A counterblast to M. Hornes vayne blaste against M. Fekenham Wherein is set forthe: a ful reply to M. Hornes Answer, and to euery part therof made, against the declaration of my L. Abbat of Westminster, M. Fekenham, touching, the Othe of the Supremacy. By perusing vvhereof shall appeare, besides the holy Scriptures, as it vvere a chronicle of the continual practise of Christes Churche in al ages and countries, fro[m] the time of Constantin the Great, vntil our daies: prouing the popes and bishops supremacy in ecclesiastical causes: and disprouing the princes supremacy in the same causes. By Thomas Stapleton student in diuinitie.

THE THIRDE BOOKE: DIS∣PROVING THE PRETENSED PRACTISE OF Ecclesiastical gouernmēt in Emperors and Kings as wel of our own Countre of Englande, as of Fraunce and Spayne, in these later .900. yeres from the tyme of Phocas to Maximilian next predecessour to Charles the .V. of famous me∣mory.

M. Horne. The .79. Diuision. Fol. 47. b.

Next after Sabinianus, an obscure Pope, enemy and successour to this Gregory, succeded Bonifacius. 3. VVho although he durst not in playne dealing denie, or take from the Emperours, the authoritie and iurisdiction in the Popes election, and other Churche matters: yet he vvas the first that (.228.) opened the gappe thereunto: for as Sabel. testifieth, vvith vvhom agree all other vvriters, for the moste parte: This Bonifacius immediatly vpon the entraunce into his Papacy, dealte with Phocas, to winne that the Church of Rome, might (.229.) be head of all other Churches, the which he hardely obteined, bicause the Grecians did chalenge that prerogatiue for Constantinople. After he had obteyned this glorious and ambitious title, of the bloudy tyrant Phocas, and that vvith (.230.) no smal bribes: like vnto one that hauing a beame in his ovvn eie, vvent about to pul the mote out of his brothers, he made a decree, that euery one should be accursed, that prepared to him selfe a way into the Papacy, or any other Ecclesia∣stical dignity, with frendship or bribery. Also that the bisshops in euery city, should be chosen by the people and Clergy: and that the election should be good, so that the Prince of the City did approue the party by thē chosen, ād the Pope addīg his au∣thority therto, had ones said, volumus & iubemus: we wil and commaunde. But saith Sabell, both these decrees are abolished.

The first Chapter. Of Phocas the Emperour, and of Bo∣nifacius the .3. Pope.

Stapleton.

HAVING nowe good reader, passed the first sixe hundred yeares, and hauing answered to M. Hornes arguments, for such proufes as he pretendeth to serue him, for thinges don with∣in those .600. yeares: I am in a great doubte and staye withe my selfe, what order to take for the residewe of myne answere. We haue gone ouer litle more then one half, of that parte of M. Hornes booke, wherein he taketh vpon him to be the challenger, and an apponente: and yf we weighe the nomber of yeares, in the which M. Horne taketh his large race and course, they yet remayne almoste a thowsande to those that be alredy passed. Yf we measure the leaues, almost the one halfe rest behinde to the nomber of .42. Beside the remnante of his booke, wherein he plaith the defendants parte. I speake thus much for this considera∣tion. Yf I shoulde largely and copiouslye answere the re∣sidewe, as I haue begonne, and fullye vnfolde his fonde follies, confuting euerye point, the booke woulde wexe to bigge and huge. On the other syde, yf I should lightlye and breiflye passe yt ouer, perchaunce M. Horne woulde bragge and saye he were not, no nor coulde be answered.

But yet bethinkinge my selfe well vppon the matter, the compendiouse waye seemeth to me at this tyme beste. Wherein I could be so shorte and compendiouse, that with one lyne, I shoulde sufficiently discharge my selfe for the whole answere, in saying shortly, but truely, that there is not, no not one onely authority apte and fyt to cōclude his purpose. I coulde also shifte him of an other waye: and

because M. Iewel with other his fellowes groundeth him self vppon yt, as a good and a peremptorye exception, I might boldly say, M. Horne, al your proufes after Gregory come to late: your .600. yeres are empted, spente, and gone.

Again I might and truly, seing that his pretensed proufes, of the first sixe hundred yeares are so faint and weake, yea seing that he is quyte borne downe, with his own authors, in the same booke, chapter, leafe, and somtyme line to, that him self alleageth: say, that either it is most likelye, that he cannot bring any good or substancial matter, for the latter 900. yeares, or what so euer yt be, it must yeld and geue place, to the Fathers of the first sixe hundred yeares. And with this answere might we, contemning and neglecting al his long ragmans rolle, that hereafter followeth, set vppon him an other while, and see how valiantly he wil defende his owne heade. Which God wote he will full faynte∣lye doe. Well I will not be so precise, as to let yt alone al∣together, but I shall take the meane, and as I thinke, the most allowable way: neither answering all at length, and stitch by stitch with diligence, as I haue hitherto vsed, nor leauing all, but taking some aduised choice. Wherefore yf hereafter he bringe any accustomed or stale marchan∣dize, yt shall passe: but yf any fyne freshe, farre sought, and farre bowght marchandize come, we will geue him the lokinge on, and now and then cope withe him to. Goe to then M. Horne, take your weapon in your hand againe, and besturre your self with yt, edglynge, or foyning with the beste aduantage ye can.

Ye say then Bonifacius the thirde opened the gappe to take away from th'Emperour the authority and Iurisdictiō of the popes election: Ye say it, but ye doe not, nor cā proue

it. Ye say that he wonne of Phocas, that Rome might be head of all Churches, meaning thereby, as appereth well by that which followeth, ād by M. Iewel and your other fellowes, that it was not takē so before. Whereof I haue alredy pro∣ued the contrary by the Councell of Chalcedo: by Victor, yea the Emperours Valentinian and Iustinian: and other∣wise to. But this you reporte vntruly. For the Popes suyte was not, that his See might be the head of al Churches, but that the see of S. Peter which is the head of all Churches, might be so called and takē of al mē. And the reason is added by Ado, Paulus Diaconus, Beda, Martinus, and others, bicause the Se•• of Constantinople, wrote her selfe at that time the Chiefe of all others. This newe attempt, caused the Pope to make this suyt. Not that either it should be so (for so it had bene with∣out the Emperours Autorytie) or that then it was first cal∣led so. Ye say he wanne this gloriouse and ambitiouse title with no small brybes. Ye say it, but ye neither proue it, nor can proue yt. And sure I am, that none of your authours ye name in the margent, sayth so. Neither do I yet see, wher∣vppon ye shuld grounde your self, onlesse it be vppon your straunge grammer, turning Magna contentione, with great contention, or with much adoe, into no small brybes: as ye did lately conuenit, into oportet. And for this that ye call this a gloriouse and ambitiouse tytle, obtayned by this Bonifa∣cius: truth it is, that as this tytle was euer due to the Church of Rome, and confessed as I haue said, by Councels, Empe∣rours and other longe before the time of this Phocas or Bo¦nifacius, so neither this pope, nor anie other of his succes∣sours vsurped or vsed it, as a tytle. These be your manifold falshods M. Horne, lapped vp in so fewe lynes. After your lewde vntruthes, foloweth a copie of your singular witte.

For to what ende, with what wisedome, or with what be∣nefytte of your cause recyte you two decrees of this Bo∣nifacius? I will geue yowe leaue to breath on the matter, least vppon the soden you might be apalled with the que∣stion. The best answere, I wene, you coulde make, woulde be to say, that hereby appereth the Ambition of pope Bo∣nifacius, 3. And then to proue that Ambition in him, by these decrees, I thinke, it would trouble you much more. For in the one he expressely decreeth against Ambition, in the other he alloweth the consent of lay princes in a bis∣shops election. But it is wel, that as Sabel. saieth: Both these decrees are abolisshed. Wherof it will folowe, if that be true, that if the decrees were good, and made for you, then yet they continewed not, but were abolished. If they were naught, and made against the pope, yet the faulte was soone amended. Thus how so euer it fal out, you see howe wisely ād to what great purpose you haue alleaged those decrees.

M. Horne. The .80. Diuision. Fol. 48. a.

Novve began this matter to brue by litle and litle, first he obteined to (.231.) be the chiefe ouer al the Bisshops, then to couer vice vvith vertue, and to hide his ambicion, he condemned al ambicion in labouring Spirituall pro∣mocion, and in the election of Bishoppes, vvhere the confirmation before vvas in the Emperours: bicause the Emperour gaue him an I••i••he, he toke an ell, bicause he had giuen him a foote, he vvould thrust in the vvhole body, and tourne the right ovvner out, For (.232.) leuing out the Emperour, he putteth in the Princes of the Cities, from vvhome he might as easely aftervvardes take avvay, as for a shevve he gaue falsely that vnto them, that vvas none of his to giue: graunting vnto them the allovvance of the election: but to him self the authority of ratifying, or infringing the same, choose them vvhe∣ther they vvould allovve it or no. And to shevve vvhat authoritie he vvould reserue to him selfe, borovving of the tyrant, speaking in the singuler nombre. Sic volo, sic iubeo, so wil I, so do I commaunde: for the more magnificence in the plurall nombre, he princely lappeth vp all the

matter vvith volumus & iubemus, we will and commaunde: VVhich vvordes, like the Lavve of the Medes and Persians, that may not be reuoked, if they once passe through the Popes holy lippes, must nedes stand, allovve or not allovve, vvho so list, vvith full authoritie the matter is quite dashed. But thankes be to God for al this (the decre is abolished) folo∣vveth immediatly. For (.233.) shortly after, Isacius the Emperours Lieute∣nant in Italy, did confirme and ratifie the election of Seuerinus the first of that name, for saith Platina. The electiō of the Pope made by the Clergie and people in those daies, was but a vaine thing, onlesse the Emperour, or his Lieutenant had confirmed the same.

Stapleton.

WHeras ye say this Bonifacius lefte out the Empe∣rour (who had the confirmation of them before) in his decree concernyng the election of Bishops and put in the princes of the citie, and gaue falslie that to them, which was none of his to geue: yf ye mark the words of the decree wel, the Emperour is not left out, but lefte in as good case as he was before. Onlesse ye think the Empe∣rour is prince of no city: or that all cities were at this tyme vnder the Emperour, wheras euen in our Europa, the Em∣perour had nothing to doe, in England, Fraunce, Germanie Spaine, no nor in manie places of Italie. And I must put you in remembraunce, that before this tyme, when Iustinian was Emperour, king Theodatus did confirme the electiō of pope Agapetus, as you reherse out of Sabellicus. Neither did the pope as of him self, and of newe geue anie authority to princes in election more thē they had before. But by his decree renewed the old order of electiō of bishops. Which was wont to passe, by the cōsent of the clergie, prince, and people, with the popes confirmation afterward: Therefore ye say vntruly surmising that the decree of Bonifacius, was

in this poynt immediatly abolished. Verely your example of Isacius the Emperours Lieutenāt litle serueth your pur∣pose, who shortly after, you say, confirmed and ratified the ele¦ction of Pope Seuerinus. For first betwene this confirming of Seuerinus, and the deathe of this Bonifacius, foure Popes came betwene, and wel nere .30. yeres. Againe as touching this ratifieng and confirmation that Isacius the Emperours Lieutenāt practised, will you see how orderly it proceded? Verely by mere violence, by spoyling the treasure of the Church of S. Iohn Lateranes. At the distribution of which treasure afterwarde so orderly obtayned by the Emperour Heraclius, the Saracens fel out with the Christiās, (because they had no parte thereof with the Greke and Romayn Souldiours) forsoke the Emperours seruice, got from the Empire Damascus, al Aegypt, and at lēgth Persia it self, and embraced Mahomet then lyuing and his doctrine, which synce hath so plaged all Christendome. So well prospered the doinges of this Isacius: and such holsome examples M. Horne hath piked out to furnishe his imagined supremacy withall.

M. Horne. The .81. Diuision. pag. 48. a

Sisenandus the king of Spain, calleth forth of all partes of his domi∣nions the Bishops to a City in Spaine, called Toletum. The purpose and maner of the kynges doynges in that councel, the Bishoppes them selues set forth, first as they affirme: They assemble together by the praecepts and cōmaundement of the king, to consult of certaine orders of discipline for the Church, to refourme the abuses that were crept in about the Sacramētes ād the maners of the Clergy. The king vvith his nobles, cōmeth into the coūcel house: He exhorteth thē to care¦ful diligēce, that therby al errors and abuses, may be vvypt a vvay clere out of the Churches in Spayn. They folovve the kinges (.234.) directiō, ād agree vpō many holsom rules. VVhē they haue cōcluded, thei besech the kīg to cō∣tinu his regim••t, to gouern his peple with iustice ād godlines.

And vvhē the King had geuē his assent to the rulers of discipline, vvhich they had (.235.) agreed vppon, they subscribed the same vvith their ovvn handes.

The like Synode Chintillanus king of Spaine, did conuocate at Toletum, for certain ceremonies, orders, and discipline, vvhich vvas confirmed by his precept and (.236.) decree, in the first yeere of his reigne. And an other also by the same king, and in the same place, and for the like purpose, vvas called and kept the second yere of his reigne.

Chinasuindus King of Spaine, no lesse careful for Churche matters and Religion, than his predecessours, (.237.) appointeth his bisshops to assemble at Toletum in conuocation, and there to consult for the stablishing of the faith, and Church discipline, vvhich they did.

Reccessiunthus King of Spaine, commaunded his Bisshops to assemble at Toletum, in the first yere of his reigne, and there appointed a Synode, vvherein besides the Bisshops and Abbottes, there sate a great company of the noble men of Spaine. The Kinge him selfe came in amongest them, he maketh a graue and verye godlye exhortation vnto the vvhole Synode, he professed hovve careful he is, that his subiectes should be rightly instructed in the true faith, and Religion. He propoundeth the fourme of an Othe vvhich the clergy and others of his subiectes vvere vvonte to re∣ceiue, for the assurance of the Kings saulfty. He exhorteth them to ordeine sufficiently for the maintenance of godlines and iustice. He moueth his nobles that they vvill (.238.) assist and further the good and godly ordinaunces of the Synode. He promiseth that he vvil by his princely authority, ratifie and maineteine vvhat so euer they shal decree, to the furtherance of true Godlinesse, and Religion. The Synode maketh ordinaunces: the clergy, and nobility there assembled subscribeth them: and the Kinge confirmeth the same vvith his (.239.) royal assent and authority. He called tvvo other Synodes in the same place for such like purpose, in the se∣uenth and eyght yeeres of his reigne.

The 2. Chapter: Of other kinges of Spayne, and of the Toletane Councels holden in their raignes.

Stapleton.

WE are yet ons againe come to Spayne: and we haue nowe seuen councels summoned there, by theis foure kings, that M. Horn here nameth. But surely there is nothing, wherby to fasten this primacy vp∣pon them. But here are manie playne and open things, that do so blemish and spotte M. Horn, and his Madge and their childrē with a most shamful reproche of perpetual infamy, as theis coūcels here by him alleaged, may seme to remayne in this his boke lyke the salt Stone, wherinto Lothes wyfe was turned: that is, as a perpetual monumente of his shame and dishonestie for euer. For where is the clericall crowne that theis fathers require, in M. Hornes head? What a nomber of decrees appeare in theis councelles by M. Horne rehersed againste the filthie fornication and ma∣riage of such persons both men and wemen as had profes∣sed chastytie? For the which Potamius the bishop of Bra∣carie is deposed: as was before Saphoracus (whome as ye heard, M. Horne browght in for an example of his proufe) in Fraunce. And here haue yowe, that not onlie Mai∣stres Madge shall be a slaue, but her children to, thus in∣cestuously begotten, shall be made bond men. I praye yow then what doe all theis Councells so muster here: onlesse yt be to represente to vs, and to all that shall reade and see M. Hornes boke hereafter, that he can alleage no Coun∣cells, but suche as make against him? For beholde howe manye thinges these Councells decree, of whiche M. Horne, and his pewfelowes obserue neuer a white.

Els where are the hallowed tapers to be vsed in the vigils decreed in those Councels? Where is the Masse so expres∣ly in those Councells mentioned? Where is the order and discipline decreed there against renegate Nonnes? But to let these things passe, what hath M. Horne, in al those Coū∣cels to iustifie his primacy by? Verely in the first Councell by him alleaged Sisenandus the kyng entring in to the Sy∣nod, began his talke to the bishops, Coram sacerdotibus Dei humi prostratus, lyenge flat groueling on the ground before the priestes of God. And in al that Councel he only exhor∣ted the bishoppes to make some decrees for reformation of the Church. In the second Councel by him alleaged, wher he saieth the Synod was confirmed by the princes commaunde∣ment and decree, the wordes of the Councel write expres∣ly the contrary. For the bishops there of their conclusion in that Synod do say. Ex praecepto eius, & decreto nostro sanci∣mus. This we ordaine by the kinges precept, and our de∣cree. It is their decree M. Horne not the princes. And so in the next Councell folowing, this Synod is called, the bishops constitution or decree: not the kinges. In the third Councell by you alleaged, the bishops confesse they were there assembled, Regis salutaribus hortamentis absque impe∣dimento: by the holsome exhortations of the king without let, signifiyng that by the kinges meanes they were quiet∣ly assembled, and nothing els. As also in the next Councell folowing they saie Studio serenissimi Regis & caet by the en∣deuoure or fauoure of our most gratiouse kinge. Nay in the next Councel by you alleaged the kinge and his nobles confesse them selues subiectes to the bishops in such mat∣ters. The king speaking to the bishops saieth. En Reuerendi patres excelsiori mihi venerationis honore sublimes, coram vo∣bis

aduenio &c. Beholde Reuerend fathers, highe to me in a more higher degree of honour, I come before you &c. And touching his nobles (of whome, as M. Horne noteth, there sate in the Synod a greate Company) he chargeth them, vt nihil à consensu praesentium patrum sanctorúmque virorum a∣liorsum mentis ducant obtutum: that in no point they should direct their intention from the consent of the fathers and holy men there present. In which words you see M. Horn, his nobles were not there to gouerne, to direct, or to ouer∣rule the bishops: but rather to be gouerned directed, and instructed of the bishoppes. And then as I saied, what is there in all these Councells that may any waies furder this vehement imaginatiō of your supremacy? And how much is there that ouerturneth the same, and establisheth the Clergies supremacy, in such causes to them apperteyning? For beside all this, lo what the Fathers in this very Coun∣cell do yet farder protest. They saie, that Christ is the head, and the bishops the eyes. They say, that they being of the hi∣ghest doe rule by the highnes of theire order: and doe gouerne the multitude of people, vnder their subiec∣tion. And therevppon they say that Bisshoppes a∣monge other their vertues, must excell in kepinge of chastitye. And they further doe declare, that such as be faultye therein, shalbe thruste oute of theire bisshoprikes. Yet one thinge there is, that semethe colowrablye to serue Maister Horne, that is, that the nobility also subscribeth. Which should seame to imploye a voyce and a consente.

Vnto the which our former answer may serue wel enough, that the Bisshops decreed and ruled, not the Nobles. Again this may serue, that here in al these Councels, was no new matter of faith determined: but most of all this I am assu∣red will serue, to say that many thinges were in those Coū∣cels, enacted for the assurance and succession of the Prince and of other cyuill and polityke matters, to the whiche noble men may subscribe wel inowghe.

M. Horne. The .82. Diuision. Fol. 49. a.

Vitalianus beinge chosen Pope, sente his messengers vvith Synodicall letters (according to the custome, saith Gratian) to signifie vnto the Emperour of his election. In this Popes time (saith the Pontificall) came Constantinus the Emperour to Rome, vvhome this Pope vvith his cleargy, met sixe myles out of the City, and did humbly receiue him. It is vvonderfull to consider (although the Historians, being Papistes for the most part, (.240.) couer the matter so muche as may be) vvhat practises the Popes vsed to catche (.241.) from the Emperours to them selues, the su∣periority in gouerning of Churche matters: vvhen they savve, that by stovvte and braue presumption, their ambitious appetites could not be satisfied, they turned ouer an other leafe, and coue∣ring their (.242.) ambitious meaning vvith a patched cloke of humility and lovvlinesse, they vvan muche of that, vvhich vvith pride and presumption they had so often before this tyme attemp∣ted in vaine.

VVith this vvily lovvlinesse, Donus the next sauing one to Vitalianus, (.243.) brought vnder his obedience the Archebis∣shop of Rauenna. There had been an olde and (.244.) continual dissention betvvixt the Archebisshop of Rome, and the Arche∣bisshop of Rauenna, for the superiority: The Rauennates ac∣compting their sea (.245.) equall in dignity, and to ovve none obedience to the sea of Rome, for they vvere not subiect there∣vnto: To finishe this matter, and to vvinne the superiority, Do∣nus

first practised vvith Reparatus the Archebisshop of Ra∣uenna, to geue ouer vnto him the superiority, and become his o∣bedientiary, and that (as it may appeare by the sequele) vvithout the consent of his Church. After the death of Reparatus, vvhich vvas vvithin a vvhyle, Theodorus a familiar friend to Aga∣tho the Pope, and a stoute man, (vvhom (.246.) Agatho did ho¦nour vvith his Legacy vnto the syxth general Councel at Cōstā∣tinople) because his Clergy vvoulde not vvayt on him on Christ∣mas daye, solempnely (.247.) conducting him vnto the Churche as the maner had been, did geue ouer the title, ād made his sea subiect to the Pope for enuy ād despite of his Clergy, (saith Sabellicus) vvherevvith the Rauennates vvere not con∣tent, but being ouercome by the authority of the Emperour Con∣stantin, vvho much fauored Agatho, they bare it as patiently as they might. And Leo the seconde, successour to Agatho, made an ende hereof, (.248.) causing the Emperour Iustinian to shevve great (.249.) cruelty vnto the vvhole Cyty of Rauenna, and to Felix their Bisshop, because they vvould haue (.250.) recouered their olde liberty. And so this Pope Leo by the commandement and povver of the Emperour Iustinian, brought Rauenna vnder his obeisance, as the Pontifical reporteth. These Popes through their feyned humility and obedience vnto the Emperours, vvhich vvas but duty, vvan both much fauour and ayde at the Emperors hādes, to atchieue their purpose much desired.

The .3. Chapter: of Vitalianus, Donus and Leo the .2. Bishops of Rome: and howe the Church of Rauenna was re∣conciled to the See Apostolike.

Stapleton.

WHy Maister Horne? Put case the Pope signifieth his election to the Emperour? Putte case the Popes were sometyme stowte and braue? And sometyme againe couered theyre ambitiouse mea∣ninge with a patched cloke of humilitye and lowe∣lines?

what yf the Churche of Rauenna after long rebellion became an obediētiarie to the apostolike see of Rome? This is the effect and contents almost of one whole leafe. What then I say? Knitte vp I pray you, your conclusiō. Ergo a Prince of a Realme is supreame head in al causes ecclesiasticall and tē∣poral. Wel and clerckly knitte vp by my sheathe. But Lorde what a sorte of falshods and follies are knitte vp together, in this your wise collection? As concerning the stowtnes and cloked humility of the Popes, your authours the Pontifical and Sa∣bellicus write no such thinge, but commend Vita∣lian, Donus, Agatho, Leo, for very good Popes, yea and for this their doing concerning the Church of Rauenna. Other writers commende these Popes also, for good and vertuouse men. But I perceiue they are no meane or common persons that must serue for witnesses in your honorable consistorie, your exceptions are so precise and peremptorye. Yet I beseache you sir, in case ye will reiecte all other, lette the Emperour Constantin himself serue the turne for this Vitalian. Who, at what tyme the bisshops of the easte being Monothelites, woulde not suffer Vitalians name to be rehersed according to the custome in the Churche at Constantinople, did withstande them. And why, thinke, you M. Horne? for any fayned holynes? No, no, but propter collatam nobis charitatem ab eodem Vitaliano dum su∣peresset in motione tyrannorum nostrorum. For his charity employed vppon vs, saieth the Emperour, whil he liued, in the remouing and thrusting out, of

those that played the tyrants against vs. Why doe ye not bring forth your authours, to proue them dissemblers and Hypocrites? but you shal proue this, when you proue your other saying, that there had ben an old ād a cōtinual dissensiō betwen these .ij. Churches, ād that the Rauēnates were not subiect to the see of Rome. This is wel to be proued, that they ought to haue bene subiect to the see of Rome, not onely by a common and an vniuersal subiection, as to the see of all Churches: But as to theyre patriarchall see with∣all. It is also aswell to be proued, that in S. Gregories tyme, who died but .72. yeares before Donus was made pope, the Archebishops of Rauēna, acknowledged the superioritie of the Church of Rome: as appereth by sondrye epistles of S. Gregorie: and receyuid theire Palle from thense, a most certayne token of subiection: matters also being remoued from thense to the popes consistory, yea the bishop of Ra∣uēna cōfessing that Rome was the holy See, that sente to the vniuersall Churche, her lawes, and prayeth S. Gregorie not onely to preserue to the Church of Rauenna which pecu∣liarly was vnder Rome, her olde priuileges: but also, to be∣stowe greater priuileges vppon her. Wherein appeareth your great vntruth, and foly withal: in that you saie, there had bene an olde and continuall dissention betwixt the Arche∣bishop of Rome and the Archebishop of Rauenna for the su∣perioritie. Now you see the dissension was not continual, nor very olde, it being so late subiect to the See of Rome in the tyme of S. Gregory. Herein appeareth also an other of your vntruths, where you alleadge out of the pontifical, that Pope Leo brought Rauenna vnder his obeisaunce. For the pontificall saieth. Restituta est Ecclesia Rauennas sub ordina∣tione Sedis Apostolicae. The Church of Rauenna was resto∣red

or brought home againe vnder the ordering of the See Apostolike. In which wordes (if you had truly reported them) woulde easely haue appeared that the rebelliouse childe was then brought home again to obediēce, not that then first it was brought vnder subiection, as you vntruly and ignorantly surmise. You say also as ignorantly or as vn∣truly, that Theodorus the Archebishope of Rauenna who submitted his Church to Pope Agatho, was a familiar frēd to Agatho, and was of him honoured with his legacie to the sixt generall Councell of Constantinople, intending thereby to make your reader thinke he did it of frendship or flattery, and not of duety. But your conceytes haue deceyued you. For the legat of pope Agatho in that Councel, so familiar a frend of his, and so much by him honoured, was one Theo∣dorus, presbyter Rauennas, a priest of Rauenna: as both in the life of Agatho, and in the very Councel it self euidently appeareth. Neither could that priest be afterward the same bishope that so submitted him self, for that submission was before the Councell, as in the life of Agatho it appeareth. So lernedly and truely, M. Horne in his talke procedeth.

With like truthe M. Horn telleth, that Theodorus made his see of Rauenna subiect to Rome, bicause his clergy did not so solemnely conducte him to Church vpon Christmas day, as the maner had been. Would not a man here suppose, that this was a very solemne prelat, that forlacke of his solem∣nyty, would forsake his whole clergy? But it is not possible for these lying superintendentes to tel their tales truly. The story is this. Theodorus the Archebisshop of Rauenna (saieth Nauclerus) minding vpon Christmas daye before the sonne ri∣syng to say Masse in S. Apollinaris Church, was forsaken of al his clergy. And vntil it was towarde noone they came not at

him: at what tyme by the meanes of the Exarchus, they brought him to Churche. The cause of this enmyty that the Clergy bore to him was, as Nauclerus writeth, for that he was a great almes man, and liberal of the Churche goods, and al∣so very busy to kepe his Clergy in good order. For this cause they hated him, and in so solemne a daye vtterly for∣soke him: Which is more, I trowe M. Horne, then not so so∣lemnely to conducte him as the maner was. To lacke the or∣dinary solemnity, and to be cleane destitute are two things. And there is a difference, you knowe, betwene staring and starke blinde. I thincke your selfe M. Horne as holy and as mortified as you be, woulde be very lothe to shewe your self in S. Swithens Quyer at Winchester vpon a Christ∣mas day al alone, without any one of your Ministers as see∣ly as they are. Again where you say that Leo the secōd made an end hereof causing thēperour Iustinian to shew great cruelty &c. This is a very grosse lie. For Leo the second was Pope only in Constantins time father to this Iustinian. 2. And the cruelty that Iustiniā shewed to the whole City of Rauēna was after the death of this Leo. 2. at the lest twēty yers, vn∣der Cōstātine the Pope, at the later end of Iustiniās reigne, being restored then from banishment, but yet continuinge in al his former cruelties. And as Nauclerus writeth, he changed neuer a whit his former life, only excepted, that (after his banishment) he euer shewed Reuerence to the See Aposto∣like, otherwise then before (his banishmēt) he was wont to do. And therefore hearing that Felix the bishop of Rauenna diso∣beied the Pope, he commaunded his Lieutenant in Sicilie to punish them: which he did in dede very cruelly and barba∣rously. But that he did of his own accorde, not by the cau∣sing (as you ignorantly affirme) of Leo the .2. Who was

dead at the lest .20. yers before, nor by the causing of Cō∣stantine the Pope then, for ought that appeareth in the Sto∣ries. And therefore where you conclude, that Pope Leo by the commaundement and power of Iustinian brought Rauen∣na vnder his obeissance, as the Pontifical reporteth, you belie the Pontifical and the whole storye of that tyme to to ig∣norantly. The Pontificall in dede saieth: Percurrente diuale iussione &c. By the commaundement of the Emperour sent abrode, the Church of Rauenna was restored &c. But Iusti∣nian it nameth not. It meaneth Constantine the Emperour who straight after the .6. Councel ended, promulged that edicte, Leo the .2. being then Pope. Suche a longe and te∣dious mater it is to open M. Hornes vntruthes.

M. Horne. The .83. Diuision. pag. 50. a.

But Benedictus the secōd, vvho succeded next to Leo the second, vvēt in this point beyonde al his predecessours, for Constantin being moued vvith his (.251.) humanity, piety, and fauourablenes tovvards al mē, vvhen he sent to thēperour for his confirmation: thēperour sent, saith Platina, a decree, that from henceforth, loke whome the Clergy, the people, and the Romain army, should chose to be Pope, al men, without de∣lay, should beleue him to be Christes true vicar, abiding for no confirmation by themperour, or his Lieutenant as it had been wonte to be doen. &c. For that was wont to be allowed in the Popes creation, that was confirmed by the Prince him self or his vicegerent in Italy.

Here first of al it appereth (if this story be true) hovve this interest of the Prince in this Ecclesiastical matter thus continuing (.252.) long tyme, al∣though many vvayes assailed, and many attemptes made by the Popes, to shake it of, vvas at the length through their flattery (vvhich their Para∣sites cal humility) geuē vnto them of thēperours, to vvhom it apperteined. But vvhether this story be true or not, or if it vvere geuen, hovv it vvas geuen, or hovv long the giftes toke place, or hovv it vvas taken a∣vvay

and retourned to the former right, may vvell be called into question, for there is good (.253.) tokens to shevv, that it vvas not geuen in this sort. For these tvvo Popes vvho sat in the Papal seat (.254.) but .10. mo∣neths a peece or there about, vvere in (.255.) no such fauour vvith Thēpe∣rour, as vvas their predecessour Agatho, vvho made great suit vnto thēpe∣rour for such like things, and obteined his suit, but vvith a speciall Prouiso for the reseruatiō of this authority stil to remain vnto thēperors, as vvitnes∣seth the Pontificall and Gratian. He receiued from the Emperour letters (say they) accordinge to his petition, wherebye the somme of moeny was releassed that was wont to bee geuen (to the Emperour) for the Popes Consecration: but so that yf there happen after his deathe anye election, the Bisshoppe electe be not consecrated before the election be signified to the Emperour by the general decree (he meaneth the Synodicall letters) accordinge to the auncient custome, that the orde∣ringe of the Pope maye goe forwarde, by the Emperours knowledge or consent and commaundement. The Glossar vp∣pon Gratian noteth vppon these vvordes: VVhich summe was wont to be geuen: For euery Bisshop was wonte to geue something to themperour at his election. But did not themperour cōmit Symony in releasing this right vnder this cōdition, that his cō∣sent should be required in the election? answeare, no: because both these belonged to hī of right before, wherefore he might nowe remitte the one.

But as I said, let it be true, that Constantin gaue ouer this iurisdictiō, but Volateranus addeth to this suspected donatiō, this clause, found true by ex∣perience, which donatiō (saith he) was not lōg after obserued. And in dede it vvas kept so smal a vvhile, (.256.) that vvithin one yere after or litle more, vvhē the electors after lōg altercation, had agreed on Conon: Theodor{us} thēperors Lieutenāt (as saith Sabellicus) gaue his assent: ād Pla¦tina shevveth the same, although not so plainly. So that by this also it appea∣reth, that if stil it appertained to thēperours Lieutenant, to geue his assēt to the Popes electiō, that than this gift is (.257.) either fained of the Papistes (and that the rather vnder the name of Constantinus, to bleare there∣vvith the ignorauntes eies, as though it vvere the graunt of Constantine

the great, as they doe about Images vvith (.258.) the name of the Nicene Coūcel) or by like the gift vvas not so authētically ratified, as it vvas vnadui∣sedly promised: but hovv so euer it vvas, it helde not longe: the Pope himselfe solempnely vvith the consent and decree of a vvhole Councell, resigning al the foresaid graunt vnto the Emperours for euermore.

The .4. Chapter. of Benedictus the .2. Pope, and Constan∣tine the .5. Emperour.

Stapleton.

I Can not tel whether this matter is by M. Horne more vntrulye, or more vnwiselye handled. The Emperour Constantin moued with the great vertue of Benedictus the .2. gaue ouer to him, saith Platina, his accustomable right, in the confirmation of the Popes election. Nay saith M. Horne, This was through their flattery, which their pa∣rasites call humility. Then by you Platina was the Popes flat∣terer. Verily such a flatterer he was, that for his free spea∣king agaīst the Pope he was imprisoned. And it is not likely that he which was so free with the Pope thē liuing, would flatter with the Popes that were dead. You adde farder to proue themperour did not geue vp the Popes confirmatiō. For it is not (say you) any thinge likely: for Pope Agatho could not obtain it, and it was kept but a small tyme: and the Pope him self with the cōsent of a Councel not long af∣ter resigned it: Haue ye done M. Horne? then I pray lappe vp your as wise a conclusion, as before. Ergo the Quene of England is the supreame head. But nowe what say you to this M. Horne, that Constantin agnised the Pope for the true vicar of Christe? Doth not Platina write this, whose words your self reherse? Let the Popes cōfirmatiō weigh as it may weigh: which maketh neither with nor against this

supremacy. Doe not these thre woords, Christes true vicar, weigh down, ād beate al in peces, your sely poore light rea¦sons of your cōfirmatiō? Brought in I cā not tel how, ād al out of ceason, and nothīg pertaynīg to the kings of Englād. Who neuer had anie thing to intermedle, for the ratifying of the popes election. But what an extreme impudency is this? Or who but very euil him selfe, can suspect so vily, and drawe al thinges to the worste? If the pope be humble, thē he is (with M. Horne) an hypocrite and a flatterer. If he be stoute, he is a tyrant, ambitious, and proude. Contrary wise if the Emperour be cruel (as we shall see anon of Harry 4. and Friderike the first) then he doth but his right: If he doe his duty, as this Constantinnowe, Theodosius, Valentinian, Marcian and Iustinian before, thē they are deceyued with flattery. Wo be to you that cal euill good, and good euill. For as before we sayd, Vitalianus, Donus, Agatho, Leo 2. wer al commended of all writers, so is this Benedictus 2. highly praysed not onely of Platina, but of Sabellicus and Volate∣rane, both for his lerning and for his holynesse. And in respect of those qualyties (saie they) Constantine sent the decree that M. Horne is so greued withal. Yet al this to M. Horne is hypocrisy. And the Historians, he saieth, were papistes for the most part. It is true they were so: not only for the most parte, but altogeather hitherto. For what other historians, what other Councels, what other Church can you shewe synce Christes tyme, then of very papistes? If you refuse the papistes historians, you must holde your peace, and let all this discourse passe, from Constantine the first, downe to Maximiliā next predecessour to Charles the fyft. You must begynne only synce Luthers tyme: Which yet for very shame you haue clene omitted, not speaking one word, of

Charles the fyfte or of Ferdināde his brother the late most renowmed Emperours, or of any their gouuernement in causes ecclesiasticall: whose examples yet you might as well haue browght, as of any other Catholike Emperour sence Constantines tyme, the first. But that in these, mens eyes and eares yet liuing, and knowing certeynely the con∣trary, woulde haue condemned you: In the other being out of the memory of men yet liuing, you thought you might by suche homly shiftes as you haue made with pat∣ched false and forged narrations, worke yet somewhat with the vnlerned Reader, which trusteth you better then he knoweth you. If this be not true, tel me the cause Maister Horne, why coming down to Maximilian Charles his next predecessour, and to Lewys the frenche kinge next before Frauncis the first, yow come not lower to Charles him selfe, and to kinge Frauncis of Fraunce? Why I pray you, but for the reason aboue sayed? Well. If you had come lower, you might in dede haue founde prote∣stant historians for your owne tothe. But nowe, coue∣ting to haue a coloure of Antiquitie for your doinges, you are driuen to alleage onely papist historians, papist Coun∣cells, papist doctours, papist Emperours. Brefely all your Authorities, testimonies and allegations, none other but of papistes. Yea the Scriptures them selues of whome haue you them, but of papistes? No merueyll therefore if you are so continuallye by your owne Authorities beaten downe. In the meane season, what historians, what Councels, what Doctours, haue you in any tyme of all the Churche, to speake any one poore worde for your ymagined supremacy? No, no, M. Horne. Either you

that nowe lyue are not the Churche of Christ, or ells Christ hath had no Churche, these thousand yeres and vpwarde. Either you must condemne so many ages be∣fore you, or they must condemne you. Would God our dere Countrie woulde ones consider this one reason, and worthely regarde the same.

To returne to you, Maister Horne, what moueth you to saie, that the Electours after longe altercation agreed on Conon, and Theodorus the Emperours Lyeu∣tenant gaue his assent, inferring thereof, that the Popes election still appertayned to the Emperours Lieutenant, and to hys assent? Your tale is myngled with vntruthe, and your consequent hangeth loosely. For firste alter∣cation in the election of Conon there was none. Sabel∣licus your owne alleaged Author saieth. In nullo vn∣quam Pontifice creando maior extitit Ordinum consensus: There was neuer more agreement of all degrees in the creatyng of anye pope, then in this Conon. And as for the Emperours Lieutenants assent, he addeth. Prae∣stitit & Theodorus Exarchus suum assensum. Theodorus also the Lieutenant gaue his assent: which he inferreth, not as you doe, to shewe that the Lieutenants assent was eyther of right or necessitie required, but to de∣clare, that this pope without any altercation, for his sin∣gular vertues in dede, was chosen withe the consent of all men, yea of the Lieutenant him selfe. And thus your whole and onely proufe fayleth, whereby you would persuade vs, that the decree of Constantine the Em¦perour was so sone after abolished, or els not at al made, but (as you most peuishly talk) fayned of the Papist historiās: being yet al such, as wrote before Luther was borne, and

therefore by no reason in the worlde likely to be counter∣fayters eyther for our vauntage, or for your disauauntage. Els by the same reason you may reiect al histories ād Coū∣cels and doctours to (bycause they al make directly against you and your doctrine, not only in this, but in al other your heresies) and say, that the papistes haue fayned stories, de∣uised Councels, forged olde doctours, yea and counterfay∣ted the Scriptures also, which I praye God, you Caluinistes of England do not ones attempte to auouche, as the Swēc∣feldians haue already begonne.

M. Horne. The .84. Diuision. Fol. 51. a.

But I returne againe to Agatho, vvho (as I sayde) being in great fauour vvith Constantine the Emperour, Determined (saith Platina) to haue a councel to decide the errour of the Monothelites. But (.259.) bicause he coulde not him selfe by his ovvne authoritie, cal a general councel, for that belōged to the Emperour, vvho in that time vvas busie in the vvarres against the Saracens: He waited (saith Platina) for the returne of the Emperour.

This Constantinus surnamed Pogonatus, about the yeere of the Lord 680. calleth the Bishoppes out of all coastes vnto a general Councel: in his letters of Sommons to Donus (but committed to Agatho Bishop of Rome, Donus beinge dead) he admonisheth him of the contention betvvixt the sea of Rome and Constantinople, he exhorteth him to laie aside al strife, feruen∣cie, and malice, and to agree in the trueth vvith other, addinge this reason: For God loueth the trueth, and as Chrysostome saith: He that wilbe the chief amongst all, he must be minister vnto all (by vvhich reason made by the Emperour, it may seeme, that the pride of those tvvoo seates, striuinge (.260.) for superioritie and supremacie, vvas a great nourishment of the Schisme, vvhich vvas chiefly in outvvarde shevve only for doctrine.) He protesteth that he vvill shevve him selfe indifferent, vvithout parciallitye to anye parte or faction., onely seekinge, as Godde hath appointed him, to keepe the Faith that he had receiued vvholye and vvithout blotte. He exhorteth and commaundeth the Bishoppe of

Rome, not to be an hinderaunce, but to further this Councell vvith sending such as are fitte for such purpose. The bishop of Rome obeyeth the Emperours (.261.) commaundement. And the like letters the Emperor sendeth to Geor∣ge Bishop of Constantinople, and others. The Emperour sat in the councell him selfe, as President and moderatour of al that action: hauing on his right hande a great company of his Nobles, and of his Bishoppes on his lefte hand. And vvhan the holy Ghospelles vvas broughte foorth, and laide before them, as the (.262.) iudges, vvhose sentence they ought to follovve, as it vvas also vvonte to be doone in the fornamed Councels: The deputies for the bishoppe of Rome stande vppe, and speake vnto the Emperour in moste humble vvise callinge him moste benigne Lorde, affirminge, the Apostolike seat of Rome to be subiect vnto him, as the seruant vnto the Maister: and beseechinge him that he vvil commaunde those that tooke parte vvith the bi∣shoppe of Constantinople, vvhich had in times paste brought in nevve kinds of speache, and erronious opinions, to shevve from vvhence they receiued, their nevve deuised Heresies. The Emperour commaundeth Macarius Ar∣chebishoppe of Antioche, and his side to ansvveare for them selues. And after diuerse requestes made by him to the Emperour, and graunted by the Emperour vnto him, the Emperour commaundeth the Synode to staie for that time.

The .5. Chapter. Of the sixt Generall Councell holden at Constantinople vnder Pope Agatho.

Stapleton.

MAister Horne, as he sayeth, returneth againe to A∣gatho, wherin he doth wel: for this hath bene an ex∣trauagant and an impertinent discourse. But he re∣turneth withall to his accustomable dealing: sayinge that pope Agatho of his owne authoritie coulde not call a councell. Which neither his authour Platina sayeth, nor anie other, nor he him self proueth. He coulde M. Horne haue cal∣led a Councell, (and so he did call at Rome at this verie

tyme a great Councell of an .1••5. Bisshoppes, our con∣treyman S. Wilfryde Archbisshoppe of Yorke and the A∣postle of Sussex being one of them) without the Emperor, and such as this Emperour him selfe confesseth to be a ge∣neral Councell. But because, the schisme of the Mono∣thelites was deaply setled in Grece, and was fast and depe∣lye rooted by continuance of .46. yeares, not onely in the Bisshoppes of the chiefe sees, as Constantinople, A∣lexandria, Antiochia, and others, but also in the Emperours withall: full godly and wisely, that the Councell might be more effectuall and fruytful, he thowght good to worke with the aduice and assistance of the Emperour: and so he did: And this his godly pollicy had his prosperouse successe accordingly.

Maister Horne will nowe recite to vs his collections oute of this Councell called, the .6. Generall Councell, that he hath gathered, (but how well and fytlye to proue his matter, ye shal anone vnderstande) for the confirma∣tion of his newe erected primacy. And first he glaunceth at the See of Rome, surmising that because the Emperour exhorted the Pope to vnity, the pride of Rome and of Con∣stantinople striuing for superiority and supremacy was a greate nourishment of the Schisme. This is a lewde and a false surmise. For the Emperour in that place expressely tel∣leth (by the reporte of the Greeke Patriarches) the cause of that stryfe to be, quòd verba quaedam nouitatis intro∣missa sunt, that certaine newe doctrine was brought in∣to the Churche. And will Maister Horne haue his vn∣proued surmise, to waighe downe the Emperours plaine confession?

The malice you talke of Maister Horne, is in your self▪ It was not in Pope Agatho. The Emperour protesteth, you say, to kepe the faith that he hadde receiued wholy and without blotte. Woulde God all Christen Princes had done so. You hadde hadde then Maister Horne, no place in our countre to preache and sette forthe your damnable heresies.

You say farder: The Bisshop of Rome obeyed the Empe∣rours commaundement. And this also you note verye so∣lemnely in your Margin. But both your text and your mar∣gin, by your leaue, lyeth. For the Emperour in his letters to the Pope (wherein he inuited him to this Councel) saith plainely. Inuitare & rogare possumus ad omnem commenda∣tionem & vnitatem omnium Christianorum, necessitatem ve∣rò inferre nullatenus volumus. Well we may moue you and praye you to fall to an vnity, but force you by no meanes wil we. Where then is this forceable commaundemēt that you imagine? You woulde faine haue the Emperours very Imperiall, ouer Popes and Bisshoppes: You woulde, as Auxentius the Arrian Bisshop did, Laicis ius sacerdotale substernere, bring vnder the Laye Princes foote, the Priest∣ly right and Authoritye. You woulde haue them, as the Arrians persuaded Constantius, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 being sette to gouerne one thinge, to take vpon them an other thing. This with your predecessours hereti∣call Bisshoppes, your prelatship also would Emperours shoulde take vppon them. But they expresselye refuse so to doe: they proteste the contrary: they abhorre suche lewde clawebackes. You adde farder, that in the Councell, the holye Gospelles was brought forthe and layde before them, as the iudges. This is a flatte vntruthe.

The Councel hath no such woordes, I meane that the Gos∣pels were Iudges. No doubte but by the ghospels the Coun∣cel did iudge and determine the controuersies, and had al∣waies those holy books before thē, as also a Signe of the Crosse and other relikes, as Cusanus writeth. But a Iudge must speake and pronounce a Sentence. Such is not the Scripture, but such are they that be (as the Apostle saith) Dispensatores mysteriorum Christi, the dispensours of the mysteries of Christ, the ordered teachers of his woorde, the successours of his Apostles. But you to make folke wene, that Scripture alone were the only Iudge, as though the booke could speake and geue sentence it selfe, without a Teacher or Pastour, sticke not, to falsifie and missere∣porte the holy Councel, seing by true dealing you cā proue nothing. But it maketh perhaps for you, that the Popes Le∣gates, cal the Emperour most benign Lord, and affirme the Apostolike see of Rome to be subiecte to him. But they do not, I am assured, adde, in al spiritual matters. And so are ye nothing the nere to your purpose: and as the Popes Legats cal him Lorde, so pope Agatho calleth him his sonne.

And that which the Legates said of the See Apostolike, the same Pope Agatho in his letters saied of the City of Rome, calling it seruilem Principatus sui vrbem: A Cyty sub∣iect to his gouernement. And it may be well thought, the Legates spake in no other sence, then did their Lorde and Maister. But as for such phrases S. Gregory spake as hum∣bly and as basely to the Emperour Mauritius (which Cal∣uin also hath noted) as euer any Pope before him, or after him did to any whatsoeuer Emperour. He called Mauri∣tius his good Lorde, and him selfe, his vnworthy seruaunt. But yet (as I haue at large proued against M. Iewel) he

practised in Ecclesiastical causes an vniuersall Supremacy throughout all Christendome.

And nowe beside, that I haue said, in as much as the Popes .3. Legats, two being priestes, and one but a Deacon, be, as wel in the rehersall of the Bishops names, as in the placing of the Bishops, first named, and do first speake in this action, I thinke I may make thereof also a better col∣lection for the Popes Primacy, then you haue made against it. Whereas you say the Emperour was president of the Councel, I graunt you in that sense, as I haue before decla∣red: and that is, concerning thexternal order, moderation, and direction of things to be done and heard quietly and without parciality in the synode: but not for any suprema∣cy in geuing sentence, against their wils, as themperour him self euen now declared.

M. Horne. The .85. Diuision. Fol. 51 b.

In the next session after the self same order obserued, as in the first, Pau∣lus themperours Secretary began to put the Councel in remēbraunce of the former daies proceding. The Emperor commaundeth the Acts of the Chal∣cedon Councel to be brought foorth and redde. At length vvhan a manifest place vvas alledged out of Leo the Pope, the Emperour him self (.263.) dis∣puted vvith Macarius on the vnderstanding therof. The Secretary hauing offred the bookes of the fifte Councel, the Emperour commaundeth the No¦tary to reade them. The Notary began to reade, and vvithin a vvhile the Popes Legats rising vp, cried out this Booke of the fifte Synode is falsified, and there alleaged a reason therof, vvhervvith thēmperor and the iudges being moued, began to look more narrovvly to the book, ād espying at the last, that three quaterniōs vvas thrust into the beginning, thēperour cō∣maunded it should not be red. Note here, that the Popes Legats vvere but (264) the plaintify parties in this Coūcel, ād not the iudges therof, the vvhich more plainly follovveth: either parties stryuing vppon a like corrupt place. The Emperour cōmaunded the Synod and the Iudges (vvhich vvere Laymē)

to peruse the Synodical boks, and (.265.) to determine the matter, vvhich they did. George the Archebishop of Constantinople most humbly beseecheth the Emperour that he vvil cause the letters vvhich Agatho the Pope, and his Synode sent vnto the Emperour to be redde ones againe: the Emperour graunteth his request.

Stapleton.

In these two sessions ye can pyck no matter of any sub∣stance to helpe you withal: no, not of themperours dispu∣tation. And God wotte, this was but a sleight and a colde disputation, to demaunde two things of Macarius, and that by interrogation onely. I trowe ye shal fynde, but vj. or vij. lynes before, a better place for the popes supremacy: wher yt is sayde, that pope Leo his epistle was taken of the Chal¦cedon Councel as the foundation of the catholyke fayth, being conformable to the confession, of the blessed S. Peter the prince of the Apostles. But you bidde vs, note here that the popes legates were but the plaintife parties in this Councel, and not the Iudges thereof. Your reason is, because they firste spake and accused the forgery committed in a copie of the fifte Councel. If you had marked the practise of other Coū¦cells before, M. Horne, you woulde not thoughe hyred thereto, haue made this Note to your Reader. For so is it in dede, that the popes legates, by the waie of prerogatiue in all Councells, semperprius loqui & confirmare soliti sunt, were alwaies wont to speake first. So did they in the Chal∣cedon Councel first speake against Dioscorus, and remo∣ued him from the benche where other bishops sate, ma∣king him to sitte in the myddest, where the defendantes place was. And one of the popes Legates then so ear∣nestly speakinge and requiringe to haue him remoued, the Emperours deputies saied vnto him. Si iudicis ob∣tines

personam, non vt accusator d••bes prosequi. If yowe beare the person of a Iudge, you ought not to pleade as an Accuser. In whiche wordes the Iudges did not inferre (as M. Horne here doth,) that the Popes Legate was no Iudge, bicause he accused as a party plaintife, but rather bicause he was a Iudge (bearinge the Popes per∣son) he wished him to forbeare accusing. But the popes Legates, as they were alwaies the Iudges to decree and subscribe before all other bishoppes against heresies, so were they ready to accuse and betraye the Demeanours of Heretikes before all others. For why? As in the Chal∣cedon Councell it is writen. Missi Apostolici semper in Synodis prius loqui & confirmare soliti sunt. The popes Le∣gates were alwaies wonte to speake formest in Councels, and to confirme before all others. And by this the pre∣rogatiue of the See Apostolike was expressed. And as in the Chalcedon Councel the popes Legates were the first that spake againste Dioscorus, and yet were also the first that gaue sentence againste him (as I haue before pro∣ued) so in this Councell, as the popes Legates spake first against the false and forged euidences, so thei were the first (as we shal anon see) that condemned the forgers thereof, Macarius with his felowes. And yet to speake properly, the popes Legates neither here nor in the matter of Dios∣corus, were parties plaintifs. For as there they onely, re∣quired to haue the sentence of pope Leo executed, tou∣ching Dioscorus his place in the Councell, so here they only required the euidence to be tried, suspecting it as for∣ged, as it was in dede founde to be. And this they required, not as plaintif parties, but to haue executiō. which execu∣tion was in the ordering of the Emperour or his deputies.

For looke what the chefe bishops, or the whole Councel required, that the Prince or his deputies (the Iudges) did see executed quietly and orderly. Wherin cōsisted their whole authoritie and trauayle, as we haue before shewed out of Cusanus. But to Iudge and determine belonged only to the bishopes.

M. Horne. The .84. Diuision. pag. 52. a.

In the next session the order and fourme obserued as in the first, the Em∣perour commaunded first of al Pope Agatho his letters to be redde: in the vvhich letters is manifestly confessed by the Pope him selfe: so vvel the Em∣perours (.266.) supreme gouernment in Ecclesiastical causes, as the Popes obe¦dience and subiection vnto him in the same. For in the beginning, he decla∣reth vvhat pleasure and comforte he conceyued of this, that the Emperour sought so carefully, that the sincere Faith of Christe should preuayle in all Churches: that he vsed such mildenes and clemency, therein follovvyng the example of Christe, in admonishyng him and his, to geue an accompte of their Faith, vvhich they preached: that being emboldened vvith these com∣fortable letters of the Emperour, he perfourmed his ready obedience in accomplishinge the Emperous praeceptes effectually. That he made inquisition for satisfiynge of his obedience (to the Emperour) for apt men to be sent to the Councel: the vvhich thing, saith the Pope to the Emperour, the studious obedience of our seruice, would haue perfourmed soner, had it not beē letted, by the great circuite of the Prouince, and longe distances of place. He protesteth that he sendeth his Le∣gats according to the Emperours commaundement, not of any sinister mea∣ninge, but for the obedience sake (to the Emperour) which (saith he) we owe of dutie. He maketh a confession of his faith, concerning the cō∣trouersie, adding the testimonies of many auncient fathers. And he dooth pro∣test, that he vvith his Synod of the VVesterne Bishoppes, beleueth that God reserued the Emperour to this tyme for this purpose. That he (the Empe∣rour) occupyinge the place and zeale of our Lorde Iesu Christe him selfe here in earth, shoulde giue iuste iudgement or sen∣tence, on the behalfe of the Euangelicall and Apostolicall truthe.

Stapleton.

What exceding and intolerable impudency is this, to be so bolde as to bringe forthe Pope Agatho his letters, agaīst the Popes supremacy? If a man woulde purposely and di∣ligently seke ample and large proufes for the confirmation of th•• same, he shal not lightly fynde them more plentifull and more effectual, then in this epistle, reade and allowed of the whole Councel. By the helpe (saith Pope A∣gatho) of S. Peter, this Apostolik Church neuer swerued frō the truth into any errour. Whose authority as chief of al the apostles al the Catholik Church of Christ, al ge∣neral Councels faithfully embracing, did alwaies follow in all things. Whose apostolike doctrine all the reue∣rēd fathers embraced: and the heretiks, with false accu¦sations, most spitefully deface and persequute. Of like authorities ye shal fynde great store, aswel in this session, as else where in this Councell. Yea the whole Councell confesse, that S. Peter was with them by his successour Agatho, and that S. Peter spake by Agatho his mowthe. And yf this wil not suffice, themperour himself confesseth the like.

By these and the like testimonies yt is cleare, that the Emperour himself, toke the fathers to be the iudges, in this controuersie, and most of al the Pope. To the which saying, it is nothing repug∣nante, that Pope Agatho, according to the Empe∣rours Letters, did diligently and obediently as well sende his own deputies to the Councel, as procu∣red that other were also sent thither. Yes, saieth M. Horne: In those letters is manifestly confessed by the Pope him selfe, as wel the Emperours supreme gouern∣ment

in Ecclesiasticall causes, as the Popes obedience and subie∣ction in the same. This is largely spoken M. Horne. O that your proufes were as clere, as your asseuerations are bolde. Then were you in dede a ioylye writer. But M. Iewell can tel you, that bolde asseueration maketh no proufe. For howe I praye you shewe you this out of the Popes owne letters? You tel vs many thinges, that the Pope sent his legates, caused also other bisshops to repayre to the Councell, and woulde haue caused more to come, if great lettes had not hindered him. And all this you saie, to per∣fourme his ready obedience, for satisfying of his obedience, the studious obedience of his seruice, and yet ones againe, for the obedience sake which he owed of duty. Here is I trowe obe∣dience on the Popes parte, enoughe and enough. But here is not yet in ecclesiasticall causes: Here is not yet the Empe∣rours supreme gouuernement. Here is not, subiection in the same, that is, in Ecclesiasticall causes. Then M. Horne hath affirmed foure thinges, and proued but one. And hath he, trowe we, proued that? Verely as well, as he hath proued the rest, of the whiche he hath spoken neuer a worde. For what obedience was this that the Pope so many times speaketh of? Was it any other, then that at the Emperours earnest request he sent his legates, and summoned the bishops to the Councell? Yes, will M. Horn saye: It was vpon the Emperours commaundement, that he so did, and not at his simple request. Then remembre I praye you the Emperours wordes before alleaged, in whiche he protesteth, that he can only inuite and praye the Po••e to come to a Councell, and that force him he would not. And if the Emperours owne wordes suffise not, then as you haue brought the Pope againste him selfe, so I pray

you M. Horne, heare him speake nowe for him selfe. And that in the selfe same letters where he talketh so muche of Obedience, which you liked in him very well. I assure you M. Horne you shall heare him so speake for him selfe, that if he had by spirit of prophecy foresene this lewde obiection that you haue made, he coulde scante in playner termes or more effectually haue answered you, then nowe he hath by the waye of preuention confuted you. For beholde what he saieth of the Emperours calling him and mouing him to assemble this Councell. He saieth. Nequaquam tam pia lateret intentio audientiū, humanáue sus∣picio perterreretur, aestimantium potestate nos esse compulsos, & non plena serenitate ad satisfaciendum &c. commonitos, Diuales apices patefecerunt ac satisfaciunt, quos gratia spiritus sancti, imperialis līguae calamo, de puro cordis thesauro dictauit, Commonentis, non opprimentis, satisfaci••ntis, non perterrētis, non affligentis, sed exhortantis, & ad ea quae Dei sunt secundū Deum inuitantis. Lest any that heare hereof, shoulde be ignorant of this godly intention, or the suspicion of man shoulde feare, thinkinge (as M. Horne here doth) that we were forced by Authoryte, and not very gently exhor∣ted to answere & caet. the Imperiall letters haue decla∣red and doe declare, writen and directed from his Ma∣iestyes pure harte, throughe the grace of the holy Ghoste, wherein he warneth, not oppresseth, he requyreth, not threatneth, not forceth, but exhorteth, and to God∣ly thinges accordinge to God inuiteth. Lo M. Horn, you are I trowe sufficiently answered, if any thinge can suffyse you. The Emperour forced not the Pope by waye of commaundement, or supreme gouuernement (as yowe allwaies imagyne) but exhorted him.

