one particular king is meant.

6. Wherefore this was historically fulfilled in Antiochus: 1. not in that he profaned the Temple and the God of the Iewes, whome Antiochus the great his father honoured, and gaue vnto the Temple great immunities: Ioseph. lib. 12. c. 3. for the God of the Iewes was not the God of his fathers, that were idolaters. 2. nor in compelling the Iewes not to set by the honour of their fathers, 2. Ma••chab. 4. 15. for this must be his owne act. 3. nor in setting vp the gods of the Grecians, as Iuppiter, Bacchus, Hercules, which were not the Sy∣rian gods: for all the Gentiles worshipped in effect the same idols, though vnder other names. 4. But herein was his impietie and prophannes seene, that though he set vp the i∣dols of the heathen, and spared for no cost, in adorning them, and therein exceeded all his predecessors, as Polybius in Athen. yet in effect he cared for no god: he was vacuus omni numinis reverentia, void of all reuerence of the godhead: Iun. Pellic. and Graserus, who ap∣plieth all this to the Pope, denieth not but that in this sense it may be vnderstood of Antio∣chus. pag. 191.

45. Quest. How Antiochus should not regard the desires of women.

1. Some doe read these words affirmatiuely, that he shall be in the desires of women. And here 1. Pellican applieth it to Antiochus, that was luxuriosissimus, most lasciuious, in so much that publikely he was not ashamed to vse his concubines. 2. some referre it to the Anti∣christ in the ende of the world, qui futurus est Iudaeorum Messias, who shall be the Messiah of the Iewes, who▪ because the Iewes doe expect the multitude of wiues to be graunted them by their Messiah, shall by no meanes command, or commend caelibatum, single life: Bellar. lib. 3. de Rom. pont. c. 21. But it is euident, that in the Hebrew the negatiue particle must be supplied in euery clause, as hath beene shewed in the diuers readings of this verse: and so Anquila readeth, 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, he shall not attend to the desires of women. As concerning that conceit of their Antichrist, the Iewes Messiah and that Antichrist shall come together.

2. Pererius thinketh, that the spirit of God of purpose left the Hebrew Scripture ambi∣guous, that in both senses it might agree to Antichrist: for he secretly shall be giuen to all lust, and yet outwardly feigne chastitie: but the Scripture vseth not to speake doubtfully.

3. Wherefore the best reading is negatiuely, he shall not haue respect to the desires of wo∣men. 1. which neither doe we take generally for his inhumanitie, becasue kindnes and hu∣manitie

is likened to the loue of women, 2. Sam. 1. 26. as Iunius referring it to Antiochus, and Calvin to the Romanes, and some other to Herod that was cruell toward his wife and children. 2. nor, becasue Antiochus regarded not the desire and request of his wife for sparing the Temple: for the text speaketh of women, not of one woman. 3. nor yet is here signified the tendernes of women, whome he cruelly put to death, not sparing their sex: Bro. for the word chemidah, desire, is not taken in that sense. 4. nor yet is it meant, he should altogether be alienated from the desire of women; as Vatablus doth, applying it to their Antichrist. 5. But the word signifieth the lawfull desires of women: he shall con∣temne matrimonie, and be giuen ouer to vagrant lust: and this to be the sense Graserus sheweth by three arguments: 1. by the vse of the word, which is for the most part taken for lawfull desire: as Daniel is called, a man of desires, Dan. 9. 23. and Ezekiels wife is called the desire of his eyes, c. 24. 17. 2. the word signifieth a reflexion of desire: in desiring and beeing desired: as 1. Sam. 9. 20. the desire of Israel was toward Saul: but this reflexion of desire is onely seene in lawfull matrimonie. 3. the phrase sheweth so much, he shall not regard: as before it signified not the abolishing of all gods, but a contempt of them: so here he shall not altogether despise women, but he shall not regard their desire: he shall contemne matri∣monie: and so did Antiochus, who had a famous strumpet Antiochis, to whome he gaue the cities of Tharsus and Mallot, 2. Macchab. 4. 30. Theodoret: and he openly ioyned himselfe to strumpets: as Hierome. 6. This beeing thus literally true of Antiochus, may be applied ty∣pically to the Pope, who hath brought in contempt of Matrimonie, &c. but this is not the historicall meaning, as Bulling. Osiand. Illyricus, Graserus doe thinke. 7. But Oecolampad. is further off, who vnderstandeth this of Antiochus contempt of the beutiful goddesses, as the Moone, or Venus: for the text speaketh of women, not of goddesses.

46. Quest. Of the strange god that Antiochus should set vp, v. 28.

This verse is diuersly interpreted, and there is great difference about the meaning of these words, in his place he shall honour the god Mauzzim. These diuers opinions may be thus sorted: some doe vnderstand these words of the false god, which shall be set vp: some of the true God, in whose stead Antiochus, or Antichrist, shall set vp an other strange god.

Of the first sort: 1. some thinke that Mauzzim should be the name of the place where Antiochus set vp his idol, and caused it to be worshipped, which Porphyrius thinketh to haue beene called Modin, the countrey of Mattathia: Pellican also misliketh not this sense. But Mauzzim hath an other sense, it signifieth munition or strength: and betweene the words Mauzzim, and Modin, there is small affinitie.

2. Some applie this vnto Antichrist, and thinke that he shall secretly worship the deuill, whom he shall call the god of his defence, Lyran. and Bellarmine doth hereunto incline.

3. Theodoret thus expoundeth, that Antichrist shall call himselfe the god Mauzzim, that is, a strong god: but it hath beene shewed sufficiently before, that this prophesie is hi∣storically and literally vnderstood of Antiochus. And if it should be referred to Antichrist, that he is himselfe this god Mauzzim, there can be made no sense of these words, he shall worship the god Mauzzim in his place: for how can he be said to worship himselfe? here is one that worshippeth, and an other that is worshipped.