He proceded not by waye of oppression or threats, as by vertue of his allegeance or in payne of displeasure, but by gentle admonitions and requestes. So did al the good Em∣perours before procede with bishops in ecclesiastical mat∣ters: Constantin the first, Theodosius the first and second, Valentinian the first, Marcian, Iustinian, and nowe this Cō∣stantin the fyfte: not as with their subiectes or vassals in that respect, but rather as with their Fathers, their pastours and by God appoynted Ouerseers. The obedience then that pope Agatho so much and so ofte protested, proce∣ded of his owne humylytie, not of the Emperours supre∣macy: of greate discretion, not of dewe subiection name∣lye in Ecclesiasticall causes. For seinge the Emperour in his letters so meke, so gracious and so lowly, he could doe no lesse (and the better man he was, the more he did) but shewe him selfe againe lowly and humble also. But when Emperours would tyrannically take vpon them in Church matters, there lacked not Catholike bishops, as stoute and bolde then, as the pope was humble nowe. So were to Constantius that heretical tyran Liberius of Rome, Hosius of Spayne, and Leontius of the East. So was to Valentinian the yonger S. Ambrose, to Theodosius the seconde, Leo the first, to the Emperour Anastasius pope Gelasius, to Mauritius S. Gregory. But M. Horne, if this do fayle, hath yet ready at hand an other freshe, iolye coulorable shifte: that the Emperour, euen by Agathos owne confession, oc∣cupied the place and zele of our Lorde Iesu Christe in earth, to geue iuste iudgement and sentence, in the behalf of the truth. Nowe are we dryuen to the harde wal in dede. This geare ronneth roundly. And yf I should nowe, thowghe true∣lye, interprete, and mollifie thys sentence accordinge

to 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, and the mynde of the speaker then woulde you so vrge and presse 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 the bare letter, that I shulde haue much a doe to rydde my handes of you. But God be thanked, who hath so prouided that Agatho him self, doth so plainely declare his owne meaninge, and your false handling of the matter, euen in the verie nexte sentence immediatly folowing: that al the worlde may eui∣dently see, that for al your holy euangelical pretences, and cloked cowlours, ye seke not the trowthe: but to tryfle, to toy, and contentiouslie to confounde all thinges. For it fol∣loweth. That ye woulde voutchsauf (saieth Pope Agatho to the Emperour) to exequute the cause of Christes fayth accor∣ding to equitye, and the instructions of the holy fathers, and the fyue generall Councells, and by Gods helpe to reuenge his in∣iurie, vppon such as condemne his faythe. And this saying of Agatho M. Horne, may wel serue for a ful and a sufficiente answere to al your boke, for princes intermedling in Coū∣cels, and for making lawes concernyng matters ecclesiasti∣call. You see by this place their gouuernement is no other, but to ayde and assiste for putting in execution the decrees of Councels, and the holy Fathers Instructions. Wherfore ye may put vp your ioly note wherwyth ye would seame to furnishe and bewtifie your matter and margent here, in your purse: and the lesse yt be sene, the better for yowe, for any good, that euer your cause shal take by it.

M. Horne. The .87. Diuision. pag. ••2 b.

In the next session, the Emperour sitteth as (268.) President, and Mode∣ratour, accompanied vvith many of his nobles, sitting about him. On his right hande sate Georgius the Archebishop of Constantinople, called nevve Rome, and those that vvere vvith him: on the other side, vpon themperours lefte hande, sate the Legates of the Archebishop Agatho of old Rome, these tvvo as (.269.) agent parties. VVhē they vver thus set, the Emperours Secre∣tary

brought foorth the Ghospels, putteth the Emperour in mind, vvhat vvas done the sessiō before, and desireth his maiesty to cause Macarius and his party, to bring out likevvise their testimonies, as the Legats from Agatho of old Rome had don, for their party. The Emperour cōmaundeth, Macarius obeith, and desireth that his books may be red: the Emperour commaundeth they should so be.

Stapleton.

M. Horne here noteth the sitting of the Popes Legates on the lefte hand, and the Bisshop of Constantinople on the right hand: which either maketh nothing, for the abasing of the Legats authority, either, that doth not so abase them, as doth that I haue said auaunce them, that they are rehersed, both in the naming and placing as wel in this very place, as throughout al this Councel, before al other bisshops: beside the prerogatiues, which we haue and shal declare they had in this Councel. And M. Horn must remēber that in the fift general Councel they had the right hand: as him self cōfes∣seth. Neither was the Emperour President in this Coun∣cell, neither the bisshops, the Agent parties, as M. Horne here vntruly saith, but when the Sentence came to be pro∣nounced, the Bishops alone gaue it without themperour. A moderatour in dede in external order and quyet to be kept, thēperour was, not only in this, but in al other Coūcels, as I haue shewed before out of Cusan{us}, but not in geuīg solutiōs to the reasons propoūded, or in geuing final sentēce in mat∣ter of doctrin, as the word Moderatour in the scholes soun∣deth, ād as M. Horn would haue it here to be vnderstāded.

M. Horne. The .88. Diuision. pag. 52. b.

After the shevving of the allegations on bothe sides, the Legates of old Rome, desier the Emperour that they may knovve, yf the aduersaries agree on the tenour of their tvvo forsaid suggestiōs. The aduersaries beseche thēpe∣ror, that they might haue the copies of thē: thēperor cōmaūdeth, that vvith∣out delay their request should be fulfilled. The books vvere brought forth and

sealed vvith the seales of the Iudges, and either of the parties. This againe (.270.) proueth that the Popes Legats vvere none of the Iudges, but one of the parties. And so in the eight, ninth, and tēth actiō, the same order of doing is obserued in like sort, as before, in such vvise that no one in the Synode, nei∣ther the vvhole Synod, doth (.271.) any thing vvithout licence, and the di∣rection of the Emperour, the president and chief ruler in al those causes.

Stapleton.

M. Horne is now harping vpon the same stringe that he was harping vpon before, twise in the former leaf: that the Popes Legats were no Iudges, but parties and plantiues. In the one of the former places, he geueth no cause, but will haue vs belieue hī vpō his bare word. Here ād in the other, he geueth vs a cause, that nothing cōcludeth, for hī, but ra∣ther agaīst hī. The Monothelits, to make their matter beare some good coūtenāce, brought forth freshely many autho∣rities of Athanasius, and other fathers on their side. The Popes Legats espying, the chopping and chaūging, the cut∣ting and hewing, the mayming and mangling of those testi∣monies▪ discried this falshod to the Coūcel. Vpō this an ex∣acte search, cōference, and cōparison was made of other bokes in thēperous and patriarchs of Cōstātinople library, and the extractes as wel of those bookes, as of such as the Popes Legates had delyuered, were brought forth to the Councel, to auoyde suspicion of al sinistrous working, sea∣led with the Iudges seales. So that the fathers and the Le∣gates gaue the iudgment (as yt afterward appeareth) that the bookes were corrupted. The Iudges to their charge tooke, that by the notarye the bookes shoulde be indiffe∣rentlye and vprightlye vewed and examined, and the true testimonies to be browght to the Councell. I maruayle Maister Horne, that this so good an argumente esca∣ped you in the Chalcedon Councell: wherein likewise,

the Legates first of al beganne to speake and worke against Dioscorus, and caused hym to be displaced of sytting amōg other bishops, and to sytte in the middest as a defendante. And yet they were hys Iudges, and they onelie pronoun∣ced the finall sentāce against hym: to the which the whole Councel condescended. Ye are then farre wyde M. Horn, frō the cause, whie the Legates so intermedled. The cause then was, not as ye either ignorantly or maliciouslie pre∣tende, for that they were parties: but for thys, that the popes Legates were wont euer in councells to speake first, and to cō∣firme first▪ as I haue not much before largely declared. To that place for a fuller answer hereto I remitte the Reader.

M. Horne. The .89. Diuision. pag. 53. a.

In the ende of the eleuenth Action, The Emperour assigneth certeine of his noble counsailours, to be the directours in the Synode, for that he vvas to bee occupied in other vveighty affaires of the cōmō vveale. Hitherto vve see hovv thēmperor in his ovvn person vvith his lay Prīces also, vvas the (272) supreme gouernour, vvas the President, ouersear, commaunder, ratifier, and directour, of al things done in the Councell. The Popes Legats and al the vvhole Councel, humbly yelding al these thinges vnto him (.273.) alone. The residue of the actes, or any thing therein done, vvas likevvyse his deede, by his deputies, although he him selfe in person, vvas not present.

Stapleton.

Whye good Sir? why make you such post haste? What are you so sone at the ende of the .11. action? Where is the beginning and the midle? where is the .6. Action? Where are the .8. the .9. and the .10. Action? I see your hast is greate: what wil you leape ouer the hedge, ere ye come at it? And I might be so bolde, I woulde fayne demaund of you the cause of your hasty posting. Perhaps there is some eye sore here, or some thing that your stomake cā not beare. What?

Greaueth yt you to heare, that our Lady was pure from all maner synne? Or doth yt appalle yowe to heare the patriarch of Constantinople, and al the bisshops his obediē¦saries, with the bisshops that were vnder the patriarche of Antioche, after they had heard readen the letters sent from pope Agatho and his Councel at Rome, and aduisedly cō∣sidered them, which (as I haue tolde yowe) were stuffed with authorities concernyng the popes primacy, to yelde to the truth, and after .46. yeares to forsake and abandon their greate schisme and false heresie? Doth it dasel and a∣mase yowe to heare the patriarche of Constantinople to confesse to the whole Councel, that yf the name of Pope Vitalianus were receyued againe into theyre dypticha, which they had raced out, that those which had sondred ād sequestred them selues from the Catholike Churche, woulde forthwithe returne thyther againe, whereunto the Emperour and all the Councell by▪ and by agreed, and therevppon the Councell made manie gratulatorie excla∣mations? And is there anie other way to stay and redresse thys huge schisme in Englande or else where, but euen to put in our Churche bokes the Popes name, and to im∣brace againe hys Authoritie? Or doe ye take yt to the hart M. Horne to see here the pleadinge of Macarius the he∣retyke (which is also M. Iewells and your ordinarie fas∣shion) as pleadinge vppon the doings of heretical Bisshops and Emperours grounding hym self vpon a nomber of pa∣triarches of Constantinople, of Antioche, and diuers other bisshops with theyre Councells, yea vpon the Emperour his father and his great graundfather, teachings and procla∣matiōs, quite reiected and refused? Or is it a corsy vnto you, that the heretical writings of Macarius as sone as they be∣ganne

to be read, were straight condemned of the bishops, not looking for the Emperours pleasure therein, though he him selfe was then present thereat? Or is there yet anye other lurking sore priuily pynching your stomake? Name∣ly that ye see to your great greef, that the fathers geue vs an assured marke to knowe yowe and M. Iewel by, what ye are, by your wretched wresting and wrething, and mi∣serable chopping and paring the auncient fathers writings: wherein ye are the true schollers of these Monothelites, whose practises are discried in the .6. the .8. the .9. the .10. and the .11. sessions? The allegations of the Popes Legats, being founde truelie, faythfully, and semely done. I trowe it nyp∣ped yowe at the verie hearte roote, when ye reade (in case ye euer reade yt, and haue not trusted rather other mens eies then your owne) the Synode to say, to that cursed and vnhappie Macarius, that it was the property of an heretyke, to nyppe and breake of, to mangle and mayme, the fathers testimo∣nies. And therevppon he being oft taken with the maner, and nowe cōfessing the same, was forthwith depriued, and his bishoply attierment plucked from his backe.

And I would to God, yt might please the Quenes Maie∣sty, and her honorable coūcel to play the Supreame heads as this good Emperour Cōstantinus and his Iudges did, and to make an indifferēt search and vewe: whether the catho∣liks in their late boks, or M. Iewel. M. Horn, ād other their fellowes, play the Macariās or no: and thervppō (euē as M. Horn sayd thēperour Cōstantine did) to geue iust iudgmēt and sentence. Which is a redie and a sownde way for the quailing ād appeasing of this huge scisme. And without the which, books wil excessyuely growe on eche part, and ra∣ther to encrease of cōtentiō, thē to any ful pacificatiō. And

for my part the fault being fownd (as I dowbte nothing yt wil be) and cōfessed therevppon on theyr part with an har∣ty renūciatiō, of al schisme and heresie, I would not wishe theire riches to be plucked from them: but that they shuld remaine in as good worldly estate as they now are in. This is al the hurt I wish thē. But nowe M. Horn to returne to the matter, ye see that this was but a poore iudgmēt, and a poore selie supremacy, that ye geue to your Emperour ād his nobles. Wherin in effect whil ye would seme to aduāce and exalt thē, ye make theyr office not much better, thē the registers and notaries office. Which office though it be ho∣nest and worshipful to perchaūce, yet I dowbte whether it be honorable: as not many yeares past one of your fellowes and protestāt prelats sayd to one that thowed his Register. I tel thee: my regesters office, is an honorable office. Wel, let yt be honorable to: I suppose for all that, it shal not make hym supreame heade of the Churche withall. And so hath M. Hornes argument a great foyle.

M. Horne. The .90. Diuision. Fol. 53. a.

The bishops and Clergy, vvhich vvere of the Prouince of Antioche, vvhan Macarius vvas deposed by the iudgement of the Synode, do make supplica∣tion vnto the Iudges, the Emperours deputies and counsailours, that they vvilbe meanes vnto the Emperour to appoint them an other Archbishop in the place of Macarius novve deposed.

Stapleton.

And wil ye play me the Macariā styl M. Horne? Good reader cōsider of M. Horns dealings, euē in this coūcel, that I haue ād shal declare, whether M. Horn doth not altoge∣ther resemble Macarius shameful practise in his allegatiōs. One of your reasons thē M. Horn, to proue Cōstantines su¦premacy by, is, that the Antiochians sewed to themperour

to appoint an other Archbisshop in the place of Macarius. The appointment of an Archbisshop imployeth no supre∣macy: Diuerse Kings of England haue appointed bisshops and Archebisshops in their Realm: And yet none euer toke vpon them either the name or Authority of a Supreme Go∣uernour in al causes Ecclesiastical, vntil in this our misera∣ble tyme, heretikes by authority of Princes, to establishe their heresies, haue spoiled Gods Ministers, and the Church of her dewe Authority and gouernement And I haue told you before M. Horne, that this Cōstantin himself hath dis∣claimed your supremacy, of supreame iudgement in causes ecclesiastical. Wherof also the very next matter, immediat∣lye rehersed before the thing you alleage, is a good and a sufficient proufe.

I wil therfore demaunde a question of you. Ye see, Ma∣carius is deposed, and that, as you confesse here your selfe, by the Iudgement of the Synod. Might now themperour kepe him stil ād that laufully in his bisshoprik, if he had so would, or no? If ye say he might not, thē is he no Supreame Head. Except ye wil say, he was lawfully deposed as an heretike: and therfore thēperour could not kepe him in. This also as yet maketh against your supremacy. For thē the Iudgemēt of the bisshops is aboue themperours power. But I wil fur∣ther aske you, whether yf Macarius had bene hartely poeni∣tent, and had recanted his heresy to, themperour might thē haue kept him in? Now take hede ye be not brought to the streights, which way so euer ye wind yourself. Yf ye say he may (as ye must, yf ye wil haue themperour Supreme Go∣uernour in al causes ecclesiastical) then is the whole Coū∣cel against you, vtterly denying him al hope of restitution, though the Iudges at thēperours cōmaundemēt, being mo∣ued

with mercy, proposed this questiō to the Synod. Yf ye say he may not: then do ye your self spoile thēperour of his Primacy. Thus ye perceiue euery way ye are in the bryers, being conuicted by the very place by your self proposed.

M. Horne. The .91. Diuision. Fol. 53. a.

The Iudges make them aunsvvere, that it vvas the Emperours pleasure, that they should determine amongest them selues, vvhom they would haue, and bring their decree vnto the Emperour. At the last the vvhole Synod doe offer their definition subscribed vvith their hands to the Emperour, besechīg him to (.274.) examen and confirme the same. The Emperour vvithin a vvhyle saith: vve haue redde this definition, and geue our consent thereunto. The Emperour asked of the vvhole Synod, yf this definition be concluded by vnifourme consent of al the Bishops, the Synod ansvvered: VVe al beleue so, we be al of this mind, God send themperour manye yeares: Thou hast made al heretiks to flie, by thy meanes al Churches are in peace, accursed be al Heretiks. In the vvhich curse, the vvhole Synode curseth Honorius Pope of Rome vvith the great curse, vvhome the Synode nameth in .17. Action, one of the chiefest of these Heretiques, vvho are here cursed. The Emperour protesteth, that his zeale to con∣serue the Christiā faith vndefiled (.275.) vvas the only cause of calling this Synode. He shevveth vvhat vvas their partes therein, to vvyt, to weighe consideratly by Gods holy Scriptures, to put away al noueltye of speche or assertion, added to the pure Christiā faith, in these latter daies by some of wicked opiniō, and to deliuer vnto the Church this faith most pure and cleane. (.276.) They make a cō∣mendatory oration vnto thēperor vvith much ioyfulnes declaring, that this his fact about this Synod in procuring to his subiectes true god∣lynes, and to al the Church a quiet state, was the most comely thing, the most acceptable seruice, the most liberall oblatiō or sacrifice, that any Emperour might or coulde make vnto God. And declaring the humble obedience to his precept or sommons of the Bisshop of Rome, vvho sent his Legates, (.277.) being sicke him self, and of them selues being present in their ovvne persones, they doe most humbly be∣seche

him to set his seale vnto their doinges, to ratifie the same with the Emperial wryt, and to make edictes and constitutiōs (.278.) wherewith to confirme the Actes of this Councel, that al controuersie in tyme to come, may bee vtterly taken away. Al vvhich the Emperour graunted vnto them, adding his curse, as they had done before, so vvel against al the other Heretikes, as also against Ho∣norius late Pope of Rome, a companion, fautour, and cōfirmer, (saith he) of the others heresies in al pointes. After this, the Empe∣rour directeth his letters to the Synode at Rome of the VVesterne Bisshoppes, vvherein he commendeth their diligence about the confuting of the heresies. He describeth the miserable estate the Churche vvas in, by meanes of the Heresies: for, saith he, the inuentours of Heresies are made the chiefe Bis∣shoppes, they preached vnto the people contention in steade of peace, they sovved in the Churche for••vves, cockle for vvheate, and all Church mat∣ters vvere troubled, and cleane out of order. And because these things vvere thus disordered, and impietye consumed Godlines, wee sette forwarde thyther, whereunto, it becommed vs to di∣recte our goinge (meaninge to seeke by al meanes the redresse of these disorders in Churche matters) wee labour with earnestnes for the pure faith, wee attende vppon Godlines, and wee haue our speciall care aboute the Ecclesiasticall state. In considera∣tion vvhereof, vvee called the Bisshoppes out of farre distaunte places to this Synode, to sette a Godly peace and Quietnes in the Churche matters &c. To this epistle of the Emperour, Leo the seconde Bisshoppe of Rome, maketh aunsvvere (for Agatho vvas deade) bye letters, vvhere∣of this is the effecte. I geue thankes vnto the Kinge of Kinges, vvho hath bestovved on you an earthly Kingdome, in such vvyse, that he hath ge∣uen you therevvith a mind to seeke much more after heauenlye thinges.

Your pietye is the fruite of mercy, but your authoritye is the keper of Discipline: by that the Princes minde is ioyned to Godde: But bye this the subiectes receyue reformation of dis∣orders. Kinges ought to haue so muche care to refourme and correcte naughtynes amongest their subiectes, as to triumphe ouer their enemies: for in so dooinge they make their authoritye subiecte to serue him, bye whose gifte and

protection they reigne. VVherefore seinge that the holye mother the Churche, which is the Body of Christe, enioyeth by meanes of you her sincere and principall childe, an inuin∣cible soundnes. Therefore it is writen of you, moste mer∣cifull Prince, and of that same holye Churche dispersed throughout all the worlde, Kinges shalbe thy noursinge fa∣thers, and in like sorte it is writen, the honour of the Kinge loueth iudgement: in that you set much more by heauenly thā by earthly thinges, and doe preferre without comparison the right faith, before all worldly cares: what other doe yowe herein, than make right iudgement bonde and seruiceable to Goddes honour and religion, and to offer vnto his diuine Maiestye, an oblation and burnt Sacrifice, of sweete sauour vppon the aultar of your harte? God inspire, encrease and re∣plenishe your princelye harte, with the light of the Catho∣lique doctrine, whereby the clowdes of the hereticall praui∣ty, may be driuen away. I receyued most ioyfully the Syno∣dical actes, with your letters of highest authority, by the Le∣gates your humble seruauntes, whiche were sente vnto the Councell, from my predecessour Agatho, at your commaun∣demēt. VVherfore with thankes geuinge I crie vnto the Lord: O Lord saue our most Christian Kinge, and heare him in the day he calleth vpon thee: By whose godly trauaile the Apo∣stolike godly doctrine or Religion, shineth through the world, and the horrible darkenes of hereticall malice is vanished a∣way. For through your trauaile, God assisting the same, that mischiefe which the wicked crafte of the Deuill had brought in, is ouerthrowne: the benefit of the Christian Faith, that Christe gaue to the saluation of man, hath wonne the ouer hande. The holy and greate Generall Councell, whiche of late hathe beene congregate at Constantinople bye your (.279.) order and precepte: wherein for the seruice and Mi∣nisterie sake that ye owe to God, you had the chiefe rule and gouernemēt, hath in al points followed the doctrin of the Apo∣stles, and approued Fathers. I doe deteste therfore and curse

al Heretikes, yea Honorius also late Bishop of this sea, who la∣boured prophanely to betray and subuerte the immaculate faith. O holy Churche, the mother of the faithfull, arise, put of thy mourninge weede, and clothe thy selfe with ioyful appa∣raile, beholde thy Sonne the moste constant Constantine, of al Princes thy defendour, thy helpe•• (be not afraide) hath girded him selfe with the swoorde of Goddes woorde, wherewith he deuideth the miscreauntes from the Faithful: hath armed him selfe in the coate armour of Faith, and for his helmet the hope of Saluation. This newe Dauid and Constantine, hath vanquished the great Goliath thy boasting enemy, the very Prince and chieftayne of all mischiefe and errours the Deuill: and by his careful trauaile the righte faith hath recouered her brightnes, and shineth thorough the whole worlde.

Stapleton.

In al this one leaf and an half, and more there is nothing materiall but that may be auoyded by my former answere. And as touching Pope Honorius we might yelde, that for his owne person he was an heretyke, and accursed to, by the sentence of themperour, the synode, and the bisshop of Rome. I meane either that the pope is not the head of the Church: or that the Quene of England is supreame head there. Neither of these, shal he be able to proue by any col∣lection that he can bringe of Honorius his heresy while he lyueth. Yf he say, I haue alredy declared out of the Coun∣cell at Rome, in the tyme of kinge Theodoricus, that the Councel yt self could not iudge the Pope: I will graunte yt him, and will neuer steppe backe from yt. But then you muste Maister Horne, take of the fathers there assem∣bled, the vnderstandinge withall: that is, onlesse he swarue and straye from the fayth. Ye will nowe happelye replie a∣againe, and say: how shal thē the pope (whom ye make the

vniuersall bishop of the whole churche) direct the sayde churche in a true and a sownde fayth, him self being an heretyke? Or howe can yt be, but the whole or the greater parte of the churche, shall with the head miscarie also? Or howe ys yt true, that we heard at your handes euen nowe, that the churche of Rome was neuer caryed away with any errrour in fayth? Or howe is yt trewe, that ye sayd, that Peter had a pryuilege not onely for him self, but for hys successours also (which ye make the popes) not onely not to erre them selues, but also to confirme theire bre∣therne, and to remoue all errour from them? We answere that in case the Pope by his open lawe and decree made with the consent of his brethern in Synod or consistory, promulged to be obserued throwghe christendomme, do set forth any heresy, that your replies are good and effec∣tuall. But suche a decree ye haue not shewed, nor euer shall shewe. For, from making any suche lawe the bles∣sed hande of God doth vpholde, and euer hath vpholden, the popes for his promise sake. Promise, I saye, made to S. Peter, not for his owne priuat person, but for the safegard of the church, which otherwyse must nedes haue a great wracke in the fayth, if the Rock and head thereof shoulde publikly decree heresy. In case therefore the pope be pry∣uately a close heretycke to him self, or to other to, without any open setting forth or proclaiming his errour by a com∣mon lawe (as Honorius was, if he were an heretike) he is not proprely to be called an heretike as he is a Pope, nor the church of Rome can be said to haue erred. Neither the other inconueniences wil ensue that ye brought foorth.

But verely what soeuer Honorius in his owne person was, yet certein it is, that the See of Rome both in his tyme

and euer after, was alwaies clere of this heresy, yea ād was a contynual persecutor thereof. For both in the tyme of Honorius him self, Pirrhus the patriarche of Constanti∣nople was bannished by the Emperour Heraelius into Afrike at the suyte of the Churche of Rome (as Platina, Sabellicus and other do testifie) for this heresye: and also in the tyme of Theodorus the Pope within three yeres or there aboute after the decease of Honorius, this Pirrhus came out of Afrique to Rome, recanted there his He∣resye, and was by the Pope therefore reconciled: though afterward againe ad proprium impietatis vomitum repedauit. He retourned to the vomytte of his impietye. This Pope also Theodorus wrote to Paulus of Constantinople a de∣fender also of this heresye, warnyng and rebukinge him thereof.

Al this was before the tyme of this generall Coun∣cell and of Pope Agatho. And therefore notwithstan∣ding the priuate erroure of Honorius, whiche he neuer taughte or preached publiquely, but onely in letters com∣ming foorth in his name after his deathe, was surmised to be suche, yet Pope Agatho in his letters (redde and al∣lowed of the whole Councell) moste truely sayed, that his Predecessours kepte alwayes sownde and vnuiolated the faithe, and did also in this verye Heresye laboure continual∣lye with the Bisshoppes of Constantinople (Pyrrhus, Pau∣lus, Petrus, and Sergius) to haue it suppressed and extin∣guisshed.

So that as I sayed, though we graunte, that Honori∣us was an Heretique for his owne priuate opinion, yet that he or his Churche euer decreed or publiquely al∣lowed that Heresye, it can neuer truely be graunted.

And yet it seemeth verye straunge, that if Honorius were an Heretique, that Pope Agatho neyther in his letters reade in the whole Councell, where learnedly and particularlye he confuteth and recyteth all the Bis∣shoppes that helde that heresye, neyther yet in the let∣ters of the Romaine Synode of one hundred and fiue and twentye Bisshoppes redde also in the Councell na∣ming againe particularlie the Bisshoppes of that heresy, in neyther of them, I saye, shoulde ones name Honori∣us. For neyther coulde he be ignoraunte therof, ney∣ther coulde his dissimulation haue cloked the matter, but rather haue muche hasarded his creditte and esti∣mation, both with the Emperour, and with the whole Councell.

It is marueile also, that Zonaras a Greeke Writer, rea∣koning vppe of purpose all the Hereticall Bishoppes con∣demned in this sixt Generall Councell, nameth not yet at all, Honorius the Pope of Rome.

Farder it is verye likely, that if he were so knowen an Heretique, Venerable Bede liuing so shortlye after that time, and recording in his Ecclesiasticall Historie, diuerse of this Popes letters directed to oure Countrye, shoulde somewhere touche this matter, or shoulde not at the least so Authenticallie recite his doinges and wri∣tinges, as he dothe of other Popes before him, and after him. Verelie in his letters recorded in Sainte Bede, he commendeth highlye the bookes and woorkes of Sainte Gregory the first his Predecessour, in the whiche his he∣resye (if he helde any such) is, as by other Catholique Fa∣thers reiected.

But of this matter I haue also spoken against Maister Ie∣well: to the whiche this that I haue here saide, and that to this may be added. The Conclusion both here and there is that Honorius as Pope neuer decreed nor alowed this heresie or any other, nor was not as Pope condemned. And how it is to be vnderstanded, that the Pope may erre, and yet the Church of Rome not erre, because it is by M. Rastell sufficiently declared against M. Iewel, to that place I referre also the Reader. Al things in al places must not be said to the vnfruitfull werinesse bothe of the writer, and of the Reader.

Wheras now M. Horne enforceth his pretensed supre∣macy, for that the Synode offred to the Emperoure their definitiō subscribed with their hands, beseching him to exa¦mine and confirme the same, marke him good Reader, and eye him well. For in these three wordes, subscription, ex∣amination, and confirmation, lye couched two vntruths be∣sides two Legerdemaines: One mete for a Macarian, the other for a iolie fresh Grammarian. Your text M. Horne where it maketh mention of this subscription, neither spea∣keth of examination, nor yet of confirmation. And as for confirmation, we could beare it wel inough, sauing I know ye haue a shrewd meaning, that would not well be borne withal. And therefore for ones, we wil be so bolde to put yowe to your prouf, and desire you to shewe in this place any word of cōfirmation. I knowe he did confirme and ra∣tify this councel, as yt appereth otherwher. But wyth such a cōfirmation as the fathers could not vse: that is, banisshing the gainsayers putting them owte of his protection. But nowe to your examination.

Why M. Horne? After the Pope at Rome in his owne

person with a .125. Bishops, and after that his Legates with 289. Bishops at Constantinople, haue resolutely and defi∣nitiuely determined the matter against the Monothelites, hang al these doings vpon a new examination and appro∣bation of the Emperour, that if he like them not, then all is dasshed? Then haue the Fathers sponne a faire threde. Then haue ye now at length after long searching and hun∣ting in the acts of this Synode, beatē out somwhat for your purpose in dede. Goe on therfore M. Horne. Proue this, and then let your Emperour, a Gods name, haue set on his head, not only his Emperiall, but the Popes triple crowne too. Shew your cardes then, M. Horne: The whole Synode say you, offereth their defininitō subscribed with their handes to themperor, beseching him to examin and cōfirme the same. Wel said: But now in what part of the Councell lie these words? In so notable a mater and cōclusion as this is, why do ye not send your Reader to the leafe or to the action at least? And why is not this cōclusion with a ioly note, das∣shed into your margēt? Surely the occasion being so good, and the mater so importāt, there must nedes be some greate stay, that among so many ioly Notes, this only is omitted. Wote ye then what it is, good Readers? Forsoth a wōder∣ful stay in dede. For I assure you there are no such wordes in the Councel. He hath all this while outfaced vs with a card of ten. There is none other, but this, that Theodore the Deacon told th'Emperor: that he had at hand ready the Coūcels definition, to be read to him at his highnes wil ād plea∣sure. Whervpon th'emperour by and by answered: Let it be read. And when it was read, th'Emperour asked the Coū∣cel, whether they wer al agreed to the definition thē read, which when thei had al protested, by many acclamations,

th'Emperour subscribed also thervnto, not examinīg or tri∣yng it in any maner at al, but plainly protesting, that he was ready to obey as wel al the former Coūcels as that, and for their parts they shuld answer before God in the last iudge∣mēt, whether they had said wel or euil. Now whether re∣cēsendā doth signify to be examined, or to be recited ād re∣hersed, there is no more to do, M. Horne, but to call a faire quest of Grāmarians, your owne nigh neighbours at Win∣chester schole. And if they geue sentēce for you, thē let the Emperoure, as I haue sayed, weare the Popes threefolde Crowne.

Now for your other Macarian practise: ye haue dissem∣bled, as wel the Bishops subscription, which was as I haue shewed, iudicially done, definiendo, the Popes Legates sub∣scribing first: as also th'Emperours, which was only consen∣tiendo: by consenting: and put to after all the Bishoppes had subscribed.

There is yet an other Macarian feat played here by M. Horne worth the notyng both for a trial of his honesty ād for the Readers edifiyng. He hath made two special notes in his margin: the one, wherin consisteth the office of Bishops. The other: The princes most acceptable seruice to God. Two good notes in dede and wel worth the noting, if thei be vprightly noted.

The office of Bishoppes is, as M. Horne alleageth, to deliuer vnto the Churche the faith of Christe most pure and cleane. But how, he telleth not. His feate is quite to nippe of the wordes immediately folowing, which are these. (Sicut praedictum est) Quatenus secūdum sancta & vniuersa∣lia quinque Concilia & statuta sanctorum venerabilium patrū, ita eam nos custodiamus vsque in mortem. To thentent that

(as we haue before saied, saieth the Emperour) we also may kepe the faith, euen to deathe according to the fiue holy and generall Councels, and according to the decrees of the holy Reuerent Fathers. If you had put this clause to the office of Bishops, M. Horn, as the Emperour did, al En∣gland should haue sene that you and your fellowes were no Bishops, who so lightly and so impudētly condemne the doctrine of the holy fathers, and do allowe but fower ge∣nerall Councels, as your bretherne here in Antwerpe do allowe but three. But it went against your conscience, to tell that, which should condemne your conscience. Like∣wise in the princes seruice to God, you saie: the Emperour protested his zeale, to conserue the Christian faith vndefi∣led: but you leaue out againe, what he saieth immediatly after: secundùm doctrinam atque traditionem quae tradita est nobis tam per Euangelium, quámque per sanctos Apostolos, & statuta sanctorum quinque vniuersalium Conciliorum, sancto∣rúmque probabilium patrum. According to the doctrine and tradition deliuered vnto vs aswel by the Gospell, as by the holye Apostles, and by the decrees of the fiue holye General Councels, and of the holye approued fathers. If you had told this parte of the princes duetye, and had geuen the Emperour leaue to tell out his whole tale, the Reader shoulde sone haue espied, what damnable wretches yowe are, that persuade Princes to professe the Gospell onelye with out regarde of former Coun∣cels, and of the traditions of the holy fathers. And then your two marginal notes, either would not at al bene no∣ted, or at least to your vtter shame haue ben readen. Other your nippinges and curtallinges of your places might here be noted.

As that in the Councels request to the Emperour, for ratifieng their determination with his edict, you leaue out ex more after the maner, wherby is insinuated a customable practise of Emperours (as we sawe before in Iustinian) to procure by edictes and proclamations the execution of Councels. As also in your long allegation of pope Leo his letters (which al we graunt vnto you, and you neuer the nerer) we might note at the least half a dosen such nippin∣ges and manglinges of the text. But I thinck, M. Horne (all that hath ben saied being wel considered) you looke for no greate triumphe, for this fielde: But are content to blowe the retrayte. Be it so then.

M. Horne. The .92. Diuision. pag. 55. a.

Bamba King of Spaine commaunded a Synod to be had at Toletum in the fourthe yeere of his reigne: the occasion vvas this. There had beene no Synode by the space of .18. yeeres before, as it is saide in the preface to this Councell, by meanes vvhereof the vvorde of God vvas despised, the Churche disciplicine neglected, all Godly order distourbed, and the Churche toste and tumbled, as a shippe vvithout a rovver and sterne, (meaning a Kinge to call them togeather in Synode). By the carefull zeale of this Kinge, beyng cal∣led togeather they consulte hovv to refourme errores about Faithe, corrup∣tion of discipline, and other disorders againste godlines and Religion. And at the ende they doo geue great thankes vnto the noble and vertuous Kinge, by vvhose ordinaunce and carefull endeuour, they vvere (.280). commaunded to this consultation: vvho as they affirme of him, comming as a nevve repayrer of the Ecclesiasticall discipline in these times, not onely intended to restore the orders of the Councelles before this time omitted, but also hath decreed and appointed, yeerely Synodes to bee kepte hereafter.

Eringius kinge of Spaine commaundeth the Bishopps and other of his Clergie, to assemble togeather at Toletum in one Synode the first yere of his reigne. And called an other to the same place, the fourth yeere of his reigne: to consulte about reformation of the Churche discipline. VVhen the

Bishoppes, and the residue of the Cleargy vvere assembled in their conuoca∣tion, at the commaundemente of the king: he him selfe vvith many of his no∣bilitie and counsailours, commeth in to them: he declareth the cause vvhere∣fore he summoned this Synode: he shevveth the miseries the vvhole countrey hath susteined, and the plagues: he declareth the cause, to be Goddes vvrathe kindled by meanes of the contempte of Goddes vvorde and commaundement: And he exhorteth them that they vvil vvith Godly zeale, study ••o purge the land from prauity, by preaching, and exercise of Godly discipline, and that zealously. He doth exhort his Nobles, that vvere there presente, that they also vvould care diligently for the futherance hereof: he deliuereth vnto the Synode a booke, conteining the principall matter vvherof they should con∣sulte. And last of all, he promiseth by his hande subscription, that he vvil con∣firme and ratifie vvhat the clergy and nobility shall conclude, touching these articles, for the furtherance of godlines and Church Discipline.

Egita, Kinge of Spayne, (.281.) caused in his time also three Councelles to be hadde and celebrated at Toletum, for the preseruation of Religion, vvith the Church Discipline in sincerity and puritie: vvho also confirmed and ratified the same vvith his Royal assent and authority.

The .6. Chapter. Of three Kings of Spaine, and of the three later Toletane Councels kept in their reignes.

Stapleton.

ALM. Hornes force is now sodenly remoued from Constantinople to Spaine, where he now bloweth a larme againe. But God be thanked for all this great fighte, there is litle hurte donne. Yea after all this tos∣sing and turmoiling, and after all his great sturre and broile againste the pope and the clergy, he is vppon the soden be∣comme suche an entiere and so well affectioned frende to them, that (but I trowe vnwares, and therfore worthy the lesse thanke) he transporteth the supreame authority as well in temporall as spirituall matters from the king to the clergy. For I beseache you M. Horne, are not dyuers of

the maters specified in the twelueth and thirtenth Coun∣cell at Toledo plaine Ciuile and Temporall? As con∣cerning the confirmation of King Ernigius royall Autho∣ritie succeeding to Kinge Bamba being shorne a Monke? Concerning the release and exoneration of the people from certaine grieuouse payementes and exactions? Concer∣ninge also the goods of certaine Traytours with such like? Dothe not the Kinge praye the Prelates to discusse his re∣quests with their iudgementes? Doe not they confirme his royall Authoritie with their Synodicall Decree? Doth not the Kinge in his booke offred to the Councell saye, that he moste humblie and deuoutlye lyeth prostrate before their Reuerente assemblie? Coram caetus vestri reuerentia humilis deuotusque prosternor? Dothe he not desire them cōcerning his other ciuil ordināces, to put to their strōg and helping hand? Doth he not plainly say, that what so euer the holy assemblie of Bisshops decreeth to be ob∣serued, is by the gift of the holy Ghoste established for euer? Let me now, Gentle Reader, play Maister Horne his parte, and make for me his accustomable conclusion. The King requireth of the Clergy the confirmation of his Decrees and ordinaunces, as wel concerning matters of Faith and Religion, as cōcerning Ciuil maters: Ergo the Clergy hath the Superioritye in bothe. And with this Argument, dothe Maister Horne lappe vppe here his Spannishe matters. Sauing that he telleth vs of three other Councels holden at Toletum vnder Egita their King, which in all the vo∣lumes of the Councels appeare not, this vnder Eringius, the .13. in number being the last: and therefore till he tell

vs, where those Councelles may be founde, seing he hath so often belyed the knowen Histories, I will make no curtesie to note this for an Vntruth also, this being a mater so vtterly vnknowen.

And nowe farewell Spaine for this time. For Maister Horne hath manie other mightie, large, and farre Coun∣tries to bring vnder his conquest and Supremacie: as wel truely, as he hath already conquered Spaine: which will be to leese the fielde and all his matter, gladde to escape with body and soule: with small triumphe, and shame enough. Goe to then Maister Horne, and take your iourney when and whither it pleaseth you. Yow will wishe, I trowe, when you haue all sayed and done, that you had taryed at home and let this greate enterprise alone.

M. Horne. The .93. Diuision. pag. 55. b.

Although about this time the Popes deuised (282) horible practises, vvher∣by to vvinne them selues from vnder the ouer sight and comptrolment of the Emperour or any other, and to haue the onely and Supreame au∣thoritye in them selues ouer all, as (.283.) they had alreadie obteined to their Churche the Supreame Title, to be Heade of other Churches: Yet the Emperours had not altogeather surrendred from them selues to the Popes, their Authoritie and iurisdictions in Churche matters. For vvhen the Church vvas grieuouslye vexed vvith the controuersie aboute Images, there vvere diuerse greate Synodes or Councelles called for the decidinge of that troublesome matter by the Emperours: and at the laste, that vvhiche is called the Seuenth General or Oecumenical Councel vvas caled and summoned to be holden at Nice in Bythinia, by Constantine and Irene the Empresse his Moother, vvho vvas the Su∣preame vvoorker and Gouernour (although but an (.284.) ignorant and verye superstitious vvoman, I vvill say no vvoorse) in this matter.

For her Sonne vvas but aboute tenne yeeres olde, as Zonaras affir∣meth, and she had the vvhole rule, although he bare the name. After the deathe of Paule, the Emperour appoincted Tarasius the Secretary to be Patriarche at Constantinople, the people lyked vvell thereof. But Tara∣sius the Emperours Secretarie refused the office, and vvoulde not take it vppon him, till the Emperour had promised to call a generall Councell, to quiete the (.285.) bravvles in the Churche aboute Images. The Emperour vvriteth to the Patriarche of olde Rome, and to the other Patriarches, vvilling them to sende their Legates, vnto a Councell to bee holden at Nice in Bithynia. The Bishoppes assemble at Nice by the commaundement and decree of the Emperour, as they confesse in diuerse places of this Coun∣cell. VVhan the Bishoppes vvere sette in Councell, and many Lay persons of the nobility vvith them: and the holy Ghospelles vvere brought foorth, as the maner vvas (although the holy Gospells vver not made (.286.) Iudges in this councell, as they ought to haue been, and vvere in al the fore∣named general Councels) Tarasius commēdeth the vigilant care and fer∣uent zeale of the Emperours, aboute Churche matters: for ordering and pacifiyng vvherof, they haue called, saith he, this councell. The Empe∣rour sendeth vnto he Synod, certein counsailours vvith the Emperours letters patentes, to this effect. Constantinus and Irene, to the Bis∣shoppes assembled in the secōd Nicene Synode, by Gods grace our fauour and the commaundement of our Emperiall autho∣ritie. He shevveth that it apperteyneth to the emperial office, to main∣teine the peace, concord, and vnity, of the vvhole Romayne Empire, but especially to preserue the estate of Gods holy Churches, vvith all possible care and councell. For this cause, he hath vvith paine gathered this councel together: geueth licēce also and liberty to euery mā vvithout al feare, to vt∣ter his mind and iudgemēt frankely: to the end the truth may the better ap∣peare. He shevveth the order he obserued, in making Tarasius Bishop: He prescribeth vnto the Bishopps vvhat is their office, ād vvhat they should doo: propounding vnto thē the holy Ghospelles, as the right and (287.) onely true rule they should folovve. After this be mentioneth letters brought from the Bishop of Rome by his Legates, the vvhiche he cōmaundeth to be opēly redde in the councel: and so appointeth also other thinges that they should reade. There vvas (.288.) nothing attempted or done in this councel, vvithout the

autority of the Emperours, as in all the former generall councels.

And so at the end, the vvhole Councell put vppe a supplication to the Empe∣rour, for the (.289.) ratifiyng of al their doings. The vvhiche vvhen the Emperour had heard openly recited and read vnto them, they forthvvith al∣lovved, signed, and sealed.

The .7. Coapter. Of the .7. General Councel holden at Nice.

Stapleton.

PHY on all shamelesse impudencie. Doth it not shame you M. Horne ones to name this .7. Generall Coun∣cell, which doth so plainly accurse you and your fel∣lowes, for your detestable saiyngs, writings, and doings, a∣gainst the holy Images, and against all such as call them I∣dols, as ye doe in this your booke? Yf the authority of this Coūcel furnished with the presence of .350. Bisshops, esta∣blished with the cōsente of the Pope, and the foure other Patriarches, and euer since of all Catholike people both in the Latine and Greke Church highly reuerēced, may take no force, I know not what law eclesiastical may or ought to take force. Yf you and your fellowes be no heretikes (and it were but for this point onely) according to the rule and prescription, before by me out of the Emperour Iusti∣nians writings rehearsed, who is, was, or euer shall be, an heretike? And can ye then for verye shame medle with the Councel, yea to craue aide of this Councel to healpe you to erect your newe Papalitie? Out vpon this your exceding shamelesse demeanour. Yet were your impu∣dencie, the more to be borne withal, if beside the matter of Images, there were not also, most open and euident te∣stimonie of the Popes Supremacie in this Synode. Cer∣tainelye as in the Councell of Chalcedo, after Pope Leos letters were read, and in the sixt Generall Councell, after

Agathos letters were read: all the fathers receiued and al∣lowed, and highly reuerenced the said letters, and were directed by them, towchinge matters of fayth then being controuersed: Euen so yt fared also here. The letters that Pope Adrianus sent to thēperour, and to the Patriarche of Constātinople towching the Reuerēd Images beinge pro∣poned ād reade to these Fathers, they did most vniformely, and most ioyfullie cōdescēde to the cōtentes of thē: And in ful testimony therof, eche one set to hys hād ād subscriptiō. The sayd Adriā writeth to Tarasius the patriarche of Cōstā¦tinople, that ōlesse, he had wel knowen Tarasius good syn∣cere zeale, ād catholike fayth touching Images, ād the sixe general coūcels, that he would neuer haue cōsented to the cal¦ling of any Councell. Wherby ye see M. Horn that the Pope hath such a voyce negatyue, in summonyng and ratifiyng of Coūcels, that if he only had drawē backe, it had bene no lawful Councel: According as the old Canon alleaged in the ecclesiasticall story commaundeth, that without the Popes Authorityte no Councel ought to be kept, and according as for that only cause diuers coūcels were abolished, as the Antiochian in the East, and the Ariminense in the West. And the sayed Pope Adrian saieth to Tarasius. Vnde & ipse Beatus Petrus Apostolus Dei iussu Ecclesiam pascens nihil om∣nino praetermisit sed vbique principatum obtinuit & obtinet: cui etiam & nostrae beatae & Apostolicae sedi, quae est omnium Ecclesiarum Dei caput, velim beata vestra sanctitas ex sincera mente & toto corde agglutinetur. Saynte Peter feding the Churche by Gods commaundemēt hath omitted nothing at all, but euer hath had the principality, and nowe hath: to whome and to our blessed and Apostolyke see, whiche is the Head of all Gods Churches, I would wish your bles∣sed

holines wythe syncere mynd, and withall your heart to ioyne your self. The Emperour hym self sayth, that the councel was called by synodical letters sente frō the most holy patriarch. And a litle after, by whose exhortatiō ād in a māner cōmaundemēt we haue called you together, saith th'Emperour to the bis••hops. The Popes Legates are named first and sub∣scribe first: The Popes letters were read first of all in the Councel: And that (Tarasius him selfe confesseth) Praeroga∣tiua quadam. For a certeyn prerogatiue dewe to the Pope. Other places also of like agreablenes ye shal find here.

These be the letters M. Horn, that ye speak of, which as ye say thēperor cōmaūded to be read opēly. Wherwith, that ye dare for shame of th'world ones to medle, as also to talk of the story of Paulus ād Tarasius, I can not but most won∣derfully maruayle at. This Paulus was patriarche of Cōstā∣tinople immediatly before Tarasius, and volūtarily renoū∣ced the same office, and became a monke, mynding to doe some penāce the residue of his lyfe, for that he had set forth the wycked doings and decrees of themperours against the images. The Emperour was verye desirous to place Tarasius in hys roome, but he was as vnwilling to re∣ceyue that dignity. And whē the Emperour vrged ād pres∣sed hym vehemētly: he answered. How cā I take vpon me to be Bishop of thys see, being sondred frō the residew of Christes Church▪ ād wrapped in excōmunication. Is not this then pre∣tely ād gayly done of M. Horn, to take this coūcel as a trō∣pet in hys hand, to blowe and proclaime hym self to all the world an heretyke? Pleade on a pase M. Horne, as ye haue done, and yow shall purchase your self at length great glo∣ry: as great as euer had he that burnte the tēple of Diana, to wyn to him self a perpetuall memorye. To the which your glorious tytle for the encrease and amplifying of the same,

let your Vntruthes, which are here thicke and threefolde be also adioyned. That the Popes about this time deuised horrible practises, to haue to them selues only the supreme authority: that Irene Constantines Mother was an igno∣rant and a superstitious woman: that the matters in the .7. Generall Councel were not iudged according to the Go∣spelles: that there was nothing attempted or done in this Councell without the authority of the Emperour. In all this I heare very bolde asseuerations, but as for proufes, I finde none: And none wil be found when M. Horne hath done bis best, this yeare, nor the next neyther.

M. Horne. The .94. Diuision. pag. 57. a.

Gregorius .3. sent into Fraunce for succour to Charles Martell, yel∣ding and (.290.) surrendring vp vnto him, that vvhiche the Pope had so long sought, by all subtile and mischieuous meanes, to spoile the Emperoure and the Princes of. This same Gregory the third (saith Martinus Poenitē∣tiarius) VVhan Rome was besieged by the king of Lombar∣dy, sent by shippe vnto Charles Martell, Pipines father, the Keyes (.291.) of S. Peters confession, beseeching him to deli∣uer the Church of Rome from the Lombardes. By the keyes of S. Peters confession, he meaneth (.292.) al the preheminence, dignitie, and iu∣risdiction, that the Popes claime to them selues (more and besides that, vvhich al other church ministers haue) ouer and aboue all manner persons Ecclesiastical or Temporal, as geuen of Christ onely to S. Peter, for his con∣fession, and so from him to the Popes of Rome by lineall succession. Seinge that this Pope vvho vvas passingly vvell learned, both in diuine and pro∣phane learning, and no lesse godly, stout, and constant (if you vvill beleeue Platina) (.293.) yeldeth and commiteth all this iurisdiction and claime that he hath, ouer all persons Ecclesiastical and Temporall, so vvel in cau∣ses Ecclesiasticall as Temporall, vnto Charles Martell a laie Prince, and great Maister of Fraunce: it appeareth that Princes may laufully haue the rule, gouernment, and charge, in Church matters. The heires and succes∣sours

of this Charles Martell, did keepe these keyes from rusting. They ex∣ercised the same iurisdictiō and gouernmēt in Ecclesiastical causes, that the Emperours and Kings had don, from the tyme of Constātine the great, vntil their tyme, vvhich vvas almost .400. yeres. For Carolomanus (.294.) sonne to King Pepin, and nephevv to Charles Martel, no lesse Princelike than Chri∣stianly, exercised this his (.295.) Supreme authority in Ecclesiastical causes, and made notable reformation of the Ecclesiastical state. He summoned a Councel of his Clergy, both Bisshoppes and Priestes .742. yere from the incar∣nation of Christ: vvherein also he him selfe sate vvith many of his nobles and counsailours. He shevveth the cause vvhy he called this Synode. That they should geue aduise (saith he) howe the Lawe of God and the Churche religion (meaning the order and discipline) may be restored againe, which in the tyme of my predecessours, being broken in sonder, fell cleane away. Also by what meanes the Christiā people may attaine to the saluation of their soules, and perishe not, being deceiued by false priestes. He declareth vvhat ordinaun∣ces and decrers vvere made (.296.) by his authoriy in that Synode. VVe did ordein Bishops through the Cities (saith he) by the coūcel of the Priests, ād my nobles, ād did cōstitute Bonifaci{us} to be the Arch∣bisshop ouer them (.297.) VVe haue also decreed a Synode to ••e ca••••e•• together euery yere, that the decrees of the Canons, and the Lawes of the Churche, may be repaired in our pre∣sence, and the Christian Religion amended. &c. That the mo∣ney vvhereof the Churches haue been defrauded, be restored. VVe haue degraded the false Priestes, Deacons, and Clerkes, being adul∣terers, and fornicatours, and haue driuē them to penaunce. VVe haue vtterly forbidden, al maner hūting and haukīg to the Clergy. VVe decree also, that euery priest dvvellīg in the diocese, be subiect vnto his ovvn bisshop, and that alvvaies in Lent, he make an accōpt and shhevv to the bishop the maner ād order of his ministery, touching baptism, the Catholik faith, praiers and the order of Masses. And vvhāsoeuer the bishop shal go his circuite to cō∣firm the people, the priest shalbe ready to receiue hī vvith collectiō ād helpe of the people. That the priest seke for nevv Chrism alvvaies on Maūdy thursday at the bishops hād, that the bishop may be a vvitnes of his chast life, of his faith and doctrine. VVe decree further, that no vnknovven bishop or Priest,

be admitted into the Churche ministerye, before he be allovved bye the Sy∣node. He maketh many such like, for the reformation of the Clergy, in vvhat sort they shalbe punished, yf they commit vvho••dome, and likevvise againste sorcery, vvitchcraft, diuinacions, incantations, and al kind of prophane super∣stitions. If ther vvere no more examples of any Church history, but this (298) of Caloroman, it vvoulde suffice to make plaine that to the Princes autho∣ritye apperteineth, to make Lavves, and to the Clergye to ge•••• him coun∣saile out of Gods vvorde, hovv to frame the discipline, to the edifiyng of Gods Church.

The .8. Chapter: Of Charles Martell, and of the keyes of S. Peters Confession.

Stapleton.

AS farre as I can see, al M. Hornes noble prowes and great conquests haue bene and shal be vpon the lāde. By the which he hath brought and will bring (yf ye wil belieue him) vnder his newe Papacy many greate and noble countries: yea Moscouia and Aethiopia to. But hap∣pye yt is, that he is not yet come to the Late newe foūde Landes: where the newe Christian people doe as faste, and as reuerently embrace the Popes authority, as we, af∣ter we haue bene Christian men nowe these thowsande yeares, doe reiecte yt, and that with moste shamefull vi∣lany. But as I said, I fynde no martiall actes of M Hornes, vpon the sea, but this onely, which is so notable and won∣derful, that this one way serue for all. For Lo he carieth all the Popes authoritye awaye in a shippe, to Fraunce: sente thyt••er by the Pope him selfe, as him selfe saieth. For as muche as he sent to Carolus Martellus, the keyes of Saint Peters confession. So that nowe the Pope hathe, beinge therto forced by Maister Horne, belyke in some

terrible combat vppon the seas with sending these keyes, so spoyled him selfe of all his iurisdiction, that he hath no more lefte, then haue all other Ministers of the Churche, and euerye other poore selye Sir Iohn. This is Maister Horne, a iolye triumphante victorye, as euer I reade or hearde of: and these be as wonderfull keyes. Some great and stronge wonders haue I reade, done by keyes. As in Italye, that suche as be bytten with madde dogges haue bene cured by the Churche doore keye of Saint Bellins Churche: who beinge a blessed man, died al to torne with dogges. And this is writen of a greate learned man of late memorie, borne aboute those quarters. I haue reade also, of meruelouse greate miracles done by keyes, that hadde towched the holye reliques of Saint Peter at Rome: writen by Sainte Gregorye, our Apostle, as a thynge moste certainelye and notoriouslye to him and to others knowen. But yet Maister Horne these your keyes seame to me incomparablye to passe all other: And for the straungnes of the matter, and for my better instruction, I woulde full fayne be resolued at your handes but of two dowbtes that trouble and incomber me.

First seinge that this Pope, as Maister Horne reciteth out of P••••••ina, passingly well learned bothe in diuine and pro∣phane l••••rninge, and no lesse godlye, stoute, and constante, hath yelded ouer to a laye Prince (by sendinge to him in a shippe Saint Peters keyes) all his iurisdiction and clayme, that he hadde ouer all causes Ecclesiasticall or temporall, yet for all this good Maister Horne, in this so weightye a matter, I woulde craue at your handes a litle of your good helpe to satisfie my mynde, yea and your wise discrete rea∣ders mynde to.

For I hauing but a dull insight in such matters, for my part, see no great wisedome, vertue, or learning, and lesse stout∣nesse in Gregorie for theis his doings. Your authors in this storie, are here, Martinus and Platina. Yf we shall by them measure his wisdome and stowtenes, and other qualities whithal: yt was partly, for that by his great carefulnes he procured, that Rome being oppressed by the kinge of Lom∣bardie, was releyued: partlie and that most of al for that by a councel holden at Rome almoste of one thowsande bis∣shops, he condemned and accursed the wycked Emperour of Constantinople Leo, for defacyng againe after the 7. Ge∣nerall Councel (beinge persuaded thereto by an hereticall monke) the holy images, as your authour Martinus in Gre∣gories storie writeth: And Platina sayth, that he both excō∣municated themperour Leo, and by sentence declared him to be no Emperour. And so not whithstāding the keies of S. Peter were sent away by shippe, he reserued to him self one of S. Peters keyes, and a litle more authoritie then ye were ware of, yea so much, that he hath geuen you a sore blowe in the face whith his key, ād declared, you ād your fellowes, and your great Emperour to, verie arrant heretyks. I must now ons again be so bolde as to trouble your wisedome: with an other as necessarie a question, and that is: by what authoritye ye auouche, that theis keyes were nothing else, but the popes supreame authoritie and iurisdictiō? Your au∣thors Martinus and Platina say no such thing: No nor anie other, that I could euer chaūce vppō. If this be your owne newe freshe inuention, then haue yowe a iolie pregnante wytte, and ye haue deceyued aswel others, as the late re∣uerent father, M. Bayne, late bishop of Lichfeld and Couē∣trie, his expectation, somtime your reader in Cābridge, that

was wont to call yow quouis connu duriorem: that is, harder then any Horn. But I pray you good Sir is your authority inuoydable? Must we neads sing sanctus, sanctus, sanctus, to al your sayings? and say of you as Pythagoras schollers were wont to say: ipse dixi••: ād reason no further? Let poore blont fellowes be so bold vppon yowe for ones, to heare frō you some better authoritye then your owne naked worde for this noble exposition. Namely seing that your boke is not authorised, by the Quenes cōmissioners, as some others are. And thowgh yt wer, yet might we craue so much at your hands, seing that yowe auouche that, whiche (for all your prety exposition) was not done by this Gregorie, nor could possible be done, onlesse he had bene as frantycke as euer was madde Collyns of Bethelem. Nor I trowe, anie man woulde make or belieue anie suche fonde declarations, but suche as haue lost theyr fyue wyttes. And therefore I say, of all your shameful lies, this maye be crowned for a noto∣riouse, a captayne and an Imperiall Lie.

For wil you see gētle Readers, what were in dede these miraculous keyes that M. Horn hath with such a straunge Metamorphosis turned into al the preeminence, dignitie, and Iurisdlction that the Pope hath aboue other Church Ministers? Verely not in al the xiiij. bookes of Ouides Metamorpho∣sis can there be founde, a more fabulous, more ridiculous, or more vnsauery and vnsensible chaunge, thoughe he talke there of full many, as of men and wemen chaunged into birds, into stones, into bestes, into starres, and into I can not tel what, then is this one most singular and rare inuented Metamorphosis of M. Hornes exacte deuise. And truly M. Horn you hauing such a nūber of good versyfiers to your neighbours, in the famous and wel ordered schole of Win∣chester,

it shoulde be an eternal monument of your singu∣lar witte, if you did procure this your excellent Metamor∣phosis to be put also in verses, and to be adioyned to the other of Ouides, for the rarite and singularnesse thereof. Suche as I trowe all Europe, yea all the wide worlde a∣gaine will not be able to shewe the like. Well: In the meane season that the worthy memory hereof may not vtterly be extinguished, I will shortelye and rudelye sha∣dowe it out, leauing to more excellent wittes, and con∣ning workemen (of which you shall not want M. Horne, if you earnestlye procure them) to sette it forthe in his coulours. First then it is to be vnderstanded gentle Rea∣ders, that bothe before the time of this Gregory .3. and in his time, and after his time, the toumbe, chappell or mo∣nument where S. Peters body laye in Rome, was called of the Romayn writers Confessio B. Petri. S. Peters Confes∣sion. Witnesse hereof before the time of Gregory. the .3. is the Pontificall of Damasus, as Georgius Cassander hath noted out of Petrus Vrbeuetanus. Thus Cassander writeth vpon the worde Confessio. Frequens est haec vox in Pontifi∣cali Damasi. Ante Confessionem S. Petri, de qua P. Vrb. Con∣fessio, inquit, Capsa vel sepulchrum, vel potius corpus B. Petri conditum sub altari. This worde Confessio, saieth Cassander is often founde in the Pontificall of Damasus. Before S. Peters Confession. Whereof Petrus V••beuetanus saieth. By S. Peters Confession is meante, t••e Cophyn or toumbe, or rather the body of S. Peter layed vnder the Aultar.

This was a phrase to expresse that place, where the me∣mory of S. Peter and of his most blessed Cōfessiō cōfessing there Christ, and dying there a glorious Martyr for Christ was by the blessed Relike of his bodye there present, ho∣noured

and contynewed. In the life of Gregory .3. it is wri∣ten of a Synod of .93. bishops holden in S. Peters Chappel at Rome: Coram sacrosancta Confessione Sacratissimi corporis B. Petri residentibus & caet. The bishops sittinge before the holy Confession of the moste blessed body of S. Peter. And with the like phrase it is writen of Zacharias his succes∣sour, that he offred vp before the Confession of S. Peter many Iewels and much treasure. Such phrases are ryfe in the 2. Tome of the Councels, and in the writers of those ages. This beinge firste knowen, lette vs nowe con∣sider the allegation of M. Horne. He saieth Gregory .3. sent by shippe to Charles Martell, the keyes of S. Peters Confession. His Author is Martinus poenitentiarius, one of the poenitentiaries at Rome. The latin of Martinus is this. Claues ex Confessione B. Petri Apostoli accipiens, direxit na∣uali itinere. Here M. Horne hath clerkly turned: Claues ex Confessione B. Petri, The keyes of S. Peters Confession. The latin of this Englishe, were. Claues Confessionis, not Claues ex Confessione. As if I should saie, Claues ex Ecclesia direxit. It were not well Englished I trowe. He sent the keyes of the Churche. But: He sent kayes from the Churche: Which mighte be other keyes pardie, then the Churche keyes. And so is it in this place. Pope Gregory the thyrd sent to Charles Martell, keyes from the Confession of S. Pe∣ter. But not: the keyes of S. Peters confession. The keyes of S. Peters Confession were Claues Regni coelorum: the keyes of the kingdome of heauen, whiche Christe gaue to Pe∣ter, and to onely Peter. And the whiche were not I trowe materiall keyes, suche as might be sente awaye, ei∣ther by sea, or by lande. But keyes from S. Peters Con∣fession were keyes from the body of S. Peter: keyes which

had touched that holy relike, and which by that touch was made it selfe a Relike. Howe proue we this, you say? For∣soth very plainely and euidently by a witnesse well nere a thousande yeres olde, by one of the foure Doctours of the Churche, by our Apostle, learned S. Gregory the first. Such keyes from S. Peters confession to be sent to de∣uoute persons for holy Relikes, was in his tyme and longe before his tyme an vsuall matter. S. Gregory writing to Secundinus an Anachoret (as it seemeth) amonge other re∣likes, as an Image of our Sauiour, of our Lady, and of S. Peter and Paule, and a Crosse also, mentioneth also this kinde of Relike, sayinge. Clauim etiam pro benedictione à sanctissimo Corpore Petri Apostolorum principis &c. We sende you also by this bearer, a keye for a benediction from the most holye bodye of Peter the Prince of the Apo∣stles. A keye from the body, was a keye that hadde tou∣ched the body, or the place where the body was inter∣red. And wil M. Horne nowe say, that S. Gregory sent a∣way to this poore Anchoret his whole preeminence, digni∣ty, and iurisdiction &c? Or because he sent also to one Theo∣dorus a Physitian of Constantinople, Clauem à sacratissimo Petri Corpore, a keye from the most holy body of S. Peter, thinketh M. Horne, that this Physitian had, All the Popes preeminence and iurisdiction geuen him? Or because in like maner he sent to Theotistas and Andreas, two noble men aboute the Emperour, for a benediction of Saint Peter, Clauem à sacratissimo eius corpore, a keye from his moste holye bodye, were they also promoted wyth all the Popes preeminence, dignitye and Iurisdiction, as you affirme Charles Martell was here of Pope Gregory .3. for hauinge suche a Relike sent him by shippe?

S. Gregory saied, he sent those keyes for a Benediction, not for a Iurisdiction. He sent it to the Anchoret, vt per ipsum a maligno defenderetur, cuius signo munitum se crederet. That by him from the deuil he might be defended, by whose to∣ken or remembrance he thoughte him selfe garded. He sent it to Theodorus the Phisicyan, with a piece of S. Pe∣ters chayne enclosed, vt quod illius collum ligauit ad marty∣rum, vestrum ab omnibus peccatis soluat. that the same which had tyed S. Peters necke to martyrdom, may lose yours (saieth S. Gregory to the Physitian) from all sinnes, mea∣ninge from the paynes of synnes. He sent it to the two Noble men, vt per quam omnipotens Deus superbientem & perfidum hominem peremit, per eam vos (qui eum timetis & diligitis) & praesentem salutem & aeternam habere valea∣tis. To thentent that as by that keye God ( miraculously) shewe a proude and wretched man, so by it you (saieth he to them) whiche feare God and loue God, may haue also bothe present sauegarde and euerlastinge. This was M. Horne the popes meaninges and intentes in sendinge to deuoute persons, to Noble men, and to princes, such re∣likes of keyes from the Confession, that is from the body or chappell of S. Peter. And thus whereas M. Horne, by his wonderfull inuentyue wytte had made a straunge me∣tamorphosis, of a Relique from S. Peters body, into al the preeminence dignitie and Iurisdictiō of the Pope aboue other Churche Ministers, they are nowe agayne by a happy re∣uolution, God be thanked, returned to their former shape, and appere as they did before, in their owne natural like∣nesse. And that wythe more truthe a greate deale, then Lucians Asse hauing trotted many yeres ouer downes and dales, came at lengthe by eating of red roses to be Lucian

him selfe agayne as it was before, and as they saie, it was neuer other.

But if M. Horne notwithstanding al this, wil yet vphold his straunge metamorphosis, and delight him selfe stil ther∣in, the rather bicause S. Gregory in al those places speaketh but of a keye, and not of keyes, as Gregory the .3. is saied to haue sente to Charles Martell: then lo M. Horne for your ful satisfaction in this poynt, yet an other place of S. Gre∣gory, wherein he sendeth euen keyes also. Writing to Co∣lumbus a bishop of Numidia, at the ende of his letters he sayeth. Etiam Claues beati Petri in quibus de cathenis ipsius inclusum est, tibi pro benedictione transmisi. I haue sent you also by this bearer the keyes of S. Peter, in which there is of his chaynes enclosed for a benediction. Lo M. Horne here are sent to a bishop of Numidia not the keyes from or of S. Peters Confession (which you see are but keyes of or from his toumbe or body) as to Charles Martell onely were sent, but the very keyes of S. Peter him selfe. But what? Had that bishoppe therefore all the popes preemi∣nence and Iurisdiction sent him? Nay this notwithstan∣dinge, what Iurisdiction and supreme gouernement thys verye pope practised ouer Numidia and all Afrike to, bothe in these very letters partlye appereth, and more largely it maye appeare, if you vóuchesafe M. Horne to reade that litle onely which in this matter I haue saied to your pewefelowe M. Iewell, in my laste Returne of vn∣truthes vppon his moste lyinge Replie. And here you heare S. Gregory saie he sent him, these keyes, pro benedi∣ctione: For a benediction, not for a Iurisdiction. For a ho∣ly Relike: not for a supreme dignitie. For a deuoute re∣membraunce, not for a princelye preeminence: As you

moste fondelye and ignorantlye do pronounce. Yea and this you so folowe and pursewe from hence forewarde, as the very grounde and foundation of all the Supreme gouernement, whiche you woulde so fayne fasten vppon princes heads, a thinge of them neuer yet so much as de∣sired or dreamed of.

For lo vpon this ioyly grounde you buylde and say. The heyres and successours of this Charles Martell, did keepe these keyes from rustinge. Verely I thinke in dede bothe he and his godly successours, vsed that Relike and many other deuoutely, and did not suffer it to ruste aboute them. A poynt for this relike, say you. I saie: They exercised the same iurisdiction and gouernement in Ecclesiastical causes, that the Emperours and kings had done from the time of Constantine & caet. Verelye and so thinke I to. But you see nowe Maister Horne, at leste euery discrete Reader seeth, that from the time of Constantin hytherto, neuer Prince but heretikes, as Constantius and Anastasius wythe a fewe suche, gouuerned in causes Ecclesiasticall. Namely in al things and causes, as you by Othe make folke to sweare, I should say, forsweare.

But as touchinge thys Charles Martell, and Carolo∣manus his sonne (whom you call his nephewe, and kinge Pipins sonne) and their gouuernement in Ecclesiasticall causes, gouuernement they had none, nor exercised none. You tel vs of such a thinge, but you proue no such thinge. The whole dealing of Gregory the .3. with Charles Martel and of pope Zachary with Carolomannus his sonne, was onely that they shoulde take the Churche of Rome in to their protection, (beinge then the moste mighty prin∣ces in this parte of Christendom) seinge the Emperours

of Constantinople had by heresy (as Leo then the Icono∣mache) and other crueltyes, rather forsaken it and oppres∣sed it, then succoured it, and defended it. And therefore of this facte of Gregory the .3. Sabellicus a moste diligente chronicler, writeth thus. Tum primùm Romanae vrbis Apo∣stolicae{que} sedis tutela, quae ad Constantinopolitanos principes (si quid grauius accidisset) omnia sua desideria conferre consue∣uisset, Gallorum est Regum facta. Then began the Frenche princes to take vpō thē the protection of the Cyty of Rome and of the See Apostolike, which had bene wonte (before) to referre al their griefes to the Emperours of Constanti∣nople, if any weightyer matter had befallē. And againe. Sus∣cepit nihil grauatè pientissimū patrociniū Carolus Pōtificis roga¦tu. Charles at the request of the pope toke vpon him wil∣lingly that most charitable or godly protection. And this lo was that which Pope Gregory by sendīg keyes frō S. Peters Cōfessiō to Charles Martel, did seke ād fewe for at his hāds. M. Horn shooteth farre wide to imagine herin al the popes Iurisdictiō, dignite and preeminēce to be sent away by ship into Frāce. And as for Carolomanus, of whose supreme go∣uernmēt M. Horn fableth here so much, within .4. yeres af∣ter this great Authoryty exercised, wēt to Rome, offred hī selfe to the pope, ād was shorē in for a Mōke. And what or wherin cōsisted his Authoryty? He summoned a Coūcel you say, and many decrees were made there by his Authoryty. Yea but why tel you not that pope Zacharias at the request of Bonifacius, gaue to him ād to this Carolomanus, a speciall Cōmissiō by his letters to cal this Synod, ād to decree ther∣in such things as Bonifacius should think behoueful for that time? Why in your very narratiō do you euē in the middest of your allegatiō where you talk of this Bonifacius, leaue

out quite, and nippe of these wordes: Qui est missus S. Petri. Who is the Popes Legat? Why deale you not trulye, and why tell you not al? Forsoth because truth is none in you, and al maketh against you. In Nauclerus you may see and reade at large the Popes Commission to Bonifacius and to the Prince for keping this Synod, and for orderīg the same. Yet you tell all for the Emperour, as though the Pope had don nothing. O wilful malice, and malicious wilfulnesse. M. Horne is not content to be blinde him selfe. He wil also make his readers blīd. And because he loueth not the truth, or the truth loueth not him, therfore he would his Reader should learne the falshood and be as false as him self is.

But againe what impudency is this, to bring Caroloma∣nus doinges, by the which euen in your own narration, the holy Chrisme, the masse, and other orders of the Churche, that ye haue abolisshed, are confirmed? and your whordome with M. Madge, is punished by derogation, penance, and otherwise euen by your own supreme head, Corolomanus? Which did not degrade any priest actually him self, or cau∣sed any to be degraded, by his supreame authoritye (as ye seame by a false sense to inferre) but caused them by the or∣dinary meanes, and according to the rules and canons to be degraded. Who also made him selfe no Churche lawes, as M. Horn here vntruly noteth, but did al by the authority of Pope Zacharias, who (as I haue said, and as in Nauclere it appeareth) gaue Commission to Bonifacius the Bisshop to kepe a Synod in the Dominion of this Carolomanus, in which Synode all these Churche lawes were made. All which euidently proueth the Popes Primacy at that tyme, not the Princes.

M. Horne. The .95. Diuision. pag. 58. a.

About this tyme vvas one Bonifacius not Pope, but as they call him the great Apostle of the Germanies, the like for all the vvorld to our Apo∣stle here in Englande, Augustinus Anglorum Apostolus: Either of them (.299.) might be called, the Popes Apostles, vvhose greate cham∣pions they vvere. And euen suche Ecclesiasticall matters as our Apostle trea∣teth of, hath this Apostle in his Epistles to the Pope, as this. He asketh his holines when fatte bakon should be eaten: The Pope an∣swereth, when it is wel smoke dried or resty, and then soddē. Likewise he asketh whether we shall eate Dawes, Crowes, Hares, and wilde Horses: The Pope biddeth him to beware of them in any wise. Also he asketh him howe, if Horses haue the falling sicknesse, what we shall doe to them: The Pope aunswereth, hurle them into a ditche. He asketh what we shall doe with Beastes bitten with a madde dogge, the Pope biddeth him kepe them close, or hurle them into a pitte. He asketh if one Nonne may washe an others feete, as men may: the Pope answereth, yea, on Goddes name. Also he asketh, howe many Crosses, and where aboutes (.300.) in his bodye, a man shoulde make them. These and a greate manye suche like, are the Popes and his Apostles, Ecclesiasticall matters. But leauing these trifles, note that in those Ecclesiasticall matters, vvhich he did to anye purpose, the laye Princes hadde the entermedling, as appea∣reth (.301.) by the Pope Zacharias Epistle to this Boniface. It is no marueile thoughe this Kinge Charoloman, as also Charles the greate, and other noble Princes, after their tyme established by their authority in Sy∣nodes manye superstitions, and (.302.) idolatrous obseruaunces, as of Masses, Chrysmes, and such like abuses, beinge moued vvith the zeale, that all Princes ought to haue, but vvanting the pure knovvledge that good and faithfull Bisshoppes should haue instructed them vvithal: seinge suche (.303.) blind bussardes as this Boniface, had the teaching of them, vvho like blinde guides, ledde them in the bottomles pitte of all superstitions and false religion.

The .9. Chapter: Of S. Boniface the Apostle of Germany, and of S. Augustin our Apostle.

Stapleton.

HEre is interlaced a lying slaunderouse patche al from the principal matter, against our apostle S. Augustyn, and S. Boniface an English man, and a blessed Martyr slayne in Phrisia by the infidels, commonly called the Apo∣stle of Germanye. But what a Ghospel is this, that can not come in credite, but by most slaunderouse vilany, and that against S. Augustin, whome we may thank and S. Gregory that sent him, that we are Christē mē? S. Gregory cōmen∣deth him for learned and vertuous, and setteth forth the mi∣racles wonderfully wrought by him in our Countre. And think you now M. Horn, that you with al your lewde, lying rayling, or M. Iewel either, can stayne and blemishe that blessed mās memory? No, no: ye rather amplifie ād auaunce his glorious renown, and proue your selues most wretched and detestable lyers: as I haue sufficiētly of late declared in my Return vpō M. Iewels Reply. They nede not M. Horn your cōmendatiō, which in such a person as ye are, were ra¦ther their discōmendatiō. For the ill mans discōmendation is to a good man a very commendation: as contrary wise to be commended of an il man, is no true prayse, but rather a a disgracyng and a dispraise. Therefore where ye cal these blessed mē, ād other bishops of this tyme blīd bussards, ād say that in Charles the great, ād other Princes then, lacked pure knowledge, ye declare your self what ye are, a very blinde hob abowt the howse, neither able to kepe your self frō ly∣ing, nor yet frō cōtradictiō. For M. Horne I would to God, either your self, or a great sort of your fellowes Protestāt

bisshops, had beside his vertue, the learning of Charles the great, being well sene aswel in the Greke as the Latin tōge. And see nowe how well your tale hangeth together. For the very leafe before Gregorye the .3. was passinglye well learned, both in diuine and prophane learning, and no lesse god∣lye. And the fowrth leafe after, your selfe bringe forthe Alcuinus an Englishman of greate learninge, as ye saye, that saieth, as ye write, that God incomparably honored and exalted Charles the great, aboue his auncetours with wise∣dome to gouerne and teache his subiectes with a godlye care∣fulnes. Which wisedome stode, as your selfe declare, in or∣dering matters Ecclesiasticall. And Pope Zacharias that ye here speake of, was well also sene in the Greeke tonge: Into the which he trāslated out of Latin S. Gregories Dia∣loges. And now what a blinde bussarde are you, that pleade vpon this Zacharias epistles to Bonifacius to proue this Charlemains supremacye, wherein the Popes primacy is e∣uidently and openly declared, (as I haue before shewed) yf ye were of this ignorant: or what an impudent and a maliciouse person are you, yf ye wittinglye and willingly alleage that for you, which is most strong against you? For this Councel that ye grounde your selfe vpon, was called in dede by Pipyn and Caroloman, but ac∣cording as the Pope had geuen them Commission in his letters: And this Bonifacius was the Popes Legate there: For concealing wherof, you left out: Qui est missus S. Petri: Who is the Popes legat. And the Princes were but ayders and assisters vnto him. And Boniface proceding very well and canonical∣ly deposed the false, the adulterouse, and the schis∣maticall priestes. Which so yrketh M. Horne at

the very heart, remēbring that if him selfe were wel and canonically handeled, he should beare a muche lower saile, then to beare either any Bisshoplye or priestly office, that faring like a mad mā, he speaketh he wot nere what: and euen there, where with his egle eies he findeth fault with other mens blindnes, he sheweth him self, most blind bussard of al. For he may as wel find fault with Moses Law, and by the supreme authority of his new Papacy, he may laugh to scorne Moses to, as wel as Bonifacius, and cal hī blind bussard also, for his madd lawes forbidding the eating of the Camel, the Hare, the Swine, the Egle, the Goshauke, the Crow, the Rauen, the Owle, the carmorāt, and such like. He might also as well make him selfe pastime and ieste merely at the Canons of the sixth General Councel, that he so lately spake of, forbid∣ding the eating of puddings and things suffocated. And perchaūce the questiō of beasts bitten with madde dogges hath more matter in it, then M. Horne doth yet withal his Philosophy cōsider, or that some of his good brethren in Germanye haue of late considered, fealing as it were, the smart of this their ignorance, which feading vpon swines flessh, bitten of a madde dogge, waxed as madde as the dog, and falling one vpon an other, most pitifully bitte and tore one the others flessh. As for the questiō cōcerning the Nūne, M. Horne hath no great cause to mislike.

Nowe in case Bonifacius had demaunded of Pope Za∣charie, whether a lewde, lecherouse, false Fryer, might lurke and luske in bedde with a Nunne, and then cloke their incest vnder the name of holy wedlock, ād that Pope Zacharie had geuen as honourable an answere, as his late

Apostle frier Luther, hath donne, aswel by hys bokes,as by hys damnable doings: then lo, had Bonifacius ben the true and sincere Apostle of Iesus Christe. And then should he haue ben M. Hornes Idole. Neither did Bonifacius demād these matters because he was ignorante, or in anye greate doubte: but to worke more suerly. And the Pope in hys an∣swere, telleth hym, that he was well sene in all holy scri∣pture. As for the question how many crosses a mā should make in his body, is not Bonifacius, but your question. For the question was, of crosses to be made, in saying the holy canō of the masse. The name of the which holy canon ye can no more abyde, then the deuill the signe of the holie crosse: of whome ye haue learned, thus to mangle your al∣legatiōs, and to caste away both crossing and canō wythal.

M. Horne. The .96. Diuision. pag. 58. a.

Adrianus the first, Pope, being muche vexed through his ovvne (.304.) furious pride, by Desiderius king of Lombardy, sendeth to Carolus Ma¦gnus, and requireth him of his ayde against the Lombardes, promising to make him (.305.) therfore Emperour of Rome: Charles cōmeth, vāquisheth Desiderius, and so passeth into Rome, vvhō the Pope receiued vvith great honour; geuing to him in part of recompence, the title of most Christian king, and further to augment his beneuolence tovvardes Charles, desired him to sende for his Bishops into Fraunce, to celebrate a Synode at Rome: vvhere in vvere gathered together of Bishops, Abbottes, and other Prela∣tes, about .154. In vvhich coūcel also Carolus him selfe vvas present, as saith Martinus. Gratianus maketh report hereof out of the Churche history on this vvise. Charles after he had vanquished Desiderius, came to Rome, ād appointed a Synode to be holdē there with Adrian the Pope. Adrian with the vvhole Synode, deliuered vnto Charles, the right and povver to elect the Pope, and to dispose the Apostolique sea. They graunted also vnto him, the dignity of the aunciēt bloud of Rome. VVerby he vvas made a Pa∣triciā, and so capable of the emperial dignity. Furthermore he decreed

that th'Archbishops ād bishops in euery prouīce shuld receiue their inuestiture of him: so that none shuld be cōsecrate, onles he were cōmēded ād inuestured Bishop of the Kinge. VVo so euer woulde doo contrary to this decree, should be accursed, and except he repēted, his goodes also should be cōfiscate. Pla∣tina addeth, Charles, and the Pope, the Romaines ād the Frēche sweare the one to the other, to keepe a perpetuall amity, and that those shuld be enemies to thē both, that anoyed the one.

The 10. Chapter. Of Charlemayne, and of Adrian, and Leo Bishops of Rome.

Stapleton.

THat Adriā was vexed by king Desiderius throwgh hys owne furiouse pryde, who was a very vertuouse learned man, is nothing but your follishe furiouse ly∣ing, as also that he promised to Charles to make hym Em∣perour, if he would ayde and helpe hym: No history saieth so, except M. Hornes pēne be an history. Now what doth it furder your cause, that thys Charles had the righte and power to electe the Pope, and the inuesturing of Bishops, seeing he helde yt not of hys owne right and tytle, but by a speciall and a gratiouse graunte of the Pope and hys Sy∣nod, as your self alleage? Nay verely this one exāple cleer∣ly destroyeth al your imagined Supremacy, and al that you shall bringe hereafter of the Emperours claime for the ele∣ctiō ād inuesturing of Bishops. For the diligēt Reader remē∣brīg this, that the first Original ād Authority hereof sprong not of the Imperial right or power, but of the Popes special graunte made to Charlemayn the first Emperour of the west after the trāslatiō therof, must also see, that al that you bring hereafter of th'Emperors claime in this behalfe, pro∣ueth no Primacy in the Prince, but rather in the Pope, from whō the Authority of that facte proceded, by which facte you would proue a primacy.

Horne. The .97. Diuision. pag. 59. a.

Not longe after, Charles, perceiuing the Churches to be muche molested and dravvne in •• partes, vvith the Heresy of Foelix, calleth a councell of al the Bishoppes vnder his dominions in Italy, Fraunce, and Germany, to cō∣sulte and conclude a truthe, and to bring the Churches to an vnity therein, as he him selfe affirmeth in his Epistle vvriten to Elepandus Bishop of Tolet, and the other Bishoppes of Spaine: VVee haue commaunded (sayth Charles) a Synodall councel to be had of deuout Fathers from al the Churches thoroughout our signiouries, to the end that with one accorde it might be decreed, what is to be be∣leued touching the opiniō we know that you haue brought in with newe assertions, suche as the holy Catholike Church in old time neuer heard of. Sabellicus also maketh mention of this Synode vviche vvas conuocated to Frankeforth: ad Caroli edictum: at the commaundement of Charles.

Stapleton.

This gere serueth for nothing but to proue that Carolus called a councell: and here M. Horne sayeth Sabellicus also maketh mention of this Synode cōuocated to Frāckford. Your also M. Horn, is altogether superfluous, seing that ye named no other author before, that spake of thys Synode, for Sa∣bellicus is here poste alone. Well, let it be Charles that cal∣led the Synode, but why do ye not tell vs, what was donne there, as doth Platina, and your owne authour Sabellicus also, declaring that suche iconomaches and image breakers as ye are, were there cōdemned for heretyks? why do ye not tell vs also, who were cheif in that Coū∣cell: whiche were Theophilatius and Stephanus Pope Adriās Legates? And here appereth the wret∣ched dealing of the authour of your Apologye, for hys duble lye, aswell in that he would by thys Sy∣node proue, that a generall councell, maye be abo∣lished

by a national as for saying, this Councell did abolishe the Seuenth Generall Councell, whereas it confirmed the said Generall Councell, with a like Decree. And with this the strongest part of your Apologie lyeth in the dust. For wheras the chiefe and principall parte of it is to deface the Councel of Trent: and to shew that by priuate authority of one nation, the publike and cōmon authority of a Generall Councel might be well inough abrogated: he could finde no colour of proufe but this your Councel of Franckford, which now as ye heare, dothe not infirme, but ratifie and confirme the .2. Nicene Councell. As made for the hono∣ring, and not for the vilaining of holy Images.

M. Horne. The .98. Diuision. pag. 59. a.

Carolus Magnus calleth by his commaundemente the Bisshoppes of Fraunce to a Synode at Arelatum, appointeth the Archebisshoppes of Arelatum and Narbon to be chiefe there. They declare to the Sy∣node assembled, that Carolus Magnus of feruente zeale and loue to∣vvardes Christe, doothe vigilauntlye care to establishe good orders in Goddes Churche: and therefore exhorte them in his name, that they diligentlye instructe the people vvith godlie doctrine, and exaumples of lyfe. VVhen this Synode had consulted and agreed of suche mat∣ters as they thoughte fitte for that time, They decree that their do∣inges shoulde be presented vnto Carolus Magnus, besee∣ching him, that where anye defectes are in their Decrees, that he supplie the same by his wisedome. If anye thing be otherwise then well, that he will amende it by his iudgemente. And that whiche is well, that he will (.306.) ratifie, aide, and assist by his authority.

By his commaundemente also vvas an other Synode cele∣brated at Cabellinum, vvherevnto he called manye Bys∣shoppes and Abbotes: vvho as they confesse in the Preface, did consulte and collecte manye matters, thoughte fitte and neces∣arie for that time: the vvhiche they agreed neuerthelesse to be

allovved, and confirmed, amended, or (.307.) dissalovved. As this Councel referreth al the Ecclesiastical matters to the (308) iudge∣ment, correction, disalovving or confirming, of the Prince: so amon∣gest other matters this is to be noted, that it prohibiteth the coue∣tousnesse and cautels, vvherevvith the Clergie enriched them sel∣ues, persuading the simple people to geue their lands, and goods to the Churche for their soules helth. The Fathers in this Synod com∣plaine, that the auncient Church order of excommunication, doing penaunce, and reconciliation, is quite out of vse: Therefore they agree to craue the Princes (.309.) order, after vvhat sorte be that doth committe a publique offence, may be punished by pub∣lique penaunce. This Councel also enueigheth against, and (.309.) condemneth gadding on pilgrimage in Church ministers, Lay men, great men, and beggars: al vvhich abuses (saith the Synode) af∣ter what sort they may be amended, the Princes mind must be knowen.

The same Charles calleth an other Councel at Maguntia. In the beginning of their Preface to the Councel, they salute Charles: the moste Christian Emperour, the Authour of true Religiō, and maintenour of Gods holy Church. &c. Shevving vnto him, that they his moste humble seruants are come thither according to his commaundement: that they geue Godde thankes: Quia sanctae Ecclesiae suae pium ac deuotum in seruitio suo concessit habe∣re rectorem. Because he hath geauen vnto his holie Churche a gouernour godlye, and deuoute in his ser∣uice: who in his times opening the fountaine of god∣lye wisdome, dothe continuallie fede Christes shepe, with holye foode, and instructeth them with Diuine knowledge, farre passing through his holy wisedome, in moste deuoute endeuoure the other Kinges of the earth, &c. And after they haue apointed in vvhat order, they di∣uide the states in the Councel: the Bisshops and secular Priests by them selues, the Abbottes and religious by them selues, and the Laye Nobilitie, and Iustices by them selues, assigning due honour,

to euery person: it folovveth in their petition to the Prince, They desire his assistaunce, aide and confirmation, of suche Articles as they haue agreed vppon, so that he iudge them worthy: beseeching him, to cause that to be a∣mended, which is found worthy of amendmēt. In like sorte did the Synode congregated at Rhemes (.312.) by Charles, more priscorū Imperatorū, as the auncient Emperours were wont to do, and diuers other, vvhich he in his time cal∣led. I vvould haue you to note, besides the authority of this Noble Prince Charles the Great, in these Church matters (vvhich vvas none other, but the selfe same, that other Princes from Constan∣tine the Great had and vsed) that the holy Councel of Mogūtia, doth acknovvledge and cōfesse (313) in plain speach, him to be the ru¦ler of the Church (in these Ecclesiastical causes) and further that in al these councels, next to the cōfession of their faith to God, vvith∣out making any mention of the Pope, they pray, and commaunde prayer to be made for the prince.

Stapleton.

The calling of Councels either by this Carolus, or by others, as I haue oft saied, proueth no Supremacy: neither his confirmation of the Coūcels, and so much the lesse, for that he did it at the Fathers desire, as your self confesse. But now, Good Reader, take hede of M. Horne, for he would stilie make the beleue, that this Charles, with his Councell of Bishops, should forbid landes and goodes to be geuen to the Church of any man for his soules helth, and to be prai∣ed for, after his deathe, whiche is not so. In deede the Councell forbiddeth, that men shal not be entised, and per∣swaded to enter into Relligion; and to geue their goods to the Churche onely vppon couetousnes. Animarum ete∣nim solatium inquirere sacerdos, non lucra terrena debet. Quoniam fideles ad res suas dandas non sunt cogēdi, nec cir∣cumueniendi. Oblatio namque spontanea esse debet: iuxta illud quod ait Scriptura. Voluntariè sacrificabo tibi.

For a priest (saieth the Councell) shoulde seke the helth of sowles, and not worldly gaines, and Christians are not ei∣ther to be forced, or to be craftely circunuented to geue away theyr goods. For it owght to be a willing offering ac∣cordīg as yt is writē: I wil willingly offer sacrifice to thee. and in the next canon yt is sayde: hoc verò quod quisque Deo iustè & rationabiliter de rebus suis offert, Ecclesia tenere de∣bet. What so euer any man hath offred vnto God iustly and reasonably, that muste the Church kepe styl. Now for pray∣ers for the dead, ther is a special Canon made, in this Coū∣cell that in euery Masse there shoulde be prayer made for suche as be departed owte of this worlde: And yt is decla∣red owte of S. Augustyne, that thys was the gwise and fas∣shion of the anciente Church. The lyke sleight M. Horne vseth touching pilgrimage: the whiche his owne canon highly comendeth, thowghe full wisely and discreetly yt preuenteth and reformeth some abuses. Wherfore ye shall heare the whole canon. I will shifte no worde, but only frō Latyn into the english. In the former canō the coūcel for∣badde, that priests shuld goe on pilgrimage without the cō∣sent of their Bishoppe to Rome or to Towres a towne in France: where at the tombe and reliques of blessed S. Mar∣tyn innumerable miracles were donne and wrowght: as amonge other Gregorius Turonensis Bishop there and a faythfull reporter, not by vncerteyne hearesay, but by pre∣sente eiesight, moste fully declareth. The whiche holy re∣liques the hugonotes of late in Frāce haue with moste vi∣lany dishonored and consumed. After which inhibition it followeth. For say the Fathers, some mē, which vnaduisedlie vnder the cowlour of prayer, goe in pilgrimage to Rome, to Towres and other places, doe erre very much. There are priestes

and Deacons and other of the Clergie, which liuing dissolute∣ly thinke them selues to be purged of their sinnes, and to dooe their office, if they ones come to the foresaid places.

There are neuerthelesse laye menne whiche thinke they haue freelye sinned, or may freely sinne, because they fre∣quente these places, to make their prayers in. There be some Noble men, which to scrape and procure mony vnder the p••etence of their pilgrimage to Rome or to Towres, oppresse ma∣ny poore men, and that which they doe vpon couetousnesse on∣ly, they pretend to doe, for prayers sake, and for the visiting of holy places. There are poore men which doe this, for no other intent, but to procure to them selues a greater occasiō to begge. Of this number are they, that wandering hither and thither, faine neuerthelesse that they goe thither: or that are so foo∣lisshe, that they thinke, they are by the bare view of holie places, purged of their sinnes: not considering that saying of S. Hierome. It is not praise worthi•• to h••ue seene Hierusalem, but to haue liued vertuouslie at Hierusalem. Of all whiche things lette vs looke for the iudgemente of our Emperoure, howe they maye be amended. But those who haue confessed themselues to their parrissh Priestes, and haue of them taken counsell how to doe penance, if imploying them selues to praier, and almes geuing, and to the refourming of their life and ma∣ners, they desire to goe on Pilgrimage to Rome or els where, are of allmen to be commended for their deuotion.

The Fathers also desire the Emperours healpe and assi∣staunce, not his Order, as you vntruely reporte, for pub∣lique pēnaunce: Beside, if it had pleased you, yee mighte haue caste in also a woorde or twoo more. Vt secundum ordinem Canonum pro merito suo excommunicetur. That accordinge to the order of the Canons, he may accor∣ding

to his deserts be excommunicated. And now, good Reader iudge thou, how truely, how wisely, or how to his purpose this gere is brought furth of M. Horne: and what a singular good grace this man hath, so wel to plead against him selfe and his fellowes, for the Catholiques. And nowe would I be in hande with Leo, sauing that Maister Hornes Marginall Note, seemeth to take me by the hand, and to staie me a while: And yet we wil foorth with shake him of, and desire Maister Horne to ouersee his text ones againe, and to square his Note to his Texte, and not his text after his peruerse and preposterous order, to his note. I say then, M. Horne, ye haue no words, nor mater in your text to cal Carolus Magnus Gouernour in Ecclesiastical cau∣ses, and because, beside your Note Marginall, ye note the matter also so fast in your text, which is not in the Fathers text, saying: the Fathers saye in playne speach, that he was ruler of the Church in Ecclesiasticall causes, I wil note as fast as you, and that is your one false lying in your text, and the other in the margent. Onles ye may by some new Gram∣mar and like Diuinitie; proue that, in seruitio suo, in his ser∣uice, is Englished also, In ecclesiastical matters,

You tell vs farder M. Horne, that in this Councell of Ments, the States were diuided. The Bisshoppes and se∣cular Priestes by them selues. The Abbottes and Religious by them selues. But you tell vs not, wherein euery State was occupied and busied in that Councell. That in deede made not for you. The Councel then saith: In prima tur∣ma consederunt Episcopi, &c. In the first rewe sate the Bis∣shops with their Notaries, reading and debating vppon the holy Ghospel, the Canons of the Church, diuers works of the holy Fathers, and namely the Pastoral of S. Gregory: searching

and determining thereby, that which belonged to holsome do∣ctrine, and to the state of the Church. In the seconde rew sate the Bisshops and approued Monks, hauing before them the rule of S. Benet, and seking therby to better the life of Monks to en∣crease their godly conuersation. In the third rew sate the Laye Nobilitie and Iudges. But what to doe M. Horne? To con∣clude of matters of Religiō, as the laie Burgeses and Gētle∣men do in our Parliamēts? No, no: Ne{que} nos, ne{que} Ecclesia Dei talē consuetudinē habemus. Neither we, nor the Church of God haue any such custom or maner. But there thei sate In mundanis legibus decertantes. &c. Debating in worldly lawes, searching out Iustice for the people, examininge dili∣gently the causes of all that came, and determining Iustice by al meanes that they could. Thus were the States in that Coun∣cel diuided, vnder that Noble Emperour Charlemain. And what could this Note helpe you, M. Horne, or relieue you, except it were that you would geue a preuy nippe to the order of late Parliaments, where the laie not onely of the Nobilitie, but euen of the Commons (whose sentences in treatie of Relligion, neuer sence Christe suffred, were e∣uer hearde or admitted) doe talke, dispute, yea and con∣clude of Religion, and that in the highest and most secrete mysteries thereof, to the consequente of a Generall alte∣ration.

You woulde no doubte, as gladdelie as Catholiques, haue the treatie and decision of suche matters in youre owne handes onely (as in deede all Protestauntes beside you, Caluin, Melanchthon, the Magdeburgenses with the reste doe expresselye teache, as I haue bothe in this booke, and otherwhere declared) But this is the diffe∣rence.

You are miserable clawbackes, and as Caluin writeth, to extolle the Ciuill Magistrate, you spoyle the Churche of her dewe Authoryte. But the Catholikes thinke it not mete to flatter in Religiō: But to geue that, which is Cesars, to Cesar: and that which is Gods, to God. Excepete we shoulde saye, that now you will haue Religion decided in parliament, and when, the Prince shall otherwise be affected, you will not haue it so decided: and that your Religion is Ambula∣toria: a wandring and a walking Religion, teaching one thinge to day and an other to morowe. As in dede very properlye and truly George the Noble duke of Saxony sayed of the Lutheranes at Wittenberge, when yet your Religion was scante out of her swadling clowtes. What the faythe of my neighbours of wittenberge is now this yere, I knowe. But what it wil be the next yere, I knowe not.

Yet you desire M. Feckenham to note here an other thing, besides the Authoryty of this Noble Prince Charles the great (for so you call him) which (you say) was none other but the selfe same, that other Princes from Cōstātin the great had and vsed: which in deede is very true: for they had none, ne vsed none, as hath bene proued, and yet I mar∣uayle, where is then become the priuilege of S. Peters keyes sent to Charles Martell this mans grandefather, if he had, as you say, none other but the selfe same Authoryte that other Princes from Constantin had. If it was loste so soone, then how is it true, that you said before, the heyres and suc∣cessours of Charles Martell kepte these keyes form rusting. If it was not lost, how had he no more thē other which had S. Peters keyes more then other had? But now to your note. You will M. Feckenham to note, that the holy Councel of Moguntia (I am gladde you call it holy, for thē

you wil not, I trowe misselyke with the diuision of the States there, that I tolde you of euen now, neyther with the Rule of S. Benets Order, in that holy Coūcel straightly exacted) doth acknowleadge and cōfesse in plaine speache him, (that is, Charles the great) to be the Ruler of the Churche in these ecclesiasticall causes. Now shewe these laste wordes (in these ecclesiastical causes) in any parcel or place of the whol Councell, in playne speache, as you say, and then M. Feckē∣ham I dare say, wil thanke you for your Note, and for my parte I wil say, you are a true man of your worde. Which hitherto, I assure you, I haue litle cause to say, or to thinke. Your lying is almost comparable to M. Iewels. Mary you are not in dede as yet so farre in the lashe, as he is. But if you come ones to Replying, as he hathe done, you wil be a Pinner I doubte not, as well as he, and telle your vntru∣thes by the thousandes. For assure your selfe M. Horne: as vera veris conueniunt, so an vntrue and false doctrine can neuer possiblye be maintayned, without horrible lying, and mayne numbers of vntruthes.

M. Horne. The .99. Diuision. pag. 60. a.

Pope Leo .3. as the French Chronicles, and Nauclerus vvitnesseth, sent foorthvvith after he vvas made Pope Peters keyes, the Banner of the City, and many other gifts vnto Charles: requiring him, that he vvold cause the people of Rome to become subiecte vnto the Pope, and that by Othe. Charles minding to gratify and pleasure Pope Leo (there (.314.) vvas a cause vvherfore) sente an Abbot on this busines, and assured the people of Rome to the Pope by othe. This Leo (his streight (.315.) dealinges vvith the Romayns vvas so hatefull vnto them) vvas brought shortly into much daungier of his life, but farre more of his honesty, Certaine of Rome came to Charles to accuse this Pope: Charles putteth of the examination of the mat∣ter till an other time, promisinge that he vvoulde vvithin a vvhile come to Rome him selfe: vvhiche he did; after he had finished his vvarres.

He vvas honorably receiued of the Pope. The eight day after his co∣minge into Rome, he commaunded al the people, and the Cleargy to be called togeather into S. Peters churche: appointing to here and examine the Pope, touchynge that he vvas accused of, in the opē assembly. VVhē the Cleargy and the people, vvere assembled, the Kinge examineth them of the Popes life and conuersation: and the vvhole company (.316.) beinge vvilled to say their mindes: an∣svveare that the manner hathe beene, that the Popes shoulde be iudged of no man, but of them selues. Charles being mooued vvith so (.317.) sore & greeuous an ansvveare, gaue ouer further examination. Leo the Pope (saieth Platina) vvho did earne∣stly desire that kinde of iudgement (to geue sentence be (318.) meaneth in his ovvne cause) vvente vp into the pulpitte, and holdinge the Gospels in his handes, affirmed by his Othe, that he vvas guiltles of all those matters vvherevvith he vvas chardged. VVhereunto Sabellicus addeth, the Popes owne testimonie of him selfe, was so waighty, as if it had beene geuen on him by other: so muche auaileth a mans owne good reporte made of him selfe in due season, (.319.) for vvante of good neighbours. This matter, if it vvere as the Popes flatterers vvrite, thus subtily compas∣sed: although Martinus saith flatly, that he vvas driuen to purge him selfe of certaine crimes laide to his chardge: yet not vvithstanding, the kinge toke (.320.) vpon him, both to examine the matter, and to determine therein: and, as ap∣peareth, tooke their ansvvere no lesse (.321.) insufficient, than greuous: although he vvinked at it: bicause he looked (.322.) for a greater pleasure to be shevved him againe in con∣secratinge him Emperour, promised longe before: vvhiche this Pope perfourmed, and solemply vvith great acclama∣tions of the people, crovvned him Emperour of Rome: For saithe Platina: The Pope did this to shewe some thāke fulnes againe to him, who had well deserued of the Churche.

Stapleton.

This processe stādeth in the accusation of Pope Leo the .3. that certayne Romans made againste hym to Charles, bearing with yt suche a wonderfull strength for the esta∣blishing of the Popes Supremacy, that M. Horn may seme, to play al by collusiō, and to betray hys owne cause. For now hath he by hys owne story, auaunced the Pope so (as he did also before in alleaging the Roman Councell in the tyme of Pope Sīmachus) that he may be iudged of no mā. For all the clergie and people of Rome make answere to Charles hym self, that no mā cā iudge the Pope. This writeth M. Horne owte of Platina and Sabellicus: ād other writers be of the same lykenes ād agreablenes in writing with thē. Howe then M. Horne? Where is now your primacy be∣come? I trust now at the length ye wil discharge M. Fekē∣ham frō this othe. What say yow to your owne volūtarie allegation, that no man forced yow vnto, but the mightie truth: to the bewraying of your false cause and your greate folly? Yet leaste his sayde folly and preuarication shoulde be to open, he will saye somwhat to yt, (because he maye seame to worke thowghe not as miraculously, yet as wō∣derfully as euer did thys Leo: who, his tong being cut of by the roote, as some mē write, could speake neuerthelesse) ād though his fowle lying mouthe against the Popes primacy be stopped by his own true declaratiō, yet wil he speake, not to any hys owne honour, as Leo did, but to hys vtter cōfusion ād shame. Forsoth sayeth M. Horne, Charles toke thys answere no lesse insufficient, then greauous. Wel sayde, and in tyme M. Horne, sauinge that yt is moste vntrue: ād for the which as ye lay forthe no prouf, so shal ye neuer be able to proue yt. And yet, if ye coulde proue yt, ye shoulde dooe none other thinge then that whiche yee

doe so solemnlye in the rest of youre booke to proue that which being proued, doth yet nothing relieue your cause. And thinke you, M. Horne, that we are so bare and na∣ked from many good proufes, but that we may and canne roundlie and redely disproue your fond foolish lye? Yea and by that booke, by the which your Apostle Caluin, and your great Iewell of Englande, will (though not to their great worship) defeate the Second Generall Councell of Nice? The Churche of Rome (saith he) is preferred before all other Apostolicall Sees, not by the Decrees of Synodes, but by the authoritie of our Lord him selfe, saying thou art Peter: and so forth. And saith farder, that he doth most desire to obey the holsom exhortatiōs of Pope Adriā: and that Italy, Frāce, and Germanie, doe in al things follow the See of Peter. And now wot ye what, M. Horne? Forsoth this his an∣swere proueth M. Iewell, as wel in the Apologie (or who so euer be the Author) as in his Replie to M. D. Harding, to haue ouerthrowen not the Nicene Councell (wherein this Adrians Legates bare the chiefe sway) as they did also in the Councell at Frankfoorde, as I haue shewed, but hys owne peeuish and fantastical imagination, that this Charles should at Frankford disalow the said Nicene Synode. But I trow ye be as wery and as much ashamed ere this time, of this counterfeit Charles booke: wherein by the foolish and fond handling of the iconomache, the cause of the Ca∣tholike Church is cōfirmed, as your fellowes wilbe shortly of this your boke: that I doubt not to all that be not sini∣strallie affectioned, shal serue, rather for the confirmation, then abrogation, of the Popes Primacie. And because, as I say, I suppose ye wil your selues shortly disclaime this pe∣uish booke, I wil send you to Carolus him selfe, in his Ec∣clesiastical

decrees, collected by Abbat Ansegisus, whome ye authorise in the nexte leafe. Where ye shall fynde this playne decree. Neque praesul summus a quoquam iudicabitur. No man shall iudge the pope: whiche was also decreed in the tyme of the great Cōstantyne and pope Syluester: yea before that tyme the lyke was sayd in a councel of Marcel∣line pope and Martyre, as I haue otherwhere shewed.

Nowe then thowghe there was no cause whie Charles shoulde be greaued with this, that the whole Clergie and people wel lyked and for the which there wer old aunciēt presidents: yet to goe forth, and to smothe this tale withal, and to shewe why Charles should quietlie beare this grief, which was sone born, being none at al: he addeth an other lie, whereof we haue alredie somwhat spoken: And that is, because the Pope promised him longe before, to make him Emperour. Yea good M. Horn sone sayd of yowe, but not so sone proued. For neither your authour Platina sayth so, nor any other that I haue hitherto read. Phy on your wret∣ched dealīg, ād wretched cause that ye maintayne, that cā not be vpholdē, but with the defacing ād dishonorīg not on¦ly of the clergie, but of this worthy ād (as your self cal him) this Noble Prīce Charles withal. I would fayne procede to the next matter, but that your other vntruthes must or I go, be also discouered: as that yow say, without any prouf, yea against good prouf to be layd to the cōtrary, that this pope Leo for his streight dealings was hateful to the Romās: which your authors Sabellicus and Platina say not, but the quite contrary. For Platina among his other manifold and nota∣ble vertues telleth, that he was a man, of myld nature, so that he loued all men, hated no man: slowe to wrathe, ready to take mercie and pitie of other. And Sabellicus of this very matter

sayeth thus. Coniuratorum odium in Pontificem inde ortum ferunt, quòd illi liberius viuere assueti, ferre nequiuissent gra∣uem Pontificis Censuram. It is saied the hatred of such as cō∣spired against him, spronge hereof, that they accustomed to liue more licentiously, coulde not abyde the Graue Rebu∣kes and Censures of the pope. Nowe further, M. Horne be∣ing not able to denie, but that aswell Carolus, as all other gaue ouer for any iudgmēt they wold or could geue agaīst Leo, he falleth to quarellīg with Leo, for that, for the which he owght to haue cōmēded him. The matter standing thus, and no mā stepping forth lawfully to proue any thing agaīst Leo, this good man, thowghe no man did or coulde force him to yt, yet knowing his owne innocency, toke an open othe vppon the holy ghospel, that he was gyltlesse from suche matters, as were obiected against him. And here M. Horne beinge pleasantly disposed sayeth (as owte of Pla∣tina.) Leo did earnestlye desire that kynde of iudgmente: and addeth by his owne lying liberalyte, that Platina mente, that Leo was desirouse to geue sentence in his owne cause. Wheras Platina meante that Leo, was desirouse, vppon the assured truste, of his owne integritye, that the matter might haue bene iudged: and so worthie of commenda∣tion, that he woulde submitte his cause to iudgemente, where he neaded not, as Symachus and Sixtus did before. And so are Platina his wordes, qui id iudicium maximè ex∣petebat, to be vnderstanded. And perchaunce in some co∣pies, id, is not sene. Nauclerus which seameth here as in ma¦ny other places to followe Platina, and to reherse his wordes, and whom M. Horne doth here also alleage, saith. qui iudicium maximè expetebat. Whiche did moste ernest∣ly desire to be iudged. Whiche iudgement not procee∣dynge,

he did as muche as laye in him, that is, to purge him selfe by his othe. Nowe where Sabellicus speaketh of this purgation in the commendation of Leo, saying, that a mans owne reporte much auayleth made in dewe ceason, M. Horn addeth this his pretie glose, for wante of good neygh∣bours. Yet I pray yowe good M. Horne take not the mat∣ter so greuously against Pope Leo: But remember that Leo being pope did more then a protestant Prelate, (whom ye knowe ful wel) of late did, being perchaunce more then a suspition, that a wrong cocke had troden Cockerelles hen. And yet the sayd prelat was not put to his purgation, and much lesse him selfe offred to sweare for his owne hone∣sty. I medle not with the iustifying of the matter one way or other: Some men say that strypes may cause yong strip∣linges to saye, Tonge thoue lyest: but not truelie to the eye, Eie thowe lyest, whiche can not lie in that, whiche is hys obiecte. But let this goe. I saye yt, for none other cause, but onely that ye haue not M. Horne so greate cause to take the matter so hotte, against Leo.

And now to make vp this matter, gentle reader, of Leo, this Leo also sendeth Saint Peters keyes, yea and the banner of the city to, to Charles as M. Horne telleth vs, yea the keyes of S. Peters cōfessiō as Rhegino telleth vs, and yet for al that, he remayned Bisshop, Archebisshop, Patriarche, and Pope to: yea and supreme head of the Church by M. Horns owne tale to. But remembre your selfe better M. Horne. You said euen nowe, they were sent awaye by Gregory the .3. to Charles Martell, into Fraunce by shippe. Howe then came the Pope by them agayne? Or howe did the successours and heyeres of Charles Martell keepe those keyes from rusting, if his own Nephewe Charles the

greate, loste them, and was fayne to haue them againe by a newe dede of gifte? Or hath euery Pope a newe payre of keyes frō Christ to bestowe as thei list? Then the gift could be but for terme of life. And then where be the heyres and successours of Charles Martell, which kept not you saye those keyes from rusting? O M. Horne. Oportet mendacem esse memorē. A lyar must haue a good memory. Or wil you saye that this Pope Leo sent to Charles these keyes, as a gifte to signifie, that the city was at his commaundemente, as Bellisarius after he had recouered Rome from Totilas, of whome we spake of before sent the keyes of the city to Iu∣stinian themperour: and as some men write euen aboute this time, this Charles receiued the keyes of the city of Hie∣rusalem, with the banner of the said citye? Yet al this will not work the great straūge miracle of supremacie that your keies haue wrought.

M. Horne. The .100. Diuision. Fol. 61. a.

Ansegisus Abbas gathereth together the decrees, that this Charles ād his son Lodouicus had made in their tymes for the reformatiō of the Churche causes: Amongest other these: The Canonicall Scriptures onely to be redde in the Churches: For the office of Bisshops in diligēt preaching, and that onely out of the holy Scriptures: that the communion should be receiued three times in the yeere: The abrogatīg and taking away a great nūber of holy daies besides Sōdaies: and that childrē before ripe yeres should not be thrust into religious houses: ād that no mā should be {pro}fessed a Mōk, except licence were first asked and obteined of the King. He decreed also, and straightly commaunded that Monkes being Priestes, should studie diligentlie, shoulde write rightlie, should teache children in their Abbaies, and in Bisshoppes houses. That Priests should eschue couetousnes, glotony, ale∣houses or tauernes, secular or prophane busines, familiaritie of

women vnder paine of depriuation or degradation. H•• proui∣ded to haue, and placed fit pastours for the bisshoprikes and cures to feede the people. He ordeined learned Scholemaisters for the youth, and made deuout abbots to rule those that were enclosed in Cloisters, saith Nauclerus, As it is said of Kinge Dauid, that he set in order the Priests, Leuits, singers and porters, and ordered all the offices and officers required to be in the house of the Lorde, for the setting foorth of his seruice and Religion: Euen so this noble Charles left no officer belonging to Goddes Churche, no not so much as the singer, porter or Sextē, vnapointed and taught his office and duety, as Nauclerus telleth. Besides the authority of this noble Prince in (.323.) gouernīg and directing al Church matters, his zeale and care therfore (in such sort as the knovvledge of that (.324.) superstitious time vvould suffer) is plainly shevved in an iniūctiō, that he gaue to al estates both of the Layty and Cleargy to this effect. I Charles, by the grace of God King and gouernour of the Kingdome of Fraunce, a deuout and humble maintainour, and ayder of the Churche: To al estates both of the Layety and the Cleargye, wis he saluation in Christ. Considering the exceeding goodnes of God towardes vs, and our people, I thinke it very necessary wee rendre thankes vnto him, not onely in harte and worde, but also in continual exercise, and practise of wel doing, to his glory: to the end that he, who hath hitherto bestowed so great honour vpon this Kingdom, may vouchesaulfe to preserue vs and our people with his protection. VVherfore it hath seemed good for vs, to mooue you, ô ye pastours of Christes Churches, leaders of his flocke, and the bright lightes of the worlde: that ye wil trauaile, with vigilant care and diligent admonition to guide Goddes people thorough the pastours of eternal life, &c. Bringing the stray sheepe into the foulde least the wolfe de∣uoure them, &c. Therefore they are with earnest zeale to be admonished and exhorted, yea to be compelled to keepe thē selues in a sure faith, and reasonable continuaunce, vvithin ād vnder the rules of the Fathers. In the vvhich vvorke and tra∣uaile knovve yee right vvell, that our industrie shall vvorke vvith you: For vvhich cause also vve haue addressed our mes∣sengers

vnto you, who with you by our authority, shal amēde and correct those thinges that are to be amended. And there∣fore also haue wee added such Canonical constitutions, as see∣med to vs most necessarie. Let no man iudge this to be pre∣sumption in vs, that we take vpon vs to amende, that is amisse, to cut of that is superfluous. For wee reade in the bookes of Kinges, howe the holy Kinge Iosias trauailed, goinge the cir∣cuites of his Kingdome or visitinge, correctinge and admo∣nishinge his people, to reduce the whole Kingdome vnto the true Religion and Seruice of God. I speake not this as to make my self equal to him in holines: but for that we ought alwaies to follovve the examples of the holy Kinges: and so much as we can, vve are bounde of necessitie, to bring the people to follovve vertuous life to the praise and glory of our Lorde Ie∣sus Christ, &c. And anon after amongest the rules that he prescribeth vnto them this follovveth: First of al, that al the Bisshoppes and Priestes, reade diligentlie the Catholique Faith, and preache the same to all the people. For this is the first precept of God the Lorde in his Lawe: Heare ô Israel, &c. It belongeth to your offices ô yee pastours and guides of Goddes Churches, to sende forth thorough your Diocesses, Priestes to preache vnto the people, and to see that they preache rightly and honestly. That ye doe not suffer newe things, not Canonicall, of their owne minde forged, and not after the holy Scriptures, to be preached vnto the people. Yea, you your owne selues preache profitable, ho∣nest and true thinges, which doe leade vnto eternal life. And enstructe you others also that they doe the same. Firste of all euery preacher must preache in general, that thei beleeue the Father, the Sonne, and the holy Ghost to be an omnipotent God, &c. And so learnedly proceedeth through al the articles of our Faith, after vvhich becommeth to the conuersation of life, &c. And wee doo therefore more diligētlie enioine vnto you this thing, because vve knovve, that in the latter daies shall come false teachers, as the Lorde himselfe hath forvvarned, and the Apostle Paule to Timothe doth vvitnesse. Therefore beloued let vs furnishe

our selues in harte and minde, with the knowledge of the truth, that we may be able to vvithstande the aduersaries to trueth, and that thorough Goddes grace, Goddes vvorde may encrease, passe through and be multiplied, to the pro∣fitte of Goddes holy Churche, the Saluation of our soules, and the glory of the name of our Lorde Iesus Christ. Peace to the preachers, grace to the obedient hearers, and glory to our Lord Iesus Christe. Amen.

Stapleton.

Many Lawes Ecclesiasticall are here brought forth, set forth by this Charles, with his great care, that reached e∣uen to the singer, porter or sextē: wherunto ye might adde, that he made an order, that no man should minister in the Churche in his vsuall apparell: and that he him selfe fre∣quented the Churche erlye and late, yea at night prayer to. But this addition perchaunce woulde not all the best haue liked your Geneuicall ministers. Then layeth he me forth, an iniunction of this Charles in matters Ecclesiasticall. But consider his style Maister Horne. What is it? Su∣preame Gouuernour or head of the Churche in all mat∣ters and thinges Ecclesiasticall? No, but a deuoute and an humble mainteyner of the Churche. Consider againe the order of his doinges Maister Horne, which are to sette forthe iniunctions, to kepe the clergie within and vnder the rules of the Fathers. But from whence trowe we, toke Maister Horne all this longe allegation of Charles his Constitutions? He placeth towarde the ende of his allegation, in the margin, Ioan. Auentinus, out of whome it may seme he toke that later parte. But as for the former part thereof (whence so euer M. Horne hath fetched it) it

is founde in dede among the Constitutions of Charles set forthe xx. yeres paste. But there it is sette though as a Con∣stitution of Charles, yet not as his owne proper lawe or statute, but expressely alleaged out of the Aphricane Coun¦cell. For so vsed godly Princes to establishe the Canons of the Churche, with their owne Constitutions and lawes. And in that Councell whence Charles toke this Constitu∣tion, where it is saied that Scriptures onely shoulde be reade in the Churches, it is added, Vnder the name of Scriptures. And it is farder added. We will also that in the yearly festes of Martyrs, their passions be reade. Which thinges M. Horne here, but M. Iewell a great deale more shamefully quyte omitted in his Reply to D. Cole: falsely to make folcke be∣leue, that in the Churche only Scriptures should be read.

But what neade I nowe seke furder answere, when M. Horne of his owne goodnes, hath answered hym selfe, as ye haue hearde, good reader, sufficientlie alredy? And I haue before noted of this Charles and of his submission to bishoppes, and namely to the bishop of Rome so farre, that no Emperour I trowe was euer a greater papiste then he was, or farder from this Antichristian supremacy that M. Horne and his felowes teache. For no lesse is it termed to be of Athanasius that lerned father, as I haue before declared.

M. Horne. The .101. Diuision. pag. 62. a.

This noble Prince vvas mooued to take vpon him this gouernement in ec∣clesiastical matters and causes, not of presumptiō, but by the vvoorde of God, for the dischardge of his princely duety, as he had learned the same both in the examples of godly kings commended therfore of the holy ghost, and also by the instructions of the best learned teachers of his time, vvhereof he had greate stoare and especially Alcuinus an Englisheman of great learninge, vvho vvas his chiefe Scholmaister and teacher: vvhome, as Martinus tel∣leth,

Charles made Abbot of Tovvers. Amongst other many and notable vo∣lumes, thu Alcuinus vvriteth one, entituled De Fide sanctae & indi∣uiduae Trinitatis, vvhich as moste meete for him to knovv, he dedicateth to Charles the Emperour. He beginneth his epistle dedicatory, after the salu∣tatiō and superscriptiō, thus: Seeinge that the Emperial dignitie or∣deined of God, seemeth to be exalted for none other thinge, thē to gouern and profite the people, Therfore God doth geue vnto them that are chosen to that dignitie power and wise∣dome: Power to suppresse the proude, and to defend the hum∣ble against the euil disposed: wisdome to gouerne and teache the subiectes with a godly carefulnes. VVith these twoo giftes O holy Emperour, Gods fauour hath honoured ād exalted you incomparably aboue your auncestours of the same name and authoritie, &c. VVhat than? what must your carefulnes moste deuoutly dedicated to God bringe forthe in the time of peace the warres being finished, when as the people hasteneth to as∣semble togeather, at the proclamation of your commaunde∣mēt (he meaneth that he expresseth aftervvard, by this assembly or cōcourse, the councel that vvas novve in hand assembled, as he saith, Imperiali prae∣cepto: by the Emperours precept.) And waiteth attentiuely be¦fore the throne of your grace, what you wil cōmaunde to eue∣ry persone by your authoritie: what I say ought you to doo? but to determine with al dignitie iuste thinges, which beinge ratified to set them foorth by cōmaundement, and to geue ho∣ly admonitions, that euery man may retourne home mery and gladde, with the precept of eternal Saluation, &c. And least I should seeme not to helpe and further your preaching of the Faithe, I haue directed and dedicated this booke vnto you, thinkinge no gifte so conuenient and woorthy to be presented vnto you: seeinge that al men knowe this most plainly, that the Prince of the people ought of necessitie to knowe al thinges, and to preache those thinges that please God: neither belon∣geth it to any man to knowe better or moe things, than to an Emperour, whose doctrine ought to profite all the subiectes &c. Al the faithful hath great cause to reioyce of your godlines

seing that you haue the priestly power (as it is mete so to bee) in the preaching of the worde of God, perfect knowledge in the Catholique faith, and a most holy deuotion to the saluatiō of men. This doctrine of Alcuinus, vvhich no doubte, vvas the doctrine of all the catholike and learned fathers in that time, confirmeth vvell the doinges of Charles and other Princes, in callinge councelles, in makinge decrees, in geuing Iniunctions to Ecclesiasticall persons, and in rulinge and gouerninge them in (.325.) all Ecclesiasticall thinges and causes. If the gouernement of this moste Christian Prince in Ecclesiastical matters be vvel considered, it shall vvell appeare, that this Charles the great, vvhome the Popes doo extolle as an other great Constantine, and patron vnto them (as he vvas in deede, by enriching the Churche vvith great reuenues and riches) vvas no vvhit greater for his martiall and Princelike affaires in the politique gouernaunce, than for his godly ordering and disposinge the Church causes: although that in some thinges he is to be borne vvith, considering the (.326.) blindnes and superstition of the time.