4. Some vnderstand this prophesie of the Turke, and this god Mauzzim to be Maho∣met, whome the Turks adore with siluer and gold; and whose religion he maintaineth by force and strength; still seeking to enlarge his Empire, and to subdue nations, which was one of Mahomets speciall precepts and principles: and it is saide, he shall worship him in his place, that is, according to his qualitie and dignitie, not as a God, but as a great Prophet: thus one Christian Irenophil. ex Polan. Oecolampadius much varieth not, hauing reference here vnto Mecca the temple of Mahomet, which is adorned with siluer and gold. But I haue shewed, that this prophesie concerneth not the Turke, whose Monarchie beganne a 1000. yeares after Antiochus: & the affaires of the Turke did not belong to the state & condition of the Iewes the people of God then, for whose cōfort specially this prophesie was penned.

5. M. Calvin still proceedeth, applying all this vnto the Romanes, that they had their peculiar god Iuppiter Olympius, Iuppiter set vp in the Capitol, whome they made the chiefe of all other gods: but in effect they onely magnified themselues, their power and riches a∣boue all other gods: And so farre as it was for their aduantage and profit, they did pretend the name and worship of the gods: but in effect, they set vp altars, and offered sacrifice, suae foelicitati & fortunae, to their owne happines and fortune: so also Genevens. following Cal∣vin:

but this application to the Romane state we haue vpon diuers reasons refused before, qu. 44.

6. Melancthon by the god Maosim, that is, of munitions, vnderstandeth the god vario∣rum templorum, that was worshipped in diuers temples: for as the Iewes had but one Tem∣ple called before Maosa, v. 31. the Sanctuarie of strength: so the Gentiles had their Maosim, their diuers temples, wherein they worshipped a number of gods: as the Athenians wor∣shipped Pallas, the Thebanes, Bacchus; the Eleusines, Ceres; the Sic••lians, Proserpina; the Ar∣gives, Iuno; they of Delphos, Phoebus; the Lemnians, Vulcan; the Lampsacenes, Priapus; the Phrygians, Cybele: But M. Calvin doth not much weigh this distinction of the singular and plural, for the word Maozim, he taketh it to be curious. And seeing Melancthon first vnderstandeth this of Antiochus, it can not be shewed how he brought in all these gods: and the text onely speaketh in the singular, of the god Mauzzim.

7. Some doe properly vnderstand here the Pope the Romane Antichrist, and retaining the word as a proper name Mauzzim doe specially applie it to the idolatrous sacrifice of the Masse: Osiander maketh some allusion in the word Mauzzim, to the word Masse: Me∣lancthon obserueth that the word mazon, which signifieth foode or meate, hath some assini∣tie with Mauzzim, noting the Papists breaden god: but Oecolampad. refuseth this conceit, because the word mazon is written without the letter ain, which the other word hath, Bul∣linger maketh this application, that Mauzzim which signifieth holds, may be taken for the Temples, which they adorne with siluer and gold, and doe tie thereunto the corporall pre∣sence of Christ: But all these are analogicall applications of this prophesie: we must seeke for an historicall sense beside, which was to take place long before the Romane Antichrist appeared in the world.

8. All these doe by the god Mauzzim, vnderstand a false god, which should be brought in by this aduersarie here spoken of. Polychronius by the god Mauzzim, that is, of strength, would haue signified the true god of Isreal, whome Antiochus at length was forced to con∣fesse by the extremitie of his disease, and sent great gifts and presents to Ierusalem to the Temple: But neither is mention made in the storie, 2. Macchab. 9. of any such gifts which he sent, Oecolampad. and it is a strange god, not the true God, which Antiochus here is said to worship with gold and siluer.

9. Iunius and Polanus doe concurre together, thus reading, as for the God of strength, in his place he shall honour: he shall honour a god, whome his fathers knew not, &c. And Polanus will haue the first clause distinguished, because of the accent zakeph katon, which diuideth it from the words following: so that they would haue the god Mauzzim here taken for the true God, called the God of strength, Polan. or the God of munitions, that is, whose seate was at Ierusalem, which is called in Scripture a citie of munition: Iun. commentar. But 1. neither that accent, nor yet the imperfect distinction rebia, which is ouer the word maghu∣zim, or (as Montanus) mahuzim, are of such force wholly to suspend these words from the clause following; but onely they make a little pause or stay, not diuiding the sense: for then the words, leeloha maghuzim, the god Mauzzim, standing by themselues, should make no sense at all. 2. And againe, the same word leeloha, God, is repeated in the next sentence: it must therefore be taken in the same sense in both places: if in the latter, it might be transla∣ted, and God, he shall honour, whome &c. it must be so taken in the first place: and the god Mauzzim, or of munitions: not, as for the God: the preposition lamed must haue the like vse in both places: and this reason chiefly maketh me to dissent from these learned men in this place.

10. Wherefore I rather condescend to that other interpretation of Melancthon, that Mauzzim signifieth not onely strength, but an hold, munition, a place of defence: and so Antiochus after he had set vp the idol of Iuppiter Olympius in the Temple, he built a strong tower or place of defence, neare vnto the Temple, where he set a garrison, to force the peo∣ple to worship that idol: so the author of the Scholasticall historie interpreteth, Maozim praesidium sonat, & Antiochus in Ierusalem praesidium posuit, Maozim signifieth an hold or garrison, and so Antiochus set garrisons in Ierusalem: Lyranus taketh Mauzzim for a strong place, where Antichrist shall worship his idol: Vatablus by the god of strength, vnderstan∣deth the idol, cuius fortitudini tribuet acceptum imperium, to whose fortitude he shall as∣cribe his Empire & dominion, which he had obtained. But I preferre rather the former sense for these two reasons: 1. because an other word by way of explanation is added to Mauz∣zim,

which signifieth holds: he shall make or set in the holds, Mauzzim, munitions with a strange god, v. 39. 3. The historie hereunto agreeth, how they built a strong wall and made towers in the citie of Dauid, which was neere vnto the Temple: and so they were an ambushment to the Sanctuarie, 1. Macchab. 1. 35. 38. This god of munitions then was Iuppiter Olympius, whome Antiochus caused to be set vp in the Temple at Ierusalem, and to be called by the name of that idol, 2. Macchab. 6. 2. which idol he garded with munitions, worshipped with siluer and gold: which was a strange god, because the Syrians worshipped other gods, and goddesses, as Apollo, Diana, Atargates: Strabo lib. Geogra. 16. Iuppiter O∣lympius was the idol of the Greekes, which was not knowne in these places before: at the least neuer set vp in the Temple at Ierusalem, by any of Antiochus predecessours: so foure things are here declared concerning this abominable idol: 1. he shall be garded with muni∣tion. 2. he shall be set vp in his place, that is, in the seat and place of the true God of Israel. 3. it shall be a strange idol, not knowne in that countrey before. 4. he shall honour him with siluer and gold.