Stapleton.

The contents of these matters stande in the highe com∣mendation, of this Charles: which can not be commended inowghe, and whome the councell kepte at Mens, com∣mendeth euen as M. Horne reporteth, for his godlie wise∣dome in continual feadinge of Christs sheepe withe holie foode, and instructinge them with diuine knowledge, farre passing thorowgh his holy wisdome, the other kings of the earthe. A wise man would now maruayle, to what end M. Horne hath heaped these and all his other prayses of thys Emperour who truly can not be praised to much: but the truer and greater his prayse is, the more discommendation to M. Horne and to his boke, beinge directe contrarie to the doings and belief of Charles, and this matter so certayn∣ly true, that Maister Horne him selfe can not denie yt. Be∣side, here appeareth a contradiction the whiche Mai∣ster

Horne shal neuer shift away charging him before for want of pure knowledge: whereof yet he doth nothing else but purge him almost fowre leaues following together: as one hauinge a priestlie power, to preache the worde of God, and hauing perfytte knowledg in the catholyke fayth. And say∣ing that al the catholyk and learned fathers of that tyme con∣firme well the doinges of Charles, which he him selfe dothe here impugne, for Masses, Chrisme, and other poyntes of catholyke religion. Consider these thinges, good reader well, and then iudge with indifferency, who be the blind bussardes, that M. Horne spake of.

Your note in the margent may be suffred wel inowgh, being agreable to your texte: onlesse yt be, that some∣tyme good thinges be the worse for comminge to yl mens handes. The priestly power that Alcuinus meaneth re∣steth in this poynte, that as the priestes in theyre Syno∣des and preachinges set forthe the true fayeth, so doe good princes set forth the same by theire proclamations. For you will not I trowe say, that the Emperour him self preached in pulpyt with gown and surplesse, or with cope and Rotchet, as you poore soules are driuen full againste your willes to doe. And so for all your note and shrewde meaning, Charles is as farre of from his supremacy as euer he was before. Yea I will nowe proue, after the vsual sort of M. Hornes reasoning against the catholikes, that bishops at thys tyme, yea in the tyme of greate Theodosius to, were supreame heads aswell in causes temporall as spiri∣tuall: For (by the decree of Charles, and Theodosius) yt was Lawfull for all men in all suites to appeale to the bisshoppes, withowte anie appeale to be made from theyre sentence and decree. But of this we haue spoken before more at large.

Yet you tel vs again here after your maner that this Charles ruled and gouerned ecclesiasticall persons in all Ecclesiasticall thinges and causes. This you conclude stil. But this clause, saying or assertion coulde neuer yet appeare in any text by you alleaged. And here I might ruffle with you in M. Ie∣wels Rethorike for this clause, Supreme gouernment in all Ecclesiasticall thīgs and causes: as he doth against D. Harding for the bare termes of Priuate Masse, vniuersal Bisshop, head of the Church, &c. and say to you. If Emperours and other Princes were supreme Gouernours in dede in all Ecclesia∣sticall causes, so allowed and taken in the whole worlde, why were thei neuer expressely and plainely named so? was there no man in the worlde for the space of a thowsand yeres and more from the tyme of Constantine to Maximilian, able to ex∣presse this name or Title? It had ben the simpler and playner dealing for M. Horne to haue said. This Title can not yet be found, and so to haue takē a longer daie. And againe. This title of supreme Gouernour in al Ecclesiastical causes is the very thing that we deny, ād that M. Horn hath takē in hād to proue, and boldly auoucheth, that he hath already plainly shewed it, and yet not in one of his allegations it can be found. As though he woulde say, al the olde fathers of the Church both Greekes and Latines wanted woordes and eloquence, and ei∣ther they could not, or they durste not call the supreme Go∣uernour by his own peculiar name. And again thus. From the tyme of Constantine the great to this Charles, there haue ben of Christen Emperours aboue .30. and beside a greate nombre of Christen Kinges in Spayne, in Fraunce, yea and in our Countrye to, for their Constancy in faith, for their vertues and knowledge far exceading the rest that haue ben sithence: (at least wise by your Iudgements which con∣demne

these later ages) The nombre of them beinge so greate, their vertues so noble, their power so mighty, it is merueyl M. Horne should not be able to shew that any one of them all in so long tyme, was so much as once Called, Intitled, Saluted or proclaymed, The supreme Gouernour in al causes Ecclesiastical. And last of al. This supreme Gouernement, to the which we must nedes sweare by booke othe, so Auncient, so vniuersall, so Catholike, so Gloriouse can not be founde neither in the Ro∣main Empire, neither in al the Easte Church, nor in Fraūce, nor in Spaine, nor in England, but must be sought out, in broken sayinges of this and that man, and that by coniecture only. This I might, as I said, in M. Iewels Rhetorike ruffle a litell with you. But because, as his chalenge it selfe (I be∣leue) so farre misliketh you, that you wishe his tounge had bene tyed to a pillery, when he vttered it at Paules Crosse, so this his Rhetorike also pleaseth you, I trowe, neuer a whitte. Therefore not to trowble you, I am content to leaue it. Onelye I desire the Reader to marke, that euer you conclude, pronounce and affirme in your owne woordes, Supreme Gouernement in al Ecclesiasticall causes, but in your allegations and Authorities being so thicke, and so long, you can not for your life so much as once finde it. And so Christen men are sworen to that, which neuer synce Christ was borne, was euer reade, sene, or herde of, in any Councel or Doctour, Bisshop or Father, Emperour or Prince, Countrie or City whatsoeuer.

But to returne to you Maister Horne, whome I hadde almoste forgotten, I will note one moste fonde contra∣diction in you, and so passe to the next Diuision. You say this Prince Charles the greate, is in some thinges to be borne with, considering the blindnesse and superstition of the tyme.

And yet you say in lesse thē twēty lines before: This doctrine of Alcuin{us} (who was this Charles his Chaplain) was no doubt the doctrin of al the Catholik and learned fathers in that tyme. Now good sir. If there were Catholik ād learned fathers in that tyme, ād the doctrin of Alcuin{us} was the doctrin of thē, he also being themperors chaplaine, and dayly instructer in Gods matters, why feare you in thēperor a corruptiō of the blindnes ād superstitiō of the tyme? Or what blindnes and superstitiō is there in the tyme, whē Catholik ād learned fa∣thers flourish in the time? Except you wil say, that to be Ca¦tholik and learned, is also a blindnes ād superstitiō: ād that he∣retiks only do se or the vnlerned ōly haue the pure worship of God? But so it is. That tyme cōdēneth this tyme. That Re∣ligiō cōdēneth yours. And therefore you must nedes either cal thē blind, or cōfesse your self blīd, which you cā not pos∣sibly do, because you are blīd in dede. And why? Forsoth be∣cause euer, whē you looke vp toward the former ages, you put vpō your eies a paire of spotted spectacles: so that al that you se through those spectacles, semeth also spotted, fowle, ād euil fauored vnto you. And these spectacles are, The cō∣tempt of the Church traditiōs. A pride of your own know∣ledge in Gods word: A lothsomnes of austere ād hard life to beare your own crosse with Christ. A preiudicat opiniō of preferrīg Caluin, Melāchtō ād Luther before al the Ca∣tholik ād lerned fathers, for so you cal thē, of that age. With such like. If you wuld ones put of these foule spotted specta∣cles, M. Horn, thē wuld you neuer cal the time of Catholik ād lerned fathers, a time of blindnes ād superstitiō, but then would you se clerly, your own blindnes and superstition. Which with al my hart, I pray God you may ones doe ere your dye.

M. Horne. The .102. Diuision. pag. 63. a.

Although herein Lodouic{us} Charles his son vvere somvvhat inferior to his father: Yet notvvithstādīg, he (.327.) reserued these Ecclesiastical causes to

hīself, ād vvith no lesse care be ordred the same, although in some thīgs, being a very mild Prīce, he vvīked ād bare ouer much vvith the (.328.) ambitiō of the Popes. Shortly after, vvhā as the forsaid Leo vvas departed, vvas Stephē next elected Pope, ād vvithout the cōfirmatiō of thēperour, tooke the Papacy vpō hī. Al the histories agree, that he came shortly after into Fraūce to thē∣peror, but vvherfore, most of thē leaue vncertain. Platina thinketh to auoid the hursey burley in the City that vvas after the death of Leo. Sabellicus thīketh thēperors coronatiō to be the cause. Nauclerus saith, he wēt in his own person vnto thēperor Lodouik (.329.) about, or for the Church matters, vvhich (330) proueth that thēperour had chief authority in ordering the Church busines. But our English Chronicles, as some vvri∣ters affirme, do plainly declare, that his cōming into Fraūce, vvas to make an excuse of his vnlaufull consecration, against the decrees made to Char∣les by his predecessours, Adriā and Leo, fearing therefore the sequele of the matter he first sent his Legats before hī to be a preparatiue to his purgatiō, and aftervvards came hīself to craue his pardō. And the rather to please thē∣peror, brought a most beautiful crovvn of gold for hī, and another for the Em∣presse (331) vvherof folovved, as Naucle. saith: Oīa quae petiit à pio Impera∣tore obtinuit, he obteined whatsoeuer he asked of the godly em∣peror. Novv vvhē Stephē had dispatched al his matters, he retourned home: and shortly after, an other ecclesiastical cause happened, for vvithin a vvhile the bishop of Reatina died, and there vvas an other chosen. And whē the sea of Reatina (saith Naucler{us}) was void, the Pope would not cō∣secrat the elect Bishop, onles he had first licēce therto of them∣peror. The circūstances of this story, make the matter more plaine. The erle Guido, had vvritē vnto Pope Stephē to cōsecrat that bishop: vvhō the Cler∣gy and the people had elect: but the Pope durst not enterprice the matter, till he vvere certified of thēperors pleasure, and therupō vvriteth agaī vnto Therle the tenor vvhereof folovveth, after Gratianus report: I haue red your letters, wherī you require me to cōsecrat the newly elect Bis∣shop of Reatin, chosen by the cōsent of the Clergy ād people, least the Church should be long destitute of a propre pastour. I am sory for the death of the other: but I haue deferred the consecratiō of this, for that he brought not with him, thempe∣rors licence (vt mos est) as the maner is. I haue not satisfied your mind herein, leste that the Emperour should be displeased at my doing. Therefore I require you (for otherwise I ought not to medle) to purchase the Emperours licēce directed vnto me

by his letters, vt prisca consuetudo dictat, as the auncient custome doth wil, and then I will accomplishe your desier. I praie you take not this my doing in euil parte. VVherof it is manifeste inough (saith Nauclerus) that of the Emperours at that time, the Bishops had their inuestitures: although Anto, doth glosse o∣therwise, saying that perhaps, this electe Bisshoppe was belon∣ging to the Court, who ought not to be ordered. Not only the textes of many decrees in this distinction, doth confirme this to be true, but also Gratian him self, and the glossars, do in ma∣nie places affirme, that this was the auncient custome, and cō∣stitution in the Churche, that the election•• of the Bishoppes of Rome, and of other Bishops also, should be presented to the Emperours and Princes, before they might be consecrated.

The .11. Chapter▪ Of Lewys the first, of Steuē .1. Paschalis .1. Eu∣genius .1. and Gregory the .4. Popes of Rome.

Stapleton.

LVdouicus sonne to Charles the great, confirmed the popes election, and had the inuestitures of bishops. Be yt so M. Horn, if ye wil: what then? Haue you forgot∣ten, that al that Authoryty was geuē to his father Charles the great, by Adrian the pope, and that he helde that onely of the Popes gifte? Agayne, many hundred yeares together ere this tyme, Fraunce, Italie, Spayne, England and many other contreis were vnder thempiere of Rome. Would ye therfore inferre your argument, frō that tyme to our tyme, and make those countries nowe subiect to the Empire, bi∣cause they were then? Yf ye doe, litle thank shal ye haue for your labour: And truely the argument holdeth aswel in the one, as in the other: And when al is done, your cause of su∣premacie standeth as yt did before. Yet is the fyne and clerkly handlyng of the matter by M. Horne, to be withall

considered: who like a wanton spanell, running from hys game at riot, hunteth to fynde the cause, why Pope Ste∣phen (whome the stories call an Angelicall and a blessed man) came to this Emperour into Fraūce. He telleth three causes, out of three certaine and knowē Authours: ād then telleth vs, that Nauclerus sayeth, he came for Churche matters, and so ful hādsomly concludeth thereby, that the Emperour had the chiefe Authoritie therein: which is as good an argument, as if a man would proue, the woman to whome Kyng Saule came and consulted with for certaine his affaires, to haue bene aboue the King. Your Authour Nauclerus doth specifie what these causes were: that is, to intreate themperour, for his enemies, and for the Ro∣mans, that had done suche iniurie to Pope Leo, of whom ye haue spoken, and to pardon other that were in diuerse prisons in Fraūce, for the great owtragiouse offences done against the Churche. The good Emperour satisfied hys de∣sire: ād so he returned to Rome, ād those also which were banished with him. Also he saieth he wēt to the Emperour ad vitandas seditiones: to auoyde the tumultes that were rising in the Cytie, which clause M. Horne nipped quyte of in the middest of hys allegation. Belike M. Horne hym self, thought not good to rest in that argumente, and ther∣fore he seketh a new, ād that is that the Pope came to ex∣cuse hym self, of hys vnlawfull consecratiō, done without the cōsente of thēperour: And to make his way, brought a most bewtiful crowne of golde, one for hym, and an other for the Empresse, wherof followed as Nauclerus saith that he obtayned, what so euer he asked of the godlye Empe∣rour. But Maister Horne how your wherof followeth, yt would trouble a wiseman, yea your selfe to tell. For to say

the truth yt can not followe. Nauclerus maketh mention, as I haue sayde what hys demaundes were, but of no suche crowne. Neither your other Authours Sabellicus and Pla∣tina. But as well Platina as Volaterranus sayth the Empe∣rour deliuered to the Pope at his returne, a weightye and a massie Crosse of golde, that he gaue to Sainte Peters Churche.

Now Syr, do so much for me againe, or rather for your selfe, to proue your selfe a true man and somwhat to better your own tale, to tel vs but one Author by name good or bad, that writeth, as ye say, cōcerning the .ij. Crownes, the Pope brought with him, and of his purgatiō and pardō that he should craue of the Emperour. What M. Horne may do hereafter, good Reader, let him selfe wel consider. But I pray thee in the mean ceason consider, that he allegeth no better matter than this, that our Englissh Chronicles (Bale belike, or some such honest man) and againe, as some wri∣ters affirme doe plainely saye so. Now though the cre∣ditte of our English Histories, in this case be very slender: yet ye see, good Reader, how he playeth and dallieth with you, neither daring to name any Originall Chronicler, nor any other that doth name the said Chronicler. But maketh his proufe onely vpon some sayes, and heare sayes.

M. Horne. The .103. Diuision. pag. 64. a.

Immediatl••e after the death of Stephen Paschalis .1. vvas chosen Pope: He being encouraged▪ by all (.332.) likelihode, by his Predecessours like en∣traunce, thinking to entreat the Emperour so easely as Stephen had done. And boldened vvith a late made Canon by Stephen, suffied him selfe to be enstalled and consecrate vvithout the Emperours inuesturing, leaue and authoritie: Neuertheles being better aduised (mistrusting his presumptuous and disobedient fact vvould displease the Emperour, as it did in deede) he sent by and by his Legates to the Emperour to excuse him selfe, and laieth al

the fault on the people and clergy. Th'Emperour accepting this ex∣cuse for that time warneth the people and Clergie of Rome, that they take good hede, that they do no more offend against his Maiestie, but that hereafter they doe warely obserue and kepe the old orders and cōstitutions. He calleth this attempt (.333.) plaine treason. This Emperour called a Coūcel at Frankeford, he be∣stovved spirituall promotions, and (.334.) instituted his brother Drogo, the chiefe Minister or Bisshop at Mettes.

In the meane vvhile die••h Pope Paschalis, next to vvhome follovved Eugenius, but elected not vvithout contention, and liued but a vvhile: af∣ter vvhom succeded Valentinus, vvho liued in the Papacie but forty dai∣es. Next vnto him vvas chosen Gregorie the fourthe, who was of so great modesty, saith Platina, that being elected Pope of the Cler∣gie and people of Rome, he would not take vpon him the of∣fice, before he had his confirmation of th' Emperours Embas∣sadours, whō th' Emperor had sent to Rome for that purpose, and to examin diligētly that election. And Lodouicus th' Em∣perour, did not this of pride, but that he woulde not loose the priuileges and rightes of th'Empire. Note al these things vvell, the Pope on the one part, vvhā he vvas chosen vvithout any contentiō, yet vvould he not be cōsecrat vvithout th' Emperors cōfirmation: othervvise he thought it an vnmodest part. Th' Emperor on the other side, not only sendeth his Embas∣sadours to cōfirm, but or euer they confirm hī, to examin, and diligētly to di∣scusse, after vvhat sort he cam in, ād vvhether he vver elected laufully or no. And this he did, not of a pride (say thei) much lesse of any vsurpatiō, but becaus he vvold not lose or diminissh the right herein, that belonged to the Emperial (.335.) Maiest. Here, say they, he did it of purpose, because he vvould not lose his right, ād not his only, but the right of the Empire. But least it shuld seme he did tirannously herein, and oppressed the church, or infringed her liberties, it folovveth almost vvoorde for vvorde, in both these vvriters Platina and Nauclerus. For he was a mild, merciful, and most gētle Prince of nature, and one that did alwaies mainteine the righte and dignity of the Church. Lo hovv great clemēcy this is compted in him, and the defence of the dignities and rightes of the Church: the vvhich after∣vvardes, and novv of the Popes, is compted the greatest tyranny and oppres∣sion

of the Churche that can be. But further to approue this deede of Lodo∣uike, the foresaid authors recite many Canons, Decrees, and Constitutions, that this Emperour made in Ecclesiastical causes and things: and especially for the reformatiō of the disordered behauiours of the Bisshops ād Clergy In so much that Platina cōparing the dissolutenes of the church mē in his time, crieth out would God, O Lodouike, thou were aliue in these our times, for now the Church wanteth thy most holy ordi∣naunces, and thy discipline. The selfe same Lodouicus (saith Pla∣tina) called a Councell of many Bisshoppes at Aquisgrane, to Gods honour, and the profite of the Church dignitie. The Pre∣lates in the Preface to this Synode, dooe declare, vvhat vvas the care and authoritie of this godly Emperour in this Synode. They affirme that the most Christian Emperour, had called an holy and Generall Congregation or Coū∣cell at Aquisgrane: He began therin throughly to hādle the matter, vvith vvisedom void of curiositie: he counsailed, yea vvarned the Holie Sinod as∣sembled, vvhat vvas nedeful to be don, touchīg certain chief Ministers of the Churches: He vvarned thē further, to dravv out of the holy Canōs, and the sayīgs of the holy fathers, a fourm of institutiō for the sīple sort of ministers, vvherby they might the more easily learn to vvalke in their dueties vvithout offēce. The Synod geueth God thāks, that he had preferd so ho∣lie, wise, and deuout a Prince, to haue the (.336.) charge and ouersight of his Church, and the Churches nedefull businesse or matters. The Synode, accordinge to the kings aduertisement, fur∣thered also vvith his helpe othervvise, collecteth a fourme of Institution, vvherin is cōteined at large, after vvhat sorte the Prelates oughte to fra••e their liues, rule, or gouerne the people cōmitted to their cures, &c. This done, they bring (337) to the Prince their fourm of Institutiō, vvhich they had de∣uised. This Emperour called an other Councel at Ticinum in Italy for the causes hereafter expressed. The matters or causes vvich the honorable Emperour Ludouicus did commaunde his Bisshoppes to consider of, are these: touching the state of his kingedome: of the conuersation of the Bi∣shoppes, Priestes, and other Churchmen: of the doctrine and preachinge to the people: of vvritinge out of Bookes: of restoring of Churches: of orde∣ring the people, and hospitalles for strangers: of Monasteries both for men and vvemen. (.338.) VVhat so euer is out of order in these forenamed states,

eyther through the negligence of the guides, or the slouthfulnes of the inferi∣ours, I am (said he) very much desirous to know, and I coueite to amende or refourme them, according to Goddes will, and your holy aduise, in suche sorte that neither I be found repro∣uable in Gods sight, neither you nor the people incurre Gods wrathful indignation for these things, how this may be sear∣ched, found out, and brought to perfection, that I commit to be entreated by you, and so to be declared vnto mee. The lesser matters also, whiche in general touche all, but in espe∣ciall, some, and nede refourmation: I will that ye make en∣quirie of them, and make relation vnto me thereof: as for ex∣aumple, if the rulers in the Countries neglecte or sell Iustice, if they be takers or oppressours of the Churches, widdowes, Orphanes, or of the poore. Yf they come to the Sermons. If they dooe reuerence and obey duelie their Priestes. If they presume to take in hand any new opinions or arguments that may hurt the people. &c.

The Bisshoppes after they had consulted vppon these matters, doe make relation vnto the Emperour, vvhat they had done: shevving to him, that they had founde some of the Bisshoppes and chiefe Ministers faultie, and humblie praye the Emperour on their behalfe, that he vvill of his goodnes graunt those, some space to amende their faultes. They complaine to the Emperour of Bisshops and Priests for lacke of Preaching, and that Noble men, and Gentlemen, come not vnto those (.339.) fevv ser∣mons that bee. And so then recite many other enormities, as about Tythes, Incest, and suche like, especiallie in religious persons, vvho for the moste parte are (.340.) cleane out of order. And to bring these to their former order and state resteth (say they) in your disposition. Thus dothe this King take vppon him, and thus doe the Bisshoppes yeelde vnto him the (.341.) gouernemente, as vvell of Ecclesiasticall, as Temporall causes and thinges. On this vvise did Lodouicus alvvaies exercise him selfe: in so muche that for his carefull gouernemente in Churche matters he vvas surnamed Pius, the Godlie,, as his Father beforehim, vvas called Magnus, the Greate.

Stapleton.

The principall tenour of the matters here conteyned, standeth in the confirmation of the Popes election, in cal∣ling councelles, and confirming lawes ecclesiastical. To all the whiche we neade no farre fetched or newe solution, especially seing M. Horne hym self, furthereth yt so wel, as declaryng that all thinges were donne according to the holy Canons, and sayinges of the holy Fathers: and that many of theis matters towched the polityke gouernmente of the realme. Yet let M. Fekenham now beware. For M. Horne proueth yt high treason in the people and clergy, for that Paschalis was made Pope wythowte themperours consent. And so lo, at the lengthe here is some face of anti∣quity, for our newe actes of Parliamente. Well found out, and lyke a good lawyer M. Horne. Yet I beseache you tel vs, which wordes of all that you reherse imploye plaine treason. I am assured there are none, onlesse yt be these. that they do no more offende againste hys maiesty▪ as your self reherse out of Sabellicus. And yf ye call thys treason, and make no better prouf, I thinke neither good grammarian, nor any good lawyer wil take your parte. For thowghe in latin laedere maiestatem, be somtyme taken for treason, yet yt is not alwayes, neither can yt be englished treason, but vpon the circumstances, which declare the acte to be trea∣son. And how wil thys cruell exposition stande I pray you with your owne declaration, in this leaf also: that thys Lu∣douicus was a milde mercifull, and moste gentle prince? Be∣side thys, it is not like he toke thys matter so heauely, for that euen as Platina your authour here writeth out of A∣nastasius bibliothecarius, a worthy authour ād lyuing about thys tyme, thys Emperour released to this Pope Paschalis his right that he had in the election of Bishoppes, geuē be∣fore

to Charles by Adrian the Pope. And here uppon might I aswell cōclude after your base and yet accustomable rea∣soning, that the Princes of Englande should haue nothing to doe, with the election of Bishopes. Yet, if there be no re¦medy, let yt be highe treason to agnise the Popes election withowte the Emperours confirmation. What is thys to the prince of Englonde, that hath nothing to doe therwith, or to M. Fekēham, seing if al be true, yet it maketh nothing for the Emperours supreamacy, or againste the Popes su∣preamacy? The denial wherof in dede (the more pitie) is taken for treason with vs, but yet thankes be to God, suche kinde of treason, as a man maye lose his head and take no hurte by yt, but muche good: and that is to be a very true and a blessed martyr.

But now touching the particular doinges of this Empe∣rour Ludouike, you tel vs he bestowed Spirituall promotions (and you tell vs but of one onely) and instituted his brother Drogo the Chiefe Minister or Bishop at Mettes. And here you leaue oute, Canonicam vitam agentem, clero eiusdem Eccle∣siae consentiente ac eligente, he instituted him being a man that lead a regular lyfe, the clergye also of that Churche bothe confenting and choosing him. This you leaue out to make the worlde beleue the Emperour bestowed Spiri∣tuall promotions, of his owne supreme Authorytie abso∣lutely. And here you tel vs of a right belonging to the Empe∣rial maiesty, in confirming of the Pope. And yet you forget, that in the very leafe before you confesse, this was made by decrees of Adrian and Leo Popes to Charles, this mans Fa∣ther. And then was it not a right of Imperial Maiesty, but a Priuilege frō the Apostolike Authoryte. As for the Cle∣mency of this Prince so much commended, it was not as

you imagine for any supreme gouernment, but for his most fatherly defending, aiding and succouring of the Church. Namely in that most learned Councell holden vnder him at Aquisgrane, of which presently you do talk very much, prying out for som clause that might make for your suprem gouernmēt. And at last, finding none, with a litle false tran∣slatiō, you make the Synode to say of th'Emperour, that he had the charge and ouersight of Christes Church. Which al in Latine is but this one word Procuratorem, A defendour, a succourer, a maintainour, not a Supreme Gouernour with charge and ouersight. You adde also the Synode was furthe∣red with his helpe otherwise, itching forth a litle and a litle, faine to finde somewhat, and it wil not be. For all that fur∣thering (that you so closely couer) was nothing els, but that to his great charges, he furnished the Councel with a goodly store of bookes, and greate plentye of the Fathers writings. Out of which they collected a fourme of institu∣tion, &c. Not the Emperour. A non after you talke of Mo∣nasteries for men and wemen: but you leaue out: Secun∣dùm regulam S. Benedicti. According to the Rule of S. Benet. Your vnruly Religion coulde not beare so much as the Remēbraunce of that holy Rule. And al that you tell of the Emperors words to the Bishops in the Coūcel of Ti¦oinū, the Coūcel calleth it only Cōmonitoriū an aduertise∣mēt or admonitiō. No charge or Cōmissiō. You note to the Reader certeyne enormyties recited in this Goūcel. But wote you what those enormytes were? Forsoth these. That the lay Nobilite, quia ad electionis consortiū admittuntur, Archi∣praesbyteris suis dominari praesumunt, & quos tanquā patres ve¦nerari debuerūt, velut subditos cōtēnunt. Bicause they are ad∣mitted to haue a part in the Electiō, they presume to ouer

rule their chief priestes. And whom they oughte to reue∣rence as Fathers, they contemne as subiects. These were the enormyties there recyted M. Horne. And do not you defende this very enormytie, euen in this very place, ād by this very Councel? When will you leaue to bringe Autho∣ryties against your selfe? As touching the matter of Incest, the Synod requireth of the Emperour that to bringe such offenders to open penaunce, Comitum eius auxilio fulcian∣tur, they may be vpholded with the helpe of his Offycers. Lo they require the Emperours helpe for execution. And yet you conclude after your maner. Thus dothe the kinge take vpō him, ād thus doe the Bishops yelde vnto him the Go∣uernement as wel of Ecclesiastical as Tēporal causes and thin∣ges. And this you conclude a gouernement, whiche in all your premisses was not so muche as named. Your Con∣clusion is alwaies full and mightye. But your proufes are voyde and fainte.

M. Horne. The .104. Diuision. pag. 66. a.

Pope Leo .4. vvriteth his humble letters vnto Lotharius on the behalfe of one Colonus, vvho vvas chosen to be Bishop of Reatina, but he might not consecrate him vvithout the Emperours licence first obteined thereunto, and therfore praieth the Emperour of his fauour tovvardes Colonus: Vt vestra licentia accepta, ibidem, Deo adiuuante, eum consecra∣re valeamus Episcopum: That hauing your licence, wee may haue authority by Goddes helpe to consecrate him Bishoppe there. Vppon this vvoorde, Licence, The Glosser noteth, the consente of the Prince to be required after the election be made. (.342.) Nexte to Leo, sauinge the (.343.) vvoman Pope Iohan, vvas Benedi∣ctus .3. chosen, vvho vvas ratified and confirmed by the Emperours autho∣rity: vvho sente his Embassadours to Rome for that purpose. This Pope is commended for his greates godline: But he vvas ouer godly to li••e longe in that sea; neuerthelesse he vvas not so godly as the moste of his successours

vvere altogether vngodly, as your (.344.) ovvne vvriters make reporte. And to note this chaunge the better: Nauclerus telleth of diuers vvonders: hovv the Deuil appeared in an vgly shape, and hurled stones at men as they vvent by: set men togeather by the eares: bevvrayed theeues, and Priestes of their Lemmans, and such like: Hovv it rained bloud three daies and three nightes: Hovv great Grassehoppers vvith six vvings, and six fete, and tvvo teeth harder then any stone, couered the ground, and destroyed the fruites: not altogether vnlike those Grassehoppers, that S. Iohn noteth in his Reuelatiō, to come frō the bottōles pit, after the starre vvas fallen. After this folovved a great pestilence: VVhich vvonders, if they be true, be not vnvvorthy the notīg considering the chaunge that follovved. For hitherto stil from time to time, although some Popes did priuily attempte the contrarye, yet the Emperours (.345.) alvvayes kept the confirmation of the Pope, the inuesturing of Bis∣shoppes, and the ordering of many (.346.) other Ecclesiasticall matters, till the next Pope began openly to repine at the matter, and his successour after him to curse, and some of those that folovved, fell from chiding and cursing, to plaine fighting for the same. In the vvhiche combate, though vvith much a doe, at length they vvrong them selues from vnder the Em∣perours (.347.) obedience: Yet alvvaies euen hitherto, Princes haue had no litle interest in Ecclesiastical causes, as hereafter shal appere.

The .12. Chapter. Of. Leo .4. Benedictus .3. Nicolaus. 1. Adrian .2: Martinus .2. Adrian .3. and of the .8. Generall Councell vnder Basi∣lius the Emperour.

Stapleton.

WE goe on still with the Popes confirmation: a matter, as ye know, nedelesse, and such as might be spared, sauing that M. Horne must take a foile euen of his owne allegation and Glosar. Who, as he saith, the Princes consente, is required after the election, so

he addeth: Nisi aliud suade at scandalum, vel praescripta con∣suetudo. Onlesse, saith he, some offence, or a prescribed custome moue vs to thinke otherwise. Then is M. Horne in hand with Benedictus the .3. nexte Pope to the woman Pope Iohan: who was confirmed by the Emperour. But here M. Horne, a man may doubt of this pointe, whether this Benedictus was next to Pope Iohan. For if there was neuer such Pope Iohan, then could not he be nexte to her. And that it is rather a fable then a storie, for al your great busines, your Apologie, and others, make therein, I thinke it hath ben already sufficiently proued. Neither nede you to make so much wondering at the matter. Except ye list to wonder at your selues, whiche doe place the Popes Su∣preme authoritie in Princes, be they men, or women: Yea and chyldren to. And in so fewe yeares you haue had all three. Man. Childe. And Woman. The lesse meruaile had it bene, if in so many hundred yeres, we had had one wo∣man pope, which yet as I sayed, is vtterly false: as it hath bene sufficiently proued.

But touching this confirmation of popes and inuestu∣ring of bishops, which Adrian and Leo graunted to Char∣les the greate, whych Ludouicus hys sonne gaue ouer a∣gaine, which other princes coueted to haue after in their owne handes againe, and which was denied them, Gratian who hath collected the examples of both sydes, geueth forth a true and an euident reason, as well why to the one it was first graunted, as also why to the other afterwarde it was most iustly denied. Of the fyrst he sayeth. The ele∣ctiōs of Popes and of other bishops to be referred to Princes and Emperours, both Custome and lawe hath taught vs, for the dis∣sensiōs of schismatiks and heretiks, against whō the Church hath

ben defended oftentimes with the lawes of faithful Emperours. The election therfore of the Clergy was presented to the Prin∣ces, to the entēt that, it being by their authority strengthened, no heretike or schismatike should dare to gainsaie it. And also to the end that the Princes them selues as deuout childrē shuld agree vpon him, whom they sawe to be chosen for their Father, that in all things they might aide and assist him. As it was in the example of Valentinian th'Emperour, and S. Ambrose. I, saith the Emperour, wil be thy aide and defence, as it be∣cometh my degree. And herevpon Pope Steuen (of whom M. Horne talked euen now) made a Decree that without the Emperours Legates were present, no bishops alreadie chosen should be consecrated. And by reason of this De∣cree, the Bishops of Reatina coulde not be consecrated, as M. Horne euen now alleaged. But (saith Gratian) because the Emperours, passing sometime their bondes, would not be of the nūber of cōsenters ād agreers to th'electiō, but wuld be the first that shuld choose, yea ād put out to, oftētimes also falling to be as false as heretiks, assaied to breake the vnity of the Catho∣like Church their Mother, therefore the decrees of the holie Fathers haue proceded against them, that they should no more medle with the election of bisshops, and that whosoeuer ob∣tained any Church by their voice, should be excommunicated. And as Ezechias toke awaye the brasen serpent, whiche Moyses did set vp, because it was now abused: so the con∣stitutions of our forefathers are sometime chaunged by the Authoritie of the posteritie, when such Constitutiōs mere positiue are abused. Then Gratian bringeth in diuers other decrees against the Confirmatiō of Emperours, as of Gre∣gorie the .4. pope: of Lewys the firste Charles hys sonne, Henrie the first, and Otho the first Emperours: who all

gaue ouer by open decrees this priuilege graunted first of popes vpon good considerations, and after repealed vpon as good by the same authoritie.

And thus you see, M. Horne, by your owne Authours, and by good reason (if ye haue grace to consider it) you are sufficiently answered for confirmation of Popes, and inue∣sturing of Bisshops: a common matter in your booke, and yet as you see nowe, a matter of no weight in the world.

After this, M. Horn is in hand with the raining of bloud three daies, and with many other wonders of this time: yea with the Deuil him selfe that bewrayed Priests Lemmans, whiche they kept in corners secrete, that now M. Horne and his fellowes, are not ashamed to kepe openly, and haue learned a furder lesson then Priestes of that age knew, that a Frier and a Nunne may laufully wedde: wherat the De∣uill him selfe perchaunce doth as much wonder, as Maister Horne here doth wonder at the Deuils straunge doings. which yet are not so strange, nor so much to be wondered at, as perchance your great wisedom is to be wōdred at, to imagine that al these things chanced, for that th'Emperour had not as he was wonte to haue, the confirmation of the Popes election, and the ordering of maters Ecclesiasticall.

M. Horne. The .105. Diuision. pag. 66. b.

After Benedictus, vvas Nicolas chosen, vvhom the Emperour him selfe being present, did confirme, as vvitnesseth Nauclerus: At the same time, was the Emperour Lodouicus .2. at Rome, who confir∣med the Popes election. The same also sayeth Martin, to the vvhich Volateran addeth of the Emperour and the Pope: De communi con∣silio ambo cuncta gerebant. Al•• thinges were done by com∣mon counsaile or consent of both, the Emperour and the Pope. And least it might be thought he meaneth not as vvel Ecclesiastical as Tem∣poral

matters: Sabellicus maketh the matter more plaine, affirming that the Emperour and the Pope had secrete confer••nce together many daies, and had consultation both touching the matters perteining to Christian Religion, and also of the state of Italye. And a litle after talkinge of the Pope: The Pope decreed by the consente of Lodouicus, that from thence foorth, no Prince, no not the Emperour him selfe, should be present in the councell with the Cler∣gye. onlesse it were when the principall pointes of faith were treated of. Hitherto in all these Ecclesiasticall causes, the Emperour hath the doinge, as (.348.) vvell or more than the Pope.

But this last decree, that by the allovvance of the Emperour, the Pope made, exempteth Temporall Princes: from Ecclesiasticall matters in their councelles, though in the most principall matters Ecclesiastical, concerning faith, it leaueth to them their (.349.) interestes.

Stapleton.

M Horne hym self, to helpe our matters forwarde brin∣geth forth a decree made by the pope with th'Emperours consent, that lay princes should not be present in Coūcels, onlesse it were when the principall pointes of religion be treated of: at the which he wondreth as of a thing vnheard of. And yet he did, or mought haue found as much in the actes of the Councell of Chalcedo. Yea, he myght haue sene also that by the same decree, as well the people, as the prince might be present, and as much interest had the one thereyn, as the other. For, as the same Pope Nicolas sayed, geuynge a reason why the prince may be present, when matters of faith are debated, Faith is common to all, and perteineth as well to the layitie, as to the Clergie, yea to all Christen men without exception.

Yet all was not gone from them, sayeth M. Horne: for they had their interestes still (he sayeth) in the principall matters ecclesiasticall, concerning faith. But what intereste I praye you, tell vs? Was it to determine or define anye

thyng, or that all determinations were voyde and frustrate without thē? Nay, but only that they might be present, ey∣ther to keepe quiet and order, or els (as Constantin and Marcian protested) ad confirmandam fidem, to strenghthen their owne faith: or last of all, to execute the Sentence and determinations of bishops. And so were theyr Ambassa∣dours present, in the late General Councel at Trēt: And the Emperour and Kinges were wished thē selues to be there.

M. Horne. The .106. Diuision. pag. 67. a.

Martinus the secōd gat into the Papacie malis artibus by naughty meanes saith Platina, ād as is noted in the margēt, it vvas in this Popes time, that first of all the creation of the Popes vvas made vvithout the Em∣perours authority: But this Pope died so shortely, as he came in naughtily. After vvhō Adriā the third, like vnto his predecessor, the secōd of that name (vvho by cūning sleight practised to (.350.) defraude the Emperour of his au∣thority) espying oportunitie by reason, that Charles the emperour, as Sabel∣licus saith, vvas farre of, busied in the vvarres, dothe promote this matter to be decreed by the Senate and the people, and this he did immediatly after he vvas made Bishop, ād persuadeth thē, that they doo not hereafter vvayte for the Emperours approbatiō, and cōfirmation, in appointing their Bishop, but that they should kepe to thēselues, their ovvn fredome. The vvhich thing also Nicolaus the firste, vvith others attēpted, but coulde not bringe it to passe, as Platina reporteth. VVho also vvriteth, that the Romaynes had cō∣ceiued an hope of great liberty in the hauty courage of this Pope, being a Ro∣maine borne. But to their great griefe, he vvithin a vvhile vvas takē frō thē.

Stapleton.

M. Horne hath sone done with Nicolaus the first, and is frō him leapē to Martinus the secōd. Betwene which two were, yet .ij. other Popes, Adriā the secōd, ād Iohn the .9. the time also of their regimēt, being more thē twēty yeres: and vnder whō, especially vnder Nicolaus the first, ād Adriā the second as great matters passed touchinge our present pur∣pose, as vnder any Popes els of many yeres before or after.

For vnder thys Nicolaus the firste and Adrian the second, the .8. general Councell was kept at Constantinople, vnder Basilius then Emperour in the East partes: All which mat∣ter M. Horne, being in other Councels both General and Nationall so diligent a chronicler, hath vtterly drowned in silence. And yet he might Iwys haue found as much appa∣rent matter for his purpose there, as in any other Councel hytherto mentioned. For Basilius the Emperour called al∣so this Councell, as other Emperours before him dyd, and M. Horne might haue furnished his booke with some ioyly talke of this Emperour also made to the bishops at the be∣ginning of the Councell, touching his care and endeuour about ecclesiasticall matters.

But there was a padde in the strawe, I warrant you, that made M. Horne agast, and not so bold as ones to come nere it. Ignorant thereof he coulde not be, hauing sene Cu∣sanus de Concordia Catholica, out of whom he alleageth in this his booke a large place, and that in the same booke, ād but fiue chapters aboue the place, wher Cusanus reherseth out of this viij. Generall Councell, diuerse and longe pro∣cesses, to shew of purpose how the Emperour Basilius dea∣led and demeaned him selfe in that Coūcel. Ignorant ther∣fore, I say, of this matter he could not be, nor laye for his excuse, that the Actes of this coūcel are not commonly set forthe in the former Tomes of the Councelles. Except M. Horne alleage such bookes and chapters as he neuer sawe nor read, and so vttereth his doctrine vpon heresaye and reporte of others. Shortly therfore to touche this General Councel also, seing that of all other in maner bothe gene∣rall and Nationall somewhat hath bene sayd, ād seing now this Councel is also set forth in the last editiō of the Tomes,

I will in fewe wordes declare both the Popes Primacy in the East Church then to haue bene confessed, and the Laye Princes Primacy in Ecclesiastical matters to haue ben none at all.

First, wheras Michael the Emperour of the East partes, a man geuē to al licentiousnes and ryot, had thrust out the godly Bishop Ignatius from the See of Constantinople, by the persuasion of Bardas, whome for incest that bisshop had excommunicated, and placed in his roome one of his Courtyars, and otherwise an heretike, Photius by name, whome Pantaleon calleth Phocas, other Photinus: Nico∣laus the first, then Pope of Rome after legacies to and fro, excommunicated Photius, and Michael the Emperour for not restoring again Ignatius to his See. There is extāt a most lerned and notable letter of this Nicolaus to Michael the Emperour, where lernedly and copiously he discourseth what obedience and reuerence Catholik Emperours haue shewed to the Bisshops of Rome, and howe none but he∣retikes and schismatikes haue disobeyed the same. And whereas this Emperour Michael had (as he saith) Commaū∣ded the Pope to sende his Legates to Constantinople aboute that matter, a phrase which you M. Horn make very much of, this Pope lernedly and trulye aunswereth him, that Ca∣tholike and good Emperours were not wonte to com∣maunde their Bisshoppes and Pastours, especially the Bis∣shoppes of the See Apostolike, but with Reuerence ex∣horte and desire them to suche thinges as they required: which he proueth by the examples of a. Honorius, b. Va∣lentinian and Marcian,c. Iustinian,d. Constantin the .4. and e Constantin the fift in their letters to Bonifacius the first, to Leo the first, to Iohn the first, to Donus, and to Agatho

Popes of Rome. In al which their letters thei vse the words. Petimus, hortamur, inuitamus & rogamus, we beseche, we exhorte, we inuite, and desire you: with all gentlenes and Reuerēce, such as the Apostle cōmaūdeth al mē to shew to their Ouerseers, that watche for their soules, and shal geue accōpte for the same. Also whereas this Emperour had by a Councell of his Bisshoppes banished and remoued Igna∣tius, the Pope first sente his Legates to examine the mat∣ter a freshe, and to referre to the Pope vnto whom the See of Constantinople of right appertayned: wherein the Le∣gates passing their Commission ouercome by flattery and ambition in the Courte of Constantinople, confirmed Pho∣tius by their consent. But the Pope not consenting there∣to, he cyted bothe Ignatius and Pontius to Rome, as Iu∣lius cyted Athanasius, and Eusebius with his complices, and required the Emperour Michael, that by his good ayde and fauour they might appeare. In the same letter also he declareth howe in dede amonge the Ethnikes, the Emperour was also summus Pontifex, the highe Bisshoppe. But (saith Nicolaus) Cùm ad verum ventum est eundem re∣gem atque pontificem, vltra sibi nec Imperator iura pontifica∣tus arripuit, nec pontifex nomen Imperatorium vsurpauit. When Christ the true King and bishop came, then neither the Emperour tooke any more vpon him the high bisshops right or Authoritye, neither the high bisshop vsurped any more the Imperial title. After this by the example of Con∣stantin the great, calling the bishops Gods, and not to be iudged of any man, of Theodosius the younger, charging his Lieutenant Candidianus in the Ephesine Councel, not to medle with any matter or question of doctrine (as hath before bene alleaged) and of Maximus that blessed Martyr

(whom Constans the heretical Emperour nephew to He∣raclius had put to death) he proueth that thēperorus iudge∣ment ouer bishops, is not, nor ought not to be of any force. And therfore cōcludeth that Ignatius being deposed by the Emperial sentēce only was not at al deposed, but remained as true bishop as before. Thus dealed Nicolaus the first with Michael the Greek Emperor, not vsurping any new autho∣rity to him self, but following herein the examples of most holye and auncient Bisshoppes before him, and requiring no more of the Emperour then his moste godlye and No∣ble progenitours other Catholike Emperours hadde done. All this coulde haue no place in Maister Hornes chroni∣cle, either because he hadde not reade so farre, or els because his sleightes woulde haue bene to grosse, to haue picked hereof any coulourable matter for his imagined Su∣premacye.

Vnder Adrian the seconde nexte successour to this Nicolaus, and vnder Basilius the Emperour nexte to Mi∣chael was holden at Constantinople aboute this matter of Ignatius and Photius principallye, the .8. generall Councell by the accompte of the Latines. In this Coun∣cell the Legates of Adrian, Donatus and Stephen Bis∣shoppes and Marinus a Deacon were president, as in all other generall Councelles before. In the firste Action the Popes letters to the Emperour were reade, where∣in he condemneth the former Synode vnder Michael, and willeth that all the monimentes and recordes thereof be burnte. In the beginninge also of this Synode the Emperour Basilius, made an Oration to the Synode, de∣clarynge wythe what Zeale and loue to the vnytye of God his Churche, he hadde called them together,

exhortinge them in many wordes to concorde and agree∣ment. Confessing also that they, Potestatem Synodici iudicij diuinitus acceperunt, haue receyued from God (not by any his commission) the power and authoryte to iudge in Sy∣nods. He addeth farder, that though he doubted not but that they were altogether such as zealed the truth, and folowed righteousnes, yet (saieth he) to thentent that it may appeare that our Imperial maiesty, secundùm datam sibi potestatis mē∣suram, in ecclesiasticis negotijs nihil tacuisse, eorum quae debent atque conueniunt: hath not in ecclesiastical matters, cōcea∣led any thinge of that which is dewe and conuenient, ac∣cording to the measure of power geuen vnto her, deposci∣mus religionem vestram &c. We beseche your religion or godlynes to ouercome nowe al affection of partialyte and hatred, and to resemble as much as is possible, the immuta∣ble, and vnchangeable nature of God, who neuer respe∣cteth the person &c. In this Oratiō of the Emperour three things I woulde you should note and beare well away M. Horne. First that the bishops (by his confessiō) haue power from God to iudge and determine in Coūcels. Their power and Authoryty herein procedeth not of the Princes com∣mission, as a supreme gouernour next vnto God aboue the bishops in ecclesiastical matters, but frō God him self, saieth this Emperour. Secōdly that thēmperours power is a limi∣ted power, not the chief, Supreme, ād the highest in all ma∣ner causes ād thinges. Thirdly howe it is limited: Forsothe not to commaunde or prescribe to the bisshops what they shall doe, decree or determine in ecclesiastical matters, but to exhorte them to concorde and vnyty in the same.

In the seconde Action, diuerse of the Photians offering vp their libelles of repentaunce to the Synod, not to them∣perour

or his deputyes, were by the Synod with impositiō of handes reconciled. In the third and fourthe Actions di∣uers letters were reade as wel of Michael and Basilius Em∣perours to the Popes, Nicolaus and Adrian, as also of the Popes to them againe touching the condemnation of Pho∣tius intruded by Michael, and the restoring agayne of Ig∣natius. In the fifte Action Photius was brought in, and the popes letters conteyninge his condemnation reade before him, vnto the which the whole Synod cryed. Recipimus haec omnia &c. We receaue al these thinges, bicause they are a∣greable to reason and to the ecclesiasticall rules and lawes. In that action also the Popes legates are called the presi∣dents of the Councell. In the sixt Action the Photians ap∣pearing agayne, and being moued as well of the whole Sy∣nod, as of the Emperour, to repentaunce, they yet perseue∣red obstinately in their schisme: Wherupon the Emperour gaue them seuen dayes of deliberation, after which time, if they were not in the meane while recōciled, he bad them appeare againe, saying. Ventura sexta feria in sancta & vni∣uersali Synodo state omnes, & quicquid definierit vniuersa Sy∣nodus, fiet. The next Friday, be you here present in the ho∣ly and vniuersal Synod: ād whatsoeuer the vniuersal Synod shal define or cōclude, that shal be done, where agayne you see the Emperour iudgeth not in the matters then in hand, but the Coūcel. Yea he saieth plainely, that the restoring of Ignatius, was not his doing, or his deuise. But that longe before, the most holy and most blessed pope Nicolaus examining the mat¦ter thouroughly, decreed by Synod, that he should be restored to the right of his See agayne, and together with the holy Romayn Churche, pronounced Anathema to all suche that should re∣siste that decree and sentence. And we knowing this before,

saieth the Emperour, fearinge to haue the iudgement of the Curse promulged: Obsecundare Synodico iudicio Romanae eccle∣siae necessarium duximus, & huius rei gratia reddidimus ei pro∣prium thronum. We haue thought it necessary to obeye the Synodicall Iudgement of the Churche of Rome, and for that cause we haue restored vnto him his owne See. Of such Authoryty was the Sentence of the Churche of Rome, with the Emperour of the East Churche in those dayes. In the same action he saieth yet farder. Hoc solum nostrum est si voluerit quis nominare crimina. Alia verò om∣nia Canonibus & his, quibus imperiū Synodi creditū est, tradi∣mus. This only is our parte to do: if any man will bring forth any crimes, or make anye accusation, to see it put vp to the Councell, &c. But all other thinges we leaue to the Ca∣nons, and to them to whome the Rule of the Synode is cō∣mitted, that is to bishoppes, as we hearde him before saie vnto them. Thus muche in that Action.

In the seuenth Action Photius appearinge agayne, Marinus one of the legates commaunded his staffe to be taken from him, because it was a token of his bisshoplye estate and dignyte. In this Action (as Cusanus recor∣deth) Bahanis the Emperours Lieutenant had much talke withe the Photyans, Hortatoriè, by the waye of exhor∣tation, mouinge them to vnytie and repentaunce. The onely shifte of the Photyans was to say, that the legates of the Patriarches there present, did not their commis∣sion, but condemned them cōtrary to the Patriarches own willes and Iudgementes. Vpon this the Emperour offred them, that whosoeuer would stand by that surmise, should by his prouision be sent to the Patriarches them selues, as to Rome, to Antyoche, and to Hierusalem, and lerne

of them the truthe. But they refused to doe so. At the length the Emperour seing them obstinat and full of words to no purpose, sayed to them. Omnes nouimus, quòd laici estis, & non adduximus vos latrare, & sine ordine facere verba. We knowe all, that you are but laye men. And we brought you not hither to barke, and to talke out of or∣der. But the Emperour (saieth Cusanus) called them there∣fore laye men, because they were all ordered of Photius who him selfe was no bisshop: Such are you and all your felo∣wes M. Horne, no bishops at all, but mere laye persons, ordered of none at all that was him selfe ordered. And whereas one of the Photians Eulapius by name, beganne to talke with the Emperour, the legates of the See Apostolike sayed. Eulapius is condemned and excommunicated of the See Apostolike: and therefore the Emperour ought not to talke with him. Then the Emperour sayed. I haue oftentimes and much desired, that they might not perish: And therefore I called them hither: but if they will not returne to the Church, whatsoeuer the Patriarches shall iudge of them, they shall, will they, nill they, stande vnto it. For no man can reiecte the power that is geuen to them (he meaneth the high bisshops) of Christ our God and Sauiour. Thus agayne you see Maister Horne howe all the iudgement resteth in the bishops, and howe the sentence of the See Apostolike preuayleth, and howe buxomely (to vse your owne worde) and obediently the Emperour yeldeth thereunto, not intermedling farder then to procure that all partes may be heard, that tumulte may be auoided, and that the Iudges (for so were the bis∣shops called in this Actiō) may quietly procede to Sētence, and last of al that same Sētence may be put in executiō, notwithstanding the indurat malice of obstinat heretikes.

In the .8. Action al the schismatical conuenticles of the Photians are condemned, and the recordes thereof burned. In that Action also diuers Image breakers came to the Sy∣node, and were reconciled: That secte also was againe accursed In the last Action the Canons were reade, at the Popes Legates commaundement, to the number of .27. In the .22. Canon it is decreed, that no secular Prince inter∣medle with the election or choyse of any Patriarche, Me∣tropolitane, or Bisshop whatsoeuer, which also is inserted by Gratian into the decrees. Finally the Councel being en∣ded, Basilius the Emperour maketh a longe and a notable Oration to the Synod, expressing the dewe zeale and dew∣ty of an Emperour in al Synodes and Councels. He auou∣cheth plainly, that to secular and laye men, Non est datum secundùm Canonem dicendi quicquam penitus de Ecclesiasticis causis: opus enim hoc pontificum & sacerdotum est. It is not graunted by the Rule of the Churche to speake any thinge at al (in Councel) of Ecclesiasticall matters. For this is the worke, saith he, of Bishops and Priestes. And after, commē∣ding the bishops for their greate paynes and trauaile in that Councell, he speaketh to the laye Nobylyte then present thus. De vobis autem Laicis, &c. But as touching you that are of the lay sorte, as wel you that beare offices, as that be pri∣uate men, I haue no more to say vnto you, but that it is not law∣full for you by any meanes to moue talke of Ecclesiasticall mat∣ters, neither to resiste in any point against the integrity of the Churche, or to gaynesaie the vniuersal Synode. For to searche and seke out these matters, it belongeth to Bisshops and Priests, which beare the office of gouernours, which haue the power to sanctifie, to binde and to loose, which haue obtayned the keyes of the Churche and of heauen. It belongeth not to vs, which

ought to be fedde, which haue nede to be sanctified, to be boūde, and to be loosed from bande. For of whatsoeuer Religion, or wisedome the laye man be, yea though he be indewed with all internal vertues, as longe as he is a lay man, he shal not cease to be called a shepe. Againe, a bisshop howesoeuer vnreuerent he be, and naked of all vertue, as longe as he is a bishop, and prea¦cheth dewlye the woorde of Truthe, he suffereth not the losse of his pastorall vocation and dignitye. What then haue we to doe, standinge yet in the roome of shepe? The Shepheardes haue the power to discusse the subtiltye of woordes, and to seke and compasse such thinges, as are aboue vs. We must there∣fore in feare and sincere faith harken vnto them, and reue∣rence their countenances, as being the Ministres of Almigh∣tye God, and bearinge his fourme, and not to seke any more then that which belongeth to our degree and vocation. Thus farre the Emperour Basilius in the ende and Conclusion of the eight generall Councell, and much more in this sense, which were here to longe to inserte. I blame you not nowe Maister Horne, that you so ouerhipped this whole Generall Councell, and the doinges of those .ij. Popes Ni∣colaus and Adrian .2. You sawe perhaps or had hearde say, that it made clerely against you. And yet as I sayed be∣fore, apparently you might haue culled out broken narra∣tions for your purpose as well out of this Generall Coun∣cell, as out of the other .7. But seing you tooke such paynes to note themperors demeanour in the former .7. I thought it a poynte of courtesye Maister Horne, to requytte you againe with this one generall Councell, for so manye by you alleaged, to your verye small purpose, as euery in∣different Reader seeth. Whether this be not to our pur∣pose, I dare make your selfe Iudge. And nowe I wonder

what shifte you will make to auoyde the Authoritye of this generall Councell, or of this Emperour Basilius. Well. You maye at your good leasure thinke and deuise vppon it. I wil nowe returne to your text.

You saye Martinus the seconde (whome other more trulye call Marinus) gat into the Papacy by naughtye meanes: What maketh that to proue your Supremacye in the laye Magistrat? It is noted, you saie, in the margent of Platina that it was in this Popes tyme, that first of all the creation of the Popes was made without the Emperours authoritye. You shoulde haue tolde vs withall in what printe of Platina that note is founde. I haue sene Platina both of the Col∣len printe, and of the Venyce print sette forthe with the Notes of Onuphrius, and yet I finde no suche Note in the margent. It is by like the Note of some your brother∣hood in some copie printed at Basill: And then is it of as good Authoritye, as Maister Hornes owne booke is: which is God wote, but course. Whose so euers note it be, a false note it is. For as of a hundred and ten Bis∣shoppes of Rome, before this Marinus, scarse the fourthe parte of them was confirmed of the Emperours, so the Emperours before this tyme neuer created Popes, but onelye consented to the creation or election made by the clergye, and confirmed the same, for quyet sake, and for the preseruation of vnyty, as I haue before shewed. Adrians decree that the people of Rome shoulde wayte no more for the Emperours confirmation, was no defrau∣dinge of themperours right, as you vntrulye reporte, but a renewing of the olde liberties and priuileges dewe to the Churche by the order of Canons and Councels, and the whiche neuer came to the Emperours, but by the Popes

owne grauntes and decrees (namelye of Adrian the first and Leo .3. as hath before appeared) and therefore by them agayne reuocable without iniurye done to the Prince, when the weale of the Churche so requyred. As it was at this tyme, the Frenche Emperours busyed with warres against the Sarracens, and not so carefull of the Ecclesiasticall peace (vppon respect whereof that Cō∣firmation of the Pope was graunted them) as were theyr predecessours. Which negligence so encreased, that in fewe yeares after as we shall anon see, they not only lefte of the protection of the See Apostolike, but loste also the Empire, it being transferred to the Germains in Otho the first, whome also some Germayne writers (namelye Cu∣sanus) do accompte for the first Emperour of the Weste, after the decaye and breache of the East Empire.

M. Horne. The .107. Diuision. Fol. 67. b.

The next Pope Stephen had an obscure tyme, sauing that Charles therein called a Councell at Collen, and after him Arnulphus the Emperour, o∣ther tvvo: the one at Moguntia, the other at Triburum.

The .13. Chapter: Of the laste Emperours of Charlemaynes race, and of the Popes of Rome of that age.

Stapleton.

HEre folowe two Coūcels vnder Arnulphus the Em∣perour, the one at Moguntia the other at Triburum. But what? Is there in that Councels nothing for you M. Horne? Why? There is in the Councell of Moguntia a

whole Chapter intitled: Quid sit propriè ministerium Regis. What is properly the office of a kynge. And in a Chapter so specially debating of your matter in hād, could you fynd nothing that made for you? Then let vs see whether there be any thing for vs. The Councell in that Chapter saieth. The office of a kynge specially is, to gouerne the people of God, and to rule vvith equitie and Iustice, and to prouide that peace and concord may be kept. And howe? In ecclesiasticall mat∣ters? We shal heare. For (saieth the Councell) he ought be∣fore all thinges to be a defender of the Churches (I thought the Councel would haue said, Supreme Gouernour) and of the seruants of God, of widowes, and Orphanes, And so furth. Lo. M. Horne. The office of the prince is to defend the Churche of God, not to gouerne it, not to alter and chaunge the Religion, not to make Church lawes &c. In al this chapter looke when you will, you shall not fynd one worde for the Princes supreme Gouernement, or any maner of Gouernement at al in matters ecclesiastical. And yet this beinge as you say in the beginninge of this booke, A principall parte of the Princes Royal povver, the Councel of purpose treating in this Chapter only of the princes office and power, it is more then maruayl that the matter should in such depe silence so be wrapped vp, that no worde or half worde thereof coulde appeare. Verely in the next chapter folowinge it is commaunded and de∣creed, that the Churches and things to them belonging should apperteyn to bishops: without any worde of the Princes su∣preme Gouernement in thinges of the Church.