47. Quest. Of Antiochus politike deuises to continue the idolatrous seruice of his new god, v. 39.

This wicked and subtill Tyrant hauing brought in a new Idol, vseth two meanes for the establishing of this new come image: first he by force, planting garrisons, and fortifying strong holds, seeketh to defend his false worship; then by rewards, honours, preferments, he inticeth base fellows to maintaine his idolatrie: but first the meaning of the words must be examined, and then the accomplishment and fulfilling thereof shewed.

1. Some doe ioyne both the parts of the verse together, and make this the sense; thus shall he doe to the strong garrisons, that shall defend his strange god: he shall giue rewards, honours, and preferments, Melancth. Oecolampad. Osiand. but beside, that the distinction rebia doth diuide the first part of the sentence from the latter, the words themselues will not beate this sense: for it is said, he shall diuide the land for a price, not freely: but to his sol∣diers and garrisons he gaue rewards freely, yea he gaue them a yeares pay before hand, 1. Macchab. 3. 27.

2. M. Calvin readeth thus, faciet adversus munitiones fortitudinum, &c. he shall doe a∣gainst the strong munitions with a strange god: that is, preuaile, &c. which he vnderstan∣deth of the prosperous successe of the Romanes, who shall preuaile and ouercome by this their strange god; that is, by their owne power and strength, which they shall magnifie as a god. But beside that the Romanes are not here vnderstood at all, this sense is contrarie to the scope of the text: for he shall preuaile by these strong holds, not against them.

3. The vulgar Latine readeth thus, and he shall cause to fortifie Maozim with a strange god, that is, as Lyranus expoundeth, he shall fortifie the place, when he worshippeth this strange god; applying it to Antichrist: but although this sense be not much to be misliked, the words are not well translated: for the word lemibizere, is a noune put in the plural num∣ber, and not a verb, and signifieth holds, munitions, forts, not to fortifie.

4. Bullinger thus interpreteth, faciet, scilicet praedicta, he shall doe, that is to say the for∣mer things, with siluer and gold, in the holds, that is, the temples of Maozim, with a strange god, in setting forth the worship of this strange god: to this purpose also the English tran∣slations, thus shall he doe in the holds of Maozim, B. G. But these make here Maozim a pro∣per name of the idol, which rather is a name appellatiue, and signifieth holds or garrisons, as is shewed in the former question: and it is euident, that Maozim is a diuers thing from the strange god here spoken of.

5. Bullinger deliuereth this as an other sense; he shall doe in the holds of Maozim, as the Gentiles vsed to doe with their strange gods: But this strange god here is the same, which before he called the god of Maozim, which is Antiochus new idol, which he set vp.

6. Iunius thus readeth, he shall commit the munitions of the (God) of strength vnto a strange god: so also M. Br. and Polanus agreeth, sauing that he inserteth not (God) as the o∣ther doe: and they make this the sense, that Antiochus shall commit the custodie of the strong holds of Iudea vnto Iuppiter Olympius, as though he had vanquished the mightie God of Iudea himselfe. But it seemeth, that he had more confidence in his munitions and fortified places, then in his strange god: and that he committed this new god to the custo∣die and defence of them, rather then strong places to him.

7. Therefore I preferre Vatablus translation for the first words, who readeth thus, faciet ac vertet in munimenta, these things he shall turne to the defence, &c. of the (god) Maozim: sauing that he maketh here Maozim a proper name, and supplieth the word (God,) and so maketh the (god Maozim) to be diuers from the strange god here mentioned, beeing the same: I rather take Maozim with the Septuag, to be here an appellatiue, who translate it, a place of refuge: thus then are the words to be read, he shall make (to be) for holds, Maozim, strong places with a strange god: so the author of the Scholasticall historie interpreteth Ma∣ozim to be garrisons or forts, and Em. Sa, castella fortia, strong castles: the 〈…〉〈…〉 is, he shall make strong places of defence, where he shall set vp his strange god: which An∣tiochus accordingly did: for he fortified the tower of Sion, neare vnto the Temple, where he set the idoll of Iuppiter Olympius, 1. Macchab. 1. 35, 36. as Hugo Card. well obserueth: and he set garrisons in other cities of Iudah also, as in Garizin he placed Iuppiter hospital••••, that is, which keepeth hospitalitie, as he had set Iuppiter Olympius in Ierusalem, 2. Macchab. 6. 2.

For the second part of the verse: 1. for this clause, whome he knoweth, some copies of the vulgar Latine haue, whome he knoweth not: which translation Vatablus and Pintus set downe: but there is no negatiue in the originall. 2. some referre this clause, whome he knoweth, vnto Antiochus, that is, the idoll which he approoueth, and chooseth, Lyran. Hug. Melancth. Calv. Papp. with others: but it is said before, that he should not care for any god: he acknowledgeth none at all. 3. Iunius giueth this sense, those whome he knoweth, that is, fauoureth, and seeth to further his wicked deuise, them he shall honour: so also Polanus. 4. But the better sense seemeth to be this; that him, which acknowledgeth this idoll, and yeeldeth himselfe to this abomination, him will he honour. Vatabl. Bulling.

The last words, he shall diuide the land for a price, are diuersly interpreted: 1. the vul∣gar Latine readeth, gratuito, he shall diuide the land freely: so Lyran. Hug. Osiand. Papp but the originall hath bimchir, in a price. 2. some read, loco pretij, he shall diuide the land in stead of a price, Iun. but the word is in a price, that is, for a price. 3. the best reading is, for a price, Bulling. Calv. Vatab. Polan. so also the Septuag. (for gifts,) non gratuito, not freely, or gratis. Pellican.

For the accomplishment hereof: 1. Lyranus thinketh that this can not be vnderstood of Antiochus, for he had no lands to distribute, hauing little beside the kingdome of Syria: But this is vnderstood of the diuiding of Iudea, which now was in Antiochus hand. 2. M. Calvin vnderstandeth it of the Romanes, who tooke great summes of the kings, whome they subdued, to retaine their dignities, as of Philip king of Macedon, whome they had o∣uercome before. 3. But the historie of the Macchabees sheweth euidently, that all these things here prophesied, were so done by Antiochus: for so he bestowed the office of the high Priest for money, first Iason bought it, and he was defraueded thereof by Menelaus, who carrying the money obtained the Priesthood for himselfe, 2. Macchab. 4. And three things Antiochus is said here to bestow, honours, authoritie, possessions: which accordingly he did, distributing vnto the Apostatate Iewes the dignities, offices, and lands in diuers pla∣ces of Iudea: Polan. see it accomplished 1. Macchab. 3. 35, 36.

48. Quest. Of the last expedition of Antiochus against the Egyptians, Iudea, and other nations. v. 40. to 44.

There are two parts of this narration: 1. what countries he shall inuade, v. 40, 41. and what countries shall be free. First, he shall set vpon Egypt, beeing prouoked by the king thereof, and shall come against him with an huge armie both by sea and land, v. 40. then he shall enter into the land of Iudea, called the pleasant land, v. 41. Secondly, the nations which are freed from these troubles, are either those which he shall spare, as beeing confederates, Edom, Moab, and the first, that is, the chiefe of Ammon, v. 41. and those nations which shall ayde and assist him, as the Lybians and Aethiopians, which shall helpe him to take the spoile of Egypt: here then are in all these fowre particular members: 1. of the battell be∣tweene the king of the South, and the North. 2. of the pleasant land. 3. of Edom, Moab, and Ammon, which escaped. 4. of Lybia and Aethiopia that helped: of all these, how they should be taken, there are diuers opinions.

1. Some doe vnderstand all this of the Antichrist, who, as they imagine, shall come in the end of the world. 1. he shalbe that king of the North, who shal first subdue Egypt. 2. and thē he shal inuade Iudea, called the pleasant, or glorious lād, because of the miracles which were

wrought there. 3. Moab, Ammon, Edom shall escape, because diuerse in that great per∣secution of Antichrist, shall saue themselues there in the mountaines, for these were hilly countreys. 4. he shall take also Lybia and Aethiopia, which shall first of all be subiect vn∣to him, Hierome, Lyran, Perer. But this exposition of such a singular Antichrist hath beene refused before, vpon these two reasons. 1. because the Angel prophesieth onely of such things as should befall the people of the Iewes, for whom Daniel was so soliicitous and care∣full. 2. that there shall be no such singular Antichrist, whom they suppose to be one parti∣cular person, is shewed afterward, controv. 2.

2. M. Calvin giueth this interpretation: 1. that the king of the South and the North shall encounter with the Romanes: for so Mithridates and Tigranes in the North, had long warre with the Romanes: and Cleopatra with Antonie in Egypt fought a great battell with Augustus. 2. the Romanes shall preuaile and inuade Iudea also. 3. But the hillie countreys of Moab, Edom, Ammon, shall escape them, or they shall not greatly regard them. 4. the Romanes also shall conquer the Lybians and Aethiopians.

But this exposition cannot stand. 1. because the kings of the North and South doe not ioyne together, but it is said, the king of the North shall come against him, that is, against the king of the South. 2. here is no mention made of any third king or power, beside the king of the North and South: and he that is the king of the North, is said to doe all that fol∣loweth in the next verses, v. 41. he shall enter into the pleasant land, v. 42. he shall stretch forth his hands, that is, the king of the North shall doe all this.

3. Bullinger thus interpreteth. 1. by the king of the North and South he vnderstandeth the Turkes and Saracenes which should come from the North and South, with huge armies of footemen, and horses, and strong shippes. 2. They shall inuade the pleasant land, and ma∣ny shall falk which he referreth to the holy warres decreed against the Turke, by Gregor. 2. in the Councell of Claromont, which was the occasion of the ruine and ouerthrowe of many. 3. Edom, Moab, and Ammon, that is the people inhabiting those countreys, shall ioyne themselues vnto the Turkes and Saracenes, and so be free. 4. The Lybians also and Aethi∣opians, shall be confederate with the Turkes: who shall ouercome Egypt, and expell the Sul∣tane thereof, which was brought to passe by Selymus the great Truke.

But these exceptions likewise may be here taken. 1. that this prophesie beginning with Antiochus, is not like to end with the Turke, and so the space of a thousand yeares comming betweene, should be left vntouched. 2. the kings of the North and South are not here con∣federates, but they one fight▪ with an other. 3. the names of Moab, Edom, Ammon, and their generation were extinguished before the Turkes Monarchie beganne: this prophesie then cannot be extended so farre, but must be restrained to those times, while these names and nations continued.

4. Osiander and Pappus, 1. by the king of the North vnderstand the Romane Antichrist: by the king of the South, Christ: for as from the North they say commeth all euill: so from the South that which is good: and thus the king of the South, that is Christ, hath raised vp from time to time diuerse of his saithfull seruants, which haue opposed themselues to Anti∣christ. 2. by the pleasant land is vnderstood the Church, which Antichrist shall continually afflict. 3. Edom signifieth redde, Moab the father, Ammon my people: and these three sorts shall be free from the corruptions of Antichrist: the martyrs that are made redde with their blood: they which depend onely vpon the mercies of God the father: and the first of Am∣mon, that is, infants which are as the first fruites of the people of God. 4. And though the Popes authoritie be not receiued in Lybia, Aegypt, Aethiopia, yet he challengeth iuris∣diction ouer them all, &c.