M. Horne. The .108. Diuision. Fol. 67. b.

Of these Popes and those that follovved, as Formosus, Stephanus, Ro¦manus, Benedictus, Leo, Christophorus, Sergius, and a great com∣pany

more, the Historians geue but an homely testimonie, and Nauclerus saith, that to satisfie their voluptuous lustes, they did maliciously malice one another, as most cruel Tyrantes, and he added this reason. Cum non ex∣tarent qui eorum vitia coercerent, bicause there was none to correcte and chasten them for their euill doinges. For so long as the Princes exercised their (351) authoritie in ouerseing carefully the Church matters, and the mynisters, so vvel the Popes, as other Bishoppes, there grevve no such intollerable disorders, neither vvere there suche mōsters (for so Nau∣clerus, termeth these Popes) that continued any space: But vvere by the Princes authoritie suppressed, and therfore Nauclerus citeth out of Pla∣tina, and affirmeth it to be true, that the cause of these monstrous Rebelles in the Churche vvas: Quòd Resp. ignauos & desides principes ha∣beat. Bicause the common wealthe had improfitable and slouthfull Princes. Thus these vvriters burdeine and charge the Princes vvith the disorders and enormities in Christes Churche, vvherein they doo them vvronge, if they thought not, that it apperteined to the Princely au∣ritie to ouersee, care, and prouide for the good order of Christes Churche: and to redresse, punishe, and remoue the inordinate euilles therein.

Stapleton.

M. Horne nowe russheth in withe a bedroll of certain naughty popes, down from Formosus to Iohn the .13. Amōg whom I marueyl why you recken Benedictus, of whome Nauclerus writeth thus. Huius Benedicti laus est, quòd in¦tam corruptis moribus grauiter & constanter vitam duxisse fe∣ratur. The commendation of this Benedictus is, that in so corrupt maners of men, he is saied to haue liued with gra∣uitie and Constancie. And namely for his great humanitie and clemency he was chosen. But much more I merueyle that amonge so many badde you speake neuer a worde of the good, namely of Anastasius of whom it is writen. Nihil habuit quo reprehendi posset. He was a man that could

be charged with nothing. of Leo the .6. which nihil tyran∣nicum prae se tulit, rei diuinae consulens, shewed no tyranny in his behauyour, attending vpō Gods seruice. Of Steuen the 7. whose lyfe was full of gentlenesse and Religion. Of Leo .7. and Steuen the .8. bothe commended Popes. Of Martyn the .3. who folowed also the gentle demeanour of Steuen. Of Agapetus who is writen to haue ben vir innocens & Reip. Christianae feruens amator, An innocent man and a feruent tenderer of the Christian commō wealth. Of whom also the kyng of Denmark receyued the faith. All these good and vertuouse Popes in great affliction of wicked persons in those daies (for lacke in dede of Iustice in good Empe∣rours) lyued, and ruled the Church betwen this Formosus and Iohn the .13. or .12. more then twenty yeres. But. M. Horne like a fowle sowe that nouseleth in the donghil and careth not for the fayre floures in the garden, nouseleth him selfe amonge the euyll bisshops, and can not abyde to speake one poore worde for the good. And therefore as Mēmius obiected to Cato his nights Dronckennesse, for whom Cicero answereth, why tellest thou not also of his dayes dycing? he being in dede all the daye in the affayres of the Common wealth, so for the bedrol of your euyl Popes For∣mosus, and the rest, I aske you whi you tel vs not also of A∣nastasius, of Leo the .6. and .7. of Steuyn the .7. and .8. of Mar¦tyn the .3. ād of Agapet{us}, but that you had rather be Mēmius thē Cicero, rather a rashe cōptroller thē a discrete reporter?

M. Horne. The .109. Diuision. pag. 68. a.

Yea, Sabellicus so vvondereth at these tragicall examples of the Bi∣shoppes of this time, and their horrible obliuion of Godly Religion, that he (.352.) ascribeth the good and godly moderatiō that vvas in the Bishops, and the dutiful execution of their office, from Charles the great, til the ende of the

Frenche Empire, vvhiche vvas an vvhole age: to be not so much of them selues, and their ovvne good vvilles, as of the avve and feare they had of the Princes, kinges, and Emperours, vvho vvere their guardians. And therfore concludeth, that it may be truely said, that this vvas the calamitie of Fraunce, Italy, and of the Churche of Rome: Quòd in ea gente desi∣tum esset imperari: bicause there was (.353.) no king nor Em∣perour to beare rule, (354.) meaning that although there vvere kinges and Emperours, yea•• did they not execute their Princely office and authori∣tie, in ouerseing, correcting and reforminge the Churche matters, and her mynisters, and therefore the state vvas miserable. In this confusion vvere all thinges, but especially in the Church of Rome, till God stirred vp the vvyse and mighty Prince Otho the first, vvhose zeale, stoutnes and trauayle in reforming Religion and the disordred Churche, no tongue is able to expresse saith Nauclerus.

Stapleton.

You make Sabellicus to saie a great deale more thē euer he saied, or intended to say. For he doth not certaynely as∣cribe any such cause, as you pretend, but only he saieth. Nō immeritò quis suspicaretur. A mā may ād not without a cause suspecte. But what M. Horne? That Popes kept euill rule, and were geuen to al lewdenesse, bicause the Emperours did not ouersee them? So you woulde haue folke to think, and therefore you make Sabellicus to conclude, that this was the calamyte of Fraunce, Italy and of the Churche of Rome quòd in ea gēte desitum esset imperari, bicause there was no kīg nor Emperour to beare rule. But false translation maketh no proufe. Knowe you not M. Horne, what In ea gente, doth signifie in english? Or if we may not finde faulte with your grammer, why slacked your honesty so farre, as to leaue the english thereof quyte out? What, was there a pad in the strawe? Sabellicus then saieth, the cause of all that cala∣myte was, bicause there was no kinge nor Emperour to

beare rule, in ea gente, in that stocke or line of Charles the great, whose posterity had hitherto lineally reigned, downe to Arnulphus the last mentioned Emperour, and the last in dede (by the opinion of most historians) of Charles his li∣neal descēt. After whom in dede the Churche was in great trouble and disorder, for the space of .50. or .60. yeres. But howe? Did the euil Popes cause that disorder? So woulde M. Horne folowing herein the steppes of baudy Bale, that we should thinke. But as I haue noted before, in the com∣passe of that .50. yeres, there were diuers good, and ver∣tuous Popes, ruling the Churche more then twenty of those .50. yeres. And the cause of al that disorder was not the only euil life of certaine Popes, but much more, the li∣centious lewdenesse of the Italians, and especially the Ro∣mans at that tyme, who in dede for lacke of Iustice on the Emperours partes (which is the thinge that Sabellicus cō∣plaineth of) liued enormously and licētiously, makīg Kings amonge themselues, and not only oppressing one an other, but also moste vily and cruelly handlinge their bisshoppes being good and vertuous. Of whome Stephen the .8. a Pope of much holynes at that very tyme, was of his Cy∣tyzens so shamefully mangled and disfigured, that he was fayne of a long tyme for very shame to kepe within dores, and so liued three yeres in greate vexation and trouble. The cause of al this trouble in the Churche at this tyme, yf you liste shortly to knowe (gentle Readers) Sabellicus a∣greing herein with the other historians wil clerely tell you. He saieth. Quantū Francorum pietate &c. Looke howe muche Rome and all Italy breathed (as it were) from alonge continuāce of miseries, by the godlynes and bountifulnes of the Frenche Princes (Charles and his issewe) one whole age (almost a .100.

yeares) so much fell it backe againe in to all kinde of calamytie, by the space of almost .60. yeres through ciuil Sedition. This cala∣myty beganne, from the last yere of Adrian the .3. and ended in the time of Iohn the .12. And will you see whereof sprange this calamytie? M. Horn imagineth, it was bicause the Prin∣ces did not practise their Ecclesiastical gouernement ouer Popes. But Sabellicus a better historian then M. Horne, ad∣deth immediatly vpon his former wordes, this Cause. Enimuero, praeter Normannos &c. Verely beside the Nor∣mans which wasted Fraunce (of which outrage, that great chaunge of thinges then made in the worlde, semeth to me to haue sprounge) the Hunnes also people of Scythia, being bolde vpon the troubles of Fraunce, coming downe into Slauony, did conquer the landes of Gepides and Auari, people then in those quarters so called. The ouerrūning thē of forrain na∣tions, and the Ciuill Seditions through out all Italy caused this greate calamyty that the historyans of this time com∣plaine so muche of. Whych the more encreased, for that the Emperours of that time, Arnulphus, Conradus, Hen∣rie the first, yea and Otho hym selfe vntyll the later ende of hys Empire, partly would not, partly could not represse the tyrantes in Italie, and other where.

In all whych hurley burleys, in all whych breaches of good order, licentiousnes of lyfe, and corruption of the worlde, if the heads also them selues, the chiefe bishoppes, sometimes fell to disorder and lewdenesse of life, yt is the lesse to be maruayled of him that wyll consider the course of Gods prouidence in thys worlde, who suffreth for the sinnes of the people, vt sicut populus, sic sit & sacerdos. That lyke as the people, so should also the Priest be: who saieth also in lyke enormities of the worlde: Dabo pueros princi∣pes

eorum. I will geue them children for their Princes, mea∣ning not onely children in age, but children in wisedome, children in strength, and children in vertue. Of which al∣so expressely we reade, that the wrath of God wexed hotte against Israëll, and stirred vppe Dauid to say to Ioab. Goe and number Israël and Iuda. Of the which great vanitie and o∣uersight of that King, the plague fell vppon the people, and not vpon the King. So God plagueth the wickednesse of subiects with the sinnes of their Rulers, and geueth often∣times to a froward flock, a curst shepheard. This conside∣ration of Gods prouidēce in that corrupt time (not of cor∣rupt faith (as you bable) but of corrupt maners) had more becommed a man of your vocation, M. Horne, and a Di∣uine, then such false ād lewde surmises as you haue vttered. Which you could neuer so haue cloked, if you had opened the whole historie and circumstaunces of the case to your Readers. But this you will neuer doe, saye we what we wil. Your ragged relligion must be patched vp with such broken cloutes of imperfecte narrations.

M. Horne. The .110. Diuision. pag. 68. a.

At this time vvas Iohn .13. Pope, a man replete and loden vvith all disshonestie and villanie, against (.355.) vvhom tvvo of the chiefest amon∣gest the Clergie (the one vvas a Cardinall saith Luithprandus, the other, maister of the Rolles) made complaint vnto Ottho, most humblie beseching him, to haue some compassion on the Church, vvhich if it vvere not spedi∣lie refourmed, must needes come to vtter decaie. After vvhom came the Bisshoppe of Millaine, and so one after an other, a great manie moe, ma∣king the same suite vnto Ottho: vvho being moued of his ovvne zeale to Gods glorie, but novv enflamed by the lamentable supplications of these Bis∣shoppes. Rex pijssimus, saieth Luithprandus; Non quae sua sunt, sed quae Iesu Christi cogitans: The moste Relligious King hauinge carefull cogitations, not for his owne thinges,

but for Iesus Christes maters, addressed him selfe vvith all conueni∣ent speede into Italie, to refourme Rome from vvhence all the mischiefe sprang. VVhen the Pope vnderstoode of his comming, he prepared to re∣ceiue him in moste honourable vvise, and vvith suche humilitie behaued him selfe tovvardes the Emperour, and shevved suche faire face of re∣pentaunce, that the vvell meaning Emperour, thought he had meant as he pretended, and svvare the Pope to obedience and loyaltie against Berengarius and Adalbertus, as Luithprandus vvriteth, and so returned into his countrie. This Luithprandus is the more to be cre∣dited, for that he vvas liuing a famous vvriter, and (.356.) Deacon Cardinall, euen in the same time. The Pope immediatly against both Othe and honesty (.357.) practised vvith Adalbertus, to depose this godly Emperoure, and promised him by Othe his aide. The reason or cause why Iohn the Pope shoulde hate this moste godlye Emperoure, who had deliuered him out of the handes of Adelbert his ennemie, and wherefore the Deuill shoulde hate God his creatoure, seemeth not to be vnlike. For the Emperoure, as we haue had good experience, vnderstan∣deth things pertaining to God, he worketh, he loueth them, he mainteineth with maine and mighte the Ecclesiasticall and Temporall matters, he decketh them with manners, and amendeth them by lawes: but Iohn the Pope is against all these thinges. The Emperoure seeketh by diuerse vvayes to re∣concile this Pope, and to bring him from his filthy life, to some honesty, and regarde of his office. VVhan by no persuasions he can vvinne him, he determineth to depose him, and (.358.) for that purpose, he calleth a Councell of the Bisshoppes of Italie, to the end he may seke the refour∣mation, vvhich he mindeth, and savv to be ouermuch nedeful by their aduise.

Pope Iohn, (.359.) seeing him selfe to be tried by a Synode, runneth a∣vvay, vvhen al the people savv their Pope vvas runne avvaye from them, they svvare fidelity to th'Emperor, promising by their Othes, that they vvould neuer hereafter elect or make any Pope vvithout the consent of the Empe∣rour. VVithin three daies after, there vvas a great assemblie in S. Peters Church at the requests of the Bisshops and people: In vvhich Councell sate the Emperour, vvith many Archebisshoppes and others: to vvhom the godly

Emperor propoūdeth the cause of their assemble, exhorteth thē to do al thīgs vvith vpright iudgemēt: ād the Bisshops, deacōs, Clergy, ād al the peple make solempne protestation, and obtestat••on of their iust and vpright dealing in the cause propounded. And because the chiefe matter touched the Pope that vvas runne avvay: the holy Synode said, if it seme so good to the godly Em∣perour, let letters be sent to the Pope, and cyte him to come and purge him selfe. The letters vvere directed in this fourme: Otho by Goddes grace Emperour, with the Archebisshops of Liguria, Tuscia, Saxo∣nia, and Fraūce, send greeting in the Lord to Iohn the Pope: VVe comming to Rome for our Seruice to God, and enqui∣ring the cause of your absence from your Church, were enfor∣med by the Bisshops, Cardinales, Priestes, Deacons, and the whole people, of such shameful doings by you, as we are as∣shamed to rehearse: whereof these are parte they charge you with: Murder, periurie, sacrilege, incest with twaine of your owne sisters: that in your banquetes (which is horrible to be rehearsed) ye drinke wine in the loue of the Deuill: in your plaie at dice, you craue the helpe of Iupiter, Venus, and other Diuels: wherefore we pray you to repaier vnto vs your selfe. To this, the Pope vvriteth this ansvvere. I heare saye ye will make an other Pope, which if ye attempte, I excommunicate you all, that ye may haue no licence or power to order any, &c. To this short ansvvere the Emperour, vvith the Synode replieth, telling him that they had vvritten, to let him vnderstand of the crimes vvherevvith he vvas charged, and that he had sent them such an ansvveare as rather became the folly of a childe, then the grauitie of a Bisshop: as for the povver of bind••ng and losing, they say, he ones had as Iudas had, to vvhom it vvas saide: Quaecunque ligaueritis super terram. &c. VVhat so euer ye binde on earth, shalbe bound in Heauen, &c. But novv he hath no more povver against the Emperour and the Synod, then Iudas had vvhen he vvent about to betraie Christ his Maister.

These letters vvere sent vnto him by tvvo Cardinalles, vvho returned, not finding him: and therfore the Synode procedeth to his deposition: They beseche the Emperour to remoue Monstrum illud, that Monster, and to place some vvorthy bisshop in his roome. Tune Imperator, placet in∣quit,

quod dicitis: Your request pleaseth me, saith the Empe∣rour (360.). The Clergie and the people (saith Nauclerus) doth make humble supplication vnto the Emperour, to prouide for them a vvorthy Bi∣shoppe: to vvhom the Emperour ansvvereth: Choose you your selues one, (361.) whom, hauing God before your eyes, ye may iudge worthie, and I wil confirme him: The Emperour had no sooner spo∣ken this (saith Luithprandus) than they all vvith one assent named Leo: The Emperour gaue his consent: Et Ottho Imperator, Leonem creat Pontificem, and Ottho the Emperoure created Leo Pope (as Sabellicus and Platina saith) Here Luithprand, tell••th at large, hovve after this creation of Leo, the Emperour (.362.) dissolued the Synode, and vvhat mischiefe the Monstruous Pope Iohn vv••ought after∣vvard. For by his friends in Rome, Pope Leo vvas driuen avvay. And after this Monster vvas deade, the Romaines elected Benedictus in his place, and requireth the Emperoure vvho vvas than at Spolet, to confirme him: the Emperoure vvoulde not, but compelled them to receiue Leo a∣gaine. And heere the Emperoure summoned againe a nevve Synode vvherein he (.363.) satte him selfe, for the Canonicall deposition of Benedictus. notvvithstanding this, sayth Nauclerus, Leo being vveary of the inconstancy of the Romaines, did constitute by their consent in the Sy∣node holden at Rome, that the vvhole authority of chosing the Bishop, shuld remayne in the Emperour, at it is rehearsed in the decrees in these vvordes: Being in the Synode at Rome in the Church of the holy Sa∣uiour: lyke as Adrianus Bisshop of Rome graunted to Charles the great, the dignity of patricianship, the ordering of the A∣postolical sea, and the inuesturing of Bishops; So I also Leo Bi∣shop of Rome, seruaunt of Goddes seruaūtes, with the cōsent of all the Cleargy and people of Rome, doo constitute, con∣firme, and corroborate, and by our Apostolicall authority, wee doo graunt and geue vnto the Lorde Ottho, the first King of Dutchmē, and to his successours in this kingdome of Italy for euer, the authoritie to elect after vs, and to ordeine the Bishop of (.364.) Rome: and so Archbisshops, and Bisshops, that they receiue of him, as they ought the inuesturing and consecra∣tion (.365.) excepting those, whō the Emperour hath graūted

to the popes and Archebisshops: And that no man hereafter of what dignitie or Relligiō so euer, haue power to elect one, to the dignitie of Cōsules bloud, or to be bisshop of the (.366.) Apostolike See, or to make any other bisshop, without th'Em∣perours consent. And if any be chosen bisshop without he be cōmēded, and inuested by the King, that in no wise he be cō∣secrated, vnder paine of excōmunication. As Sabellicus noteth this for a renovvmed matter, that the right of creatinge the Pope, vvas novv restored to the Emperial dignity: euen so Nauclerus affirmeth, this godly Imperour Otho, to be borne in totius Ecclesiae consolationē, for the consolation of the whole Churche.

The .14. Chapter: Of Otho the first, Emperour: Of Iohn the .12. and Leo the .8. Popes of Romae.

Stapleton.

THis declaration runneth all vppon the deposition of the naughtye Pope Iohn the .13. or as moste men call him, the .12. in a synode at Rome the Emperour Otho being then present. But onlesse M. Horne can shewe, that this Emperour toke hym self for supreame head in all cau∣ses ecclesiasticall and temporall, and vtterlye renownced all the Popes supreamacye, the case standynge that thys Pope were a most wycked man (which we freelie con∣fesse) and most vnworthy of that see, yet is M. Horne farre of from iustifiing the matter. Wherin euē by hys owne au∣thor and story, he should haue bene vtterly ouerthrowen, yf he had made therof a true and a faythfull reporte: which ye shall now heare, by vs, and that by hys owne chrono∣grapher, so that ye shall haue good cause to be astonied to see the most shamefull and impudente dealing of thys man. First then he begynneth with a notoriouse lie. For neither thys Cardinall, whome Luithprandus calleth Io∣hannem, nor the Maister of the rolles, whome he calleth

Aronem, nor the Bishop of Millain and others here na∣med were sente to complayne vppon Pope Iohn, to Otho: but sente to hym by Iohn the Pope hym self, which Iohn, hys authour Luithprandus calleth the highe Bishop and the vniuersall Pope, who most humbly beseacheth hym, that he woulde vouchsaufe for the loue of God, and the holye Apostle Petre and Paule, as he would wishe them to for∣gyue hym hys synnes, to deliuer hym and the Churche of Rome to hym committed, from the tyrannye of Berenga∣rius and Adelbertus. Wheruppon themperour gathered an army and commyng to Italie with all spede, expulsed from the Kyngdome of Italy the sayde tyrants: so, that yt seamed euidente that he was ayded and assisted by the moste holy Apostles Peter and Paule, and (which is to be noted) he was afterward anoynted and crowned Emperour of the sayd Iohn though so vicyous a mā, and swore also obediē∣ce vnto him, as Nauclerus writeth. Farther he did not only restore hym, those thinges wherof he was spoyled, but ho∣nored hym also with greate rewards, aswell in golde and siluer, as in precious stones. And he toke an oth of the Pope vpō the most precious body of S. Peter, that he shuld neuer ayde or assist the sayd Berēgarius and Adelbert{us}. M. Horne here nedelesse enforceth the credit of his author, as then liuing, yea and anaunceth him to be a famous writer and a Deacō Cardinal, wheras he was, as far as my boke sheweth, and as farre as Trithemius, and Pantaleon report of him, no Deacō Cardinal at Rome, but a deacō of the church of Ti∣cinū, otherwise called Pauia in Italy: Onlesse perchaūce he was such a Cardinal as the Cardinals are amōg the pety ca∣nōs of Poules in Londō. With like truth ye say M. Horne, ij. lines after, that the pope practised with Adelbertus, to depose

the Emperour, but your author speaketh not so much, but onlye that the Pope promised the foresayed Adelbertus to helpe him againste the Emperours power. Then tell ye, in a smaller and distincte letter, truely inough, but altogether confusely, of Iohns doings, writing out of your author, as we haue good experience, but who were that we, ye shewe not, nor to whome the wordes were spoken.

Ye say, that the Emperour called a Councell in Italie to depose him, that your authour sayeth not, but that, after three dayes, themperour had bene at Rome, the pope and Adelbertus being fledde from thence, there was a greate assemblie in S. Peters Church, rogantibus tam Romanis epi∣scopis quàm plebe, at the desire as well of the Italian bishops as of the people: In the whiche councell were presente be∣side the Bishops many noble men. And the Pope ranne not away, bicause of this Councell (as you vntruly reporte) but iij. dayes after that he was fled with Adelbert{us}, the Coūcel was called: and that not to depose hym, but to call hym to his answere: as appereth by the Emperours owne oration. Who after that Benedictus had rehersed dyuerse of theis horryble owtragies that ye specifie: themperour and the councell sent for hym to purge hym self. In the which let∣ters sent by the Emperour ye dissemble many thinges and dismember them, as the tytle of thēperours letters whiche was: Summo Pontifici & vniuersali papae Iohanni Otho. &c. To the highe Bishop ād the vniuersal Pope, our Lord Iohn, Otho, and so forth. And by and by. We asked the cause of your absence, and why ye would not see vs, your, and your Churches defensour. And againe. Oramus itaque paternitatem vestram obnixè venire atque hijs omnibus vos purgare non dissimule∣tis. Si forte vim temerariae multitudinis formidatis, iuramento

vobis affirmamus nihil fieri praeter Sanctorū Canonum sanctio∣nem. We most earnestly pray your fatherhode, that ye do not forslow to come and to purge your selfe. Yf ye feare any violēce of the rude and rashe people, we promise you vpon our Othe, that nothing shal be done contrary to the Decrees of the holye Canons. After this, ye rehearse the Popes short answere, which yet as short as it is, doth won∣derfully trouble you, and ye dare not fully recite it. I hea saie (saith this Iohn) ye wil make an other Pope, which if ye attempt, I excōmunicate you all, that ye may haue no licence or power to order any, or to saie Masse.

It is true that ye saie afterwarde, that the Councell de∣sired the Emperour, that the said Iohn might be remoued, and that the Emperour so answered. Yet ye leaue out part of his answere. And that is: and that some other might be found who should rule the holy and vniuersall See. Nei∣ther did they desire of the Emperour any thing els, but his assistāce in the remouīg of him. Neither proprely to speak, otherwise then by cōsenting and assisting, did th'Emperour create pope Leo. As appeareth by your author, saying: that al saied with one voice, Leonē nobis in pastorē eligimus, vt sit summus & vniuersalis Papa Romanae ecclesiae. We doe electe Leo to be our pastour, and the high and vniuersall Pope of the Roman Churche, and doe refuse Iohn the renegate for hys wycked behauiour. The wich thinge beinge thryse by all cried owte, he was caried to the palace of Lateran: Annuente imperatore with themperours consente, and thē to S. Peters Church, to be consecrated: and thē they swore they would be faythful, vnto him. And in thys election the people also had theyre consente aswell as the Emperour. And so can ye not make thys election to be a platte forme,

for your elections nowe in Englande.

Your nexte vntruth in this narration is, that ye say, that Luithprandus sheweth, howe the Emperour dissolued the Councell. For he speaketh no worde of the dissoluing of the councell, but that he gaue licence to many of hys souldiers to departe: vppō wich occasion Pope Iohn maketh a new hurly bur∣ley. And Benedictus of whome ye speake, that was set vppe in Iohns place, after Iohns death by the Romans was thrust owte and Leo restored againe. The whiche Benedictus was not deposed by thē∣perour, in the coūcel ye speake of: Neyhter did the Emperour sommon any Councell for his deposi∣tiō, but only by fine force constrained the Romai∣nes to admitte Leo, ād to sweare vnto him, as both Nauclere and Platina do write, of whom you take your matter: But it was the Pope hym self, who gaue sentence against hym, deposed hym and de∣priued hym as well from hys vsurped papacie, as from all bishoplie and priestly dignity: yea and ba∣nished him also from Rome. Yet at the Emperours request, who effusis lachrymis rogauit Synodū, with teares requested the Synode for some mercye for him: the pope suffred him to remaine in the order of a deacon, but yet to liue in banishment, not at Rome. And this declaration, which ye haue so sly∣ly and craftely passed ouer, is a most euident argu∣ment against your false assertion in this your boke, yea and sheweth that it is not the Emperour, as ye imagī, but the clergy ād the pope chiefly that hath the supreame authority in the deposing of bishops.

Whereas ye say further, that this Leo with his Synode, gaue to Otho the creation of the Popes, and the consecra∣tion of Archebishops and Bishoppes: you belye the De∣cree. For it graunteth not to the Emperour the whole cre∣ation, and cōsecration, but only the inuesturing of bishops: ād that the popes electiō shuld not be takē as effectual with out themperours consent. Therefore in the middest of your allegation, you nippe quite of after the worde, Consecrati∣on, vnde debent: From whence they ought: whereby is de∣clared that as the inuesturing and confirming is graunted to the Emperour, so the Consecration is referred to that order according to whiche before by the Canons it ought to be. And therfore the Decree at the ende saith: If anie be chosen Bisshop of the Clergie and the people, except he be cō∣mended and inuested by the King of Italie, let him not be con∣secrated. By which words it is euident, that both the choise and the Consecration or ordering of Bishops and Archebi∣shops is reserued to the Clergie and people. But thereto is required the cōmendation, inuesturing, and cōfirmation of the Emperour: whiche, as I haue before shewed at large, impaireth no iote the Popes Primacie, but rather cōfirmeth it: as a thing due to the Emperour rather, by the gifte and confirmation Apostolicall, then otherwise: and due vnto him for order and quietnesse sake, not as any parte of his Princelie power.

M. Horne The .111. Diuision. pag. 70. a.

VVhen this godlyPrince vvas dead, vvhilest his sonne Ottho .2. vvas busied in the vvarres against the Sarazēs: and after him his Son Ottho .3. vvas yet in nonage, the Popes began to vvaxe so euil, and the state of Christes Church to decaie asmuch as euer it did before: So daungerous a mater it is, to vvant godly Princes to gouerne Gods Church, and to ouersee the Ministers therof.

Stapleton.

It is well you call Otho the first a godly prince. For then I trust all that we haue so largely shewed concerning hys obedience to the See of Rome, yea to that Pope Iohn, so naughty a man as (thanked be God) neuer in our remem∣brance the like by many partes liued, you will M. Horne allowe for good and godly. Which if you doe, we shall soone be at a point touching this matter betwene you and M. Fekenham: and wil (I hope) recante and subscribe your selfe. M. Iewell perhaps will beare you company. All that you adde of the euil popes in the time of Otho the .2. and in the noneage of Otho .3. is but a slaunderous lye. For as there were in that time some euill popes, so were there also right good, as Donus the .2. and Benedictus .7. who ru∣led the Church .8. yeres. And the other were not so badde as M. Horne maketh them, but by the reason of factions were much molested, and traiterously vsed, not for wante of the princes gouernement in causes ecclesiasticall, but for lacke in dede of the Princes Iustice in orders tempo∣rall. For to see external Iustice ministred is a matter tem∣porall, not ecclesiasticall. Which for the reasons by M. Horne alleaged ceased in dede for a time in Italy, the Em∣perours being allwaies in maner absent. So necessary it was to reduce that Coūtrie to seueral Signories, as it now liueth in, and hath these many yeares in great quiet liued.

M. Horne The .112. Diuision. pag. 70. b.

About this time Hugh Capet the French king, looked better to his Cler∣gy in Fraūce, and callinge a Coūcel at Rhemes of all the Prelates of Fraūce, (.367.) deposed Arnulphus, vvhome Charles had made Bishop there, and made Gilbert the Philosopher Bishoppe, vvhom aftervvards Otto .3. made Archebishoppe of Rauenna. After Hugh, Robert his sonne succeded, a Prince very vvel learned, and a diligent labourer about diuine or Churche matters, whiche is the propre parte of a righte king,

saithe Sabellicus. VVhen Ottho .3. (surnamed for his excellent vertues in that (.368.) vitious age, Mirabilia mundi, the maruailes of the worlde) herde of the great misorder in Rome, for the reformation therof he came into Italy: but or euer he entred into Rome, Pope Iohn .17. died, and there fel no contention (saith Nauclerus) in the Popes Election, bicause the Prince (.369.) appointed by his commaundement, Bruno to be pronunced Pope, who was called Gregory .5. So soone as the Emperour departed from Italy, the Romaines thrust out Gre∣gory, and placed one Placentinus, vvhom they call Iohn .18. The Empe∣rour hearing hereof, came to Rome, hāged vp the Consul, and put out Iohns eyes, and restored Gregory into his sea againe. I maruail that the histo∣riās (saith Platina) do rekē this Iohn amōgest the popes, which vndoubtedly was in his Papacy a theef, ād a robber, for he en∣tred not in by the dore, as of right he should haue don. For he came in by a factiō, corrupting with mony ād large gifts Cres∣cētius the Cōsul, a most couetous wretch, ād no lesse ābitious. VVherby, the sharpe iudgemēt of the Emperour, is declared to be but vpright iustice. So (370) that Platina makīg Gregory to be the true Pope, ād to haue entred in by the dore, of vvhom he saith. Ottonis .3. authoritate pōtifex creatur, he is created Pope by thēmperors autority, and declaring the other that cam in vvithout thēmperors cōsent to be a theef and a robber: semeth to be of this opiniō (although to (.371.) flatter the Popes vvithall, he durst not so plainly open his minde) that vvithout the Pope he creat vvith the Emperours confirmation and authority, he is but a thefe and a robber.

Ne••t vnto him, saith Nauclerus, vvas Syluester the second placed, by the Emperours appointment. (.372.) Vvho being a (.373.) Con∣iurer, had solde his soule to the Diuel for this promotion. Neuerthelesse he vvas, saith he, so vvittie, so learned, and semed so holy, that he not onely deceiued th' Emperor that made hī Pope, but al the vvorld besides. In vvhich Otho the Emperor remaining at Rome, did deliberate after vvhat sort, ād by vvhat meanes he might reforme, not onely the Empire, but also hāde∣ling (.374.) Ecclesiastical matters how he might reforme the Lawes of the Church, and bring thē into the auncient estate. Suche vvas the careful trauel of the Godly Princes▪ in gouerning not onely in Temporall, but also in Ecclesiasticall thinges and causes.

Benedictus the ninth, solde the Papacy to Gregorye the sixt. Syl∣uester the thirde, thrust in amongest them by frendship and briberye. To this case was the Papacy brought now (saith Platina) that onely he that was most mighty in ambition and bribery, ob∣teined this dignitie: there was no roume for good men. Hen∣ricus the thyrd, surnamed Pius, came to Rome to thrust out these three monsters, saith, Sabellicus, and to bring this to passe in better order, he calleth a Synod, vvherein he (.375.) deposeth these three monstrous beastes, and dooth create Clement the second. The vvhiche doon, he sweareth the Romaines, that they shall neuer after be present at the electiō of any Pope, onles they be (.376.) compelled thereunto by the Emperour. But after the Emperours departure from the citie: Stephan perceiuing the people to grudge somvvhat at Clementes election, despatched him out of the vvay vvith a medicine for a Pope. Venenum illi miscuit, he poisoned him (saith Sabellicus,) and immediatlye after his death, entruded him self into the Papacy, without consent, either of the Emperour, people or priest, ād called him self Da∣masus .2. But vvithin a vvhile he died also. In the meanetime the Romai∣nes sent to the Emperour, besechinge him to appointe them some good man to be their Bishop. vvho made Bauno Pope, and vvas named Leo .9.

The .15. Chapter. of Hugh Capet the Frenche King: Otho. 3. Emperour: and of Gregorie .5. and Siluester .2. Popes.

Stapleton.

AMong all other Popes M. Horne, you could not al∣leage any worse to your purpose, then this Gregorie the .5. For if we shall beleue Platina, Sabellicus, Vola∣terane, Carion and the other cōmon writers: it is this Gre∣gorie that instituted the .7. Electours in Germanie, and the whole order and direction, with his Othe also, to the Pope.

As touching Arnulphus the Bishop of Rhemes depo∣sed by a Councel there called (as you say) by Hugh Ca∣pet the French King, and Gilbert put in his place, it is true you saie: but you tell not all. For afterwardes (as Nau∣clerus reporteth) because Arnulphus coulde not be depo∣sed, without the authoritie of the bisshop of Rome, M. Gil∣bert was deposed againe, and Arnulphus restored. Where∣vpon Gilbert fled to Otho, and was in a certaine time after made Bisshop of Rauēna. This is the whole story M. Horn, and this declareth the Popes authoritie, aboue youre Su∣preme Gouernour, Hugh Capet the French King.

Where you adde, that King Robert sonne to Hugh Ca∣pet, was a diligent labourer about Diuine or Church matters, if you had told forth, wherin, as your Author doth, saying: Composuit enim multas prosas & hymnos. For he made manie proses and hymnes, to be song in the Churche, your tale had bene to small purpose: excepte to make songs for the Church, do proue a man Supreme Gouernour in al Church causes or things. And then you haue more supreme gouer∣nours then one▪ not onely in England, but in London, yea and in the Court too, I trowe. Of Iohn the .18. and Grego∣rie the .5. we shal say more anon.

But nowe whether Syluester the .2. were a coniurer or no, to your mater it maketh neuer a whit, and there is more to be said to the contrary, whiche neadelesse we nede not now to allege, then ye shal perchaunce, this whole twelue moneths wel answere vnto. But I woulde now faine aske you M. Horne, who is this Siluester? What was his name before I pray you? Forsoth, gentle Reader, this Siluester is he, by whose electiō to be B. of Rhemes, M. Horne in the last page, would proue the Frēch king to be Supreme head

of the Church: And then to set foorth the Kings Suprema∣cie, he was Gilbert the Philosopher, and nowe for to de∣presse the Popes Supremacie, being made Pope him selfe, by M. Hornes charme, is turned from a Philosopher to a Coniurer. But to leaue al other coniectures, and especial∣lie that it is not likely, that he solde as ye say, his soule to the Deuill for that promotion: seing, that by the report of your own Author Sabellicus, it is said that he instructed in lear∣ning not only the French king, but the Emperour also, and therfore was in some great likelihode of preferment, with∣out any Magical arte to be practised for the same, I say that your selfe vnwarely haue aunswered your selfe, in calling him a Philosopher. For being so verye fewe in the West part in those daies skilful in Philosophie and in the Mathe∣maticalles, if anye were suche, the common people tooke him by and by, for a Nigromancer and a coniurer. And Theodorichus de Nyem, an Author by your selfe alle∣gead (Page .83. a) witnesseth the same, saying that this Syl∣uester was cunning in liberal Sciences, and a noble Philosopher and Mathematical. I haue seene (saith he) certaine of his bookes most suttill in Philosophie. And for his suche excellent learning, multi Romani ipsum odio habebant, dicētes, quòd Ma∣gus esset, nec non magicam artem exerceret. Many of the Romaines hated him, saying that he was a Coniurer and vsed witchcraft. Vpon such vaine rumours you also cal him a Coniurer M. Horne, vttering therein as much good skil, as you doe good will.

But how so euer it be, ye should not by your supreme au∣thority, yet to the bewraying either of your notable vn∣skilfulnesse (as not knowing the saied Sluyester, to be the partye yee speake of immediatlye before) or of youre

notable peruersitie and yll dealing, so sodenly haue turned him from a philosopher into a coniurer. Wherein yet if ye will stryue and wrangle, to proue, that for all this gyfte, Otho acknowledged the popes supreame authoritye, I re∣mitte yowe M. Horne, and your reader, to the verie sayde distinction your self alleage. Where ye shall fynd, that this Otho or his grandfather, Otho the firste, did by the vsuall othe of themperours euer sythens geuen, agnise the pope for the supreame head of the Church. So your owne story playnely and fullie opened, geueth againste yowe a playne and a full testimonie also, aswell of your moste vnhoneste and false dealinge in the handlinge of this storie, as of your most false, and yet most accustomable assertion, that the su∣premacie of all causes ecclesiasticall remayned in thempe∣rous and not in the popes. And as for Syluester him selfe, howe he repented at the ende, and what a miraculous to∣ken God gaue of his good state, after his deathe, the lerned Reader may see in a. Naucler b. Sabell. and c. Platina, as I haue otherwhere touched it against M. Iewell.

You reherse here yet a nomber of popes in the creation or deposition of whome, themperour semed to haue some∣what to doe. But altogether as we haue often shewed, impertinently and otherwise lyingly, and againste your self also directly browght in. And to begin M. Horn euen with your first example of Arnulphus, I pray you, where fynde yowe in your authour that the kinge deposed him? Your authour sayeth no suche matter, but that, the kinge did cast him in pryson, beinge firste deposed by a synode of bi∣shops. Yet he made ye will say, Gilberte the philosopher

bisshop for him: and afterward Otho the .3. made him arch∣bishop of Rauēna. Ye might haue added ād pope to, as your authour doth, if ye had meant to deale playnly, ād especial∣ly that the said Gilbert{us} by pope Iohns authority, was thrust out, ād Arnulphus restored agayne (as you heard before).

Ye doe nowe partly (as before) bely Platina, and partly gheasse blindly, as thowghe Platina durst not (to flatter the popes withal) playnly opē his mynd: ād as thowgh he shuld be of this mynd, that he that cōmeth into the papacy with∣out thēperours cōsent is but a theef, and a robber. Which is as true as before ye made him therfore a traytour. For Pla∣tina geueth forth no such mening. But sheweth two causes why this Iohn came not in by the dore. The one, that he came in by bryberie. The other, that he vsurped the see beīg not as yet vacāt, Gregory whome ye write of, as yet lyuīg, ād beīg the lawful pope chosen by the voice of the clergy, and by the cōsent of thēperor, and all the people of Rome.

After al this ye say, that Hērie the .3. deposed thre popes (whom you cal thre mōstrous bestes, of such a beastly sprite you are) ād yet you lie in so sayīg. For thēperor by supreme Authorite deposed none. But only for quyetnes sake (as Sa∣bel. writeth) coegit se dignitate abdicare. Forced thē al to de∣pose thē selues. which by force no maruail if he did. But by right neither he nor any mā liuing could haue deposed any pope. They may be induced either by reason or by force to depose thē selues. Farder you say, this Emperour sware the Romās that they should neuer be present at the popes ele∣ctiō, onlesse they were compelled by thēperor. It had bene wel done if ye had told vs who writeth so, and withal, by what warrāt thēperour could exclud the people frō their cōsent which hitherto they gaue in the chosing of the popes. Sa∣bellicus

your Author, writeth of no such cōpulsiō. But that they should not so doe, without his permissiō, ād the reason he addeh. Vt dignitas maneret illi inoffensa, caueretur{que} in po∣sterum pontificibus. that pope Clement thē chosen might cō∣tinewe quietly, and that also for the quiet of other popes to come he might prouide. Al which he did as a godly defen∣dour, not as a Supreme Gouernor of the Church. Now if a mā would stād with you altogether ād say ye belie Stepha∣nus, ād certain other popes, of such as ye haue here named, I think he should not say farre frō the truth. But yet because ye haue some authors on your side, I wil not greatly charge your for this matter. You tel vs in thend of this processe, that the Emperour made Bauno pope, ād was named Leo .9. But I tel you nowe. M. Horn, that the Emperors making was after vnmade, ād this Bauno made pope by the Clergy in Rome. For where as this Bauno chosen first of thempe∣rour, came out of Germany to Rome, al in his Pontificalibus as alredy pope, Hugo that famouse ād lerned Abbat of Clu∣niacū, ād Hildebrād (who after was pope Gregory .7.) met him in the way ād shewed him: that thēperor had no right to choose the pope, that the same right belonged to the Clergy and City of Rome, that he should lay down his bishoply attyre, come to Rome as a priuate man, and then if he were thought mete, by the lawfull consent of the clergie and city, to be chosen. Their counsell he folowed, openly detestinge his former rashnes, that at the Emperours only choyse he had taken vpon him that highe office. Thus afterwarde in Rome he was lawful∣ly chosen, there he was made pope, and named Leo .9. not by the Emperour only, as M. Horne only telleth. And this al historians in maner do witnesse.

M. Horne. The .113. Diuision. Fol. 71. b.

After this Leo, vvhom Hildebrand ridde out of the vvay, saith Benno Cardinalis, vvas Victor the seconde made Pope, by the Emperours authority or priuilege. Shortly after, this Godly Emperour died being greatly praised, and surnamed, Pius Henricus, for his dealing in the refor∣mation of Church matters. This Emperour had called tvvo Councels, the one at Cōstance, vvherein he vvas himself present, and after that another at Mo¦guntia, vvherein both the Emperour and the Pope, sat in Synod. This Pope saith Nauclerns, came into Germany about the Church matters, and orde∣red al things therein (saith Abbas Vrspur.) by the aduise and coun∣saile of themperor and other seculer Princes, and the bishops. And as this Emperour had yet this interest in the Councel••, and in the crea∣tiō of the Pope himself, so had he the placing and displacing, allovving ād dis∣allovving, in other spiritual promotions, as at large appeareth in Naucler. Stephē .9. vvas chosen Pope after that Victor had dronken of (.377.) Hilde∣brands cup. But this Sthphen liued not long: for saith Benno If any other than Hildebrand were chosen Pope, Gerardus Brazutus, Hil∣debrands familiar friend would soone dispatche hī out of the way with poyson. Alexander .2. vvas chosen vvithout thēperors authority or knovvledge, vvith vvhose electiō the vvhole Clergy of Lōbardy vvas much offended, and refused to ovve vnto hī any obediēce, beseching thēperor that he vvould geue them licēce to chose one of their ovvn: persuading him (378) that there ought none to be elect without the cōsent of the king of Italy. After thei had licēce, thei chose Cadolus the bishop of Parma, vvhō al the Clergy of Lōbardy obeyed as their lauful Pope. The Cardinals (saith Bēno) knowing wel Hildebrāds ambitiō, did win with much sute thēperors fauour and aide to their new elected Pope Ca∣dol{us}: the which did so depely perce the ha••t of Hildebrād, that he becam a deadly enemy to thēperor for euer after cōtrary to the faithful duty that he had sworn vnto hī. Hard hold there vvas betvvixt these tvvo (.379.) Popes so vvel vvith strokes as vvith vvoords: they both gathered great armies, and vvith their armies came into the fielde in their ovvn persones, and fought tvvo cruel and bloudy battailes, and so ruled the (380) Schismatical Church vvith Paules (vvorde, Peters keyes, being fast locked frō thē both in Christes Churche: til thēperor sent Otto the Archebis∣shop

of Collein, geuing him ful authority, as he should see cause, to set in or∣der the Church matters. VVhā Otto came to Rome vvith this large com∣mission, he did sharpely reproue Alexander at the first, Because he had takē vpō him the Papacy without thēperours cōmaundement, and cōtrary to that order, which the Law it self, and the longe custome also hath prescribed. VVhose vvords Nauclerus telleth thus: How cōmeth this to passe (saith he) my brother Alexander, that cōtrary to the maner of old time hitherto obserued, and agaīst the law prescribed to the Romain bishops many yeares agoe, thou hast takē vpō thee the Romain Papacy without the com∣maundemēt of the King, and my Lord Hēry: and so beginning frō Charles the great, he nameth many Princes, by vvhose authority the Popes vvere either chosen, cōfirmed, or had their electiō ratified: and vvhan Le vvas going forvvard in his oratiō, Hildebrand Tharchdeacō taketh the tale (.381.) out of his mouth, saying in great heat: O Archbisshop Otto, themperors and Kings, had neuer any right at al, or rule in the electiō of the Romain Bis∣shops. Tharchbisshop gaue place to Maister Archedeacō (.382.) by and by: For Hildebrand knevv vvel inough, saith (.383.) Sabellicus, that Otto vvould relent easely, and agree vvith him. In such sort also haue other godly Princes been (.384.) beguyled, trusting ouer much popish Prelats vvith their embas∣sages. VVihin a vvhile after vvhan thēperour heard of these doinges, he sent streight to Pope Alexander, to gather together the Prelats, promising that he hīself vvould come to the councel to (.385.) set an order in the Church matters, that al things might be don in his own presence, vvho vsed Alexander very gētly and friēdly vvhervvith the Pope aftervvards vvas so moued, and savv hovv he hīself had bē abused by Hildebrāds instigatiōs a∣gainst so gētle a Prīce, that he vvas greatly sory, that he had attēpted to be pope vvithout his assent. VVherupō saith Bēno, whā Alexāder vnderstode, that he was elected ād ēstalled by fraude ād craft of Hildebrād, ād other thēperors enemies, in his sermō to the people, he plaī∣ly declared, that he would not sit in the Apostolik sea, without the licence and fauour of thēperour: and further said openlye in the pulpit, that he would sende foorthwith, his letters vnto the Emperour for this purpose, so greatly he repented him of his vsurpation without the Emperours authority.

Hildebrande, vvho had long avvayted and (.386.) practised to be Pope, impacient of any longer tariaunce, immediatly after the death of Alexan∣der, gatte to be made Pope, and vvas called Gregory the seuenth, of vvhose e∣lectiō Abbas Vrspurgens. saith▪ next to Alexander succeded Hildebrande, vnder whome the Romain common weale and the whole Church, was endaungered and brought in a great perill with newe errours and schismes, such as haue not been heard of: who climbed vp to this high dignity without the consent of the Prince, and therefore there be that affirme him to haue v∣surped the Papacy, by tyranny, and not Canonically instituted, for which cause also many did refuse him to be Pope. In this election, Hildebrande (.387.) made poste haste, for feare ••e had come shorte of his purpose. In so much that Nauclerus saith, before the exequies of Alex∣ander vvere finished, the Cleargy and people that came to the buriall, cried out, that S. Peter had chosen Maister Archedeacon Hildebrande to be Pope, vvhereupon the Cardinalles vvent a side and elected Hildebrande. But Ben∣no, vvho vvas a Cardinall at Rome the same tyme, † saith, that the selfe same euening and hovver, vvhen Alexander died, Hildebrande vvas enstal∣led by his souldiours, vvithout the assent of either Priest or people: fearing lest delay vvoulde breede peril: to vvhose election not one of the Cardinales did subscribe: in so much that Hildebrande said to an Abbot, that came short to the election, brother Abbot yee haue taried ouer longe: to vvhome the Abbot ansvvered, ād thou Hildebrād hast made ouer much hast, in that thou hast v∣surped the Apostolik sea agaīst the Canōs, thy Maister the Pope being not yet buried. By vvhich post hast, īportune clamours, and violēt electiō, it is easie to see, hovv Platina and those that follovv him, do no lesse (388) lie than flatter in praysing this Pope, ād settīg foorth so comely a form of his electiō. Nauel. protesteth and promiseth in the tellīg of this Popes life to kepe an indifferēcy and fidelity, in the report of the Chronicles: and first reporteth the state of the Church vnder this Pope vvord for vvord as I haue rehersed out of Abbas V••spurg. (.389.) and to declare his further vprightnes in the matter, he telleth vvhat he founde vvriten in a fine stile amongest the Saxon histories: that the Bisshops of Fraunce moued the Prince not to suffer this election, vvhich vvas made vvithout his consent, for if he did, it might vvorke to him muche and greuous daungier: the Prince perceiuing this suggestion to

be true, sent immediatly his Embassadours to Rome, to demaunde the cause vvherefore they presumed vvithout the Kinges licence, against the custome of their auncestours, to ordeine a Pope: and further to commaunde the nevve e∣lected Pope, to forsake that dignity vnlaufully come by, onlesse they vvoulde make a reasonable satisfaction. These Embassadours vvere honorably recei∣ued, and vvhen they had declared their message, the Pope himselfe, maketh them this ansvvere: He taketh God to witnesse, that he neuer co∣ueted this high dignity, but that he was chosen, ād thrust vio∣lently thereunto by the Romaines, who would not suffer him in any wise to refuse it: notwithstanding they coulde by no meanes perswade him, to take the Papacy vpō him, ād to be cō¦secrate Pope, till he were surely certified, that both the Kinge and also the Princes of Germany, had geuen their assente. VVhē the King vvas certified of this ansvveare, he vvas contente and vvillingly gaue commaundement, that he should be ordered Pope. He also reciteth out of Blondus, and other vvriters, That the Kinge gaue his consente vnto the Popes election, sending the Bisshop of Verselles, the Chauncellour of Italy, to confirme the election by his autho∣rity, as the maner had bene, the which thing also, Platina (saith he) seemeth to affirme.

Aftervvardes the Emperour called a (.390.) Councell, vvhich he helde (as Sabellicus saith) at VVormes, vvhereat vvere al the Bisshops of Fraūce and Germany, excepte the Saxons. The Churchmen of Rome sent their epist∣les, vvith greuous complaints against Hildebrand vnto this Councel: In quibus Hildebrandum ambitus & periurij accersunt, eundem∣que plaera{que} auarè, superbe{que} facere, conqueruntur: hoc{que} reie∣cto, alium pastorem postulant: VVherein they accuse Hilde∣brande, of ambition and periury, complainning that he dothe manye thinges proudly and couetouslye, and therefore desire, that he may be deposed, and an other pastour appoincted thē.

The (.391.) Fathers in this Councell make a Decree for to depose Hilde∣brande, reciting therein many his greuous and horrible crymes, that moued them therto: And not only the Bisshops of Germany and Fraūce, but also the Bisshoppes of Italy, assembled togeather at Tici∣num, a citie in Lombardy nowe called Pauia, did subscribe this

Decree. This Synode beynge thus finished, the Emperour (saith Auenti∣nus) vvrote tvvo letters, the one to Hildebrand, the other to the people and priestes of Rome, vvherein he commaundeth Hildebrande, accordinge to the Decree of the Councell, to retourne to his priuate life and estate▪ and the Romaines to forsake Hildebrande, and to choose to them selues a Pastor, accordinge to the manner of their auncestours. VVho so listeth to reade these Epistles, and the seditious (.392.) traiterous, and tragicall feates and pra∣ctises of the Pope against the Emperour, bothe before, and especially after this Decree, he may see them in Orth winus Gratius, in Nauclerus, Auē∣tinus, Sabellicus, and Platina.

The .16. Chapter. Of Henry the .4. and of Gregory .7. other∣wised called Hildebrande, Pope.

Stapleton.

A man might make a shorte and a true answere withal, to all thys long tale, and say that it is altogether ex∣trauagante, and impertinente or rather directly con∣cluding for the Popes Primacie. For thowghe Henrie the fowrth, woulde not acknowledge Hildebrande, as pope, yet he acknowledged an other, whom him self had set vp, yea and the sayd Hildebrande to at the lengthe to be the supreame head of Christes Church: as we shall anon de∣clare. So that nowe we might passe ouer, al these heynous accusations againste this pope called Gregorie the .7. as out of your matter, sauinge that I thinke good to geue notice to the reader, that yet neuerthelesse ye shall neuer be able to iustifie them, as surmised and fayned by your authour Benno and other his enimies, whom he had iustly excōmu∣nicated ād deposed for their naughtines, vpholdē ād mayn∣teyned by Hēry thēperor being him self also iustly excōmu∣nicated. Marianus Scotus lyuing about the same time, saith,

that this Gregory, was accused of Hēries fautours of many false crymes, and maketh the councells kepte against him no better, then a conspiracie against God and his vicar, po∣pe Gregory. Owre country man william of Malmesburie sayeth, that he had the spryte of prophecie, and telleth as a certayne and sure veritie, by relation of hym that heard yt out of the mowthe of the famouse Abbat of Cluniacum, called Hugo, that this Hildebrand being but yet archdea∣con and the Popes Legate in Fraunce, hauing a bisshop be∣fore him whome he did wonderfully suspecte for symonie committed, but yet not conuinced by sufficiente proufe, commaunded him to pronounce for his purgation: Gloria patri; & filio, & spiritui sancto. The bisshop pronounced rowndlie, Gloria patri & filio. But for his lyfe he could not then, nor all his lyfe after, pronounce spiritui sancto. This Hugo reported further, that Hildebrand foretolde hym of a great plague and pestilence ere yt came: and told hym al∣so of certayne of his pryuie thoughts. It pleaseth yowe to make Platina but a lier and a flatterer, for that he taketh this Gregory to be the true pope, and to haue bene most wrōg∣fully thrust out by the Emperour. Ye seame rather to en∣cline to Abbas Vrspergensis and Nauclerus, who bothe yet make against you. For you shal fynd in Abbas that Ansel∣mus bishop of Luca a man as he writeth, of an excellent elo¦quence, wytte, and Learning, and by whom God wrought miracles, aswel in his lyfe tyme, as afterward, did euer ack∣nowledg hī for the true pope, ād the other suborned by the Emperor, to be but an vsurper. And so he wrote to the fal∣se pope in playne words. What say you thē to your own au¦thor Nauclerus, that, as ye say, protesteth and promiseth in telling this popes lyfe to kepe an indifferēcy and a fidelity in the

report of the chronicles? Doth not he condemne as feined and false forged lies, such thīgs as ye here al∣leage? doth he not, though he saieth Sigebertus and some other write to the cōtrary, say that the doings of this Gregory were honest, and proceded from a zelouse faith? The like say I of your Coūcels holdē in Italy. Whose folly and falshod euidently bursted out aswel otherwise, as in calling this Gregory the disciple of Berēgari{us}: ād one that browght in doubt the Catholike and apostolical faith, of the body and bloud of Christ. This was a most notoriouse lye: for Hildebrādus beīg as yet but archedeacō, and not∣withstāding the Popes Legat, as I haue said, in Frāce brought this Berēgari{us} to a recātatiō: first at Towers in Fraūce, and afterward at Rome also, hīself being thē pope. Yea hīsef, thēperor being present, after he had said Masse, taking the body of Christe into his hād, said to thēperor. Sir I haue benaccused of you and your adherēts of diuerse crymes, wherof yf I be gylty, I pray God, after I haue receiued his body (which I en∣tēde presently to receaue for my purgatiō) to streke me with sodayne death. Vpopn this this pope receaued part of the holy hoste, and woulde that themperor should haue done the like for his purgation, but he refused so to doe. And nowe take heade to your self and to your fellowes M. Horne, least by your owne Councell of Pauia, one of the moste greauouse and moste horrible crymes, falslye layde to Pope Gregory, be not most truely layde to you, and your adherents being the very true disci∣ple of the heretike Berēgarius and mē that bring in doubte, yea that accurse and condemne the Catholik and Aposto∣lical

faith. Whose condemnation made by Pope Gregory, with his decree that he made against your cōcubines, doth I trow much more greue you, then doth this matter of thē∣perour, or any wronge ye pretende, by this Pope, to haue bene done to him.

Nowe is your cloked dissimulation also in the handling of this story to be considered, that dare not open the very cause of all this dissentiō betwene the pope ād thēperor, and the euente thereof. Which dissention rose, for that them∣perour woulde not remoue such symoniacall Bisshoppes, as he kepte aboute him, being excommunicated by Alex∣ander the .2. Gregories predecessour. And that him self woulde not forbeare to sell bisshopriks and other spirituall lyuings. Whereof Gregory, as sone as euer he was elected, admonished him, saying: that being confirmed by themperour he would in no wise suffer and beare with his doīgs: and ther∣fore willed him, either to procure that some other man shoulde be made Pope, or to amende those things, that were amisse. This notwithstandinge, the Emperour did confirme him: but beinge afterwarde seduced, by such as Gregorie had ex∣communicated and deposed, and irritated by the Popes letters, being therein commaūded to purge him self of such crymes as he was charged withal, conspired againste him, with his adherente bisshoppes assembled (as ye write) at Wormes: and declared him to be no Pope. The Pope agayne accurseth all that wycked conuenticle with the Emperour, and deposeth him from his imperiall dignitye: discharging all his subiectes of al such loyalty as they owed by othe vnto him. Afterwarde also this Pope excommuni∣cated the Emperour and al his adherentes. The same yere (saith Nauclerus) the Princes and the greater parte of the

people, beganne to alienat their minds from him: By reason whereof a great dyet was kept of the Allemayn Princes at Openham. At the whiche themperour was forced by the princes of Germanie (which sayd yf he wente not, and re∣conciled him self to the pope, they would exequute the Po¦pes sentence againste hym) to take his iorneye to the Po∣pe, and commynge to Canossom where the Pope was, he put of all his royall attiermente, and bare foted three dayes together, in a colde and harde sharpe wynter moste humblie craued pardon of the Pope: and at the length was by the pope, from the sentence of excommunication vp∣pon certayne conditions absolued. Whiche conditions beinge by hym broken, beganne as hotte a sturre as euer was before: So farre forthe that thys Gregorie was forced to flie from Rome, for feare of hys powre, to Salernum, where shortly after he died.

Nowe good reader will ye see the iuste iudgemente of God: and therein withall a full answeare to Maister Hornes impertinent processe? After Gregories deathe, thys Emperour was taken prisoner of hys owne sonne, and forced to resigne and geue ouer all his royall and im∣periall dignitye, whiche rebelled againste hym, as he re∣belled againste hys spirituall father pope Gregorie. And as faste as he wrote letters before to depose Hildebrande (as ye write) wherein neuer the lesse he refused not abso∣lutly the pope, but Hildebrāde (whō he toke not for pope) which thīg I desire the Reader diligently to note, so being in this distresse in his letters aswel to his son Henry (which was Hēry the 5.) as in his letters to the bishops and nobility of Germany (which letters ye deaply dissemble) he appea∣leth to the pope, ād to the holy ād vniuersal see of Rome.