But this exposition also faileth: 1. the king of the North and South are literally to be ta∣ken, as before in the rest of this chapter: and who seeth not how improperly Christ is said to be king of the South: if the Pope of Rome be the king of the North, Christ borne in Ieru∣salem which is not South, but East to Rome, is vnfitly called king of the South: And seeing he is king of all the world, his kingdome must not be restrained to the South. 2. by the pleasant land Iudea is vnderstood here as also before, v. 16. 3. as Egypt and other countreys are here vnderstood literally for the nations so called, so likewise must Edom, Moab, and Ammon be taken. 4. Lybia and Aethiopia, which neuer yet receiued the Pope, are verie improperly said to be in subiection to him.

5. It remaineth then, that all this was historically fulfilled in Antiochus. 1. the occasion

of his comming agai••st Egypt was this, Philometor king of Egypt, had an other brother called Physcon, who sought to expell Philometor out of his kingdome: with Physcon Antio∣chus taketh part, and prepareth an armie to come and helpe him, which Philometor vnder∣standing, here called the king of the South, went against him: and this is the battell here spo∣ken of betweene the king of the South, and of the North: But the king of the North pre∣uailed, whose armie is compared to a whirlewind, and to an ouerflowing water: but the other is said onely to push at him. This historie is touched by Florus in the Epitome of Livie, lib. 46. and by Iustine also, and Zonaras tom▪ annal. 2.

2. As Antiochus returned from the spoile of Egypt, he tooke Iudaea, and other coun∣treys in the way, and spoiled them also.

3. But he spared the Edomites, Moabites, and Ammonites, because they tooke his part against them, and much molested the Iewes: and therefore Iudas Macchabeus did fight a∣gainst the children of Esau, and Timotheus the captaine of the Ammonites, besieged their cities, and put them to the sword, 2. Macchab. 5. Ioseph. lib. 12. antiqu. c. 11.

4. The Lybians also and Ethiopians, which before were on Philometors side, beeing al∣lured by his faire promises ioyned with Antiochus, and therefore it is said, they were at his footesteppes or pases, that is, they followed him as their captaine: see further in the appendix, Exercis. 8. argum. 2. answer. 9.

But thus it is argued against this exposition. 1. Porphyrie who literally vnderstandeth this prophesie of Antiochus, saith that these things happened in his 11. yeare, whereas in the beginning of that yeare he died farre from home in Persia, Perer.

2. After the Romanes by their Embassadour Popilius had discharged Antiochus out of Egypt, he neuer returned thither againe, Perer.

3. Antiochus neuer subdued the countreys of Lybia, and Aethiopia, as here it is said of this king, Hierome.

4. Neither had Antiochus all countreys in subiection vnto him, onely these three excep∣ted, of Edom, Moab, Ammon.

Answ. 1. Though these things were not done in the 11. yeare of Antiochus as Porphy∣rius thinketh, who was therein deceiued, yet this letteth not but that this prophesie was ful∣filled in Antiochus: these things might fall out two yeares after he had set vp idolatrie, and some two yeares or thereabout before his death, Iun. annot.

2. Though Antiochus did forbeare to invade Egypt, after that discharge by way of ho∣stilitie and conquest, yet he might and did affoard his helping hand to one of the brothers against the other: which might be taken for no breach of his promise made vnto the Ro∣manes to depart out of Egypt.

3. Neither doth the text say, that he subdued Lybia, and Aethiopia; but as Hierome saith he passed thorough or by them: and Hierome himselfe giueth this satisfaction, that when E∣gypt was taken, the countreys next adioyning conturbatae sunt, were troubled: But the word is bemitzghadaiv, in his pases, or footings, that is, Lybia and Aethiopia followed his foot∣steppes, they obeyed him as their captaine.

4. Neither are all the countreys of the world here spoken of: for neuer any Conqueror subdued the whole world, neither euer shall: but the countrey adioyning to Egypt, and Pa∣lestina felt Antiochus hand: the meaning is, that onely these three countreys in those parts, and in that tract and circuit escaped his hands, namely, Edom, Moab, Ammon.

Quest. 49. Of the Lybians and Aethiopians where they inhabited.

v. 43. Because mention is here made of the Lybians and Aethiopians, which should take part with Antiochus against the king of Egypt, it shall not be amisse briefely to describe what nations these were.

1. For the Lybians: they were people that inhabited Africa: but the countrey called Lybia, was either taken for the larger countrey of Africa, or for that part onely which was next vnto Egypt, called Cyrenaica, as Act. 2. 10. it is said by way of distinction, the parts of Lybia, which is beside Cyrene. And that larger countrey, and the remoter parts of Lybia, are called in Scripture, Phut, as Nahum 3. 9. the Phutei and Lybians are named together: they were so called of Phut one of the sonnes of Cham, Genes. 10. 6. in which countrey there was a riuer called Phut: The Lybians then here spoken of, were those people of the nearer Lybia to Egypt.

2. Cush here is taken for Aethiopia: so called of Cush the sonne of Cham: but there were two countreys called by that name Cush or Aethiopia: one was Arabia in Asia, and therefore Zipporah Moses wife, is called a Cushite or Aethiopesse, Numb. 12. of this Ae∣thiopia was Zerah king, that came against Asa, with such an huge armie, 2. Chron. 14. 9. the king of the other Aethiopia, which was in Africa beyond Egypt, he is not like to be, be∣cause of the great distance of the place, and there was no cause of hostilitie betweene them: the Aethiopians here spoken of, were of that larger countrey adioyning vpon Egypt, see fur∣ther Hexapl. in Genes. c. 10. quest. 9.

3. But Pintus by occasion of this word Cush, which signifieth a Niger, or blacke Moore, will haue it taken not only for one that is blacke in the colour and complexion of his bodie, but blacke also in manners and conditions: according to that saying of the Poet Herace, hic niger est, hunc tu Romane can••eto, &c. this is a blacke fellowe, thou Romane take heede of him: This his opinion he would warrant by the title of the 7. Psalme, Shigaion of Dauid, which he sang, &c. concerning the words of Cush the sonne of Iemini: which he taketh to be vnderstood of Saul the king, who is called Cush, because of his euill and cruell conditions: Now for the meaning of this place, there are diuerse opinions. 1. Some thinke that this is vnderstood of Chushai Dauids friend, who opposed himselfe to the counsell of A∣chitophel: of this opinion are Basil, Chrysostome, Theodoret, Euthymius, with others: but this cannot be so:

1. His name is Cushat, with other letters and prickes, this is Cush. 2. that Cushai was an Archite, that is, of Beniamin. 3. he was Dauids friend, but this was Dauids enemie, of whom he complaineth in this Psalme.

2. An other opinion is, that this Cush was Saul, because he was of Iemini, that is, of the tribe of Beniamin: Thus expoundeth Ionathas the Chalde paraphrast: as though Cush should be here taken for Cis the father of Saul: of the same opinion that Saul is here vnderstood, are Hierome, whom followe herein Raynerus, Isidor. Brixianus, Iansenius, Vatablus, Pintus, with others: But this we refuse also: for when the word is taken for a Cushite or Aethiopian, it is Cushi, not Cush: for so the Hebrewes ende their gentile names in I: so Cushi signifieth a Cushite or Aethiopian, Ierem. 13. 23.

3. Some doe here referre vs to Shemei, that cursed Dauid, 2. Sam. 16. Genevens. as though he should be called by another name, beside Shemei: but there beeing no such thing mentioned in Scripture, I leaue it as a bare coniecture.

4. Wherefore it is more like, that this Cush was some other of Sauls followers that gaue in false information of him vnto Saul: as Dauid complaineth of such vnto Saul himselfe, 1. Sam. 24. 10. wherefore giuest thou an care to mens words that say, Behold Dauid seeketh euill against thee, Iun.

Quest. 50. Of the end of Antiochus, and such things as immedi∣atly went before.

In this last part of this propheticall narration, there are first shewed the signes and fore∣runners of this cruell Tyrants ende and sudden destruction: secondly, his ende and ruine it selfe: there ate three signes which went before, as ominous accidents. 1. the rumors which he heard from the East and the North. 2. his indignation and furie thereuppon. 3. the planting of his tabernacle in the holy mount. 4. then followeth his finall ruine.

1. What these rumors should be, there are diuerse opinions. 1. Hierome vnderstandeth it of the fame and rumor of warres, which should be raised by the faithfull and Chrstian people against Antichrist in the ende of the world: But such an Antichrist to be one particu∣lar person to come in the ende of the world, hath no ground in Scripture: neither is the ac∣complishment hereof to be deferred so long vnto the ende of the world.

2. M. Calvin still continueth his interpretation of the Romane state: these rumors which troubled them, were the euill newes which was brought them, how Crassus was vanquish∣ed at Carras, and Antonie also after that, was there foyled with all the power of the Ro∣manes: But this text speaketh of one particular man, whose ende is described: it cannot be referred then to a whole state or Monarchie.

3. These rumors, M. Bullinger thinketh, to be the tydings brought to the Romane An∣tichrist, concerning the warres of the Turke: whereupon Gregor. the 2. combined all Chri∣stian princes to ioyne together against the common enemie the Turke, which was the be∣ginning of those long and bloodie warres, called the holy warres.

4. Osiander and Pappus vnderstanding here also the Romane Antichrist, by these rumors thinke to be meant the preaching of the Gospel, which beganne in the parts of Germanie, which are East and North vnto Rome: But though this prophesie analogically may be ap∣plyed to Antichrist, yet there is another historicall meaning, as shall be shewed afterward.

5. Melancthon will haue the Turke here to be described, who shall be terrified with ru∣mors: that is, whereas by humane force he could not be resisted, the Lord from heauen shall stay his rage: But we must not deferre the fulfilling of this prophesie so long: it serued spe∣cially for the comfort of those times.

6. These rumors then were the tidings of warres which were brought vnto Antiochus, and drewe him out of Egypt: these rumors from the East, were of the Parthians, which inuaded his kingdome; and from the north, of the Romanes whose nauies and shippes were in the coasts of Cilicia: Iun. annot. who in his commentarie thinketh that these rumours were onely of the ouerthrowe of his captaines in Iudea, while he was in Persia: the newes whereof was brought him both to Persepolis which was in the East, and to Ecbatane in the North, 2. Macchab, 9. 2. 3. Porphyrius by these rumors vnderstandeth the fame of warres which were intended against him from the East, by Artaxias king of Armenia: But Pola∣nus better ioyneth these together: that first the rising of the Parthians and Persians troubled him, which was the cause that brought him into that countrey; and beeing there he was much more vexed, hearing of the euill successe that his captaines Timotheus and Bacchides had in Iudea, whom Iudas Macchabeus vanquished, and slewe at one time 20. thousand of their armie: see 2. Macchab. 8. 30. and c. 9. 3.

2. The second precedent of Antiochus ruine, was his great wrath and indignation, with the which he went forth and destroyed many. But this is likewise diuersely interpreted. 1. Hierome vnderstands it of Antichrists rage, against those which shal not receiue his decrees: so also Pererius. 2. M. Calvin of Augustus Caesar, who ouercame the Parthians, and reco∣uered that which Antonie had lost. 3. M. Bullinger of the combination made by Pope Gre∣gorie 2. whetting and stirring vp Christian Princes to take in hand the warres for the holy land. 4. Osiander of the cruell rage of Antichrist against the preachers of the gospell, Lu∣ther, with others, the rumor whereof troubled him. 5. Melancthon of the rage of the Turke. 6. Porphyrius of the ouerthrowe, which Antiochus gaue to Artaxia•• king of Armenia, sub∣duing also the Aradians and Phenicians in the way. 7. But the euent of this prophesie sheweth, that this cruell rage of Antiochus was but against the Iewes, intending to make an vtter destruction and desolation of them, as is declared 1. Macchab. 3. 27. when king Antiochus heard these tidings, he was angrie in his minde, wherefore he sent forth and gathe∣red all the power of his realme, a verie strong armie: and what he intended against them, is further shewed, v. 35. 36. 37.