Goe on nowe M. Horne, and tel vs hardlie, and lie one as faste as ye wil vppon this Hildebrandus: that he poyso∣ned: first Leo the .9. then Victor the .2. and after him Ste∣nen the .9. But suerlye either ye are a great lier, or Hil∣debrande was not his craftes maister, for all that ye make hī so cunning in the arte of poysonīg. For where after Ste∣phen, there were two other Popes: Benedicte the tenth, and Nicolaus the .2. and after them Alexander the .2. ye omitting those two, doe tell vs forthwith of Alexander the 2. and howe that this Gregorye, who had longe away∣ted and practised to be Pope, immediatly after the deathe of Alexander gate himself to be made pope. And I am assu∣red ye can tel vs no better reason why he shoulde poyson, the other first thre Popes, then the other latter three. Nei∣ther can ye tell vs anye probable reason why he shoulde poyson any one, or seke by this vngodly way to come to that see, which as yet being but Archedeacon seameth e∣uen by your tale, to haue bene of such creditte among the Romans, as was lightly no other. As one that in so weigh∣ty a cause by the will and consente of the Cardinalles an∣swered to Otho themperours Ambassadour, wisely and so∣berly, and not as ye fable, taking the tale out of his mowthe in great heate. As yt pleaseth you also to fable, that the Archebisshop Otho, gaue place to M. Archedeacon by and by. And thervpō ful like your self ye rushe in against popishe prelates, as ye cal them, who haue beguyled godly Princes, that trusted them ouermuch. Whereas Otho was fayne to yelde to Hildebrande of fyne force of reason, and to such examples of the auncient Churche as he brought forthe. For after the woordes by you alleaged, that Emperours or Kinges neuer had right in the election of Popes, he sayed

farder. And if any thinge was attempted by violence, or other∣wise then well, it was afterward by the Censures of the fathers redressed. And so beginning (saith Nauclere) from the firste Emperours, he continewed so longe, vntyll Anno (whom you call Otto tharchbishop) ••nswered, that he was satisfised. This was no hotte talke as you bable, but a lerned communica∣tion, sobre and discret. I pray you now further, to what end or purpose serueth this narratiō cōcerning Alexander the .2. seing that your Antipope Cadolus was deposed, and thē∣perour fayne to craue pardō for him: and seing the bishops of Lombardy were reconciled to this Alexāder at a coun∣cel holdē at Mantua, the Emperour also ratifying Alexan∣ders electiō? Goe on M. Horne and tel vs that Platina and others do lie (and that Benno one cōtrary to al others, and an Author in this matter expressely condemned only saith truth,) ād flatter in praysing this pope, and in setting forth a comely forme of his electiō: which, what it was ye dare not shewe, least yt shuld to much disgrace your vncomely ele∣ctiōs, ād most of al your false assertiōs agaīst the Popes Pri∣macy. Gregory, sayth Platina, was chosen with the cōsent of al good men. The wordes of the electiō are noted to be of this sort and tenour. We the Cardinals, the clergy, the acolites, the subdea¦cōs, the priests of the Church of Rome, in the presence of the bis∣shops ād Abbats, ād of many other, aswell of the clergy as of the Laytie this day beīg the xxij. day of April in S. Peter Church, cal¦led ad Vincula, the yeare of our Lord God .1072. doe elect, to be true vicare of Christ Archdeacō Hildebrād: a mā of great lear∣ning, vertue, wisdome, iustice, cōstācie, religiō, a modest, a sober, ād a chast mā: one that gouerneth his hous hold wel, ful of hospi∣talitie toward the poore, beīg brought vp ād taught, euen frō his yowthe to his age in the lap of his holy mother the Church: whō

we wyl to be ruler of Christes Church, euē with that authority, with the which Peter did ones rule it by Gods cōmaundemēt. Yf this be a comely forme, of electiō, as in dede yt is, ād as your self terme yt, thē hath this comely forme, answered al your false and deforme argumēts made agaīst this Pope or his pri∣macie. Yet to touche a fewe of your many folde vntruthes, which do so swarme in this your narration, I am forced to prolōg a litle more my answer. You report as of Sabellicus, that Hildebrande knewe wel inoughe, that Otto would relent easely. But you should knowe wel inoughe that Sabell. hath no such words. Only he sayth. Facilè tenuit vt Otho sibi assen tiretur. He obtayned easely, that Otho shoulde agree vnto him. And that was by his lerned perswasiō, not by any co∣uert collusiō, as you do lewdely imagine. Againe you say, thēperor promised he wold come to the Coūcel, to set an or¦der in Church matters, prītyng those words in a latyn letter as the words of Sabel. Now ther are no such words in your Author Sabellicus of thēperor. But only that he desired the pope to cal a Councel, for setting of order in Church mat∣ters, and that he woulde come. Vt se presente omnia fierent. that al thinges might be done in his presence. The pithe of your argumēt lay in those words: and therfore those words you falsely fathered vppon Sabellicus. You alleage a longe tale out of Benno againste Hildebrande, as that after that Councell ended, Alexander had perceyued he was ••nstalled by fraude and crafte of Hildebrand, but how true that tale is, it appeareth by that Alexander after thys Synode ended, sent Hildebrande in to Apulia withe an Armye, to re∣couer to the Churche of Rome suche places as the Nor∣mans had taken awaye, the whiche Hildebrand broughte to passe. For had Alexander perceyued suche fraude

and crafte in Hildebrande as you and Benno do surmise, he woulde not I trowe so sone after haue putte him in suche truste and credite, in so weighty and important a matter. And this being reported by Sabell. Nauclerus, and other common writers, it is easy to iudge what a lyar your Ben∣no is, and howe worthely this very booke of his de vita Hildebrandi is by general Councel forbidden and condem∣ned. That which you alleage out of Abbas Vrspergensis a∣gainst Hildebrand, is woorde for woorde recited in Nau∣clerus (whome you alleage as one that protesteth and pro∣miseth to kepe an indifferency and fidelity in telling of this Popes life) but he addeth immediatly: Alij & ferè omnes prorsus contrarium referunt. Other writers and in maner al doe reporte the cleane contrary: that is, al for the commen∣dation of Hildebrand. But this you without al indifferency or fidelity thought good to leaue out, and against in ma∣ner al writers to cleaue to one Abbat. Of whome when you tell that many refused this Hildebrand to be Pope, Ma∣rianus Scotus which lyued in that very age, Nauclerus, Sa∣bellicus and Platina will tell you, that those Many, were none but Simmoniaci & fornicarij. The Simoniacal and the fornicatours. Such as by brybery creped in to Ecclesiasti∣call promotions, and such as being Priestes kept whores ād concubines, which you now call wyues. M. Horne, to saue your Madges poore honesty. Where you tel vs out of Nau∣clerus, that the bisshops of Fraunce moued the Prince not to suffer the election of Hildebrande &c. You should haue done wel to haue tolde vs out of Nauclerus the cause why these bishops so did. Verily Nauclerus euen in the middest of the sentence whiche you alleage, saieth of those Bisshoppes: Grandi scrupulo permoti ne vir vehementis & acris ingenij

atque fidei districtius eos pro negligentijs suis quandoque di∣scuteret. They sent to the Emperour, being sore afrayed, left this Hildebrand being a man of a vehement and sharpe disposition and faithe, woulde at length more roughly and sharpely examine them for their negligences: Lo, Mayster Horne the loue of licentiousnes, and the feare of discipline for theyr desertes, moued those Frenche Bishoppes to sewe thus to the Emperoure againste that Pope. But you will neuer tell all, because (as I haue saied and must often saye) al maketh against you.

You conclude with a peale of moste slaunderous and rayling lyes, sendyng vs to certain epistles wherin we shal fynde, you saie, the seditiouse, trayterous, and tragical feates and practises of this Pope against the Emperour &c. For in Nauclerus, Sabellicus, Marianus Scotus, Volaterrane and Platina, I am right sure there appeareth no suche cancred matter as you raue of, except suche as they reporte vpon false rumors.

But if you wil see on the contrary parte, what a godly ād lerned mā he was, how sharp an enemy to vice, name∣ly to Simonye and Bauderye (for the whych he procu∣red him selfe so much enemytie) You may reade Mai∣ster Horne, not only Nauclerus, Sabell, and Platina with Volaterane, Blondus, Antoninus and other late writers, but also Marianus Scotus, William of Malmesbury our countreyman, Anselmus that notable Bishoppe of Luca, who lyued all in the tyme of that tragedy, and you shall fynd him in all poyntes a most excellent Bishop and a most godly man. The French Bishops for Simony, the Germayn Bishoppes for both Simony ād whoredome, the Emperoure Henrye the fourth for his filthye lucre in sy∣moniacall

practises, caused all the troubles of that age the most vertuose Pope, alwayes proceding against those vices with the force of the spiritual sworde. For the which at the hower of his death he sayed. Dilexi iustitiam: & odi iniquitatem: propterea morior in exilio. I haue loued righte∣ousnes: and I haue hated iniquyte. Therefore I die in bā∣nishment.

M. Horne. The .1••4▪ Diuision. pag. 74. a.

Henry the .5. came into Italy to end the cōtrouersy and discorde, that vvas betvvixt him and the Pope, for this (.393.) iurisdiction, and to make such compositiō as might bring quietnesse both to the Church and the Empyre: But Paschalis the Pope did not muche lyke of his comming, as the Italian vvriters vvitnesse. The Em∣perour sendeth to the Pope, the Pope againe to him: certaine coue∣naūtes vvere aggreed vppon, and confirmed by othe, and assured by pledges on bothe the parties. But the Pope coulde not, or vvould not, keepe promise vvith the Emperour, for that his Bishoppes did vvithstande, and in no vvise vvould stande to the agreement: vvereuppon folovved great tumult and a bluddy fray. The Em∣perour (.394.) seynge they for their partes, vvould not stande to the couenauntes, vvhiche vvere confyrmed so strongly by othe, and hostages, as mighte be, vvould not in like vvyse be bounde to his. Shortly after Easter follovving, there vvas a frendly peace concluded betvvixt the Emperour and the Pope, vvho crovvned Henry .5. Emperour, deliuering vnto him vvith his holy hande suche priuileges as his auncestours vvere vvont to enioie, and confirmed the same to him, neuer to be taken from him vnder the paine of the great Curse. After this the Emperour tooke an Othe of all the inhabitauntes in euerye Citye thoroughe Italy, for their faithfull obedience to him, and the faithfull keepinge of of this his prerogatiue, and priuilege in (.395.) Ecclesiastical thin∣ges or causes.

The .17. Chapter Of Henry the .5. Lotharius and Conra∣dus, Emperours.

Stapleton.

GOE on as I sayd M. Horne lustely, and tell your tale truely and fully: and then as we haue had you hither∣to, so shall we haue yow styl a very gentle and a tra∣ctable aduersay. What? Were there such cōtrouersies, dis∣cordes and frayes betwixt the Pope and Henrie the fift? Thē belyke yt is no very probable tale, that your Apology writeth, that by the Popes procuring thys Henry toke hys Father prisoner, as it is in dede a foule and grosse lye. Yet at the length I perceiue there was a frendly peace cōclu∣ded (as ye say) and the Pope with hys holy hand delyuered to hym suche pryuileges as his auncetours were wont to enioy. I am glad M. Horne that the pope hath anye thing holy in hym. It is strāge me thinketh to heare at your hāds of the Popes holy hād: namely seing your authour Naucle∣rus, speaketh of hys hād only, withowt any other additiō. Belyke there is come vppon yow some sodayne deuotion towards the Popes holines. But lo, I see now the cause of your deuotiō. The Popes hād is holy with yow now, whē he being forced ād cōstrayned, deliuereth vppe such priui¦leges, as with his heart he did not deliuer: and therfore did afterward in a Coūcel of Bishops reuoke al these doinges. Whiche your authour in the nexte leaf (as also Sabellicus at large) doth declare: and what sturre ād busines the Em∣perour made for it, swearing first to the Pope, that he wold vse no violence, and that he woulde cause all the Bishops of Germany, which had bene made by Simonye, to be de∣posed. Who yet afterward brake bothe partes of his O••he.

Toke the Pope out of Rome with him as prisoner, because he would not confirme his symoniacal Bisshops: And after long vexation of the Pope, and spoiles of the Romaine ter∣ritorie, extorted at the lengthe by fine force his consente thereto: which yet (after the Emperour being departed) he reuoked (as I said) in a ful Councell. And this periurie and violence of this Emperour, the Italian Emperours doe witnesse also. Briefly al came to this conclusion, that Pas∣chalis being dead, the Emperour shortly after, renounced to the Pope Calistus the .2. all this inuesturing of Bisshops, and left to the clergy the free electiō without the princes cōfirmatiō: which was al that Paschalis graūted to this Em¦perour. For the graūt of Paschalis (as it is recorded in Nau¦clere) referreth it selfe, to the former grauntes of his pre∣decessours made to Catholike Emperours. And farder he specifieth his graunt thus. That he haue priuilege to geue the staffe and the ring to al Bisshops and Abbats of his dominions, being first freely chosen without violence or symonie: and to be afterward consecrated or ordered of the bisshop to whom they belong. But al this was (as I haue said) both reuoked of Pope Paschalis, and geuen ouer of Henrie the fift.

But I pray you tell me, was your holy hand so vnlustie and heauy, that ye could or rather would not, set in this al∣so, being a parcell of your authors narration, and the finall conclusion of this great controuersie? Whiche as it was thē troblesom to the church many yeres: so it is troblesom also to your Reader, as occupiyng a greate parte of your booke, but no part of your principal mater, and yet as litle material as it is, in fine al agaīst you. And therfore ye shake the ful declaratiō of the mater from your holy handes, as a man would shake away a snake for feare of stinging.

M. Horne. The .115. Diuision. pag. 74. b.

The next Emperour to Henrie, vvas Lotharius, vvho so laboured vvith the Pope to retaine the inuesturing of Ecclesiasticall persons, and be∣sides that, he so trauailed in other Ecclesiastical causes, so (.396.) vvel as Temporal, that saith Vrspurg. Huius laus est à vindicata religio∣ne & legibus: The praise of this Prince is, in that he refour∣med Religion and the Lawes.

Next to vvhom, vvas Conradus the Emperour, to vvhome the Ro∣maines vvrote supplications, to come and chalendge his right in these mat∣ters, to reduce the fourme of the Empire, to the olde state whiche it was in, in Constantine and Iustinians daies, and to deliuer them from the (.397.) tyranny of the Pope. To vvhom also the Pope vvrote humble supplications, to take his cause into his protection against the Magistrates of Rome, which toke vppon them to reduce the Pope, to the olde order and state of the (.398.) aunciente bisshoppes of Rome.

Stapleton.

Let the Emperour Lotharius labour to retain the inue∣sturing of Bishops (which as ye heard, Henrie the .5. resi∣gned before to Calistus) let him if ye will needes vse that word, reforme the ciuil lawes and religion to: the meaning wherof is no more, but that he restored the ciuil Lawe (the vse therof being discōtinued many yeres) ād restored Pope Innocētius the .2 to his See beīg thrust out by an Antipope (wherof he was called Fidelis Ecclesiae aduocatus, a faithfull defēder of the Church). Yet why do you vtter such grosse lyes, M. Horne telling your Reader, that the Romaines be∣sought th'Emperor to deliuer them frō the tyrāny of the Pope? Neyther Otho Fringensis, nor Nauclerus, who rehearseth his words haue any such thing. The Romaines at that time would be lusty a Gods name, and reduce their state to the old magnificence of the victorious Romaines, being proud of a litle victorie whiche they had against the Tiburtines.

And therefore the Pope complained to the Emperour of their tyrannie, not they of the Popes tyrannie. Yea they thrusted out the Emperours Praefectus, and placed in his roome their owne Patricius. And so woulde shake of as well the Emperour, as the Pope. Foorth then with the storie.

Let Pope Lucius .2. make hūble supplicatiō, to the Em∣perour Conradus, against the Magistrates of Rome, cōcer∣ning the ciuil regiment of Rome, and their subiection to the Pope in temporalities (for that was the matter and no other, and yet were they faine shortlye after to submitte them selues to Eugenius .3. the next Pope) Let all this be as you tell it not perspicuouslie, but couertlie, as though the Romaines then woulde haue bene Schismatiques, as you are nowe, and denied his Authoritie in Spiritual cau∣ses, as you doe nowe, let all this, as I saie, be graunted vn∣to you: But then I pray you set your conclusion to it, that therefore the Prince is Supreme Gouernour in all causes Ecclesiasticall, and then shall euery childe sone conclude with you, that your Conclusion, concludeth nothinge to the purpose. For all the strife and contention here, was partely about Temporall and Ciuill regiment, partely not against the Popes Authoritie, absolutelye, but against such or suche a Pope: whiche thing I woulde haue you wel to note Maister Horne, not here onelye, but in all these and other quarrellings of Emperours againste Popes. That they neuer repined againste the Popes Authoritie, as the Pope, but they repined against this man or that mā, whom they woulde not agnise for the Pope, but some other by them selues elected.

M. Horne. The .116. Diuision. pag. 74. b.

Next to vvhome, follovved the Godly and zelous Emperour Frederike the firste, vvho (.399.) seeing the horrible vices of the Romissh Church, commaunded that no Legate of the Church of Rome, should be suffered to enter into Germanie, without he were called or hyred of the Emperour: nor would suffer that any man vnder the name of appellation, shuld goe vnto the Court of Rome.

After the death of Adrian the fovvrth, the Cardinals fell out amongest them selues for the Election of a nevv Pope: some stry∣uinge to haue Rovvlande, other some contendinge to haue Octa∣uian a man, (saith Abbat. Vrspur.) in all points honest and reli∣gious. Herevppon sprang an horrible schisme and great discord. Rouland sent his Legates to the Emperour Fredericus .1. and de∣sired him that he vvould (.400.) take vppe and end this conten∣tion by his authoritie. The Emperour commaundeth them both to come vnto him at Ticinum, vvhere foorthvvith he summo∣ned a Councell to be holden about this matter, (.401.) minding to examine bothe their causes, and by searching to trye vvhose cause vvas the most honest. Rouland (.402.) being afrayed to haue the matter come to this triall, getteth to VVilliam of Si∣cilia, the Emperours mortall ennemie, and vvithin tvvelue daies putteth on his Cope, and nameth him selfe Alexander: for he pur∣posed (belike) to make a conquest of the matter. He alleaged his election to be good out of all doubt, and that he sent for the Em¦perours aid, and not for his arbitrement: and therfore thought not good to bring his case into doubtfull question. The Emperour being offended vvith him, for that he vvould not obey his appoint∣ment, sent tvvo Bisshops to cite him, to come vnto the Councell by the name of Cardinall, and not Pope: But Rouland refused, confuting their citation vvith this Maxime or Principle, Roma∣num Pontificem à nemine iudicari debere: The Pope ought not to be iudged of anye man. But vvhen these Legates from the Emperour came to Octauian, he straight vvai∣es obeyed, and they brought him to Papia (.404.). Vspurg. saith, that Rouland vvas oftentimes monisshed to come, and did

contemne all those monitions. The Emperour faite in the Councel, (as Ra∣deuicus Frifingēsis, vvho vvrote his actes, vvitnesseth ••ad made an ora∣tion vnto the Bishoppes, vvherein he declareth, and that by the example of his auncestours Constantinus, Theodosius, Iustinianus, and of later time of Carolus Magnus, and other, that the povver and authority to call Councelles, vvhere the Churche is trou••led vvith any schismes, or other perillous distourbance, belongeth to the Emperour: Notvvithstanding he cō∣mitted the desining of the cōtrouersie to theyr vvisedome and (.405) gaue them therevnto authoritie. The Councell debateth the cause, and con∣sulteth vvith men learned in the Lavve, and so concludeth, that Octa∣uians election vvas good, and adiudgeth him to be the righte Bishoppe of Rome. VVhē they had thus tryed out the matter, Fredericus the Empe∣rour saith Platina) Confirmat Octauianum Pontificem. Con∣firmed Octauian Pope. (.406.) The Emperour vvithin a vvhile after, sente Octauianus, nevv confirmed Pope, tovvardes Rome, vvho dyed in the iourney. After vvhose death, the Emperour called an other councell at VVirtzberge (as Auentinus vvriteth) vvherein vvere a great number of Archebishoppes, and other Bishoppes, ād also many of the nobles and states of the Empyre. In this Councell a statute or Decree vvas made by common consente. That from hence foorth none shoulde be Pope, one∣lesse he were created by the consent of the Emperour, accor∣dinge as the custome had bene of longe and auncient time. This vvorthy Emperour, vvhom the Chronicles call Christianissimum, moste Christian, for his zeale tovvardes Goddes Churche, endeuored not vvithout great perill to him selfe and his estate, to reteine the iurisdiction due to the Princes, and thereby to refourme the horrible disorders that vvere grovven so highe, that they ouervvhelmed the Church, as in lyke sorte diuers other Emperours end Kinges, bothe before and after, had attempted, but in vayne: for the vvealthy pride, the fierce povver, and (.407.) trayterous treachery of the Pope and his Prelates vvas so mighty, violent, and sub∣tile, that there vvas no earthly povver able to vvithstande or matche vvith them. And therefore Erasmus compteth the Popes of this time, and those that folovved, to be the Vicars and s••ccessours of Iulius Caesar, of Alex∣ander the Great, of Croesus the ryche, and of Xerxes the mighty: ra∣ther then of Christe, the onelye Emperour and gouernour of the Churche. Bernarde calleth Eugenius .3. in his great pompe, and

pride, rather the successour of Constantinus the highe Emperour, then of Peter the humble Apostle, and Abbas Vrspurg, vvho lyued at this time, vvhen the Popes had spoyled the ••mperour, and other Princes vvelnighe of (.408.) all iurisdiction, rulinge all by theyr ovvne Decretalles, novve aboute this time set foorth (.409.) as they listed, maketh a lamentable complainte of the horrible pryde and couetousnesse of the (.410.) vvhole clergy, and cō∣cludeth vvith these vvords: Gaude mater nostra Roma, &c. Reioyce O our mother Rome, bycause the seluses of the hidden trea∣sures in the earthe are opened, that riuers ād heapes of mony maye flowe vnto thee in great abundance. Be glad of the ini∣quitie of the sonnes of mē, bicause mony is geuen to thee for the recompence of so great euilles. Be mery and iocund for discordes sake, which is thy helper bicause she is rushte out of the infernall pit, that plentiful rewardes of money might be heaped vpon the: thou hast that which thou hast alwaies thyrsted after: synge pleasant balades, for throughe mennes malitiousnesse, not by thy Godlinesse, thou hast ouercome the worlde.

The .18. Chapter: Of Frederike Barbarossa, and of Ale∣xander. the .3.

Stapleton.

MAister Horne good Reader, as he hath hitherto, so doth he styll playe Cacus parte. This Cacus stole Hercules Oxen, and because he woulde not haue them espied where they were by the track, he drewe thē into his caue by the tayles backward. Whiche thing Her∣cules seing, did nothing mistrust they shoulde be there, but yet as he passed by with the droue of his beastes, the beasts that were in the denne lackinge theyr company, beganne as the maner is to bellowe, wherby all this thefte was dis∣cried. This boke of M. Hornes is the very denne of Cacus, into the which by a pretye sleight, he conueyeth in hys stories and other proufes, as a man maye say, by the

taile backewarde, that is not keeping the righte and cu∣stomable waie and order in making true and faithfull alle∣gations, but craftelie and peruersely cutting and chopping away some parte of them: which partely lying in this his Cacus denne, and as it were bellowing for his companie, bewrayeth all M. Hornes slie dealings. So haue ye hither∣to found it, and so shall ye still, good Reader, finde it, and loe we haue at hande a ready proufe Frederike saith M. Horne, seing the horrible vices of the Romis••h Church, com∣maund••d that no Legate of the Church of Rome, should come into Germanie, &c.

First, Maister Horne, what horrible vices of the Romissh Churche, were those you speake of? It is verely, naughte els, t••en a horrible lye of your schismatical mouth. The beginning of the sentence, of the whiche you haue taken the taile onely, is this. Adrian the .4. our Countrieman, and Frederike the first, were fallen at great variaunce. The Pope complained (saith Nauclerus your own Authour) that liuing betwene the swordes of the Romaines and William of Sicilie, he was forsaken of the Emperoure, contrarye to his great promises, and so vexed for the Emperours sake, that he could not reast at Rome. The Emperoure on the other side, pretended many things, and namely the crowning of William the King of Sicilia, Iamque ad id vsque processum est, vt Im∣perator nullum Rom. Ecclesiae legatum, &c. And now the matter broke out so farre, that the Emperour cōmaunded that no Legate and so forth, as in Maister Hornes Allegation. You see nowe, good Readers, it was no horrible vices of the Romissh Church as this horrible lying spirit of M. Horn prateth, but a priuate quarrell betwene this Emperoure and that Pope, that occasioned the Emperour to forbidde

appellations to Rome, &c. You see howe this Cacus hathe drawen Nauclerus his woordes by the tayle into the lurkinge denne of his lying Conclusion. And that their fellowes nowe drawing nere to the others compa∣nie, the former ioyned with the later, haue euidentlye betrayed the notable thefte of this lying and theeuinge Cacus.

But Maister Horne, supposing the Emperour vpon such respecte had so done, tell vs, is the doings of this one Em∣perour, so preiudiciall to our cause, and so authorised a∣boue al exception or plea, that because he did so, we must straightwaies cōfesse he did wel and laufully? Me thinke it were reason ye should proue this withal. Wel let this goe, we wil not charge you at this time so straightly. Yet this questiō I must nedes aske you: Whether this was so done because he thought the Pope or See of Rome had no au∣thoritie, or for some priuate grudge and quarell not against the See and Pope, but against this Pope.

Yf ye will saye (as ye must nedes saye this quarrel was but a priuate and a personall quarrell, then is the ordinarie authoritie as yet nothing acrased hereby, but your Ar∣gumente is then muche acrased. Yf ye will say, he de∣nied, as ye now doe, all maner of authoritie of the See of Rome, then must I aunswere you: It is not so. For he was crowned of this Pope called Adrianus Quartus, an Eng∣lishe man: and submitted him selfe after to Alexander the thirde, as we shall anon see. And further I must answere you, that you are the verye Cacus we spake of, and that these stolē allegations from Nauclerus do bellow wanting their companie, and doe discrie all your theeuish conuey∣aunce as we haue before declared.

Now next hath M. Horne found a Rouland for an Oli∣uer: a dissension betwixt Roulande and Octauian for the Papacie. For the appeasing wherof, this Frederike called a Councell, and at length the matter being heard, confir∣med Octauian, who was called Victor the .3. as the other was called Alexander the .3. which name ministreth mat∣ter of mery pastime to M. Horne to solace him selfe with∣al, as though Alexander named him self so, for that he pur∣posed (belike) to make a cōquest of the mater. And here is das∣shed in the margēt, to set forth ād beutify his narratiō with∣al, first, Vrspergensis, then Nauclerus, then Sabellicus, then Platina, then Nauclerus againe, then beside Radeuicus Fri∣singensis in his next, Platina, and then Vrspergensis againe. As though he tooke distinct and seuerall matter from eche one. Whereas in a manner al they runne one way: and wherof I am most assured, al against M. Hornes owne Primacie: part of their testimonies being cut of from eche of them, and so caried craftely by M. Horn into his Cacus caue, bewraieth al M. Horns theft. Wil ye proue the like regiment, M. Horne, by Frederike his doings, that ye now maintaine? Goe to then, and see ye proue it vs substantiallye. He refused ye say Pope Rouland: yet he receiued Pope Octauian, and confirmed him too, as ye say, yea and ledde him about the Citie of Pauia sitting vppon a white Horse, and then adored him too, as I with Platina and Nauclerus saye, or as Vspur∣gensis saieth, fell flatte before his feete, to receiue pardon, and to become his obediensarie. Al which ye saye not, and therefore, I heare Hercules sto∣len oxen bellowe out of Cacus denne.

Why Maister Horne can your eares paciently abide al this? And is your Octauian for all this, as ye write, a mā in all pointes honest and relligious? Some thing I perceiue there was, that he is made a Saint after his death, and that as it is said, there were many miracles done at his Tombe in Luca, where he was buried before the Image of Nico∣demus. Can your stomake disgest all this Maister Horn? And can you suffer your Supreme head, like a slaue to kisse the Popes feete, and to become the Maister of his Horse? Can ye suffer Miracles at the Popes tombe, and yet not∣withstanding shall he be a man in all points honest and reli∣giouse? How chance we haue not at the least for your cō∣fort one pretie nip, ād to tel vs that he called hī self Victor, for that he entēded to be a victorious Cōquerer, as he was in deede vppon your Supreame head the Emperour Fre∣derike? Surely I maruaile why ye shoulde so fauourably encline to this false Antipope, rather then to the true Pope in dede, which was Rouland, who as Platina writeth, was elected of 22. Cardinals: and your Octauian but of .3. onlye. And therfore was he, and Frederik that mainteined hī, and not Rouland, the occasion of the horrible schisme ye speak of. And this Rouland was euer ād is takē for the true Pope, yea and was so taken at length by your Frederike also cō∣ming to him to Venice, and kissing his holy feete (for see∣ing ye haue made the Popes hand holye, I will be so bolde to make his feete holy too) and ratifiyng and allowing him by that humilitye, to be the Supreame heade of Christes Churche. And so at the length (for all your iesting) Ale∣xander hath made as great a conqueste vppon your false lying booke, and new set vppe Primacie, as euer did the great Alexander vpon King Darius.

But lo, now ye and your companions, that can beare with Victors conqueste, can not beare, the matter being all one, the lyke in Alexander. Wherin I see no reason, but that perchaunce ye take Victor to be of your nighe cousinage, for that he was, as ye are, a great schismatike. And therfore thoughe Friderike did suffer at the hands, yea and at the feete to of Victor, as he did at Alexanders, yet roreth owte your Apologie against hym, that he put yll fauored∣ly and mōstruouslie this Emperours neck vnder his feete. Whiche semeth to be but a fable of such as be parcial wri∣ters, and wedded to theyre affectiōs, to slaunder the Pope withal, as Carion and suche other are that write yt: Al∣thoughe some catholyks perchaunce, reporte the same as dothe Nauclerus, but with an addition. vel vt Blondus scri∣bit, post quàm Pontificis pedes imperator exosculatus est, ad al∣tare maius ambo principes se amplexati & exosculati sunt. So that Nauclerus, whiche thowghe catholyke, yet muche inclinable as the Germans cōmōly are to the Emperours parte, semeth rather to lyke the narration of Blondus, that thēperour did no other thē the vsual honor in kyssing the Popes feet. And if the tale of th'Apology were true (which M. Fox doth also with a ioly gay picture set forth) thowgh yt make not for the commendation of the Popes modera∣tion and humility, yet yt maketh for hys supreame authori∣ty. I obey sayeth the Emperour, not to thee, but to Peter whome thow doest succede.

But to thentent that you M. Horne with the Apologie and M. Foxe, who alwaies like bestly swyne do nousell in the donge, and vente vp the worste that may be founde against Popes and prelates, may haue a iuste occasiō (if any Charity be in you) to cōmende the greate moderation of

this Pope Alexander 3. you may remember, that this is he to whō being in extreme misery through the oppressiō of the Almayne Army, spoyling ād wasting al aboute Rome, Emanuel then Emperour in the East, sent embassadours, promysing bothe a great hoste against the Almayne Em∣perour Friderike, and also a vniō of the Grecians with the Romain Church, if he would suffer the Romain Empire, so lōge diuided (frō the time of Charlemayn) to come agayne to one heade and Empire: to whome also (being then in banishment) the sayde Emperour sent a seconde embassy, with great quantytie of mony, promysing to reduce the whole East Churche vnder the subiection of the West, all Grece vnder Rome, if he woulde restore to the Em∣perour of Constantinople the Crowne of the West Em∣pire, from the which Frederike seemed nowe rightlye and worthely to be depriued. To all which this Pope (notwithstanding the greate miseries he stode presentlye in, and was daily like to suffer through the power of this Frederike) answered. Se nolle id in vnum coniungere, quod olim de industria maiores sui disiunxissent. That he woulde not ioyne that into one, which his Forefathers of olde time had of purpose diuided. You will not I trowe denie M. Horne (all circumstances duely cōsidered) but that this was a very great ād rare moderatiō of this Pope Alexāder 3. more worthy to be set forth in figures ād pictures to the posteryty for sober and vertuous, then that facte of him whiche Mayster Fox hath so blased oute, for prowde and hasty. Except your Charyties be suche (as verely it semeth to be) that you take more delight in vice then in vertue, and had rather heare one lewde fact of a Pope,

then twenty good. If it be so with you, then is there no Charyte with you. For Charyte, as S. Paule describeth it, Thinketh not euill, reioyseth not vpon iniquyte, but reioyseth with verytie. It suffreth all thinges, it beleueth all thinges, it hopeth al thinges, it beareth all thinges Contraryewyse, you not only thinke, but reporte alwaies the worst: you reioyse and take greate pleasure vpon the iniquytie of such as you ought most of all men to reuerence: you are sorye to haue the veryty and truthe tolde you. You suffer and beare no∣thing in the Church: But for the euil life of a fewe you for∣sake the Cōmunion and societie of the whole. You beleue as much as pleaseth you, and you hope accordingly. And thus muche by the way ones for all, touching your greate ambition and desire to speake euil of the Popes, and to re∣porte the worste you can doe of them: which you in this booke M. Horne haue done so plentifullye and exactlye throughe this whole processe, of the Princes practise in Ecclesiastical gouernment, as if the euill life of some Popes were a direct and sufficient argument to proue all Princes Supreme Gouernours in al thinges and causes Ec∣clesiasticall.

I coulde now shewe you other authorityes and places oute of your owne authours concerninge thys storye, of Friderike the first making directlie againste you, and wherein ye haue played the Cacus. As where ye wryte by the authoritie of Vrspergensis, that the Emperour sent for both theis Popes to come to hym, mynding to examine both theyre causes. For yt followeth by and by: not to iudge them, or the cause of the Apostolique see: but that he might learne of wise men, to whether of them he shoulde rather obey.

And is not this thinke you M. Horne, so craftely to cut of, and steale away this sentence from your reader, a preatye pageant of Cacus? Namely seing your authour Nauclerus writeth also the like? And seyng ye demeane your selfe so vnhonestly, and vnclerkly in the principall matter, who will nowe care for your extraordinarye and foolishe false excursions, against the welthy pride, the fearce power, the trayterouse trecherie of Popes at that tyme? Or for Erasmus comparing the Popes to the successours of Iu∣lius Caesar? Or for Vrspergensis owteries, against their couetousnes, and not againste the Popes authoritye? As for S. Bernarde, who, you say founde faulte with the pompe and pride of Eugenius. 3. how clerely he pronoun∣ceth (that not withstanding) for the Popes Primacy, I referre you (to be shorte) to the Confutation of your lying Apologie. Al this impertinent rayling rhetorike, we freely leaue ouer vnto you, to rayle and rolle your self therein, til your tōg be wery againe, yf ye wil, for any thīg that shal let you. Only as I haue oftē said, I desire the Reader to marke, that as wel this, as other emperors, were not at variāce with the See Apostolike it self, or set against the Popes Authori∣ty absolutely, but were at variaunce, with such a pope and such, and were set against this mans or that mans election, not renouncing the Pope, but renouncing this man or that man, as not the true and right Pope.

M. Horne. The .117. Diuision. pag. 76. a.

About this tyme, the King of Cicilia and Apulia, had a dispensation from the Pope for money, to Inuesture Archebisshops with staffe or cro∣sier, ringe, palle, myter, sandalles or slippers: and that the Pope might sende into his dominions no Legate, onlesse the kinge should sende for him.

Stapleton.

Did the Kings of Sicilia procure a dispensation as ye say M. Horne from the Pope to inuesture bisshops and to re∣ceyue no Legate? Who was then the supreame heade I praye you, the Pope that gaue the dispensation, or the King that procured yt? Ye see, good readers, howe sauerlye and hansomly this man, after his olde guise, concludeth, against him self.

M. Horne. The .118. Diuision. pag. 76. a.

Our English Chronicles make report, that the Kings of this Realme, hadde not altogeather leafte of their dealing in Chur••he matters, but continued in parte their iurisdiction aboute Ecclesia∣sticall causes, although not vvithout some trouble. The Popes Legate came into Englande, and made a Coū∣cel by the assent of King VVilliam the Conquerour. And after that in an (.412.) other Coūcel at VVinchester, were put down many Bisshops, Abbatts, and priours by the procuremēt of the King. The King gaue to Lāfrauke the Archbisshoprike of Cantorb. and on our Ladye daie the Assumption made him Archebisshope. On whit Sonday, he gaue the Archbisshoprike of Yorke, vnto Thomas a Canon of Bayon. VVhen Thomas shoulde haue bene consecrated of Lanfranke, there fell a strife betvvixt them, about the liberties of the Church of Yorke. The controuer∣sie being about Church matters, vvas brought and referred to the Kinges (.413.) iudgement, and Thomas by the Kinges commaundement, was faine to come to Lanfrank to be sacred. And aftervvard, vvhen there grevve greater conten∣tion betvvixt these tvvayne about Churche matters, the Bis∣shop of Rome remitted the matter to be determined before the Kinge, and the Bisshops of Englande, and so at VVindesour before Kinge VVilliam and the Cleargy the cause was treated. Also an other cause vvas mo¦ued before the King of the misorder of Thurstan, whome the

King had made Abbot of Glastonbury, by whose iud∣gement the Abbot was chaunged, and tourned to his owne Abbay in Normandye. but the Monkes (.414.) scattered aboute by the Kings hest. After this the King bestowed many Bisshoprikes on his Chaplaines, as London, Norvviche, Chester, Couentry, &c. And ruled both temporalty and the spiritualty at his owne wil: saithe Polychronicon: He tooke noman fro the Pope in his lād, (he meaneth that the Kinge vvoulde suffer no Legate to enter into the lande from the Pope) but he came and pleased him: he suffred no Coūcel made in his own coūtrey with∣out his own leaue: Also he woulde nothing suffer in such a councel, but as he woulde assent. So (.415.) that in geuing, or translating of spiritual promocions, in geuing his as∣sent to Councels, and suffring nothing to passe vvithout his con∣sent, in hearing and determining Ecclesiasticall causes, in rest∣reining the Popes liberty, vvithout his speciall licence, and in ru∣ling the spiritualty at his ovvn vvil: King VVilliā shevveth plain, that he (.416.) tooke him self for the supreame gouernour vvithin this Realm in al maner of causes, so vvel Ecclesiastical as Tempo∣rall.

The .19. Chapter: Of England before the Conqueste, Of William the Conquerour, Rufus his Sonne, and Henry the first, Kinges of Englande.

Stapleton.

GOod readers, I do most hartely beseche you, euen as ye tender either the truth, or the saluation of your sowles, to haue a good and a speciall regarde to M. Hornes narration nowe following. For now at the length is M. Horn come frō his long and vnfruitfull wandering in Spaine, Fraunce, Italie, Germany, and other countries, to our own natiue contrey. Now, where as the late doings in

our Countre are suche, as we haue sequestred our selues frō the common and vsuall obedience, that all other contries concerning authority in matters ecclesiasticall euer gaue, with a singular and peerlesse preeminence to the see of Rome, and do yet sequester, the more pittie, our selues day∣lie more and more, makinge none accompte of other good princes doings and presidents in this behalf, and pretending partly in the acts of parliament, partly in the newe englishe bokes, and daylie sermons, that this is no newe or straunge example in England, to exclude the Pope from all maner spiritual iurisdiction to be exercised and practised there by hym: yt behoued our protestants, especiallie M. Horne in thys his boke, that what so euer his proufes were for other countries, yet for some conuenient prouf of the olde pra∣ctise concerning his newe primacie in Englande, to haue wrowght his matters so substancially, that at least wise, for our owne Countre, he shulde haue browght forth good aū∣cient and autentique matter. And wil ye nowe see the wise and euen dealinge of these protestant prelats? Where they pynne vp all our proufes, wythin vj. hundred yeares after Christ: and what so euer we bring after, theyr Iewell tel∣leth vs ful merelie we come to late, M. Horne in this mat∣ter of Supreamacie most weightie to the poore catholiks, the deniyng thereof being more greauously punished by la¦wes, then anie other matter nowe lying in controuersie betwene the catholyks and protestantes in Englande: M. Horne I say, for thys his owne country, which as approued Chroniclers reporte, and as him self after alleageth, did first of al the Romā prouinces, publiquely embrace Christes rel∣ligion: for one thousand yeares, standeth mute. And belike thinking that William Conquerour had conquered aswell

all the olde catholyke fayth in Englande, as the Lande and people, fansieth a duble conqueste, one vppon the goods and bodies, the other vppon the sowles and faythe of the Englishe men. But what shall I nowe say to this noble and worthie Champion? shall I dryue hym a litle backe, with M. Iewels peremptory challenge and tel him, that he com∣meth to late by almoste fyue hundred yeares? Or shall I deale more freely and liberally with him, then M. Iewell doth whith vs, and bydde hym take the beste helpe he can for hym self? Verely M. Horne had nede I did so: And yet all will be to lytle for his purpose: aswell for that after the conquest he hath no sufficient prouf, for his pretensed su∣premacy, as for that, what prouf so euer he bringeth, yt must yelde and geue place to the first thousand yeares, whiche beare ful testimonie for the Popes primacie laufully practi∣sed in our realme before the conquest.

It were now a matter for to fyll a large volume withal, to runne a longe by these thowsand yeares, and to shewe what prouf we haue for the popes primacy before the con∣quest. My answere woulde waxe to bigge and to prolixe yf I shoulde so doe. But I will onelie putte the good reader in remembraunce of a matter or two: I muste therefore pluck M. Horne backe from Williams conquest and desire him to remember an other, and a better, and more aun∣ciente conqueste with al, in Britannie, then Williams was, yea aboute ix. hundred yeares before: when this Ilelande of Britanie was firste delyuered from the tyrannicall yoke, and miserable bondage of dyuelish idolatrie: But by whom M. Horne? Suerlie by pope Eleutherius, to whome kinge Lucius sente letters desiringe hym, that by his commaun∣dement he mighte be christened. Fugatius and Damià∣nus

(whose holy reliques are thought to be now in Wales, and whose holy remembraunce churches there dedicated to God in their name, doe to this day kepe and preserue as it were fresh and immortall) sent to England by the sayed Eleutherius, did most godly and wonderfully worke thys great conqueste. If I should nowe aske M. Horne, what Lucius meant to send so farre for instructours and teachers of the Christian fayth, namely Fraunce beyng at hande: where about thys tyme the Christian Churches were ad∣orned wyth many learned Bishoppes and Martyrs: though he woulde perchaunce seeke manie a pretye shyfte, to shyfte awaye thys demaunde, yet should he neuer make any good and sufficiente aunsweare, vntyll he confessed the Popes primacye, to be the verie cause to send so farre of. The which the blessed Martyr of God and great lear∣ned Bishoppe of Lyons in Fraunce Ireneus writyng in the tyme of our firste Apostle Eleutherius doth confesse, wri∣tyng: That all Churches muste agree wyth the Churche of Rome, for that the sayed Churche hath the greater principa∣litie, and for that the traditions of the Apostles haue euer bene kept there.

In case nowe the pope had nothing to doe in matters ecclesiasticall within this Ileland in the tyme of the olde Britaines, why did pope Celestinus appoint to the Scottes, theyr firste Bishop Palladius as Prosper writeth a notable Chronicler of that age? Why dyd he also send into thys Ileland S. Germaine Bishoppe of Antisiodorum, to bryng by the Apostolicall Authoritie the Britaynes from the he∣resye of the Pelagians, as the sayed Prosper witnesseth?

Lett vs nowe come to the tyme of the Saxons con∣uerted

by S. Augustine: And then shall we fynd so manie, and so full testimonies both of the popes primacie, and of the princes subiection, as I trowe M. Horne him selfe, as impudent as he is, can not, nor will not denie them. Which I do ouerpasse, by reason they are readely to be foūd in our worthy coūtriemā S. Bede, lately set forth by me in the En∣glish tongue, and in the Fortresse also adioyned to the same storie, I will nowe adde this only, that from the time wher∣in Beda endeth his storie, to the conquest of the foresaied William, there appeareth in our domesticall stories a per∣petuall and continuall practise of the saied primacie in this realme by the popes, as well in those bookes as be extant in printe, as in other: As in Asserius Meneuens. that continu∣eth the storie from the death of Bede, to the yeare of our Lorde: 914. in Henricus Huntingtoniensis, Gulielmus Mal∣mesburiensis, Alphredus Beuerlacensis, Rogerus Houede∣nus, Florilegiū, siue Mattheus Westmonasteriensis, Chro∣nica Iohānis Londoniensis, and many other yet not printed (that I haue not sene) and which are hard to be sene, by reason of the greate spoyle of such kind of bookes of late made, in the suppressing of monasteries and colleges. The which suppression, and it were for nothing else, but for the losse of so many worthy Chroniclers, can not be to much lamented, the losse being incomparably greater, then the losse of any princes treasure. The case is nowe to be pi∣tyed, for that the verie Librarie of the Vniuersitie of Ox∣forde hath felt the rage of this spiteful spoile, not so much as one booke at this howre there remaining. This is one of the worthy fruits of your new ghospel M. Horne. As appe∣reth also by the late vprores in these low Coūtries wher by the Gueses, not onely the Monasteries, but the Libraries

also (namelye of the grey friers in Antwerpe) be most shamefully defaced, the bookes burnt to ashes, and the olde monuments destroyed. The naming of Oxforde, bringeth to my remembrance the noble and worthy foūder of the vniuersity there, I meane Kinge Alurede. In whose tyme there was at Rome a special schole or colledge, for English mē, priuile∣ged ād exēpted frō al taxe ād tollages, by pope Mar∣tin the .2. at the desire of this King. Who sent to him for a gift a peece of the holy crosse. This King beīg learned hīself loued entierly learned mē, especially Ioānes Scotus, that trāslated out of the Greeke tōg the works of Dionysius Areopagita: whoō he vsed moste familiarly. This Alurede, being but yet yong, was sent by the Kinge Edeluulphus his father to Rome accompanied with many noble men, where pope Leo the .4. did confirme him, and toke him as his sonne by adoption, and did also annoynte and consecrate him King of Englande. The manifolde practise of the said primacy continued from this Kings tyme, euen to the tyme, and in the tyme of blessed S. Edward, the immediate predecessour of William, sauing Harolde who reigned not one full yeare. In the twenty yeare of the said King Ed∣warde, the blessed man Wulstanus, that was be∣fore a monk and prior there, was consecrated bis∣shop of Worceter. A man of suche notable vertue, and such austerity of lyfe, as he resembled the olde vertuouse and renowned religiouse men. As one that among all other his notable qualities, conti∣nued so in praying, studiyng and fasting, that som∣tymes

in foure dayes and foure nights he neuer slepte: and that litle reste which he toke, was vpon a foorme in the Churche, vsing none other bolsterre, but his booke, wher∣in he prayed or studied. This man, I saye, was made bisshop, and confirmed by the popes Legats being then in the realm before the Cōqueste. Our authour doth not write this of vncertain heresay, but of certain knowledge, as a mā of that age, and one, that as it semeth, had sene this blessed man, ād talked with him.

To discourse vpon other particularities as vpon the con∣tinual appeale to Rome, vpon willes, charteres, and such o∣ther writings sent from Rome, to auoide tediousnes I doe purposely forbeare. But I will nowe notifie to the good reader two thīgs only. First that from the tyme of the good Kinge Offa (in the yere of our Lord .760.) who gaue after the example of Inas not long before him, to the Pope as to the Vicare of S. Peter, the Peter pence, euen to the cōquest the payment of the said Peter pence hath continued: and they were frō tyme to tyme leuied, the Kings taking good diligent order, for the sure paymente of the same. Second∣ly that from the tyme of S. Augustine, the first Archebis∣shop among the Saxons, both he and al other Archebishops euen to the conquest receaued their palle from Rome: an infallible token of their subiectiō to the Pope, as Peters suc∣cessour, vpon whose holy tombe, the palle is first layed, ād after taken of, and sente to the Archebisshop. As these two tokens of subiection cōtinued frō tyme to time, to the con∣queste: so they continewed also without any interruption, (onlesse it were verie seldome, and for a litle space by rea∣son of some priuate controuersie, betwixte the Pope and the Kinge) euen from thence to our freshe memorie, be∣side

many notable things otherwise in this realme since the conquest, continually practised, that serue for the declara∣tion and confirmation of the said primacy. Perchaunce M. Horne wil say to me, Sir, though I specifie nothing before the conquest to iustifie the princes supremacy, yet in the margent of my booke, I doe remitte the reader, to a booke made in King Henry the .8. days. Wherein he may see, what doinges the Kings of England had in this realme before the conquest, for matters Ecclesiastical. A prety and a clerklie remission in dede, to sende your reader for one thowsande of yeares together, in the which ye shoulde haue laide out before hī, your best and principal proufs, to seke out a book, he wotteth not where, and which, whē it is at lēgth foūd, shal proue your matter, no more substātially, then ye haue done hitherto your selfe. And therefore because ye worke by signes and profers only and marginal notes, I wil remitte both you and my reader to a marginal note also, for your and his ful aunswere.

Nowe then, lette vs goe forwarde in Gods name, and see whether Kinge William conquered, bothe the lande and the Catholike faithe all at ones. Lette vs consider yf this Kinge and the re∣alme did not then acknowledge the Popes Supre∣macy, as much, and as reuerently as any Christian prince doth now liuīg. I say nothing of the othe he toke the day of his coronation, promising by othe to Aldrede Archbisshop of Yorke that crouned hī, at S. Peters alter in Westminster, before the clergy, and the people, that he would defende the holye Churches and their gouernours. But tel your rea∣ders good M. Horn I beseche you, why that King

Williā, contrary to the aunciēt order, vsed euer be∣fore and since, was not crowned of Stigandus thē liuing and being Archbishop of Canterbury, but of the bishop of York. Yf ye can not or wil not for ve∣ry shame to betraie your cause tel you reader, then wil I do so much for you. Forsoth, the cause was, that the Pope layde to his charge, that he had not receiued his palle canonically. The said Stigandus was deposed shortly after in a Councell holden at Winchester in the presence of .ij. Cardinals sent frō Pope Alexander the .2. and that (as Fabian writeth) for thre causes. The first for that he had holden wrōg∣fully the bisshoprik, whyle Robert the Archbishop was liuing. The second for that he had receyued the palle of Benett bishop of Rome, the fifth of that name. The third for that he occupied the said Palle without licēce and leful authority of the court of Rome. Your author Polychronicon writeth in the like effect. Neubri∣gensis also newly prīted, toucheth the depositiō of this Stigādus by the Popes Legat in Englād, ād re∣porteth that the Popes Legat Canonically deposed him. What liking haue you now M. Horne of Kīg Williās supremacy? Happy are you with your fel∣lowes, the protestāt bishops, and your two Archbis∣shops, that the said Williā is not now king. For if he were, ye se cause sufficiēt, why ye al shuld be depri∣ued, aswel as Stigād{us}. And yet ther is one other thīg worse thā this, and that is schisme and heresy. Who woulde euer haue thought good reader, that the Pope should euer haue found M. Horne him selfe, so good a proctour, for the Papacy, againste him

self and his fellowes? For lo, this brasen face which short∣ly for this his incredible impudency, will be much more famouse, then freer Bacons brasen head, of the which the schollers of Oxforde were wonte to talke so much, doth not blushe, to tel thee, good reader, to his owne confusion of the Popes Legates, and the Councell kepte at Winche∣ster: And al this is ye wotte wel to shewe, that Kinge Wil∣liam was supreme head in al causes as wel temporall as spi∣ritual. Then doth he pleade on foorth full lustely for the Pope: for Kinge William heareth a certayne Ecclesiasti∣call matter beinge in controuersie, and dependinge in the Popes cowrte betwene the Archebisshop of Yorke and the Archebisshop of Caunterbury: the which cause the Pope had remitted to be determined by the King and the bishops. Well said M. Horne, and like the Popes faithfull proctour. For hereof followeth that the Pope was the su∣preame head and iudge of the cause: And the Kinge the Popes Commissioner, by whose commaundemēt, the cause was sent ouer to be heard in Englād. And yet was Huber∣tus the Popes Legat present at the end this notwithstāding.

M. Horne would now belike make vs belieue, that King William also thrusted out Abbats and supressed Monaste∣ries, when yt pleased him. For he telleth vs, that by the Kīgs iudgement Abbat Thurstan was chaunged, and his monks scattered abrode: but he had forgotte to set in also, that his authour, and others say: that it was for slaying of certayne of his monkes, and wounding of certayne other. The monks also had hurt many of his men. And your author of the Pollichro∣nicō telleth, that these mōks were scattered abrode by the kīgs hest, by diuers bisshopriks and abbays: which latter words ye leue out. As also you do in your Author Fabiā, who saith

not, they were scattred about, as you reporte, as though they had bene scattred out of their coates, as of late dayes they were, but he saieth: they were spred abrode into diuers houses through Englande: so that they chaunged but their house, not their Religion. And so this was no spirituall matter that the kinge did, neither gaue he herein any iudgement in any spirituall cause.

Nowe if all other argumentes and euidences fayled vs, to shewe that kinge William toke not him self for supreame gouernour in all maner causes, as you moste vntruely and fondly auouche, we might well proue it againste yowe by the storie of Lanfranke, whome kinge William, as ye con∣fesse, made archebishop of Canterburie. Though according to your olde manner ye dissemble aswell the depryuation of Stigandus, in whose place the king set Lanfranke, as that Lanfranke receyuid his palle from Rome, and acknowled∣ged not the kinge, but the pope for supreame head of the Church. Which thing doth manifestly appeare, in his lear∣ned boke he wrote againste your greate graundsier Beren∣garius. Who, as ye doe nowe, denied then the transubstan∣tiation and the real presence of Christes bodie in the Sacra¦mente: and called the Churche of Rome, which had con∣demned his heresie, as ye vse to doe, the Church of the ma∣lignante, the councell of vanitye, the see of Sathan. To whome Lanfrancus answereth, that there was neuer anie heretyke, anie schismatyke, anie false Christian, that before hym had so wyckedly babled againste that see. And sayth yet farder in an other place of the sayd boke, Quotquot a primordio Christia∣nae Ecclesiae, Christiani nominis dignitate gloriati sunt, etsi ali∣qui relicto veritatis tramite per deuia erroris incedere malue∣runt, sedem tamen sancti Petri Apostoli magnificè honora∣uerunt,

nullam{que} aduersus eam huiusmodi blasphemiam, vel di∣cere, vel scribere praesumpserunt. Whosoeuer from the be∣gynning of Christes Church, were honored with the name of Christē mē, though some forsaking the Truth, haue gone astray, yet they honoured much the See of Peter, neyther presumed at any time either to speake or to write any such blasphemy. He saieth also, that the blessed Fathers doe vni∣formly affirme that mā to be an heretike, that doth dissent from the Romā and vniuersal Church in matter of faith.

But what nede I lay furth to thee good Reader, Lanfrāks learned books, or to goe from the matter we haue in hand ministred to vs by M. Horne, cōcerning this matter sent to be determined before the King? Such as haue or can get ei∣ther Polychronicō or Fabiā, I would wish them to see the very place: and thā wil they meruail, that M. Horne would for shame bring in this matter agaīst the Popes primacy: for the confirmation wherof ye shal find in Lāfranks reasoning before the King for his right vpō the church of York som∣thing worth the noting for the Popes primacy. Beside this he writeth that Lanfrank was a man of singular vertue, cō∣stancy, and grauity, whose helpe and coūsel for his affaires, the King chiefly vsed. And therfore your cōclusion that ye inferre, of such premisses as ye haue specified, which as I haue shewed, do not impugne, but establish the popes pri∣macy, is a very fond, folish and false cōclusion. It appeareth well both by Fabian and by Polychronicon, that he would sometime like a cōquerour for his owne lucre and safetie, both displace the English prelats, as he did the Knights and Nobles of the realme, to place his owne Normans in their roome: and also haue a peece many times of his owne mind cōtrary to the precise order of the Canōs and lawes eccle∣siastical.

And this not only Fabian and Polychonicon, but before them both Williā of Malmesbury doth also witnes. Such faults therfore of Williā Cōquerour ād of others, that your authour and other reporte in discōmendation, serue you notwithstāding (such beggarly shiftes you are forced to vse) for good argumēts ād substātial bulwarks, to build your newe supreamacy vpō. And nowe might I or anie wise mā much meruail, to cōsider how that ye haue ladē and freigh∣ted this one page of your boke with no lesse then .6. quota∣tiōs of the Polychronicō, and yet not one of them seruing for, but rather againste you: yea eche one ouerthrowing your purpose. And therfore because ye would be the lesse espied, as throughout your whole discourse, so here ye nei∣ther name boke nor chapter of your authour. Beside that it is vntrue that ye write, as out of Polychronicon, that the popes Legates kept a Councell before which was kept at Winchester. For he speaketh of none other but of that, where Stigādus, that we spake of, was degraded, and after∣ward kept streighly in prison by Williā Conquerour. And the Bishops and Abbats ye speake of, were not deposed by the King, but as your self write, by the kings meanes and pro∣curemēt. Which was (as Fabiā reporteth) all to the entent he might preferre Normans to the rule of the Church, as he had preferred his Knightes to the rule of the temporaltie: that he might stand in the more suertie of the lande.

M. Horne. The .119. Diuision. pag. 77. a.

In like maner did his sonne William Rufus, vvho made Anselm Bishop of Yorke and aftervvard trāslated him to Cantorbury. But within a while strife and cōtention fel betwene him and Anselm, for Anselm might not cal his Synods, nor correct the bishops but as the kīg would: the king also chalēged the inuestiture of bisshops. This king also forbad the paying of any mony or tribut to Rome: as saith Polychronicon.

The like inhibition made Henry the first, and (417.) gaue Ec∣clesiastical promotions, as his auncestours had doone: vvherefore Anselme fel out vvith the kinge, and vvould not consecrate suche Prelates, as he beynge a Lay man had made: but the Archebishop of Yorke (.418.) did consecrate thē, and therefore Anselme (.419.) fledde the Realme. In an other councel at London, the spiritual condescended, that the kinges officers, should punish Priestes for whoordome. The cause of this decree, as it see∣meth, vvas, that a Cardinall named Ioannes Cremensis, that came to redresse the matter, after he had enueighed againste the vice, vvas him selfe the same nyghte taken tardy. In the which councell also (sayth Polydore) the kinge prouided many thinges to bee enacted which shoulde greatly helpe to leade a Godly and blessed life. After this the kinge called an other Councell at Sarisbury, Sommoning thither so well the chief of the Clergy, as the people, and swore them vnto him, and vnto VVilliam his sonne. Whereupon Polydorus taketh occasion to speake of the order of our Parliamente, though it haue a French name, yet in deede to be a councell of the Clergy, and the Laitie, vvhereof the Prince hath a full ratifiyng or enfringing voyce. And not only (saith he) this king did make Bisshoppes and Abbottes (vvhich he calleth) holy rites, Lavves of religion, and Church ceremonies (as other likevvyse cal it ecclesiastical busynes) but the Princes of euery natiō, begane euery wher to claim this right vnto thē selues of namīg and denouncing of Bisshops, the which to this daie they hold fast with toothe and nayle, Also Martinus here no∣teth. Vntil this time, and frō thence (.420.) euē til our daies, the king of Hungary maketh and inuestureth according to his pleasure, Bisshops and other Eccle∣siastical persons within his Dominions.

Stapleton.

Ye shal nowe good reader see a more euidente testimonie of M. Hornes meruelouse newe logike

and diuinity, wherof I spake euen now. For ys not this a worthy and a clerkly conclusion? The wicked king Rufus woulde not suffer the blessed and learned archbishop of Caūterbury Anselme, to cal hys Synodes and correcte the Bishoppes: he challenged the inuestiture of Bishoppes: he woulde paye no tribute to Rome. Ergo the Quene of En∣glande is supreame head of the Church of Englande. The losenes and fondnes of thys argumente, euery childe may sone espie. By this argument he may set the Popes crowne vppon the head of the wycked and heathen Prince espe∣ciallie the tyrāte Licinius, with whome Eusebius cōparing the good and Christian Emperour Constantine cōpartner with hym in the empire, ād not in hys wyckednes, writeth thus. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, &c.

First then he watched and obserued the Priestes of God, that were vnder hys gouernemente, and wheras they had nothing offended hym, he by curiouse and subtyle working, deuised pre∣tensed matter to trouble and vex•• them. When he could fynd no iuste matter to accuse them withall, he made a proclamatiō that the Bishoppes for no maner of matter should assemble to∣gether, and that yt shoulde not be lawfull to any of them to re∣payre to theire neighbours Churches, or to call any Synode, or place to consulte and debate, vppon suche thinges, as appertey∣ned to the commoditye of the Churche. Thys was hys dryfte, by the wich he sowght theyre destruction. For either the Bishop∣pes were in daunger to be punished▪ yf they trāsgressed his law, or yf they kepte the lawe, they broke the order and custome of the Churche. For they could not aduise thē selues in any weigh∣ty matters but in a Synode. And thys wicked mā hated of God gaue thys commaundement, that he might worke quite con∣trarye to the doeinges of good Constantyne, whome God lo∣ued.