3. Then followeth the third ominous and precedent signe, of the planting of the taberna∣cles of his palace betweene the Seas in the glorious and holy mo••ntaine. 1. Aquila maketh A∣padno, which signifieth his tabernacle, a proper name, and Saba he maketh the name of an hill: the holy mountaine Saba, which is translated glorious: so likewise Th••dotian interpreteth, whom Theodoret followeth, taking Apadno to be the name of a place neere to Ierusalem, where Antichrist shall be ouerthrowne: But it is euident, that the word tzebi, glorious, is here no proper name, as before it is an epithite giuen vnto Iudea: and as Hierome noteth, a∣phadno is compounded of two words, aphad, which signifieth a throne, and no, his.

2. Hierome therefore giueth this sense, whom Lyranus, Pintus, Pererius followe, that Antichrist shall pitch his tabernacle in Iudea, betweene the two Seas, the dead Sea, and Me∣diterranean Sea: in the holy mountaine, mount Sion or mount Oliuer, where Christ ascen∣ded, where Antichrist shall be ouerthrowne: of which mountaine Hierome lib. de locis he∣braic. telleth two strange things: that in mount Oliuet in his time were to be seene the print of Christs feete on the ground, where he last stood, when he ascended; and beside in the same place where Christ is thought to haue ascended, there is a Church, which will not endure a roofe or couering vpon it. But I will leaue the credit of these strange reports to those, which haue seene those countreys, which doe finde no such thing: either Herome might be too cre∣dulous in reporting such things, or some forging finger hath thrust it in: If this report haue no more truth, then that other conceit of Antichrists spreading his palace in mount Oliuet, they are both meere fables.

3. Porphyrius taketh these two Seas to be Tigris and Euphrates, and Apadno to be the

name of a place betweene those riuers: and this mountaine he thinketh to be in Elymais, Ar∣menia, or Mesopotamia, where Antiochus pitched his pauilion: But though this prophesie were historically fulfilled in Antiochus, wherein he gesseth right: yet the other are but his fansies, by two Seas to vnderstand two riuers: and why should any such hill among the ido∣trous Persians be called holy, vnles he thinke it were for the superstitious adoration of some Gentile idols there: which the spirit of God would neuer in that respect haue called holy.

4. Some applying this to the Turke, doe shewe how his seate at Constantinople is be∣tweene the two Seas Aegeum and Euxinum, where sometime the Church of God was, called the holy mountaine, Melancthon. M. Calvin sheweth how the Romanes set their palace and dominion in those countreys, and especially in Iudea, after they had quieted those parts: But this prophecie was not deferred so long, as to reach vnto the Turkes: and it is eui∣dent, that some singular person is here described, whose ende is foreshewed: therefore not the whole state of the Romanes.

5. Some doe interpret it of the Romane Antichrist, whose seate is betweene the two Seas, Tyrrhenum, and Adriaticum: and they thinke Rome to be called the holy mountaine, because sometime there Paul planted a famous Church, Osiand. Pappus. But though this by way of application may be referred to Antichrist, that is not the originall and historicall sense: and it seemeth to be somewhat hard, to call the seate of Antichrist great Babylon, the citie of abhominations, the holy mountaine.

6. Oecolampadius likewise here vnderstanding Antichrist, taketh this holy mountaine for the Church of God, which was prefigured by Iudea, which was situate betweene the two Seas, the dead Sea, and the mediterrane sea: But it is euident that the glorious moun∣taine is here taken for Iudea, as it is called before the beautifull or glorious land, v. 16. 41.

7. Iunius in his commentarie taketh Apadno for Mesopotamia, for he saith that countrey was called Apadan: as Theodotian retaineth the same word Apadon, and there Antiochus pitched his pauilion betweene the Seas, among the Chalde fennes: and in the holy mountaine he interpreteth, when they went against the holy mountaine, that is Iudea, which was an hilly countrey: And this may seeme some probabilitie hereof, because the word padan is taken for Mesopotamia in Scripture, which commeth somewhat neere the word aphadno: But the two seas cannot properly be said to be fennes: And the verie description of the holy moun∣taine betweene the two Seas, sheweth that Iudea is vnderstood by the right situation thereof.

8. Some doe thinke, that Antiochus himselfe returning out of Persia, was entring into the borders and confines of Iudea, when he was stricken of God: and then he pitched his princely tents betweene the dead sea, and the Mediterranean: so Polanus out of Iosephus, who thus writeth, that Iudas Macchabeus, eum in sines Iudaeae ingredientem, vehementissima plaga percussum, repressit, &c. did recoile him or driue him backe entring into the borders of Iudea, beeing striken with a great plague, &c. lib. 1. de bello Iudaic. c. 1. But this can∣not stand with that report, 1. Macchab. 9. 4. that Antiochus fell sicke in Babylon, and their died: he was dead then before he came neere Iudea: and he could not spread his tents there after he was returned from Persia: wherefore either Iosephus writeth here somewhat loosely and slenderly of this matter, as he doth elsewhere: or he speaketh of some other foyle that Iudas gaue vnto Antiochus, and not at that time, when he had beene in Persia.

9. Wherefore the meaning is this, that not Antiochus should pitch his pauilion in his owne person, but his viceroy Lysias, with whom he had left his sonne Antiochus, and halfe of his armie, and made him gouernour in his absence of all his kingdome from Euphrates to the borders of Egypt: then he pitched in Emmaus with the kings forces, 1. Macchab. 3. v. 32. 40. H. Br. in Daniel. which was since called Nicopolis: which though it be said to be in the plaine, yet there the hilly tract beginneth, that extendeth to Ierusalem, the mount O∣liuet not beeing aboue a mile from Emmaus, Lyran. Hugo. the two Seas are the dead Sea and the Mediterranean Sea, which are the limites of Iudea, Iun.

Quest. 51. Of the sudden and fearefull ende of Antiochus.

v. 45. He shall come to his ende, and none shall helpe him. 1. Hierome thus deliuereth the sense, that Antichrist shall goe vp to the toppe of mount Oliuet: for so he readeth, veniet ad summitatem eius, he shall come to the height thereof: that is, of mount Oliuet, whereon he shall be confounded: And this he would prooue by that place, Isay, 25. 7. I will destroy in

this mountaine the couering, that couereth all people, &c. But the meaning of this place is, that Christ, of whom the Prophet there speaketh, (who shall prepare a spirituall feast, which is mentioned in the former verse, by the preaching of the gospell) shall remoue the coue∣ring of ignorance and darkenesse, which had ouerspread the world: And the Prophet there nameth not mount Oliuet, but hath reference to that mount spoken of, c. 24. 23. which was mount Sion: a figure of the Church, which should be illuminate with the knowledge of Christ. 2. and the text speaketh not of the ende of the mountaine, but of Antiochus ende, when his time was come which was limited of God.