For he, such was his reuerēce to God, suche was his studie and endeuour to haue peace and agreemente, assembled Gods priests together. Th'other cōtrariwyse wēt about to dissolue those things that were wel ordeined and to breke peace ād agreemēt. Thus farre Eusebius of the heathen tyran Licinius. Ye play therfore M. Horn like a very spider, that gathereth nothīg but poison out of sweet herbes, and so doe you out of good chronicles. Ye are like to the flie that loueth to dwell in the horse dong. I would to God your Reader M. Horne, would either aduisedly weigh, what an ill King this Williā Rufus was, by the most agreable consent of all writers: and what straūge and wōderful tokēs were sene in his time, ād how he ended his life being slaine by the glaūsing of an Ar∣rowe, as he was a hūting: or the excellēt learning, cōstancy and vertue of the B. Anselmus: and the great miracles, that God wrought by him, as wel before, as after his death, set foorth by the best Historiographers of that time: especially of Henry Hūtington, Williā of Malmesbury, and one Ed∣merus. Who hath made .ij. special Treatises, the one cōcer∣ning Anselmus doings, with this king and king Hēry, the o∣ther cōcerning his priuat life. The which I would wish the gētle Reader, to read, to know the better the worthines of this man, and withal, the state of the cōtrouersy betwixt hī and the two kings: Williā Rufus, and Hēry Which in effect cōcerning William Rufus rested in that the said William, would not at the admonitiō of this good man as wel leaue of other faults, as also the inuesturing of Bishops, the pilling of the spiritualty ād tēporalty, and the selling of bis∣shopriks, which was bought and solde as plainly as other marchandize: as M. Hornes Author Fabian, beside others dothe declare: The beginning of the

Kings displeasure against Bishop Anselme, rose principally for that he woulde not according to his expectation geue him in the way of thanks, a thousand pounds for making hī Archebishop of Caūterbury. And yet as naught as this king was, he neuer denyed the Pope to be Supreme Heade or Iudge of the Church, no nor the paiment of the tribut cal∣led Rome shot: but for a time pretending he knew not who was the true Pope (the church of Rome thē being troubled with schisme) and he seeming for the time to fauour rather the false, then the true Pope, which was Vrbane. Whom, this notwithstanding, he acknowledged for the true Pope: ād receiued Walter the Popes legat that brought the Palle for Anselme, and receiued Anselme also into his friendship. Henry of Huntington writeth, that the king him selfe sent for the Palle, the which being brought to Caūterburie, and set vpon the Aulter, was for the honor of S. Peter kissed of al men most humblie kneeling.

We haue now shewed how and after what fas∣shiō the king forbod the tribut to be paid to Rome: the which, I marueile why ye tell it rather out of Polichronicō, then Fabian, which saith it as well as the residue ye alleage. But not for any of his good dedes. For describing the death of this Williā, he telleth, that the day whē he died, he held in his hands the three Bisshopriks of Caūterbury, of Winchester, ād of Salisbury, and diuers Abbeies, of the which he let some to farme. Also he restrained the mony that of old time was paid to Rome, called Rome shot. Al which is told of Fabiā and the other Chroniclers, to shew what a couetous man he was, and iniurious to the Church, not to shewe any practise of due and laufull Authoritie thereby.

Yet this serueth notwithstanding M. Hornes purpose ve∣ry wel. What M. Horne? Wil you haue our Princes now like to William Rufus, and his Father the Conquerour to taxe and pille both the Spiritualty and Temporalty of their realme, as they out of measure did? For so both Polichro∣nicon and Fabian report (which you conceal) that notwith∣standing the staie of this tribute to Rome, yet did this William pill and shaue his people with tribute, and misuse them with diuers other disorders. Or as Fabian saith, He pilled the Spiri∣tualtie and Temporalty with vnreasonable taskes and tributs. Such a one you bring foorth as a worthy example of your new Supremacie, and yet can ye not fasten it vppon him neyther.

But much lesse shal ye fasten it vpon king Hen∣ry folowing who (though he were for a time dis∣pleased with Anselme, for that he would neyther consecrate those Bishops, nor communicate with them whom the King had inuestured, and because the Pope had so commaunded, the matter yet stā∣ding in controuersie) did not flie, as ye write, but at the Kings desire went to Rome, to see if he could mollifie the Pope: And afterwarde the king was perfitly reconciled to him: and the King made an ordinaunce and a decree, that from that time fore∣ward, nor Bishop, nor Abbat should be inuestured by the king or any other laie man, by the pastorall staffe and the ring. This writeth Henrie Arche∣deacon of Huntington, a writer then liuing. The like also Edmerius Anselmes cōpanion in his exile writeth. And that the king was very gladde, that he had made peace and accorde with Anselme.

And had great hope, that he should the soner sub∣due Normandie. Euen as it chaunced: for he had a notable victorie, and toke prisoners his brother Robert and other Princes that assisted Robert.

The whiche thing he certified Anselme of by his letters sent to him into Englande: and all men of those daies imputed his victorie to the agreamente made with Anselme. Tel me nowe in good faith M. Horne, who was the Supreme Heade, the king that yelded to the Pope for inuesturīg,inter or the Pope that would neuer yelde to him, nor the Emperour Henrie the .4. neither, in this matter, but did ex∣communicate the Emperour: and king Henry was faine to forsake him and his doings, though he were him selfe a mighty Prince and the Emperours Fa∣ther in law, by Maude the Empresse his daughter.

I now also perceiue that a Horne wil not lightly blush, for if it could, ye would neuer for shame haue tolde your Reader, of these Priestes that were punnished for whore∣dome, for sauing of your own and Maistres Madges poore honestie. And yet your whoredome infinitely excedeth theirs. For they were punished for keping company with their concubines or their wiues whome they had laufully maried before they were ordered. But you after Priesthod doe marie, which neuer was allowed, but euer condem∣ned as wel in the Greke Churche as in the Latine. And now decke your margent as thicke as ye will, with Fabiā, Simeon Dunelmens. Rogerus Houedenus, Henricus Hun∣tington{us}, Matheus Parisiēs. Matheus Westmonasteriēs. and Polidorus, ād blow out, as it were out of your own horne, your own dishonesty and shame as long as ye will: and see

what supreamacy ye shal buyld vpon such a fickle and filthy foundation. Verely your owne authours doe witnesse, that this king kept a great Councel at London, where among al other Decrees (saieth Fa∣bian) one was, that priestes should forgoe their wiues. And if the popes Legate was taken as ye write, in whoredome (who yet, as Mattheus Westmonast. writeth, was no priest but a correctour of priests, and thereby excused his fault) what doth that re∣lieue your cause, or wherein doth it saue your ho∣nestie? For the king did not punish these fornica∣tours, but by the clergies consent. Wherein they were by thier rashe graunte ouerseen and circum∣uented For the King tooke a greate masse of mo∣ney of the parsons that were faultye, and so dis∣missed them. Ye tell vs nowe out of Polidore, that the parliament is in dede a Councel of the clergie and the Layetie. If ye meane an Ecclesiasticall councell, then Polydore neither saieth it, nor mea∣neth yt. For as he maketh the parliamente an as∣semble for politike matters, to the which the pre∣lates also come as Barons: so for matters ecclesi∣asticall he appointeth specialle the conuocation. Truthe yt is, that before the conqueste and in Wil∣liam Conquerours tyme to (as appeareth by old recordes, writen as it semeth abowt the cōquest) the proctours of the clergye sate in the Lower howse. And the sayde recordes do shewe that the Parliament properly standeth and consisteth in .3. degrees: that is, of the proctours of the clergye, of the knightes of the sheere, and of the Burge∣ses

and Citizens. For they represent the people and com¦minaltie of the realme. As for the noble men, bishoppes and oth••r be there, for their owne persons, and not for other: yf we shal beleue the said auncient records. Nowe though these many yeres, for matters politike the cōuocation haue had nothing to doe, yet as of•• as any paiemēt is to be made, it taketh no place by vertue of Parliamēt against the Cler∣gy, onles the Clergie do cōsent. Yf this be true in mony ma∣ters, and if in aūciēt time the Clergy had to do in ciuil maters also (the which prerogatiue, belik, they left volūtarely, that they might the better attend their owne spirituall vocatiō) what an accōpt ought of all good reason to be made of the late parliament, wherein mere Laie men haue turned vpsi∣downe the state of the Catholique faythe againste the full mindes of the Clergie, I leaue it to euery wiseman well to consider. But as I beganne to saye, If Polidore mea∣neth not the Parliamente to be a Councell of Spirituall matters, to what purpose, or with what great wisedome haue ye alleaged him: or that he calleth the making of Bis∣shops ād Abbats, holy rites, lawes of religiō, and church ce∣remonies: seing that the King gaue ouer the electing of bi∣shoppes, and seing that your Authour doth shew, that An∣selme rebuked the King therefore?

Nowe to those matters of Englande M. Horne addeth a greate Vntruthe of the Kyng of Hungarie, tellyng vs out of Martinus, that the Kynge of Hungarie, vntill this time, (which is the yeare of grace. 1110.) and from thence euen til our daies maketh ād inuestureth according to his plea∣sure, bisshops &c. Thys I say is a great and flat vntruth. For Martinus here saieth plainly the cōtrary, thus. At this time the King of Hūgary (saieth Martinus) writing many aduertise∣ments

to the Pope by his letters, gaue ouer the inuesturing of Bishops and of other prelats, which vntil that time the kinges of Hungary were wonte to make. These are the true wordes of Martinus in this place. Now what passing impudency is this of M, Hornes? That which his Author telleth for the Popes primacy, this man wresteth it to the Princes. And therefore whereas Martinus telleth only, that vntill that time kinges of Hungary inuested the Bishops, and addeth far∣der that at the same time the kinge of Hungary gaue ouer the same into the Popes handes, M. Horne bothe lewdely concealeth that, and also of his owne, most impudentlye and shamelessely addeth, and from thence euen til our dayes: which Martinus not only auoucheth not, but telleth also plainely the contrarye: to witte, that, at that time the king gaue ouer al such matters. Farder to make the matter soūd more princely, you make Martinus say, that the kinge of Hungary inuested Bishops, according to his pleasure. Which wordes (according to his pleasure) are not in Martinus at al, but it is a poynt of your descant, vpō his playne, and a fitte of your owne volūtary, at your pleasure. In dede this soū∣ded pleasauntly in M. Hornes eares, that by this exāmple he might also goe for a Bishop, made at the Princes pleasure, and to be remoued againe at her highnes pleasure. But you hearde before by the forme of Paschalis his graunte made to Henry the .4. that though the Prince haue the in∣uesturing and confirming of Bishoppes graunted him, yet it was neuer so graūted to Princes, that their ōly pleasure suffised to make a man a true Bishop. For first, whom the Prince inuested and confirmed, he shoulde be, liberè praeter violentiam & simoniam electus, chosen freely without vio∣lence or simony on the Princes part. Which great faultes,

both the Emperours of Germanie, and the kinges of oure land, such as had the inuesturing of Bishops in their owne handes, namely Henrie the .4. Emperoure, and William Rufus of England, most grieuouslie and daily committed. Secondarelye though he were inuested and confirmed of the Prince, yet post inuestituram Canonicè Consecrationem accipiant ab episcopo ad quem pertinuerint, after the inuestu∣ring let them (saith Paschalis) be consecrated of the Bis∣shop to whom they belong. So likewise, Leo .8. in his graūt made to Otho. the .1. geuing to the Emperour the inuestu∣ring of Bishops, addeth, Et consecrationem vnde debent, and to be consecrated, where they ought to be. Which words vnde debent, where they ought, you for the nonse lefte out in your alleaging of this graunt made to Otho, to thentent that your inuesturing of the Prince, being without any cō∣secration at al of your Metropolitane (him self poore man, being no Bishop neither) might seme to be good and suffi∣cient, and to haue example of antiquitie. For that purpose also ye make Martinus here to say, that the king of Hun∣garie made Bishops according to his pleasure. But you see nowe it is not the Princes only pleasure that maketh a Bis∣shop, but there must be both free election, without eyther forcing the Clergy to a choise, or forcing the chosen to fil∣thie bribery, and also there must follow a due consecratiō, which in you, and al your fellowes doe lacke. And there∣fore are in deede (by the waye to conclude it) no true Bis∣shoppes, neither by the lawe of the Churche, as you see, neyther yet by the lawes of the Realme, for wante of due Consecration, expressely required by an Act of Parliamēt, renewed in this Queenes dayes in Suffragane Bisshoppes, much more in you.

M. Horne. The .120. Diuision. pag. 74. b.

And he••e sithen I am entred into the noting of the practises of other Coūtries in this behalfe: I might not onely note the doings about (.421.) this time of Frederike King of Cicill, and Iames the King of Spaine his brother, in reformation of Relligion in their dominions, as appeareth in their Epi∣stles vvritē by Arnoldus de noua Villa, but also make a digressiō to the state of other parts in Christēdō, as of the churches of Grece, of Armenia, of Moscouia, &c. that acknovvledged not any, but (.422.) only their Princes to be their supreme gouernours in al things next to Christ: as especially also to note that most auncient part of Christēdom southvvard in Aethiopia, con∣teining .62. kingdomes vnder the ruling of him vvhō vve misname Presby¦ter Ioannes, as vvho say he vver a Priest, and head Bisshop ouer those chri∣stian Realmes, hauing such a povver vvith them, as the Popes (423) vsurpa∣tiō hath chalēged here in Europe, to be an head or vniuersal Priest ād king. If vve may beleue Sabellicus, vvho saith that he hath both often talked vvith the Marchaūts, that haue their trafique there, and hath also díuers times en¦quired the matter by an interpretour of the inhabitaunts there borne, they al say that his name is neyther Presbiter Ioannes, nor Pretto Ianes, but say they, his name is Gyan, that is, mightie, and they maruaile greatly what the Italians meane, to call him by the name of Priesthode. But this they say, that al the suites or requestes euen of their greate Bishoppes, are brought before the king him self: and that all their benefices or Spiritual pro∣motions be opteined at his handes (.424.) So that there beynge, as Sabellicus telleth further, an exceadinge great nomber of chiefe Prela∣tes or Metropolitanes, and vnder euerye one Prelate at the leaste tvven∣ty Bishoppes, all their sutes and causes Ecclesiasticall, beyng brought vnto him, and he the maker of all these Prelates, Bishoppes, and other Ec∣clesiasticall persons, he is called ouer them all, Clergy or Laie, in all causes Ecclesiastical or themporall, Gyan the mightie, that is, the supreme Ruler ād Gouernour, ād euē so hath (.425.) cōtinued sithē those partes vvere first Christened, (as they saye) of Thomas Dydimus, the Apostle, vntill our tyme. But thys by the vvaye, novv from them to retourne to our ovvne countrey.

The .20. Chapter. Of the Armenians, and of the Aethio∣pians in Preto Ianes lande.

Stapleton.

A MAN would thinke that Maister Horne was with some straunge spirituall meditation rauished, when he interlaced this digression, woorthy belike depe∣ly to be cōsidered, being here, I can not tel whether more impertinently, or more falsely, betwene the doings of king Henrie and king Stephen that immediately succeded him, full wisely wrenched and writhed in. For he is now vppon the sodaine, as a man rapt vppe and caried awaie not only into Spaine, but into Greece, Armenia, Moscouia, yea and Aethiopia too. And then is he as sodainly in England againe. About a foure hundred yeres past, he was very busie, and to busie too, for his owne honestie with Spaine: nowe after this long taciturnitie belike he hathe espied out there, some notable matter for his purpose: And what is it thinke ye good Reader? Forsooth he commeth in, as it were in a Mummerie, and sendeth vs to Arnoldus de Villa Noua, and telleth vs that we shall learne by him of the doing of Frederike king of Sicilie, and Iames king of Spain, in their Epistles writen by the said Arnoldus. But what this Arnoldus was, Heretique or Catholique, what his bookes were, and where, and when they were printed, and where a man shall finde any thing of him, he telleth vs nothing.

Your brother Gesnerus, M. Horn, in his Bibliotheca ma∣keth mētion of Arnold{us} a Phisitiō, ād nūbreth his bokes. But of these epistles there is no word: and maruel it is, that such

a notable worke shoulde escape hys handes. Suerlye with much a doe I suppose, I haue chaunced vppon hym, what in your brother Illiricus and what in your other frende Gaspar Hedio that addeth Paralipomena, to Abbas Vrsper gensis, I haue by them some feeling of thys your greate ghostly rauishmēte, ād feele at my fyngers endes that your Arnoldus (if he were no better then Illiricus maketh hym) was your owne deare brother, that is an Heretike as∣well as your self: and also that in the vehemencye of thys your impertinente madde meditatiō you are caried away, one hundred and fiftie yeares at the leaste, from the tyme ye shoulde haue orderly prosequuted, and as many myles from the matter yt self. For thys Arnoldus is noted to haue writen lyke a blinde and a lewde lying prophete, abowte the tyme of Clemente the fifte, which was made Pope abowte the yeare of our Lorde .1306. This Arnoldus then taking vppon him to be a prophete, sayeth that Antichrist should come within .34. yeres of his blinde prophesiyng. Now here for hys part M. Horne also playeth the lying prophete, and telleth vs of wonderfull epistles that his au∣thour wrote, one hundred yeares before he was borne: Whiche epistles though they be very highe and mysticall, yet there semeth to be no greate poynte of heresie in thē. And what so euer reformation these kings wente aboute, the epistles seme to geue a playn testimony, for the Popes primacy, and to fynde faulte with certaine religiouse per∣sons that they despised the Churche of Rome, and did di∣sallow appeales to that See. Yea where he telleth vs with a greate mighty assertion, and sayeth. Quòd concluditur infallibiliter, quòd Antichristus apparebit in mundo ab hoc anno Domini .1354. infra immediatè sequentes 34. annos, that

is, that it is an infallible conclusion, that Antechriste shall appeare in the world, within fowre and thyrty yeares im∣mediatly folowing after the yeare of our Lorde .1354. He sayth withall, that within the sayde 34 the Sarasyns should be destroyed, and the Iewes should be conuerted, & iuris∣dictionem summi Pontificis per vniuersum orbē dilatari: and that the authoritie of the Pope, should be spredde through owte all the worlde. Well, how so euer yt be, Arnoldus de Villa noua seameth not greatly to furder M. Hornes pri∣macy. And it semeth to me that by ignorāce he taketh one Arnoldus for an other. In dede there was one Arnoldus Brixianus abowt thys tyme, cōdemned for an Heretik by Eugenius the .3. as S. Bernarde, Platina and Sabellicus doe write. Your Brother Bale sayeth, that he was condemned, for that he sayde the clergy might vse no temporal iurisdi∣ctiō. And so thys Arnoldus might haue serued your turne for the tyme, and somwhat for the matter to after your ac∣customable reasoninge, if the authority of heretikes maye serue the turne. But let Arnoldus ād Spayne to goe for this tyme. for M. Horne hath other great coūtries, that about this time taketh hys part: as Grecia, Armenia, Moscouia ād Aethiopia to, which acknouledge theyre Princes only to be theyr supreame gouernours in al things next vnto God, which ye muste belieue without any proufe: belyke because yt is shewed to M. Horne in thys his Spirituall reuelation. For otherwise I am assured he shall neuer iustifie this most vn∣trewe saying. And though perchaunce some of these coū∣treis did not at this tyme, shewe to the see of Rome suche obediēce, as they owght to haue done, especially the Gre∣ciās, ād Moscouites, that followe the religiō and order of the greke Church: yet neither doth M. Horne proue, nor

euer shall be able to proue that the Churches of these coū∣tries gaue any suche authoritie to theyre princes: but that they euer toke, for spirituall causes theyre patriarche and other Bishoppes for the supreame heades, in all matters spi∣rituall. Maruayle nowe yt is, that M. Horne can not loke vpon the Grecians and Armenians, but with one blind eye bleared with affection to heresie and hatred to the Pope. Otherwyse yf he woulde loke vppon them with the better and indifferente eie, there were more cause whie he should regarde aswell the aunciente Greeke Churche which ac∣knowledged the Popes Supreamacye: as also the later ac∣knowledging the same, in the generall councell at Lions: wherof we haue spoken, and also afterward in the general Coūcel at Ferraria and frō thēce trāslated to Florēce. Where also the Armenians were ioyned with the Roman Church. But not then first. For three hundred yeres before that, aboute .10. yeres before the deathe of Henry the first in. S. Bernardes tyme, the Armenians submitted them selues to Eugenius .3. sending their chief Metropolitane who had vnder him moe thē a thousand Bishops to the See of Rome, who trauayling in iourney of a yere ād a halfe came to Vi∣terbū, scarse ij. dayes iourney from Rome, where the Pope lay thē, of whō they were receyued, ād instructed in al such thinges as they sought at his handes, touching the order of the blessed sacrifice, the obseruation of festiuall dayes and certayn other pointes, wherin they varyed from the rest of Christendome, of which errours they are ofold writers much ād oftē noted. And this their submissiō to the Church of Rome, fel before the tyme that M. Horne now talketh of, affirming but falsly (as his maner is) that the people of Ar∣menia, acknowleged none but ōly their princes to be their

supreme gournours. Neither neded yow yet M. Horne to haue loked so far. For if your enuious eie might haue abiddē our own late time, and the late councel of Trent, ye should haue found that the Armenians sent ambassadours to the Pope recognising hys supreamacy, and desiring the con∣firmation of theyre patriarch of Antiochia. Ye should haue founde, that Abdisa the patriarche of the Assyrians inha∣biting nygh to the famous floud of Tygris came to Rome, with no small eyther trauell or daunger of hys life, to be confirmed of Pius Quartus the last pope of blessed memo∣rie: who also promised as well for hym selfe, as for those that were vnder his spiritual gouernemēt, that he and they woulde faythfully and constantly keepe suche decrees, as should be set forth by the saied Councell of Trent.

Perchaunce ye will the lesse passe for the Armenians, seeyng you haue on your syde, as ye saye, about thys tyme the greate prince of the Aethiopians hauing no lesse then 62. Kingdomes vnder hys Dominion, the same country be∣yng the most auncient part of Christendome Southwarde. And because your selfe haue forsaken your priesthodde, (take heede I pray you, that ye haue not withall forsaken your Christendome) ye are not contented with the Itali∣ans, and other that call hym Prieste Ihon, as thoughe he were a prieste and head Bishoppe ouer those Christian re∣almes, hauing suche a power wyth them, as the popes v∣surpation (as ye terme yt) hath challenged here in Eu∣rope, to be an head or vniuersall priest or Kyng. And ye would rather he should be called as Sabellicus telleth, the mighty Gyan So called (as ye by a mighty lying exposition of your own falsly declare) because he is the supreme ruler and gouernour of all causes aswel ecclesiasticall as tēporal.

But here first, seing ye pretend your selfe to be so good an Antiquarie, I would gladly knowe, what monumentes ye haue of the Aethiopical religion about this time? It had bene mete ye had laied foorth your Authour for your dis∣charge. Surely I beleue ye haue sene none at al of such an∣tiquitie, and I dare boldly auouch, ye neither haue nor shal see any, whereby ye may iustly gather, that the Aethiopiās take their king for their Supreme head in all causes Eccle∣siastical and Temporal. We haue to the contrary, the con∣fession of the Bishop, Raba Rago, his kings Embassadour, to the king of Portugale, that he made .33. yeares now past. saying that he doth acknowledge the bisshop of Rome, as the chief bishop and pastour of Christes shepe. We haue his confession, wherein he declareth, that the Aethiopiās, euē frō the begīning of the Church did ac∣knowlege the B. of Rome for the first ād chief Bisshop: ād so at that day did obey him as Christes Vicar. What speak I of his Orators cōfession? We haue the kings own cōfessiō made to the Pope, wherin he calleth hī Caput oīū Pōtifi••ū the head of al bisshops: he saith to the Pope, Aequū est, vt omnes obedientiā tibi prae∣stent, sicuti sancti Apostoli praecipiūt. It is mete that al men obey him, euen as th'Apostles commaund. He saith most humbly kneling on the ground, that the Pope is his Father, and he his sonne: he saith again, Your holines without al doubt is Gods Vicar. And thinke ye now, M. Horne, that ye shal like a mighty Giant, cōquer al your Readers, ād make them such bōnd slaues to your ignorāce and folly, that because Sabellicus sayeth, he is called Mightye Cyan, there∣fore yee maye so mightely lye, as to conclude

thereby, for that he hathe the collection of the Spiritual li∣uinges, that he is therfore the supreame gouernour in all causes? Not so M. Horn. But now shal your greate falshood be discouered; and lying sprite be coniured. For beholde e∣uen immediatly after the words by you alleaged out of Sa∣bellicus that al benefices and spiritual promotions are obtayned at the Kings hands, it foloweth, I say immediatly: Quod Rom. Pontifex Regum Maiestati dederit: The which thinge the Bisshop of Rome hath geuen to the Kings Maiesty. Which woordes of your authour you haue most lewdely nipped quyte of. Such à Macariā you are, and so lyke to M. Iewel your pewefellowe. Neither doth he speake of any order of relligion, about that age, so many hundred yeres paste, as ye pretende, but of his and our late tyme. And so thus are you M. Horne after this your longe and fruitles iorney, wherin as wayfaring men in longe iorneyes are wonte to doe, ye haue gathered store of wonderfull lies to delight your hea∣rers, that haue not trauayled so far, withal: welcome home againe from Moscouia and Aethiopia, into Englande.

M. Horne. The .121. Diuision. pag. 78. a.

In England also, King Stephā (.426.) reserued to him self, the inuestitures of the Prelats, as likevvise after him did Henry the secōd, that made Tho¦mas Becket Archbisshop of Cātorbury, who therat was sworn to the King, and to his Lawes, and to his Sonne.

In the ninth yeere of his reigne, this king called a Parliamēt at Northampton, where he entended reformation of many pri¦uileges that the Clergy had, amongest these, was one: that al∣though one of the Clergy had committed felonie, murder, or treason, yet might not the King put him to death as he did the Laye men. The which thing with many other, the kinge thought to redresse in the said Parliament. Thomas Becket re∣sisted him, but he might not preuayle againste the king (427).

For wel neere al the Bisshops of Englande were against him.

In the .17. yere of his reigne, the king made a iourney into Ireland, where with great trauaile, he subdued the Irishe, and after with the helpe of the Primate of Armach, he refourmed the maners of the people and dwellers in that countrey, and that in thre thinges especially: First, in ruling and ordering of the Church by the Curates, ād how they should order their di∣uine Seruice, and minister the Sacrament of matrimonie as it was in England, and other Christian Regions. The seconde was, how that the Lay people should behaue them selues to∣wards their Curats, and in what wise they should pay and of∣fer to God their tithes. The thirde was, for making of their testamentes.

The .21. Chapter. Of King Stephen, King Henry the .2. and S. Thomas of Caunterbury.

Stapleton.

MAister Horn hath a maruelouse grace to dwel stil in such matters as nothing relieue his cause: that is in the inuesturing of bisshoppes. the which neither the Quenes Maiesty, or her graces noble progenitours in our tyme haue challenged, nor yet any other prince in England these many hūdred yers. Neither is it likely that King Ste∣phen reserued the inuestitures to him self, aswel for that his immediat predecessour King Henry, after so long sturre a∣bout them, gaue them ouer, as that the Pope had so lately excōmunicated al such Princes. Polychronicō, which work ye cite, saith no such thing. Verily King Stephen, for a per∣petual confirming of the clergies immunites, made this so∣lemne othe, as it is recorded in Williā of Malmesbury. Ego Stephanus Dei gratia &c. I Stephen by the grace of God, by the assent of the clergy, and of the people, chosen to be King of En∣gland, and consecrated thereunto of Williā the Archebishop of Caūterbury ād Legat of the Church of Rome, cōfirmed also after∣ward

of Innocētius the bishop of Rome, in the regard ād loue of God, I graūt the Church of God to be free, and do cōfirme the dew reuerēce vnto her. I promise I wil do nothing in the Church, or in ecclesiastical matters by simony, neither suffer any thing to be so don. I affirm ād cōfirm the Iustice, the power and the orderīg of Ecclesiastical persons, and of al clerks, and their matters to be in the hāds of the bishops. I do enact and graūt the promotiōs of the Churches with their priuileges cōfirmed, and the customes thereof after the old maner kept, to cōtinue and remayn inuiola∣ted. And while such Churches shal be void of their {pro}per pastours, that both the Churches ād al the possessiōs therof, be ī the hād ād custody of the Clerks or of honest mē, vntil such time, as a Pa∣stour be substituted according to the Canons. Thus far William of Malmesbury. Now that kīg Hēry the .2. shuld reserue the said inuestitures to hīself: (which your author Polichronicō saith not) and that the blessed Saint and Martyr S. Thomas (whō ye cal Thomas Becket) was sworn to the same: this tale verily hath no maner of apparāce or colour. This was none of the articles for the which the king ād S. Thomas cōtēded so much: the which articles appere in the life of S. Thomas. That in dede which ye recite is one of thē: but how ye may proue your new supremacy therby, that were hard, for the wisest man in a coūtrey to tel: Yea much rather yt serueth to the cōtrary, and proueth the Popes supremacy, who dis∣allowed the said article with many other, the King also beīg at lēgth fain to yeld therin. The like I say of the Kings doīgs in Irelād wherof ye write, which things, as euē by your own cōfessiō he did by the helpe of the primat of Armach: so Gi∣raldus Cambrēsis, one that writeth of the kins doīgs ther, ād one that was sent thither by the kīg, saith he kept many coū¦cels ther, but by the popes wil ād cōsent. And Polidor{us} sayth

that the King obtayned the title of Irelond by the Popes autho∣ritie. Guilielmus Newburgensis writeth much lyke of Wil∣liā Conquerour, praemonstrato prius Apostolico Papae iure quod in regno Angliae habebat, licentia{que} haereditatem conquirendi impetrata, that before he inuaded England, he did intimate his right and interest to the Pope, and obtayned of him li∣cence to atchiue and conquere his inheritaunce. Here per∣chaunce wil many of your secte maruaile, why ye haue either named S. Thomas, or passed ouer the story so sleightlye: and wil think, that ye are but a dissembler and a traytour to their cause, or at the least a very faynt patrone for thē, especially seing M. Fox hath ministred you so much good matter, prosequuting the matter .xj. leaues and more. Your own frends wil say your allegations are but simple ād colde, and in a maner altogether extrauagante, and that ye might haue founde in M. Foxe, other maner of stuffe, as a nomber of Kinge Henry the seconde his constitutions and ordinaunces playne derogatorie to many of the Popes Lawes: yea playne commaundemente, that no man should appeale to Rome, and that Peter pence should be no more payed to the Apostolicall see: or that, yf any man should be founde to bring in any interdict or curse against the Realme of En∣gland, he should be apprehended without delaye for a traytour, and so executed. And finally, that no maner decree or cōmaun∣demente proceding from the authority of the Pope should be re∣ceiued. You shall there finde, wil they say, concerning the said Thomas his parson and doinges that he was no Mar∣tyr, but a very rebell and traytour, and that all his contention stode not vppon matters of faith, religion, true doctrine or sin∣cere discipline, but vpon worldly thinges: as possessiōs, liberties, exemptions, superiorities and such like.

In deede these and suche other lyke thynges we finde in M. Foxe: but he storieth these thynges with as good fayth and trouth, as he doth all his other. And here I would glad∣ly for a while leaue M. Horne, and take him in hand, and shape him a full answere. But in as much as this would re∣quire a long processe, and for that this my answere allready waxeth lōg, I will forbeare the diligent and exact discussiō of the whole: and wil open so much only to the vnlearned reader, as may serue hī for the true knowledge of the mat∣ter, and for the discouering of M. Foxes crafty and vntrue dealing: and withall for a full answere, to these friuolouse and false arguments producted by M. Horne.

And here first, not S. Thomas, but the Kings stoutnes and sternnesse semeth to be reprehēded, that would nedes haue an absolute answere of him, and would not be con∣tented with so reasonable an answere as he made, Saluo ordine meo: sauing my order. No nor afterward with this exception, Saluo honore Dei, sauing the honour of God. This modification or moderation may serue to any indiffe∣rent man, that aduisedly considereth the kings articles pro∣posed to S. Thomas, such as might excuse him frō all stout∣nes and stubbornes; that M. Foxe and his aduersaries lay to him. I intend not nowe to enter into any serious or deape examination of the sayd articles▪ but this I wil say, that yt is against al the olde canons of the Church, yea and againste reason to, that an Archbishop shulde be iudged of his suffra∣gans, as S. Thomas was. Againe to omitte other articles, there is one, that is quite contrarie to the Apostolical do∣ctrine, to the canons of Nice, and other most auncient ge∣neral councels: finallie to the catholyke doctrin of Christes vniuersal Churche. that is, for appeales to be made from the

Archdeacō to the bishop, frō the bishop to the Arch¦bishop: ād in case ther be any defect of iustice there, the matter to be browght to the king, and by his cō∣maundemēt to be ended in the Archbishops cowrt, without any further proceding, without the kinges cōsent, wherby not only the popes supreme autho∣rity, but the authority also of al general coūcels, the which are the ordinary and necessary remedies in many cases, did stād thē in the kīg of Englād his grace only, to be accepted, or to be reiected. M. Fox reci∣teth the kings cōstitutiōs: but as he leaueth out this ād many other, ād reherseth but six of thē: so in those six he maketh thre manifest ād opē lies. For wher he saith the sayd decrees by him recited were cōdēned by the Pope, ther were but thre of thē cōdēned, that is the .1. the .3. ād the .4. The other thre the pope did suffer ād tolerat. Againe what a decree was this, that none that held of the king in capite, no nor any of his seruāts shuld be excōmunicated, onlesse the kīg were first cōsulted? I trow M. Horn hīself, ād his fellowes, neither kepe this precise or∣der, nor wil allow it. Well, M. Fox full pretely leaueth out this cōstitutiō, what cause moueth him I cā not tel. Thīk ye nowe M. Fox, that for those ād such like, S. Thomas had not good cause, to mollify the matter with saluo ordine meo, & saluo honore Dei, ād whē that wold not be accepted, to gaī∣say altogether, ād to appeale to the sea of Rome? Ye wil say this notwithstāding, they were no matters of fayth or reli∣giō, or true doctrine, and that he is therfor far frō the cause and title of a martyr. In dede it was if not wisely, yet wili∣ly, ād like a crafty Fox done of you to scrape hī out of your blessed kalender. For in good fayth place cā he haue none

there, onlesse all your late stinking martyrs geue place, and yelde. which are the deuils, ād not Gods martyrs, ād it were for none other thīg, but for the denial of the Popes suprea∣macy. The which supremacy is a necessary doctryne, to be holdē of euery Christiā mā (where vnuincible ignorāce is not) vppō payn of dāmatiō, and euerlasting separatiō frō the Catholik Church, and the mēbers of the same. Beside this, there are many takē for blessed martyrs in the Church, that died not for the faith or for doctrine beīg thē in any cōtro∣uersy, but for iustice ād truth sake, and for theyr vertuouse dealīg: as is the good mōke Telemachius, that seīg at Rome two swordplayers, the on of thē redy to destroy, ād kil the other, vppō a great zeale, came to thē, and thought to haue parted thē, ād so was slayn of thē him self. wheruppō thēpe∣rour Honorius reckoned him amōg the martyrs, ād made a lawe, that there should be no more such kīd of play exerci∣sed in Rome. The cause also of S. Iohn Chrisostoms troble proceded not directly frō matter of fayth or doctryne, but for reprouīg thēpresse Eudoxia. I omit S. Quilliā and S. Lā∣bert both takē for martyrs, and slayne for rebukīg adultery. And to come nearer to our own cōtrey and to S. Thomas tyme, S. Alphegius Archbisshop of Canterburie, a litle be∣fore the Conquest, that suffred him selfe to be slayne of the Danes, rather then he would pille and polle his tenauntes, to leauy an excessiue somme of money, that the Danes re∣quired for his redemption. Of whose vertue God synce hath geuen greate testimonie, aswell by diuerse other mi∣racles, as by preseruinge his body so longe vncorrupted. But the cheife and moste aunciente presidente of all in the newe testamente is S. Iohn the Baptiste, who died

for the lyke liberty and fredome of speache, as S. Quillian. and S. Lamberte did. To these we may set Esaye and the other prophets of the olde testamente: Howbeyt as I sayd in S. Thomas his cause, is a necessarie doctryne also im∣ployed, that was either directly or indirectly blemisshed, by these ordinaunces of the king, concerning the Popes Su∣premacy. Now what madnes were yt for me, or any other to seke by words to sette forth this blessed mans qualities and Martyrdome, when that God him self, hath by so won∣derfull and straunge, yea by so certayne and notoriouse mi∣racles, aswell in the lyfe of his seruant as afterwarde, ge∣uen to the worlde suche a testimonie for him, as all the de∣uills in hell, and theyre disciples in earth may rather gnashe theyr angrie teathe, and enuie at, then by any good meanes deny and deface yt. True shall yt be also, that S. Thomas heard long ere he returned into Englande, by a celestiall and heauenlie voyce. O Thoma, Thoma, Ecclesia mea gloriabi∣tur in sanguine tuo. O Thomas, Thomas, my Churche shall glory in thy bloud. And true yt is, that was writen incon∣tinently after hys death, that at the place of his passion, and where he is buried, paralitici curantur, caeci vident, surdi au∣diunt, loquuntur muti, claudi ambulant, euadunt febricantes, arrepti à daemonio liberantur, & à variis morbis sanātur aegroti, blasphemi à demonio arrepti confunduntur: & quod à diebus pa∣trum nostrorum non est auditum▪ mortui surgunt. Palsies are cured, the blinde see, the deaffe heare, the dombe speake, the lame walk, the agues are healed, ād such as are possessed of the Deuill are delyuered, and diuers diseases holpen, and blasphemers beinge taken and possessed of the deuill con∣founded: and finally (as our sayd authour, not so muche an eare as an eie wytnes, saith) that which hath not ben heard

of, in our fathers dayes, dead men are relieued a∣gaine. These and manie other miracles shewen as∣well in England as out of England, were so notable and famouse, that shortly after S. Thomas his Mar∣tyrdome, not only the Erle of Flaunders, but the Frenche King also came to Cantorburie in pilgri∣mage, to pray at this blessed Martyrs tumbe. The kinge of Fraunce offered there a chalice of golde, and his graunt in writinge for a certayne quantitye of wyne, yerely to be delyuered to the monks ther to be merie withall at the solempnitye or feaste of this blessed Martyr.

But what shal we say to kinge Henry him selfe? what thowght he trowe ye of this blessed mans doings and death? This parte of the story of all other is moste notable. The king being in Normandy, and hearing that S. Thomas was slayne toke the matter so heuely, that for forty dayes, he kept him self solitary in great mourning and lamentatiō, in great abstinence, setting a syde al the affayres of his great ād large dominiōs, for greif and sorow: And forthwith sent his ambassadours to the Pope to purge him selfe of the sayd murther. Wheruppō certayn Legats were sent to him, be∣fore whom vpō his othe he sayd, that he neither cōmaun∣ded, nor willed that the Archbisshop should be slayne, and added that he was neuer so sory for the death of his owne father or mother. Yet did he not denie, but by vnaduised words, he gaue the murtherers an occasion of theyr fowle enterprise. Wherfor he submitted him self to the Legats to enioyne him penaunce as they should thinke good. Then was yt among other thinges enioyned him, that he should breake and reuoke the foresayde statutes and ordinances,

for the which al this troble rose: al the which cōditions the king by his othe promised to obserue. This done the kings son also promised on his part, to see these couenants kept. But yet see the iuste iudgement of God. As this king rebel∣led againste his spirituall father S. Thomas, and his spirituall mother the Churche, so did his sonne and heire, with his two other sonnes, Richard and Iohn, rebell againste him, confederating them selues with other the kinges subiects, and with the Frenche and Scottishe kinges. The king was browghte to this distresse, that he wyste not in the world, what to saye, or what to doe: and being destitute of mans helpe ranne to Gods helpe, and to the helpe of his blessed martyr S. Thomas, at whose greater miracles done at Canter∣bury all the worlde did wonder. Wherefore forsakinge Normandy where he was in more saftie, sayled into En∣glande, and commynge towarde Canterbury, before he entred the city, puttinge of al his princely appparell, lyke a newe kinge Dauid, beinge presequuted of his Absolon, for hys synnes, as Dauid wente out of the citie barefoted, so this newe Dauid beinge barefoted, and all hys body na∣ked, sauinge that he was couered withe a poore and a vile cote vppon the bare, beinge nowe hym selfe fearefull and tremblyng, whom before so many nations feared and trem∣bled, with muche sighinge and gronynge wente to the Martyrs tombe, where he continued all that daye, and the nighte followinge watchfull and fastinge: where he commended hym selfe to the blessed martyrs prayers. Nei∣ther was he deceyued of his good deuotion and expecta∣tion: as we shall anon declare. Before the sayde tombe, he toke discipline with a rodde of euerie monke, and for his loue and deuotion to the martyr, he renounced the

foresayd yll statutes and customes for euer, and onely sayd he woulde kepe suche as were reasonable and good. Guliel∣mus Neuburgensis, whome M. Foxe bringeth in to deface and disgrace this blessed martyr, yf yt might be, and yet not daring, to tell either of other thinges, writen by other, or that I shall nowe tell yowe out of the sayde Neuburgensis, sayeth, that the sayd nighte, there was avoyce that sayde to a good and a blessed monke at Canterbury beinge a sleape: haue ye not sene (sayeth the voyce) the kings great and wonderfull humilitie? Be thou assured, that shortlye thende of his affayres shall declare howe well God lyketh the same. My authour sayth, that he heard this from the mowthe of a reuerende Abbate, who beinge the same tyme in Kente, hearde yt from a credible and a faythfull reporter. The nexte mor∣ninge the kinge heard masse, before the tombe of the martyr, and so departed. The very same daye yea the very same howre that the king heard masse there, vndoubtedly by the miraculous workinge of God, the scottishe king without battayle scatte∣red from the rest of his Army, and after few strokes geuen was taken prisoner, and afterwarde by litle and litle all his enimies, aswell beyond as by hither the seas were quieted and pacified. All the which prosperouse fortune the kinge did ascribe to God, and to his gloriouse martyr S. Thomas, to whome most certaynly, it was to be ascribed. Let M. Foxe nowe and his fellowes to, rayle at this blessed mā as lōg as they will. Let hī scrape hī out of his kalēder, ād put in for hī heretiks, theeues, ād traytors, ād let hī nowe if he can for very shame, cal this man a tray∣tour,

and cause his name to be abolisshed out of the Church boks, as yt hath bene of late yeares. Let them tosse and tur∣moyle as longe, and as buselie as they will. They shall but shewe theire extreme wyckednes and madnes, blasphe∣mously to cal him traytour, whom the king him self (to whō the offence was don, if any were don) worshipped as Gods holy martyr: they shal but stryue against the streame, or ra∣ther against God him selfe, that hath geuen throwgh out al the world such a glorious testimony for him: and for the cō∣firmatiō of the catholike doctrine of his Church, namely for the popes supreamacie. Which answere I will also to serue against M. Horn cōcerning al his allegations here touching the doings of the king with this blessed Martyr.

M. Horn. The .122. Diuision. pag. 78. b.

In Germany, succeded vnto Frederike, Henry, and next vnto him Philip, both of them (.428.) inuesturing Bishops, and suffering no Legates frō Rome to come into Apulia, nor Sicilia, according to the aforesaid composition.

The .22. Chapter: Of Henry the .6. Philip, and Otho the .4. Emperours.

Stapleton.

THat Henry and his brother Philip did inuesture bis∣shops, yt is not likely, and the matter woulde be bet∣ter proued, then by your bare worde Namelie seinge that Henrie the .5. made a full conclusion with Calixtus the second (as we haue before shewed) that the clergie should haue the election of theyre bisshops. By the which agrea∣ment the contention that had continued about a fiftie yea∣res for that matter was pacified. And wheras ye refer your self to the aforesayd cōposition, that they woulde suffer no Legats to come into Apulia and Sicilia, the pope is muche

bounde to you, for therby ye proue his supremacy: As from whom that Composition by way of dispensatiō proceded, as your self before auouched, and as in Nauclerus it wel ap∣peareth.

M. Horne. The .123. Diuision. pag. 78. b.

Next to vvhame succeded Otto, surnamed of the Clergie the defen∣dour of Iustice▪ for vvher as the maner of Princes vvas (saith Abbas Vrspurgens.) cheerfully and readily to geue benefices or Chur∣ches, to those that did first aske them, he woulde not so doe: but he gaue all the benefices that fel, as wel Ecclesiastical as Secu∣lar, to those with whome he was acquainted &c. This Empe∣rour came into Italy, claymed and (.429.) recouered al the right of the Em∣pire, that the Pope (430.) vsurped vnder the name of S. Peters Patrimonie, and called a (.431.) Synode at Norinberge about this matter, ād touching the (.432.) Popes authority.

Stapleton.

Ye haue not as I said wonne so much creditte, being so often taken in open lies that we may truste you vpon your worde. Tell vs therefore I pray you what chronicler cal∣leth this Otho the defendour of iustice, and then tel vs, by what good logike your for wil followe. For methinke yt is but a selie slender for to say, he was defendour of iustice, for that he bestowed spiritual lyuings vpon none but suche as he knewe. Onlesse ye did proue withall that he knewe none but honest men. But will you see what Nauclerus your owne Author writeth hereof? He saith of this Otho: This man was praysed of many religious persons and of the clergy, for a defendour of Iustice: when yet he was altogether a dissembler. Nam omnia beneficia tam Ecclesiastica quàm se∣cularia, familiaribus suis quos secum ex Saxonia & Anglia duxerat, contulit. For he bestowed all promotions as well

Ecclesiastical as temporall vppon his nere acquaintaunce such as he brought with him out of Saxony and out of En∣glande. Lo M. Horne, this (For he bestowed) which you brīg to proue a supreme gouerment, Nauclerus reporteth to proue a partial regiment. That he telleth to his shame, you drawe it to his honour. Again what patrone of Iustice call you him, that wrongfully toke frō the Church of Rome her olde and rightful possessions, and was therfore excommu∣nicated and deposed, of Innocētius .3. and Frederik .2. made Emperour in his place. And that, notwithstanding the diet of Otho his faction, holden at Norimberg: which you vn∣truly cal a Synod. Neither was it there debated of the Popes Authority in Ecclesiastical matters (which is our present matter) but only whether the Pope might depose the Em∣perour: which is not now any part of our matter in hande.

M. Horne. The .124. Diuision. pag. 78. b.

In England as Henry his father had doone before him: so folovved Kinge Richard in geuing Ecclesiastical promotions, in calling coūcels, and ordering other Ecclesiastical matters: yea▪ euen in his absence, being in Syria, by one that represented his person therin the B. of Ely, who called and made a councel at westminster, as the kīgs procurator, and the Popes Legat, ād (.432.) spake by the Kings power. But in this matter, kīg Iohn did more then any of his predecessours, vvhich purchased him much ha∣tred vvith the Pope and his Monkes.

The .23. Chapter: Of King Richarde the first, and King Iohn, Kings of England.

Stapleton.

NOw M. Horne is returned from Appulia, Sicilia, Ger∣many, and Italy into Englād againe. And why thinke you? Forsoth to proue him self like a good and faith∣full proctour to the Pope, that the Pope was the supreame

head of the Churche of England. Else let him wisely shewe why he telleth, that the bisshop of Elie was the Popes Le∣gate? But chiefly why he bringeth in, or is not asshamed to lay forth for his supremacy Kinge Iohn: and to say that he did more in this matter, than any of his predecessours? Ye say truthe M. Horne, he did in dede, and being excommunica∣ted of the Pope, for his misorder and outragious doinges a∣gainst the Churche, and the whole lande interdicted, he gaue ouer to the Pope, his crowne and kingdome: and receiued it againe at the Popes handes. And because this matter shoulde not be kepte in silence (which wisedome perchaunce and policie to, woulde haue had so kepte) Maister Foxe blaseth out the matter at large, and laieth forth before all men, the copie of the letter obligatorie concerning the yeldinge vp of the crowne into the Popes handes, and of certayne money yearelye to be paide. I will not, nor neede not trauayle in the curiouse triall, and examination of the circumstances of the cause: but this only wil I say to M. Foxe and to you M. Horne, that yf ye proceede on as ye beginne, ye are worthy to haue a re∣warde at the Popes hande: either for that ye are but a dis∣sembling counterfeyte protestante, and the Popes pryuie frende: or yf ye be angrie with that, so wise and skylfull a reasoner, that ye speake ye wotte nere what: And while ye go about to set the Popes crowne on the Quenes head, ye take her crowne and sette yt on the Popes head. So that it litle serueth you to tel vs, that Kinge Iohn purcha∣sed him much hatred with the Pope and the Monks. Ye might haue put in, and with all the nobilitye and commons to, yea moste of all, with God and good men to. But this is your, and your fellowes trade, especiallie Maister Foxes, in

the setting forth of this Kinges storie, to lye extremely, to bring thereby the clergie into hatred and enuie: as in thys storie among other thinges he hath done, touching the poi∣soning of this King by a monke of Swinstead abbey. And perchaunce ye M. Horne meante some like matter, when ye speake of the monks that hated him. But because I can not certainly lay this to you, I wil let you goe for a while, and be a litle in hand with M. Fox, and opē vnto thee (good Reader) that thou mayst the better vnderstande his substā∣tial dealing and handling of stories, and the better beware of his gay gloriouse painted lies, what is the common consent of our best chroniclers in this point.

First then, this is a manifest lie, that ye say M. Foxe, the chroniclers moste agree in this, that he was poysoned by the monke at Swinstead. Which thing I could easely proue, by reciting specially, what euery authour writeth concerning the maner of his death: But M. Foxe himself hath, we thank him, prouided that we neade not trauayle so farre: for lo, he bringeth in Polidorus, saying he died of sorowe and heuines of harte: Radulphus Niger, saying he died, of surfeting in the night: Roger Houeden, saying he died of a bluddie flixe: Ma∣theus Parisiensis, saying that by heuines of minde, he fel into a feruente agewe, at the abbey of Swinstead, which he encreased with surfeting, and nawghty diet: by eating pea∣ches and drinkinge of newe Ciser, or sydar. Then adde ye farder Maister Foxe that some saye he died of a colde sweate: some of eatinge apples: some of eating peares: and some of eating plummes. So haue ye here good rea∣der, fowre chroniclers by name, and at the least fowre other vnnamed, that make no mention of any poyson. Now could I bring the Polichronicon, and Fabian which reci∣ting

the sayed Polychronicon, saieth that the King died of the fluxe. Here also could I bring in, that those that write of his poysoning, write very diuersly nothing agreing with your authour in the kind of poyson. And also that they re∣hearse it rather as a common tale, then for any assured sto∣rie or truthe. Many other thinges could I bring in, but what needeth yt, when we haue by hys owne tale store ynoughe of witnesses agaynst him? Yet will I adde one more, but such a one, as ought to be to M. Foxe in steade of a greate sorte: that one I say, of whome by all that I can iudge (for he hath not vouchsafed ones to name him) M. Foxe hath taken all his declaration, concerning the electi∣on of Stephen Langton, and of all the greate busines that issued thereof: yea the writyng obligatorie, touching the resigning of the crowne into the Popes handes. Whiche lyeth in our authour worde for worde, as M. Foxe hath translated it.

This our authour sheweth, that as the Kyng was going northwarde, the grounde opened and swallowed vp hys cartes and caryage, that yt coulde neuer be recouered. Wherevppon the Kyng fell into a greate griefe and hea∣uinesse, and fetched many sighes from the very bottome of hys harte. And beyng at Swinstead surfeated with pea∣ches and other fruite, and there fell sicke. And so beynge sicke departed, and being not able to continue on horse∣backe, came in an horselytter to Leadforde castle: and af∣terwarde to Newemarket, where perceiuyng him selfe to be paste all cure and remedie, he sente for the Abbatte of Crokestone that was skylfull in physicke. of whome he was confessed, and receiued the Sacrament of the holye Eucharistia. And by and by he endeth this storie of King

Iohn, saying that because this king was hated of many, part∣ly for the death of his nephewe Arthur, partly for his adul∣trie, partly for hys tyranny, partlye for the tribute, by the whiche he browght England into a perpetuall bondage, partly for the warres that hys doinges sturred vppe, he was scarslie worthie to be bemoned and lamented for, of anye man. Here haue we now M. Foxe fyue authors by name, and more aunciente thē your Caxtō, and of an other iudge∣mente, towching this kinges death, then your Caxton is: beside fowre some sayes at the leaste.

And now let vs weighe with a word or two the creditte of this yowr owne Authour. I passe ouer, that ye call yt the chronicle of William Caxton, he being neither the ma∣ker, neither the translatour, sauing he hath adioyned out of Polichronicō the description of Englande and Irelande, of Treuisa his translation, and added as they say, certayn other thinges to his vnknowen Author. Belyke ye thowght to wynne some credite to your authour clothing hym with the name of this Caxton, a man of late remembraunce, be∣cause he hath no name of his owne. And so a mete worke for you, in the darke to lurke and lie withall, and in dede vnworthy to haue the name of the chronicles of England, or to be called Fructus temporum: being as vnfruytful as any booke that was made many a .100. yeres. Onlesse we may call him beinge barrē of al good truthe and choise of good matter, fitte for a story of any credit, or fruytful, being only fruytful ād plētiful of wōderful vntruths, and opē lewde lies. I report me (for his truth to his fable of the xxxiij. Daugh∣ters of king Diocletiā king of Syria, that after they had slain their husbands, stole away by shippe into our Ilelād of Bri∣tannie whiche was then vnhabited and vnpeopled, and af∣terwarde

beinge conceyued by deuilles browght forth gy∣antes whiche inhabited the lande, vntill the commynge of Brute that slewe them. And that our Ilelande was called Albion of the eldest dawghter Albine: as afterward Britā∣nie by the name of the foresayd Brute. Againe of king Ar∣thure, that being not able to kepe the possessiō of his owne realme from the Saxons, caried an armie of one hundred thousande and more into farre countries, hauing vnder his conducte a nomber of kinges, and there slewe the Empe∣rour of Rome, ād discomfited his huge army, wherin were aboue .5. or .6. hundred thousande armed men. Make now M. Foxe the citezens of Rochester beleue, that in the olde tyme, by the prayer of S. Augustyne, theyre forefathers were borne with tayles: or any wise man to belieue, that king Ethelbertus ioyning with his frend Elfride the king of Northumberlād (who yet was an heathen, the other being christened) leuied an army, and set vppō the Britaines, be∣cause they would not receyue and obey the sayd S. Augu∣stine. Make vs, if you can beleue this, with the vaine fabler Galfride (a sadde Author with your felowe Iewel) against the approued history of venerable Bede, and of all other sence his time. Make vs, I say, M. Fox, by any good or pro∣bable demōstratiō, belieue this and an hundred suche other fables, for the which your Fructus temporum, is vnfruitfull to his wise ād discrete reader: and then tel vs and spare not, of this mōk of Swīstead. Otherwise he wer a very swynes∣head that would be lightly and rashly perswaded, by suche swynish fables. Paynt ād picture thē as fast ād fayre as ye wil to make fooles fayn withal: I say not this because I wil ex∣cuse hym, or any other yll monke, of theyre nawghty do∣inges. I do require but cōuenient proufe namely of you M.

Foxe, and your fellowes, that are so precise with the Ca∣tholikes for their proufes. And when ye haue al proued, ye proue nothing to the purpose. For the ill doings of some naughty packes, can neither deface the truth of the Catho∣lique doctrine, nor yet spotte the honestie of other not cō∣senting. And as there is no likelihode the King to be after this sort poisoned: so is it more incredible, that this Monke had Masses continually songe for his soule: and of all, most incredible, that it shoulde be confirmed by their generall Chapter. No, no, M. Foxe, thinke not to carie awaye the matter so. Thinke not that al that reade your foolish, lewd lying Martyrologe will straight waies without further try∣all and examination, take all for the Gospell. And see how God hath prouided against your false lying fable a good and a conuenient remedie for them that will not willingly be caried away lyke fooles and beastes, for the discredite of this your fable. For seeing that your selfe hath here most impudently added that which is not at all in your authour, that is, concerning the confirmation of the generall chap∣ter: who will hereafter credite you or regarde your wri∣tinges: or who wyll not thinke, that your vnnamed and vnfruitfull authour hath either vpon to light credite set in this fable in his vnfruitfull booke, or by like impudencie as ye haue fayned the generall chapters confirmation, hath fained it, or taken of some that fained it, this whole foolish fond fable? Goe nowe on M. Horne: pleade on, as you haue begonne, and bring moe such examples, I pray you.

M. Horne. The .125. Diuision. pag. 79. a.

In this vvhile The French King helde a Councell at Ceno∣mannia in Turon. And after him King Lewes did celebrate a so∣lemne Coūcel at Paris, wherat was present the Popes legates.

Stapleton.

Plead on I say M. Horn, ād tel your reader that king Le∣wes was supreme head, because in a coūcell that he kept at Parys the Popes legat was present. Wherby it rather follo∣weth that it was kepte, by the Popes supreame authority, not by the kinges.

M. Horne The .126. Diuision. pag. 79. a.

In vvhiche time vvas Frederike the .2. Emperour, out of doubt, saith Auentinus, an other Charles the great, and without all contro∣uersie most profitable for the Christiā cōmon wealth: vvhiche not only helde the priuileges aforesaid in Apulia and Sicilia, but in all his dominions, and about this matter, (.433.) tamed diuers Popes, called and kepte diuerse Coūcelles, asvvel by his Sonnes, as by him selfe: and ordei∣ned certain (.434.) Ecclesiastical lavves against diuerse Heretiques, cōdē∣ninge their heresies and appointing hovv they should be ordered: ordeining likevvise many priuileges for Ecclesiasticall personnes.

The .24. Chapter. Of Frederike the .2. Emperour of that name.