2. Some proceed yet further, and shew the manner how Antichrist shall be ouerthrown: that first he shall faine himselfe dead, and rise againe the third day, and then vpon mount O∣liuet he shall make as though he would ascend into heauen, and so shall be lifted vp into the aire by the helpe of the deuill and his Angels: at which instant he shal be destroyed by Christ from heauen, by the spirit of his mouth, as the Apostle speaketh, 2. Thess. 2. Percrius, Some adde further the particular manner how Antichrist shall be destroyed: as the author of the scholasticall historie saith, ascendente per aera Antichristo, audietur vox Christi de coelo missa, morcre: as Antichrist is ascending into the aire, there shall come a voice from heauen, die, and presently he shall be smitten with lightening and perish: so also Lyran. But Lactantius is yet more bold, who thus describeth the destruction of Antichrist: that he with an huge armie shall compasse about the Saints in a mountaine, whether they fled, then they shall call vpon God for his helpe: And presently the heauens shall open, and lightening shall breake forth: and this shallbe a signe of the Lords descending, cadet repente gladius, a sword shall sudden∣ly fall from heauen: and then Antichrist shall be ouercome by the Angels, and all his power: he onely shall escape, sed quarto praelio debellatus, &c. but he in the fourth battell with all his host shall be subdued, and then shall suffer worthie punishment for his wickednesse: to this purpose Lactantius lib. 7. institution. c. 17. 18.

But 1. beside that these shewe great bouldnesse in thus expounding, taking vpon them without warrant of Scripture to expresse the verie forme of words, which shal then be vsed, and the verie signes which shall be shewed. 2. herein further they faile, in confounding the two ouerthrowes of Antichrist, which the Apostle doth separate: for first he saith, whom the Lord shall consume with the spirit of his mouth: that is, by his word: and the finall de∣struction followeth: and abolish with the brightnesse of his comming, 2. Thessal. 2. 8. first Antichrists hypocrisie shall be discouered by the preaching of the Gospel, which is alrea∣die fulfilled: but the remainder of his kingdome shall be reserued for the iudgement of the great day.

3. They which vnderstand this of the Turkish Monarchie, as Melancthon, or of the An∣tichrist of Rome, as Bulling. Osiand. or of the Romane state, as Calvin, are confuted by this argument: because here the destruction of one particular man is set forth, as in the prece∣dent part the prophesie runneth still vpon one principall agent, in the warres before menti∣oned.

4. Iunius in his annotations, vnderstanding all this of Antiochus, doth thus interpret these words: he shall come to the ende, that is, of his kingdome, namely to Persepolis in Ely∣mais, which was in the vtmost bounds of his dominion: But in his commentarie he better expoundeth it of the ende of his life: so also Polan. H. Br. Porphyrius, though an enemie to the Christian faith, yet herein agreeth with the truth, applying this whole prophesie vnto Antiochus: but he is deceiued, in naming the place of his death to be Tabis, a towne of Per∣sia: whereas he was carried to Babylon, and there sickned, 1. Macchab. 6. 4. and was stri∣ken of God with an incurable disease, that no man could helpe him: for he crawled full of wormes, and his flesh fell off from him, so that no man could endure his stinke: yea he was loathsome to himselfe, as is further declared, 2. Macchab. 9. 10. 12. This was the ende of wicked Antiochus.

But against this exposition it is thus obiected. 1. that Antiochm died not betweene the Seas, and vpon the mountaine, as is here described, but as he came out of Persia, Lyranus. 2. Seeing these latter words of the chapter are ioyned with necessarie coherence to the for∣mer; as they are not vnderstood of Antiochus, no more are these, Perer.

Answ. 1. It is not said here, that he died vpon the mountaines, or betweene the Seas, but there was his princely pauilion spread: for while Antiochus went into Persia, he left halfe of his armie, and his sonne Antiochus, with Lysias, who pitched in Emmaus at the entrance

or beginning of the hilles, as is shewed, 1. Macchab. 3. 34. 40. Now while Lysias with o∣ther captaines were busie in suppressing of the Iewes, and were discomfited, as is further de∣clared, 1. Macchab. 5. the newes thereof was brought to Antiochus beeing in Persia: where∣upon he fell into a great rage, purposing vtterly to destroy Ierusalem: but the Lord plagued him, and he died in the way, 1. Macchab. 6. 2. Macchab. 9. And thus was the horne broken without hand, as is prophesied, c. 8. 25.

2. This argument may be returned vpon Pererius: for seeing these words hang together with the former; and it hath beene sufficiently shewed before, that the former part of this prophesie, is vnderstood of Antiochus, so must the latter also.

3. This ••ore plague fell vpon Antiochus (which Appianus thinketh to haue beene a ve∣nereous or leacherous disease, in Syriac.) but it was more strange and extraordinarie, though that be foule and filthie enough: he was thus smitten, not as Polybius thinketh, because he would haue spoiled the Temple of Diana: for as Iosephus saith, tantum cogitavit, he one∣ly intended it, he did it not: and therefore he well concludeth against Polybius, that Antio∣chus perished, ob templi Hierosolymitani excidium, for the spoyling of the Temple of Ieru∣salem, lib. 12. Antiquit. c. 12. And thus farre of the questions and doubts mooued out of this chapter.

Notes

• 〈…〉〈…〉
• See more Ap∣pendix exercis. 7. argum. 3.
• See more in the appendix exer. 6. argum. 1. re∣spons. 8.
• Se•• a singular opinion of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 concer∣ning these Ly∣bians and 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Appen∣dix Exercis. 8. argum. 2.
• Whether Sa••l be called Cush in the title of the 7. Psalme.