THE more and the deaper ye praise this Frederik, the more and the deaper ye meshe and wrappe your self in your owne shame and greauous cōdemnatiō And muche are we the catholikes bownden to the inspeakable goodnes of God, that whereas ye and your fellowes most presumptuouslye and obstinatelye, either reiecte all suche proufes and demonstrations as the catholikes lay for them against you, or most fryuolously goe about to frustrat and elude thē, hath now so entangled yow with yower owne allegatiō, your owne Emperour, by yow so highlie cōmē∣ded, that whereas ye say, he tamed dyuers Popes: we say, he neuer so tamed Pope, as he was tamed him self of the Pope, and as he tameth you, and maketh you not so much a tame foole, as that so folishlye and fondlye set vppe your newe

Papacy by his authority: but a very mad and an horrible he∣retike. I pray thee now Good Reader, geue a good and an attentiue eare. Did then this Emperour, as ye say Maister Horne, and therein truely, make lawes (though not true∣ly Ecclesiasticall Lawes) againste diuerse Heretiques, con∣demning the heresies, and appointing howe they shoulde be ordered? If ye had tolde your Reader, the names of the Heretiques, or their heresies, and the manner appoin∣ted howe they shoulde be ordered, yee might haue eased mee of some labour, but to your owne little ease or con∣tentation: as proclaiming your selfe by expresse woordes as ye doe neuerthelesse couertlie lurking in this youre Ca∣cus denne, an open and a notoriouse, for a number of most wretched and damnable errours, and a most wretched he∣retique. And here first though I haue graunted you, that he made lawes againste Heretiques: yet will I not graunt you, that they were (as ye terme thē) Ecclesiasticall lawes. For suche (proprely to speake) are made of Ecclesiastical persons, in whome the Authoritie of allowing or condem∣ning for matters Ecclesiasticall resteth. These Lawes of Frederike were rather exequutorie of the Lawes Eccle∣siasticall, then lawes mere Ecclesiastical. For the Here∣tiques and heresies by Frederike condemned, were before condemned by the Bishoppes and Popes, especiallye by the great learned Bishoppe Innocentius the third, in the moste famouse Generall Councell kepte at Lateran in Rome. At the whiche beside the Pope, were present, the Patri∣arches of Constantinople and Hierusalem, three score and tenne Metropolitane, and foure hundred other Bishoppes, 12. Abbattes, and .800. Priours conuentuals: in the whole, as your brother Pantaleō writeth, a thousād ād .300. Prelats:

with the Ambassadours of both the Emperours, as wel of the West, as of the East: Yea as also of the Kings of Hierusalem, Fraūce, Spaine, England, Cy∣prus and other Countries. In this Councell were condemned a nūber of heretikes, calling thē selues Catharos, Patarenos, Pauperes de Lugduno, Passaginos, Tossepinos, Arnoldistas, Speronistas, and with other straūge names. There was also cōdemned the wic∣ked Almaricus: whose mind the Father of lies had so blinded, that his doctrine was to be counted not here∣tical only, but madde also ād furious. This coūcel was kept, this Fredericus being Emperour, who in this point folowing th'Emperours Iustinian ād Charles the Great (and so far I graunt it true, that ye say he was an other Charles the Great) as thei before had done, cōfirmed the lawes Ecclesiastical, with ciuil ād politike ordinaūces. And as they cōdemned the heretiks, first by the Church condemned: so dothe Fredericus to: as Patarenos, Speronistas, Leonistas, Arrianistas, Circūcisos, Passaginos, Ioseppinos, Carracē∣ses, Albanēses, Franciscos, Bānaroles, Comistas, Waldē∣ses, Burgaros, Cōmillos, Barrinos, Ottoleuos, & de aqua nigra, and finally, omnes haereticos vtrius{que} sexus: All heretiks of both kind, as well men as womē. Yet is there great differēce, betwene the foresaid Eccle∣siastical, ād Emperial lawes. The Ecclesiastical per∣sons, after long ād mature cōsideration and exami∣nation of opiniōs and doctrine of the foresaid per∣sons, do find their doctrine, a false and an heretical doctrine, and therfore do cōdemne thē as heretiks: they do curse and excōmunicate them, and if they

be persons Ecclesiasticall, doe depriue and degrade them, and so leaue them to the secular power. The said Councel ordeineth, that none shal preach without the Popes or the Bishoppes licence, and that all secular officers shall take an othe to doe their endeuour to purge their countrie of he∣retikes, and if nede be, to be compelled thereto by excom∣munication. And that all suspect persons shall purge them selues, at the discretion of their ordinarie vnder paine of excommunication, in the which if they wilfully continue one yeare, then to be taken for heretikes. These and many other things the Councell ordeined in this behalfe. The which decrees the Emperour Frederike confirmeth by his Emperial edict, adding perpetual infamie, exile, banishmēt, death, and the disheryting of their heires: and that he shal not be takē for any officer or Magistrat, ād that al his iudge∣mēts and sentēces shal be void that wil not take the othe a∣foresaid. He cōmaūdeth the houses of heretiks and of their fautours and abettours to be plucked downe, neuer to be builded againe. He declareth them to be intestable: that is, neither able to make testament of their owne nor to be capable of any benefit, out of any other mans testimonie: and that to the second generation, they shal beare no pu∣blike office. And this is the manner, M. Horne, of the orde∣ring of Heretiks, that ye speake of, appointed by your new supreme Head the Emperour Frederike. And so yee see withal, how you and your fellowes were to be ordered, if he now liued. What? Me thinke ye beginne, M. Horne, to waxe angrie and to chaufe with me, for telling you of such a rablement of straunge monstruouse heretical names: And that ye haue nothing to doe with these heretiques, be∣ing suche as ye neuer heard of, no, not so muche as their

names before. Wel, for the names, I wil not perchaunce sticke with you, but for the wicked opinions, that they mainteined, they are of nearer cousinage to you, then yee were ware of, when ye wrote of Fredericus Ecclesiasticall lawes against heretikes, Ergo, heretikes they were by your owne sentence. Wherevnto I adioyne: Ergo, you are an heretique, as vpholding a number of their erronious opini∣ons: for the which they were condemned as well by Fre∣derike, as by the foresaid general Councel.

And first to beginne with Almaricus, Did not his errors stand in the refusing of Images, Aulters, the inuocation of Saintes, the transubstantiation of the holy Eucharistia, euē as your brother Pantaleon writeth, saying (which is mar∣uaile) that he was burned at Paris for teaching of errours? A man may thinke they were errours in deede, that Pan∣taleon will ones confesse to be errours. For the other a∣foresaide, he taketh not for errours, but for true doctrine. What errours were they then? One was, that if Adam and Eue had continued in state of grace, they should neuer haue had children by any carnal copulatiō, but otherwise: Yea that there should haue bene no difference betwen the Male and the Female kinde. Secondly, he saied, that the blessed Saintes in heauen doe not see the essence of God. Whiche errour he learned of Petrus Abailardus, againste whome S. Barnarde writeth: and of Arnoldus Brixiensis, of whome as I suppose, Arnoldistae, of whom we spake of, be called. Thirdly, he said, that the bodie of Christ is no otherwise in the Sacramente of the Aulter, then in other bread, and all other things. Fourthly he said, there was no hell. Fifthly, he denyed the resurrection of the flesh. And yet is this Almaricus a worthy Bisshoppe, and an holy

Martyr, in Maister Foxes madde Martyrologe. Neither can he finde any matter why he was condemned, but for teaching and holding againste Images, whiche if it were true, as it is false, yet were he but a starke stinking Mar∣tyr.

I will nowe vnfolde and rippe vppe the heresies of some other condemned by Frederike, that Maister Horne may see his own iudgement, geuen against him and his fellowes (especially against their hereticall Articles agreed vppon in their Schismaticall Conuocation, and nowe after fower yeares, offered to the Parliament to be confirmed and ra∣tified) geauen, I saie, not onely by the moste famouse Ge∣nerall Councell aforesaied, but also by his owne Supreme Head, the Emperour Frederike, and by his owne wordes and confession. And here it shall be sufficient to set be∣fore yow, the Waldenses onely. For as a good fellowe ones said, whiche had prouided a feast furnished with ma∣nye disshes, to his friend maruailing at suche plentie, but all was but swines fleshe, which he had by his iolie cokerie dressed in suche diuersitie: So all this rascall rablement of these huge monstruous names and sectes, are in effecte no∣thing but the swinish secte of the Waldenses: otherwise called the poore brethren of Lyons, taking there, their ori∣ginall of one Waldo, their vnlearned and blinde presump∣tuouse guide. Whiche had in diuerse Countries diuerse names, whereof some ye haue heard: and were common∣lie called in England, as appeareth by our Actes of Parlia∣mente and Chronicles, and in some other Countries also, Lollardes. Wil ye then knowe, what their Relligion and order was in Churche matters? I remitte the Latine and learned Reader to Aeneas Syluius, and to Paulus Aemilius:

and the English Reader to Maister Foxe him selfe. Who at large to decke and beutifie his holy Canonisation setteth their errours and heresies foorth to his Reader. And to be short, there shal ye find, that our holy English Cōuocatiō borowed their damnable Articles, whereof we haue spo∣ken, of them, and the whole order beside, of this their gaie Gospelling Church.

Of this secte sprang among other, the Albanenses, whi∣che otherwise are called Albigenses, of the people called Albij in the Countie of Tholous in Fraunce, the whiche we haue before rehearsed. Nowe the Arnoldistae can not be the schollers and disciples of Arnoldus de Villa noua, being at this time and long after vnborne and so it seemeth that they are so called of Arnoldus Brixiensis, and withal, that as well Maister Horne, as his Maister Illiricus (from whome he fetched these Epistles of Arnoldus de Villa no∣ua) are out of the waye. Maister Horne for imagining this Arnoldus to haue liued, aboute the time of King Henrie the first. And Illiricus for imagining Arnoldistas, to be named of Arnoldus de Villa noua, and to be condemned before he was borne. Him selfe confessing, that he li∣ued aboute suche time as we before haue declared. Maister Foxe also as greate an Antiquarie as he is, as farre as I can learne, confoundeth these two Arnoldus: and maketh a great sturre for the auauncing of his newe Ghospel of this Arnoldus de villa noua, being a false lying Prophet▪ as I haue before shewed you. And yt may be proued both by him and by Illyricus, that he was an Heretique, if he maintey∣ned suche errours as they specifie: whereof nothing doth appeare in the foresaied Epistles.

And therfore I suppose, yf any of them both main∣teyned these errours, yt was this Arnoldus Bri∣xiensis. Who for theis errours of the Waldenses (as it may seme) with his disciples is excommunicated by the generall coūcel, as I tolde you before. Now for the other secte of the Albanenses or Albigen∣ses, springinge of the loynes of the holye brother Waldo, beside the cōmon and vsuall errours, of the Waldenses, they cōdēned matrimony, ād lyued lyke brute beastes in most filthie and beastlie bytchery. Who not withstanding multiplied in such sort, and so desperatly suffred al kind of punishmēt, ād death to, for the maynteyning of theire heresies, that they were set vpon and destroyed with an armie. And yet are they preciouse martyrs with M. Foxe, thoughe him self cōfesse, that the chroniclers make them no better thē Turkes and infidelles: and wold fayne (for the honesty of his new ghospell and hys newe canonisation) that men shoulde thinke yt were not so, contrary to all the Chroniclers vpon his owne bare woorde, as one that doth not, nor euer shalbe able to shewe any thinge worthye of any credite, to the contrarye. The desperate rage of theis wilde wodde Waldenses was suche, as I haue sayde, that they did not shūne, but rather co∣uitte deathe, to make theyre secte in the eies of the worlde more commendable, (as M. Foxes holye martyrs haue of late donne in Englande, and els where) and for this cause bothe the councell and themperour calleth them Patarenos. For they so called them selues, as in the olde tyme the Messa∣lian

heretikes called them selues, for the like cause Marty∣rianos, as men glorying, that for their secte and heresie had suffred martyrdomme. Now let Mayster foxe make an ac∣compte of hys holy martyrs, and see howe manie he canne fynde, that haue not maynteyned the sayd errours, of these Albigenses, Paterans, or Waldenses: and he shall fynde his holie cataloge altogether voyde and empted. So that the olde martyrs may take theyre olde place in the Kalender againe.

And because Mayster Foxe doth so highlie esteme these men: and so lightlye regardeth what so euer either the forsayde moste famous and lerned councell, or the late councell of Trente hathe sayde or donne againste the doctrine of his holye Martyrs: and wyll not belieue the catholikes, when they truelye call them furiouse and madde martyrs, let him at the leaste belieue this Empe∣rour Friderike, a newe greate Charles, as Mayster Horne sayeth, and let hym in fewe wordes, heare a rownde and a full answere to all his vglie and madde martyrologe. He then speaking of the sect of the folishe frontyke and wood Waldo sayeth: In exēplum martyrū qui pro fide catholica. &c. They call them selues (sayeth Fridericus) as thowghe they followed the example of the Martyrs, which died for the catholike fayth, Paterans, as men prompte and redie to suffer death: howbeit these wretched Paterans, hauing no holie belief of the eternall deitie, in this theyre owne wickednes offende three together. that is, God, theyre neighbour, and them selues. God I saye, whiles they do not knowe the faythe, that they shoulde haue in God, nor his counsayle. They deceyue theire neighbours, whiles vnder the pretēce of spirituall and ghostly feadinge, they feade them with pleasaunt wicked heresie.

But they are most cruell to them selues, whiles, beside the losse of theire sowles, as men making no accompte of lyfe, but rashelye seeking death, take a pleasure to bring theyr bodies to most payneful death, the which they might by true knowledge, and by a sownde and strong faythe auoyde, and whiche is a most greauouse thing to be spoken, they that remayne a lyue be no∣thing afrayde by theyre example. We can not staye and re∣frayne our selues, but that we must plucke owte our sworde, and take worthie vengeance vppon suche: being enemies to God, to them selues, and to other: persequuting them, so muche the more earnestly, by how muche the more, they are iudged to spread abrode and to practise their wycked supersti∣tion nighe to Rome which is the head of all Churches. Thus farre Friderike the Emperour.

Let nowe Mayster Foxe take this as a fytte ād worthie condemnation of al his stinking martyrs. And take you this also Mayster Horne, and digeste yt well: and then tel me at your good leasure, when ye are better aduised, what ye haue wōne by this your supreame head, or by what colour, ye can make hym Supreame Head that confesseth the Church of Rome to be the Head of al Churches: who also fealt the practise of the Popes Supreamacy aswel by excommu∣nicatiō as by depryuation frō his empire, that followed the sayde excommunicatiō: the electours proceding to a new election at the Popes commaundemente. As for Frideryke hym self for matters spirituall he acknowledged the Popes Supreamacy, as ye haue heard, and as yt appeareth in Pe∣trus de vinea his Chaūceler, that wrote his epistles, though he thowght the Pope did but vsurpe vppon certaine pos∣sessions, which Friderike (notwithstāding his former othe made to the contrarie) did afterwarde challenge. The mat∣ter

of S. Peters patrimony, I will not medle withall, as not greatly necessarye for our purpose: the which when the Church of Rome lacked, yet did not the Pope lacke his Supreamacie, neither should lacke the sayde Supreamacie, thowghe he should lacke the sayde patrimony hereafter, or though his Bishoppricke were not indewed with one foote of land. For it is no worldly power or temporal pre∣eminence, that hath sett vp the Popes primacy, or that the Popes primacy consisteth in, but it is a Supreme Autho∣rytie ouer all Christes flocke, such as to his predecessour S. Peter, Christ him selfe gaue here on the earthe, such as by generall Councels is confirmed and acknowledged, and such as the continuall practise from age to age without in∣termission dothe inuincibly cōuince. And for this Supreme gouernment ouer Christes flocke in Spiritual matters nei∣ther this Friderike neither any other Christian Emperour whatsoeuer (except it were Constantius the Arrian) euer striued or contended for with the Bishoppes of Rome. To conclude therefore, this onlye for this time I saye, that your dealing with this Emperour, Mayster Horne, is to intolerable, thus to misuse your readers, and not to be ashamed so confidently to alleage this Emperour, for the confirmation of your newe supreamacie. Now, thinck yow that Auentinus a man of our age, and as farre as I can iudge a Lutheran, and most certaynelie verie muche affectionated to thēperours against the Popes, is of suche credite, that because he sayeth yt, therefore we muste belieue him: that this Friderike was an other Charles the greate, and moste profitable for the Christian com∣mon wealthe? Howbeit let this also passe. For the praise or dispraise of this Emperoure to oure principall matter,

which is, whether the Quene be supreame head and Iudge of al causes ecclesiastical, is but impertinent. And therfore we shall now procede to the residue.

M. Horne. The .127. Diuision. pag. 79. a.

In whiche time Henrie the .3. king of Englande held a so∣lemne Councell, in the whiche bothe by the sentence of the King and of the Princes, not a fewe priuilegies, were (.435.) taken awaie from the order of Priesthode, at vvhat time the Popes Legate required a (.436.) tribute of all the Glergie, but it was (.437.) denyed him. Robert Grosthead (vvhome yee call Saint Robert) wrote vnto the Pope, a sharpe Epistle, because he grieued the Church of England with taskes and paiementes against reason: of whiche when he sawe no redresse, he with other Prelates of the lād, cōplained vnto the King, of the wast of the goodes and patrimonie of the Churche, by the Popes neare kinsemen and other alient Bisshops, whom the king a∣uoided out of the Realme. To vvhome also the Emperour Frederike vvrote, that it vvas a shame for him to suffer any longer his Realme to be oppressed vvith the Popes tyrannie.

The .25. Chapter. Of King Henrie the third.

Stapleton.

KING Henry the .3. toke away many priuileges from the order of Priesthode, the clergie denied a tribute to the Popes Legate, Roberte grostheade writeth, sharply against the Popes exactions, Frederike the Empe∣rour writeth to the King, that he shoulde not suffer his Realme to be oppressed with the Popes tyrrannie. Ergo, M. Fekēham must take an othe that the Quene is Supreme Head. Yf these and such like arguments conclude, Mai∣ster Horne, then may you be bolde to blowe your Horne, and triumphantly to reioyce like a Conquerour.

But nowe what if the matter of your argumentation be as yll, or worse then the forme of yt? Ye ought to proue that in this kings dayes the lyke regimente was for matters Ec∣clesiasticall as is nowe, and that the kinge toke vppon him all supreamacy Ecclesiasticall. The contrarie whereof is so euidente, by all our Chroniclers, and by the authours your selfe alleage, and otherwise in this shorte declaration of king Henry the .3. ye do so friuolously trifle, and exce∣dingly lie, as ye haue done and will doe in the reste, that I muste, beside all other matters by me before rehersed cōcerning the Donatists, saye of you, as S. Augustine sayd of them. He sayd of the Donatistes, that in theyr reasoning with the catholykes before Marcellinus. Nimium patien∣ter pertulit homines per inania vagantes, & tam multa super∣flua dicentes, & ad eadem toties conficta redeuntes, vt gesta tā∣tis voluminibus onerata pene omnes pigeret euoluere, &c. He suffred with ouer much patience, those felowes wandring about trifles, and so full of superfluous talke, and returning so ofte to the selfe same matters fayned and forged, that the Acts of that cōferēce, were so lodē with such huge volu∣mes, that it would wery any mā to reade thē ouer, ād by the reading to know, how the matter was debated. Yea their extraordinary vagaries were so thick ād so many, that Mar∣cellinus was fayn (as Frāciscus Balduin{us} noteth) almost 600. times by his sentēce interlocutory to cut of their friuolous elusiōs. We haue nowe nead of such an other Marcellinus, to be styckler an arbitrer betwen you and M. Fekenhā.

Againe the sayd S. Augustine sayd of the Donatistes (as Baldwine noteth) that he did meruaile if the Donatists had any bloud in their body, that being so often taken in mani∣feste and open lies, yet neuer blushed. I say then to you M.

Horne that this kinge was not the supreame head but the pope, who practised his supremacy in this kinges dayes, as much as any pope hath done in this realme in our tyme, or sithen this king Henries tyme. Was not the Priour of Can∣terbury deposed by the Pope? Were not a nomber of the clergy that helde with the Barons againste the kinge de∣pryued of their Ecclesiasticall lyuinges, and fayne to send to Rome for their absolution? Was not the Archbisshop of Canterburies election annichilated and frustrated by the pope? Did not the Archbishop of Canterbury Edmond goe to Rome for the dispatche of his Ecclesiasticall affay∣res? Were not S. Hewe of Lincolne and the foresayd S. Ed∣monde, S. Richarde bisshop of Chichester, and S. Thomas of Canterbury by the popes authority translated in this kings tyme? Was not the kinge hym selfe with Pandulphus the popes Legate presente at the sayd translation at Can∣terbury? Did not Octobonus the popes legate make cer∣tayne constitutions ecclesiasticall, which are euery where to be had in prynt? Did not the king hym selfe procure the Popes curse vppon the Barons that rebelled againste hym? Was not the Pope the Iudge in controuersy depēding be∣twene the kinge and the Archbisshop of Canterbury? Did not the kinge hym selfe procure to be absolued and dis∣charged of his othe by the Pope, as supreame Iudge in mat∣ters spirituall? Did not this kinge send his bisshops to the greate councell holden at Laterane wherof we haue spo∣ken, aswell as other princes did? Did not this kinge helpe with his money the Pope againste themperour Frederike, thowghe he were allied vnto him? And shall all this supe∣riority quayle onely for such bare and friuolouse matter, as you laye forth? But what yf yt be not only friuolouse M.

Horne, but starke false? I maruayle suerly yf this kinge toke away anie priueleges from the Clergy. Why M. Horne? What kinge was yt thinke yow, that gaue the priuileges for the clergy and the commōs, yea and the nobylity to, cō¦teyned in magna charta, but this kinge? Who caused the bi∣shops of this realme beinge arayed in theyr Pontifi∣calibus solemly to accurse, in Westmynster hall (the king him selfe and his nobility being present) the in∣fringers of the same, but this king Hēry the .3? Who gaue vnto the Church of Poules in Londō, such pri¦uileges as the city of Londō had, and least the citie of London should take any domage therby, gaue to the city out of his checker an yearely rente of se∣uē pounds euer syns vsually payd, but this kīg Hēry?

Lo M. Horn: you heare of great priuileges gra∣tiously graunted and geuen to the clergy. But what priuileges, or when any were taken away from thē I can not yet fynd. No, sayth M. Horn, can ye not fynd it? Why, doe ye not then take a litle paynes, to reade my authour Polidor to whome I doe remit my reader? Yes M. Horn that paynes haue I taken, and that shall ye full well vnderstand. I wil reherse your own allegation in your authours own words. Nowe was (saieth he) the .1226. yeare of our Lorde God, and the .9. yeare of kinges Henries raigne come. In the whiche yeare, there was an assemble of nobi∣lity. In this assemble by the consente of the kinge and the nobilitie manie liberties and priuileges were ge∣uen to the order of priesthod, and to the commons, and many ordinances were made which the kings that followed, did so allowe, that a good part of the Law, is ga∣thered

thereof: as appeareth in the great Charter, and in the Charter of the Foreste. Howe say yow M. Horne, is there any more bludde left in your body, then was in the Dona∣tists, of whom S. Augustin complayneth? what a Macarian pageante haue ye here played? What? Thinke yow, as Cyr∣ces turned Vlysses companie into hoggs, that ye maye so enchaunte all your readers, by this your supreame lying su∣preamacy, that they shall be so swinishe, as to beleue yow in this poynte, or in any other beinge here taken with the maner, and as the ciuilians say 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉? What coloura∣ble shifte can ye nowe pretende, to saue your poore hone∣sty? Is not this the very place, that your ••elfe translate out of Polidorus? Doth yt not say the quite contrary to that, for the which ye alleage yt? The matter is so opē, that I wil re∣fuse no arbitrers, no, not your owne protestante fellowes.

It is beside the matter of the story wherin your own au∣thor cōdemneth you, a law matter: Cal me therfore a quest of Lawiers. Let thē tel you, whether Hēry the .3. in this coū¦cel, toke away the Charter, or made and graūted the Char∣ter. Yf perchaunce ye wil appeale from thē to the Gram∣marians, and say that irrogare priuilegia, is to take away pri∣uileges (which in dede is your extreme miserable refuge a∣gainst al truth and the words, and meaning of your author) I am cōtent ye chose a quest of thē: neither therin wil I vse any peremptory challenge, but am content to stand to the iudgment of your nigh neighbours in the famous schole of Wīchester, or if ye wil, of M. Cooper the dictionary maker, better acquaynted with these matters, thē perchaūce your self are. But see M. Horn how as accordīg to the old sayīg: vnum malū non venit solum. So with yow vnum mendacium non venit solum. But that as thowgh there were a game

set vp for lying, ye adde for the with an other lie. Ye saye there was a tribute demaunded of all the clergy by the Legate: but yt was denied him. Your author saith, he demaunded the tenth of the clergie, to mainteyne warre against the Sara∣cens: and yt was sone graunted him. Your authour reciteth also, after the minde of some writers, that in a conuocation, Ottho the Popes Legate, demaunded a certayne yerelye paymente, which was denied him, but he doth improue those that so write. And so withal it is not a single but a double, or rather a treble vntruth, that ye write concerning this tribute. For this demaunde yf yt were made, was not made, at that tyme (as you say) when that Councel, that ye call the solemne Councel was holdē and wherin the great Charter was graunted, and where, as ye most falsly say, yt was disanulled, but in a conuocation at an other tyme. Now putting the case there were any such payment denied, doth that spoile the pope of his supremacy? By as good reason ye may conclude, yf any thing be denied the King, that he demaundeth in the parliament, that therefore he is no King. This former answere may serue you also for that ye alleage concerning Robert groshead: sauing that I may adde this withall, that he were a very Groshead in dede, that would belieue you, either when ye say to M. Fekenham (whome ye call S. Robert) seing M. Fekenham speaketh no woorde of this Robert, no more then he doth of Robyn goodfel∣lowe: or that this story should make against the Popes pri∣macie, seing that your owne authour Fabian saith, that this Robert being accursed of the Pope Innocentius, appealed from his courte to Christes owne cowrte. A manifeste ar∣gument of the popes supremacy. As for Frederyk the Em∣perours episte to Kinge Henry: what so euer he writeth

against the Pope ye would be loth I suppose, it shuld take place in Englād. For then farewel your good∣ly Manours, as Walthā, Farnhā ād such other. Nei∣ther were your gētleman Vssher like to ride before you barehead, but both he and you to goe a foote, or rather your self to go barefoted al alone.

M. Horne. The .128. Diuision. pag. 79. a.

Levves the Frenche King, called S. Levves, vvho as Antoninus saith, was so instructed, euen from his infancy, in all the wisedom of diuine and good orders, that there was not found his like, that kept the law of the high God, &c. made a lawe against those that blasphemed the name of the Lorde: adioyning a penalty of a whote yron to be printed in the transgressours forehead. Also in the yere of the Lorde .1228. He made a Law against the Popes fraudes, concerning the preuentions and re••eruations of the reuenues, and dignities Ecclesiastical, complayning that the Pope had pulled from him, the collations of all Spirituall promotions: ordeining that from hence foorth the election of Bisshops, Prelates and al other whatsoeuer, should be free, for∣cible, ād effectual to the electors Patrones ād collatours of thē. Also the same yere he set forth an other Law agaīst Simony: cō¦plainīg of the bieyng ād sellīg of ecclesiastical dignities. He made also certain godly Lavves against vvhoredome and Fornicatiō. Laste of all in the yeere of the Lorde .1268. he set foorth the Lavve, commonly called Pragmatica Sanctio, vvherein in amongest other Ecclesiastical matters against the Popes pollinges he saith thus: Item, in no case we wil that exactions or greuous burdens of money, being laide on the Churche of our Kingdome by the Courte of Rome, where∣by our Kingedome is miserably impouerished, be leuied or ga∣thered: nor any hereafter to be layed, excepte only for a rea∣sonable,

godly and moste vrgent cause of necessity, that can not be auoided: ād that the same be don by our expresse (.438.) biddinge, and commaundement of our own accord. (.439.)

The .26. Chapter: Of S. Lewys the French King. Of Man∣fred, and Charles King of Sicilia and Apulia.

Stapleton.

LEwes his Lawe, against those that blasphemed the name of God, maketh not him supreame head of the Churche. Ye mowght haue put in, as your authour doth, those also, that blaspheme the name of his blessed mo∣ther. But the mention of this woulde haue greaued some of your sect that haue compared our Ladie to a saffron bagge, making her no better then other women. And what yf you or your confederats had liued then, that say, it is Ido∣latrie to pray to her, and to praye her, to pray for vs to her sonne Iesu Christe: shoulde not ye haue had, suppose you, great cause to feare the printe of the hotte yron, ye speake of? As for the collations of spiritual promotions, this Le∣wys bestowed none such as his predecessours by espe∣cial licences and priuileges had graunted vnto them frō the bisshops of Rome. And that as I haue ofte said, proueth no superiority of gouernemēt in Ecclesiastical matters, except by the same reason you wil make euery Patrone of a bene∣fice to be supreme gouernour in all Ecclesiasticall matters to his owne Vicar and Curate. The embarringe of Exa∣ctions from the Courte of Rome, is nothing derogatorye from the Spiritual power or Iurisdiction of the Churche of Rome. For they are not vtterly embarred, but the excesse of thē is denied: ād in any reasonable, godly, or vrgent cause of necessity they are graunted, as your selfe alleage. But

to better a litle your badde cause, you haue with a double vntruthe ended your allegation. For where the King saieth, Nisi de spontaneo expresso cōsensu nostro, not without our vo∣luntary and expresse consent, you turne it, by our expresse bidding and commaundement, and that it might seme to hāge of the Kings pleasure only, you leaue out, & ipsarum Ec∣clesiarum regni nostri: and of the Churches of our kingdom.

But what nede we lese more time in making more ample answer, seing it is moste certaine, that this Kinge and his realme acknowleadged the Popes Supremacye, as muche then as euer since euen to this daye? For where was your newe great Charles Friderike the seconde deposed from his Empire, by Pope Innocentius the fourth, but at Lyons in Fraunce? And in whose Kinges dayes, but of this Le∣wys? Who defended many yeares together the Popes of Rome, Innocentius the .4. Alexander the .4. Vrbanus the .4. and Clement the .4. againste the Emperour Frederike (who therefore by treason went about to destroye him) but this Kings Lewys? Who warred him selfe in person a∣gainste the Sarracens at Thunys, at Clement the Popes request, but this Lewys? Who also before that, making his voyage into the holy lāde against the Souldā tooke benedi∣ction and absolution of Pope Innocentius the .4. lying thē at the Abbye of Cluny in Fraunce, but this Lewys? And did not the sayed Clement make by his Authoritye Charles this Lewys his brother, King of Sicilia and Apulia? And wil you make vs nowe beleue M. Horne, that this Kinge was suche a Supreme Gouernour, as you imagine Princes ought to be, or that in his tyme the Popes Supremacy was accompted a forrayne power in Fraunce, as it is with you in Englande? No. No. M. Horne. Seeke what age and

what Countre you wil, you shal neuer finde it while you liue.

M. Horne The .129. Diuision. pag. 79. b.

Conradus, Conradinus and Manfredus, (.440.) stil kepte the priuilege of the foresaide Ecclesiastical matters in Sicilia and Apulia. Shortly after this tyme Charles the King of Sicilia and Apulia, had (.441.) al or most of the dooing in the elelection and making of diuerse Popes, as of Mar∣tyn .4. Celestyn .5. Boniface .8. &c.

Stapleton.

To these matters of Sicilie I haue already more then ones answered, and doe now say again, that this priuilege consi∣sted only in inuesturing of bisshops graunted by Alexander the .3. and after reclaymed by Innocentius the .3. Whereby it wel appereth, that this allegation maketh rather with the Popes Primacy, then against it: but most of all in this place. For Pope Alexander the .4. declared this Manfredus the Romain Churches enemy, as he was in dede, and a traytour also both to Conradus, his brother, and to Conradinus his nephewe, both inheritours to that kingdome, both whome he went about to poyson. By reason of which outrages, he was as I said denounced enemy to the Church of Rome by Alexander the .4. and shortly after, Charles Kinge Lewys his brother, was made King of Sicilie by Clemens the .4. paying to the Pope a tribute, and holding of him by faithe and homage. Such Supreme heads were your Conradus, Conradinus and Manfredus.

As for Charles (who only by the Popes Authority came to that dignity, as I haue said) it is not true, that he (as you say, had all or most of the doing, in the election, or making of diuerse Popes For the Cardinalls only had the whole doing. Truth it is, that a strief and contention rising amonge the Cardinals, for the election, and many of them being encli∣ned

to serue Charles expectation, they elected those which he best liked of. But what can all this make to proue the Prince Supreme Gouernour in al ecclesiastical causes? yea or in any ecclesiastical cause at al? Prīces euē now adaies find some like fauour sometimes at the electiō of Popes. But thīk you therfore thei are takē of their subiects for Supreme Go∣uernours &c? You may be ashamed M. Horne, that your rea∣sons be no better.

M. Horne. The .130. Diuision. pag. 79. b.

Edvvard the first, King of Englande, about this time made the Statute of Northampton: So that after that time, no man should geue, nei∣ther sel, nor bequeath, neither chaūge, neither bye title, assign lāds, tenemēts, neither rētes to no mā of Religiō, without the Kīgs leaue: which acte, sence that tyme, hath bē more straight∣ly enacted and deuised with many additiōs, thereunto augmē∣ted or annexed. The which Law, saith Polidore, he made (.442.) bicause he was Religionis studiosissim{us}, &c. most studiouse of Reli∣gion, and most sharpe enemie to the insolency of the Priests.

The .27. Chapter. Of King Edward the first, of Englande.

Stapleton.

LEaue ones Maister Horne to proue that, wherein no man doth stande with you: and proue vs, that ei∣ther Kinge Edwarde by this facte was the Supreame Head of the Churche: or that the Popes Primacie, was not aswel acknowledged in Englād in those dayes, as it hath ben in our dayes. None of your marginal Authours, auouch any such thinge. Neither shall ye euer be able to proue it. Your authours, and many other, haue plentiful matter to the contrarye, especially the Chronicle of Iohannes Londo∣nensis, which semeth to haue liued aboute that tyme: and seemeth amonge all other, to haue writen of him verie exactlye. Lette vs see then whether Kinge Edwarde

tooke him selfe, or the Pope for the Supreame Head of the Churche. This King after his Fathers death returning from the holie Lande, in his iourney visited Pope Gregorie the tenthe, and obteyned of him an excommunication a∣gainst one Guido de monte forti, for a slawghter he had com∣mitted. Two yeares after was the famouse Councell hol∣den at Lions, at the which was present the Emperour Mi∣chael Paleologus, of whome we haue somewhat spoken. And trowe ye Maister Horne, that at suche tyme as the Grecians, which had longe renounced the Popes authori∣ty, returned to their olde obedience againe, that the realm of Englande withdrewe it selfe from the olde and accusto∣mable obedience? Or trowe ye that the true and worthye Bisshops of England refused that Councell, as ye and your fellowes, counterfeite and parliament bisshops only, haue of late refused the Councel of Trente? No, no. Our authour sheweth by a verse commonly then vsed, that it was fre∣quented of all sorte. And the additions to Newburgensis (which endeth his storie, as the said Iohn doth with this King) saith, that plures episcopi cōuenerunt de vniuersis terris, de Anglia ibidem aderant archiepiscopi Cantuar. & Ebor. et cae∣teri episcopi Angliae ferè vniuersi, there came thither manye bisshops from al quarters: and from Englād the Archbisshops of Canterburie and Yorke, and in a maner all the other bis∣shops of the realme. In this Kinges tyme, the Pope did in∣fringe and annichilate the election of the Kings Chaunce∣lour being Bisshop of Bathe and Welles, chosen by the monks: and placed in the Archebisshoprike of Caunterbury Iohn Pecham. In this Kings tyme the yere of our Lorde .1294. the prior of Caunterburie was cited to Rome, and in the yeare .1298. appeale was made to the Pope, for a

controuersie towching the election of a newe Bisshop of Elie. Thre yeres after the bisshop of Chester was constray∣ned to appeare personally at Rome, and to answere to cer∣tayne crymes wherewith he was charged. Wythin two yeares after, was there an other appeale after the death of the Bisshoppe of London, towching the election of the newe Bisshoppe. Yea the authority of the Pope was in highe estimation, not onely for spirituall, but euen for temporal matters also. The Kinges mother professed her selfe a religiouse woman, whose dowrie notwithstandinge was reserued vnto her, and confirmed by the Pope. For the greate and weightye matters, and affaires standing in controuersie and contention betwene this King Edward, and the Frenche Kinge, the Pope was made arbiter and vmpier, who made an agreament and an arbitrimente: which being sente vnder his seale, was reade in open par∣liamente at Westmynster, and was well liked of all. The Kinge and the nobility sendeth in the yeare of our Lorde. 1300. letters to the Pope sealed with an hundred seales, declaring the right of the crowne of England vpon Scot∣lād: and they desire the Pope to defende their right, and that he would not geue a light eare to the false suggestiōs of the Scots. There are extant at this day, the letters of Iohn Ba∣liole and other Scots agnising the said superiority, sent to this Kinge Edwarde. In the foresaide yeare .1300. the Kinge confirmed the great Charter, and the Charter of the Forest, and the Archebisshoppe of Caunterburie with the other Bisshoppes pronounced a solemne curse vpon al suche as would breake the sayd liberties. This Kinge was encombred with diuerse and longe warres, aswell with Fraunce as Scotlande, and therefore was fayne to charge

the clergy and laity with many payments. But in as much, as Pope Bonifacius consideringe the wonderfull and into∣lerable exactions daylie layed vppon the clergy, of theyre princes, had ordeyned in the councell at Lions, that from thence forth the clergy shuld pay no tribute or taxe, with∣out the knowledge and consente of the see of Rome, Ro∣bert Archbishop of Canterbury, being demaunded a tribute for him self and his clergie, stode in the matter not without his great busines and trouble. And at the length vpon ap∣pellation the matter came to the Popes hearing. The kinge had afterwarde by the Popes consente dyuerse payments of the clergy.

Many other thinges could I lay forth for the popes pri∣macy practised at this tyme in Englande. And is nowe M. Horn, one onely Acte of Parliament, made against Mort∣maine, of such force with yow, that it is able to plucke frō the Pope his triple Crowne, and set yt vppon the kynges head? Yf Mortmaine had bene so straightly sene vnto, some hundred yeares before, ye should haue fownde your reue∣newes, I suppose, very slender and poore. But ye beinge as good a Lawier as ye be, either diuine, or Chronicler, think belyke your self to be out of the gōneshotte, ād that Mort∣maine reacheth onely to men of relligion. And yt semeth, so he and his mate may be wel prouided for, M. Horne for∣ceth litle, howe litle other haue, and whether they haue ought or nought. Suerly M. Horn it semeth to me straunge that you being a man of the Churche, and knowinge that the Clergy hath vppon the great truste that good mē haue had of their vpprightnes and vertue, bene endewed with great possessions (which in dede should be and commonly haue bene imployed vppō the nedy according to the mynd

of the doners) shuld fynd fault, with Mortmaine, and with that, which good and well disposed men haue voluntarily offered to the Church, to be well and charitably bestow∣ed. But I perceyue why ye are an enemy to Mortmaine. For nowe haue you and your Madge lyue catle of your owne, for the which you haue more care to prouide, then for any Mortmaine for your successours in the see.

But as I was about to tell yow, ye must vnderstande, that the statute of Mortmaine doth not reache to religious men onely, but to bisshops and other spirituall men, yea to lay men also: And was made aswell for the commodity of spiritualty as temporalty: to saue aswell to the one, as to thother theire wardes, eschetes, and other commodities that by mortifying of Lands, are wont to followe. Well, as litle vnderstandinge as maister Horne hath of Mort∣maine, and as farre as yt is from his principall matter, yet will he, tell vs also out of Polidore a cause of this Lawe of Mortmaine: And then as he is wont, he telleth vs a cause fantasied of him selfe. Trueth it is, that Polidore sayeth, that the kinge made this Lawe to represse the riot and excesse of the Clergy, but Polidore was a straunger, and vnskilful in the Lawes of our realme: and therfore he did not fully vnderstand the matter, thinking (as M. Horn doth) that Mortmaine touched the cler∣gy only: and yet he sayth it not precisely, but (vt fertur) as yt is sayd. It is true also, that, he sayeth this kinge was moste studiouse of relligion, but that he sayeth this in respecte of Mortmaine, can not be induced, and is nothinge but M. Hornes vayne gheasse, and lewde vntruth.

M. Horne. The .131. Diuision. pag. 80. a.

At this time Philip le Beau the Frēch kīg, begā his reign, brought

vp in the studie of diuinity, vnder Aegidius the Romain diuine, by (.423.) vvhose admonitions and also of other diuines, the Kinge beinge instructed in his duety, aboue al other thinges, endeuoured him selfe about the reformation of Religion, and ordering of Ecclesiastical matters. VVheruppō looking to the state of the Cleargy, he (.424.) deposed a certain Bishop for Heresie, ād gaue his Bishoprik to an other, and besides, claymed the inuestiture of al other Bi∣shops in his dominions: and calling Councelles at home in his ovvne Realm, woulde suffer none of his Cleargy to goo to the Popes (.425.) Councelles. He caused the Popes (.426.) Bulles to be burned. He cōmaunded the Popes (.427.) Legates to auoyde his realm. He commaunded, that no money should be caried out of the Realme to the Pope. He sette foorth a Law, that no mā shuld goo to Rome out of his kingdom. He called a Coūcel at Paris, and caused to be gathered thither all the Prelates and Barons of Fraunce: to iustifie his doinges. He shewed vnto thē why he tooke vppō hī to cal a Coūcel. He enueighed against the Pope for heresie, Symonie, Homicide, Pride, Ambitiō. &c. ād that of right he ought therfore to be deposed. He demaundeth of the Coūcel, vnto whom they be lawfully sworne, ād of whō they haue receiued their dignities? They al answere, that they are al the beneficiaries of hī alone, ād that mindful of their Faith, and the Kīges estate, they would suffer death, for his glory, po∣wer and saulfegard. Thervppō he setteth foorth a pragmaticall sanctiō or forceable law to diminishe the dignity of the Pope. Many other Ecclesiastical Lavves he made, agaīst the Ievves, agaīst the Tē∣plars, agaīst adultery, &c. He (.428.) made also Clemēt the fifth Pope, and svvor hī to certain cōditiōs before hand: by vvhose importune meanes also, the General coūcel of Viēna vvas holdē. In which Coūcel he laboured to haue Pope Boniface cōdēned for an Heretique, affirminge that he would proue hī so. But the matter vvas (.429.) takē vp, ād to satisfie the king, it was decreed, that all the processes of Bonifacius a∣gainst the kīg, were vniust, and the kinges doinges in any poīt agaīst the Pope shuld not be preiudicial to hī, or to his heyers.

The .28. Chapter: of Philip le Beau the Frenche kinge.

Stapleton.

A man would thincke, that nowe at length M. Horne had fownde some good and effectuall matter, for his newe primacy. He layeth on suche lode againste the Pope aswell in his texte, as in his ioly ranck and rewe of his marginall authours, that nowe at the least M. Fekenham must yelde ād subscribe. But yet for al this M. Horne I must be playne with yow and tell yow, that if ye had shewed your reader the whole and entiere story, out of any one of all your owne authours, for all ye haue so clerkly and cun∣ningly ordered and placed them: with Paulus Aemilius, thē with Antoninus, Nauclerus, Blondus, then with Platina, and after this with Nauclerus, Antoninus, Sabellicus, and forwith with Nauclerus againe, with Sabellicus, with Aemilius: and after al this with Appendix Vrspergensis, and eftsone with Antoninus, Nauclerus, and finallie with Antoninus againe, the whole primacy, shuld (as it dothe in dede notwithstan∣ding) haue remayned with the Pope, and not with your Phi∣lippe le Beau, make him as beau, and as faire as ye cā. Your souldiers be very thicke and warlyk placed, but they stryk neuer a stroke for yowe, but that that is all againste yowe. Neither wil I here (for it nedeth not) intermedle with the iustice of the cause of either side: Let the fault light, where it shuld light: and let this Bonifacius be as badde as ye make him (thowghe your authour Paulus Aemilius a most wor∣thy Chronicler, by the common verdit of all learned wri∣ters) and auauncing Fraunce as highe as he may, with the saufgarde of trueth and veritie, thinketh rather the epistles writen betwene the kinge and the Pope, wherin eche one

chargeth the other with many faultes to be counterfeite, then true and authenticall. For these matters I wil not at this tyme towche you: but for your notable, and yet ac∣customable infidelity in the wretched and miserable man∣gling and mayming of your owne authors I must nedes say somwhat vnto you. Ye doe thē in this reporte of stories, as your self and your cōpanions do, and as your aūcetours the old heretikes were wōt to do in alleging of scripture ād the Fathers: that is, in chopping and paring of what it pleaseth you, and as ye are cutte of your selues from the Churche: so dis∣membre you also your authours allegations, euen as S. Cyprian many yeres sythēce, hath described and painted you fotrh. Firste then is there any one of al your authors, that (as ye moste wyckedly doe) goeth abowt by this story, either to make this king Supreame Heade of the frenche Church, or to deface and disanul the Popes Primacie? No truely. On∣lesse perchaunce yt be the authour, that added to Vrsper∣gēsis, I meane your owne deare brother Gaspar Hedio, his addition aswell agreeing, for matters of fayth, with hys firste authour Vrspergensis, as the legges and loynes of an horse, wil agree with the head, shoulders, and vpper part of a mans bodie. Yea, beside his heresy, he is to yong to be al∣leaged for authour authentical. To be shorte, the dealing of this kinge, proueth nothing the lyke regiment that nowe is in our realme (which is your peculiar matter, and the only matter M. Fekēham resteth vppon) and so for al your great sturre, with burning the Popes Bulles and commaūding the Popes Legates to auoyd the realme, ye goe fayre and farre frō the matter. For where you say, he wold suffer none of his clergy to goe to the Popes councels, that was but of one only Councell called against him self. Item where you say,

He caused the Popes bulles to be burned, first not he, but Fami∣liares Regis, the Kings frendes and courtiars did it, and yet it was but one bulle neither, and that of the kingss owne excommunication. Againe, where you saie, he commaun∣ded the Popes Legates to auoide the realme: It was but one Legate, about that one matter that he so commaunded. With these many vntruthes by the Arte of Multiplication, you entre your plea. Touching the matter it selfe, the Kings grudge, was but a priuate and a personall grudge and enmitie, against Bonifacius: no lasting or perpetual renun∣tiation of the whole Papal authoritie, as it is euident by the discourse of al your owne Authors. And therefore Boni∣facius being dead, who accursed the King, and interdited the Realme, bothe he and the Realme were released from curse and interdiction by Benedictus, successour to this Bo∣nifacius. Yea Bonifacius yet liuing, this King most plainly agnised the authoritie of the See of Rome, appealing from this Bonifacius▪ whom he toke not for the right Pope, but an vsurper, and an intruder, to the See Apostolical, vacant (as he thought) and to the next successour. Ye heare Mai∣ster Horne, notwithstanding the greate enmitie betwene the King and Pope Bonifacius, that he appealeth to the See of Rome, being as he thought vacant: and that he is, as I haue said▪ absolued from the sentence of excommunicati∣on by Bonifacius his successour, whiche altogether ye o∣mitte. But yet ye tell vs of Pope Clement the fift, made as ye say, pope by this King. But here you ouerreache your Authour, and water him with your olde lying glose. Nau∣clerus neither saieth, nor could truely saye, that the king made him pope, but saith he was made Pope by his intercessiō: Neither your Authour Antoninus saieth it. Ye saye, he

swore this pope to certaine condicions. Why doe ye not name thē M. Horne? Forsoth because in the naming of thē, the fourme, state, and condition of this your new primacy in your faire Phillip woulde be full ilfauoredly acrased and defourmed. Among other there were these three: Prima est, vt me perfectè reconcilies Ecclesiae sacrosanctae, relaxando & veniā dando de adiutorio dato in captura Bonifacij Papae Se∣cundum est, vt censuras excommunicationis amoueas contra me & meos sequ••ces prolatas. Tertium est, quòd mihi concedas omnes decimas regni per quinquennium in reparationem ex∣pensarum multarum in bello inito contra Flandrenses. First, that ye will perfectly reconcile me to the Churche: and release and forgeue me, for that by my meanes Pope Boni∣face was taken prisoner. Secondly that you wil reuoke the sentence of excommunication, geuen against mee and my confederates. Thirdly, that you will graunte me for fiue yeres the tenth of al my realme, to relieue me for the great charges and expences, defraied in my warres against the Flemmings. These conditions the king required the Pope to assure him of by Othe. Then would M. Horne faine haue Pope Boniface taken for an heretique, and saieth that King Phillip would haue had it so declared by the Councell hol∣den at Vienna. But the matter was taken vp, M. Horne saith, and to satisfie the King, it was declared, that Pope Bonifacius doings should not be preiudiciall to him and his heires. And why haue ye M. Horne either wilily omitted, the matters for the which the pope was cōditionated withal: or haue so fondly told vs against your self, of this Councell at Vienna? Why, but to cōfirme the popes primacy, ād to declare your selfe also a lyer in saying the matter was taken vp, &c. For the Coūcel assembled of .300. Bishops, beside other prelats, would in no wise agree to the kings request, but declared

the cōtrary: to wit, that Bonifacius was a catholike, and an vndoubted Bishop: as your owne authours Antoninus and Nauclerus specifie. Yea Nauclere addeth. Quo rex cogeba∣tur contentus esse. With the which determination of the Councel, the kinge was constrayned to be contented. At the coronation of the foresayde Clement were presente, not only this Philip the Frenche king, but the king of Ar∣ragone, and as some write, the kinge of Englande also. Yet hath M. Horn one other prouf▪ to proue Philip head of the Churche, for that he deposed a Bishop for heresye, and for that he claymed the inuestiture of Bishoppes. As for the in∣uestitures let them goe for this time: we haue sayd inough, I suppose, of that matter. And as for deposing of a Bishope, he deposed him not but vnder pretence of heresy (saieth Nauclere) he depriued him of all his temporaltyes, and of his Bishopricke. But why doe ye not M. Horne recite the whole sentēce of your authors Antoninus and Nauclerus? For as for Blondus, writing nothing of this mater, that is of of the deposing of any Bishop, or of the claimīg of the inue∣stitures, for the which you seeme to alleage him, ye doe but blindly allege, and may blot hī out again: sauing that ye may truly put in, that in the Councel which king Philip called in Fraūce he appealed (as I haue told you) to th'Apostolik See of Rome. But why do ye not, as I sayd, shew the whole ād entiere sentēce of your authours, fully to adorne your pri∣macy withal? whiche is, that he toke a certayne Bishoppe, laying to hys charge that he was a Paterā heretik, spoyling hym of his Bishopryke and of al his goods: ād that he spoy∣led also and robbed the Bishopprykes beinge vacante, and that he would haue had the inuestitures of the Bishoppes? Now if it were so, that king Philip deposed a Bishop for he∣resie,

yet shuld you M. Horne of al mē take smallest reliefe therby. For yf Philip your supreme head were now lyuing, and you vnder his dominiō, he might also depriue you and your fellowes for heresie: being as I haue before shewed, very Paterās. And now you that make so litle of Generall coūcels ād stay your self and your religiō vpō the iudgmēts of lay princes, haue heard your cōdēnation not only frō the notable General Coūcel at Liōs, but frō your new Charles the Emperour Frederike, and from your faire King Phillip.

This, this, Good Reader, is the very handie woorke of God, that these men should be cast in their owne turne, and geue sentence against them selues. And as hotte, as ernest, and as wilie as they are, in the first enterprise of their mat∣ters, yet in the pursuit of their vngratious purpose, to cause them to declare to all the worlde their small circumspecti∣on prouidence, and lesse faith and honesty. Many other things might be here brought, for furder aunsweare to M. Horne, as that he saieth that this King by the Councell of Aegidius the Romaine Diuine, went about the reformation (as M. Horne calleth it) of matters Ecclesiastical, and that Paulus Aemilius should be his Authour therein, which is a double vntruth. For neither is it true, that Aegidius was any counsailer or aider to refourme the Churche, or rather defourme it, after the order of M. Hornes Relligion: nor Aemilius saith it. Againe, Sabellicus is eyther twise placed in M. Hornes Margent wrōg, or he alleageth Sabellicus al∣together wrōgfully. But this may goe for a small ouersight.

M. Horne The .132. Diuision. pag. 80. b.

About the time of this Councel at Vienna, the famous scholman Duran∣dus setteth forth a booke: vvherin as he reckeneth vppe diuerse great enor∣mities in Churche matters: so for the reformation of them, he alvvaies ioy∣neth the King and secular Princes, and the Prelates, and to this purpose

citeth the fourme of the auncient Councelles and many times enueigheth against and complaineth vppon the vsurped (.430.) authority of the Ro∣maine Bishop, vvarning men to bevvare, hovv they yeelde vnto him: and prescribeth a rule for the Princes and the Prelats to refourme all these enor∣mities, not by custome vvere it neuer so auncient, but by the vvord of God.

Stapleton.

Answere me M. Horne directly, and precisely, whether Durandus, in any worke of his, taketh the laye prince for the head of the Church. If ye saye, he doth not: to what purpose doe ye alleage him? Yf ye say he doth, then his bokes shal sone conuince you. And what boke is it I praye you, that ye speake of? Why do ye not name yt? Whie doe you tel vs of a boke, no man can tel what? The boke there is intituled de modo concilij celebrādi, which he made at the commaundemente of the foresayde Clemente. Wherein thowghe he spake many thinges for the reformation of the cowrte of Rome, yet that aswell in that boke, as in all his other he taketh the Pope for the supreame head of the whole Churche, is so notoriouse, that a man maye iudge, all your care is to saye something againste the Pope, with∣out any care howe or what ye saye. And that ye fare much like a madde dogge that runneth foorth, and snatcheth at all that euer commeth nigh him.

And to geue you one place for all M. Horne, that you maye no longer stagger in thys matter, behold what thys famouse Scholeman (as you call him) Durandus saieth of the Popes primacie. Illius ••raelatus Papa, &c. The prelate of the whole Church is called Papa, that is to say, the father of Fa∣thers: vniuersal, because he beareth the principal rule ouer the whole Church: Apostolicall, because he occupieth the roome of the Prince of the Apostles: chief Bishoppe, because he is the

Head of al Bishops &c. Lo M. Horne what a ioly Authour you haue alleaged against M. Fekēham. Verely such an ad∣uersary were worth at al tymes not only the hearing, but also the hyring. But alas what tole is ther so weak, that you poore soules in such a desperat cause, will refuse to strike withal? You must say somwhat. It stādeth vpō your honors: and whē al is said, it were for your honesties better vnsaid.

M. Horne The .133. Diuision. pag. ••0. b.

About this time also the Emperour Henry the .7. came into Italy vvith great povver to reduce the Empyre to the olde estate and glorie of the auncient Emperours in (431.) this behalfe. And on the day of his coronation at Rome, according to the maner of other Romaine Emperours, he set forth a Lawe, or newe au∣thentique of the most high Trinity, and the Catholique faith.

Stapleton.

What matter is this M. Horne, to enforce M. Fekēham to denie the popes primacy? Wil you neuer leaue your tri∣fling and friuolous dealing? If ye wil say any thing to your purpose, ye must shewe, that he toke not the pope, but him selfe onely and his successours for supreame heades of the Church, and that in al things and causes, which ye shal ne∣uer be able to doe while ye liue, neither in this, nor in any other Emperour, King or prince what so euer.

M. Horne. The .134. Diuision. pag 80. b.

Nexte to Henry .7. vvas Levves .4. Emperour: vvho had no lesse but ra∣ther greater conflictes vvith the Popes in his time (.432.) about the refor∣matiō of abuses, thā any had before hī: the Pope novv claiming for an (433) Ecclesiastical matter, the confirming of the Emperour, as before the Empe∣rours vvere vvonte to confirme the Popes. About vvhiche question, the Emperour sent and called many learned Clerkes in (.434) Diuinitie, in the Ciuil and Canō Lavve, from Italy, Fraunce, Germany, Paris, and Bononia, vvhich al ansvvered, that the (435) Popes attēpts were erroneous, and derogating from the simplicity of the Christian religion.

VVherevppon the Emperour vvilled them to search out the matter diligent∣ly, and to dispute vppon it, and to gather into bookes their mindes therein, vvhich diuerse did, as Marsilius Patauinus, Ockam, Dantes, Pe∣trarche, &c. By vvhom vvhen the Emperour vnderstoode the Popes vsurpation, he came to Rome, called a Councell, and (.436.) deposed the Pope, and placed an other in his roome: In vvhich Councel, the Romaines desired to haue their olde order in the Popes election ratified by the Emperour, to be renevved. This Emperour called also a very great Coun∣cell at Frankeforth, where besides the Spirituall and Secular princes of Germanie, the King of (.437.) Englande, and the King of Beame, were present, where by the greater and soun∣der parte, the Popes aforesaid vsurpation was abolished. VVhich sentence the Emperoure confirmed, and published vvriting thereof, that his authoritie dependeth not of the pope, but of God im∣mediatly, and that it is a vaine thing that is wonte to be sayed, the pope hath no superiour (.438.) The Actes of this (.439.) Coū∣cell against the Popes processe vvere ratified by the Emperour, as appeareth by his letters patentes therevppon, beginning thus. Lodouike the fourth, by the grace of God, &c. To all patriarches, Archebisshoppes, Bisshops, and priest••••, &c. And ending thus. VVherfore by the Councell and consent of the prelates and princes, &c. VVe denounce and determine, that al such processes be of no force or moment, and straightly charge and commaund to all that liue in our Empire, of what estate or condition so euer they be, that they presume not to obserue the saied sentences and curses of the popes interdiction, &c. An other Councell he called aftervvards at the same place, about the same matter: because Pope Clemēt called it heresie, To saie that the Emperour had authoritie to de∣pose the pope, which heresie as principall, he laid (.440.) first to the Emperours charg. Item (.441.) that the Emperour affir∣med, that Christ and his Apostles were but poore. Item, the .3. heresie, that he made and deposed Bisshops. Item that he neg∣lected the Popes interdightmēt, &c. Itē that he (.442) ioyned certaine in mariage in degrees forbidden (he meaneth forbidden by the Popes lavves) and deuorceth them that were maried in the

face of the Church. VVhiche in deede vvas nothing els▪ but that a¦mongest other Ecclesiastical lavves that the Emperour set forth, vvere some for mariages and deuorcements contrary to the Popes decrees.

The .29. Chapter. Of Lewys the .4. Emperour.

Stapleton.

WE haue neede Maister Horne of a newe Iudge Marcelline, that maie by his interlocutorie sen∣tence, bring you, as he did the Donatistes from your wilde wide wandering, home againe to your matter. Let it be (for the time if ye will needes so haue it) that the Emperours Authoritie dothe not depende of the Pope, yea and that Pope Iohn the .22. was also for his owne priuate person an Heretique. And then I beseeche you adde your wise conclusion. Ergo Maister Feckenham must take a corporall Othe, that the Queene is Supreme Heade of the Churche of England.

Now on the other side, if we can proue againste you, that euen this your owne Supreame Head, Lewys, for spi∣rituall and Ecclesiasticall matters, agnised the Popes and the Generall Councelles Authoritie, to be Superiour to the Authoritie of the Emperoure and of all other Princes, and that they all must be obediente and submitte them sel∣ues therevnto, then shal Maister Fekenham conclude with you an other manner of Ergo, and that is, that ye and your confederates, are no Bishoppes, as made contrarye to the lawes and ordinaunces of the Pope, and as well of the late Generall Councel at Trent, as of other General Councels: yea that ye are no good Christians, but plaine Heretiques, for refusing the Pope and the said Generall Councelles au∣thoritie. For the proufe of our assertion, that this Empe∣rour,

albeit he stode against the Pope, auouching him selfe for a true and a ful Emperour, thowghe he were not cōfir∣med by the Pope (which was the very state of the original controuersie betwixt hym and the Pope) and thowghe he procured Pope Iohn (as much as lay in hym) to be deposed, ād placed an other in his roume, belieued yet (this notwith∣standing) that the Pope for spiritual and fayth matters was the Head of the Church (which thing is the ōly matter stā∣ding in debate betwene you ād M. Feckēhā) for prouf I say of this we wil not stray farre of, but fetche yt, only of your owne authours here named: who cōfesse that he appealed, to the very same Pope Iohn, yl enformed, when he should be afterwarde better enformed: and withall to a general councel. But what nede we seke ayde at Antoninus and Nauclerus hands, when we haue yt, so redy at your own hāds? For your self say, that he placed an other Pope in Iohns stead. Ergo he ac∣knowledged a Pope stil: ād as your authour saieth, vt verū Christi vicarium, as the true vicar of Christ. Neither did your Emperour diminishe or blemishe the Popes authority in any poynte, sauing that he sayd, he might appeale frō hym to the general coū∣cel, and that thēperour was not inferiour or subiect to hym for temporal iurisdictiō. But with you ād your bād, neither Pope, nor general coūcell taketh place. Now thē, that ye are cast euē by your own emperour, we might wel let goe the residewe of your superfluous talke, sauing that yt is worth the marking to see your true, honest, and wise hādling of it. Your first ouersight ād vntruth thē is, that ye write, that the Pope claimed the cōfirmatiō of thēperour as an ecclesiastical matter. In dede he claimed the same, ād so right wel he might do: as no new thing by him inuēted,

but browght to him frō hād to hād, frō successor, to succes∣sour, by the race and cōtinuance of many hundred yeares. And yet if we speak properly, yt is no matter ecclesiastical no more thē the patrimony of S. Peter, cōsisting in tēporall lāds was a matter ecclesiastical and yet bothe dewe to the Pope. The one by the gyfte of dyuerse good princes: the other, either by prescriptiō of time owt of mind, or by spe∣cial order takē by the popes at such time, as the pope made Charles the great, Emperour of the West: or whē he trā∣slated thēpire into Germany, and ordeined .7. Princes there to haue the electiō of th'Emperor, or for some other good reason, that yf nede be, may be yet further alleaged ād bet∣ter enforced, thē that al your wytte and cōning shall euer be able, wel to auoyd. Nay say ye, thēperour had great ler∣ned mē on his syde, experte in diuinity, and in the ciuil and canō law. But whē ye come to nōber thē, ye fynd none, but the Poetes Dātes, and Petrarcha, Ockā the scholeman, and the great heretike, Marsilius Patauinus. And shal these men M. Horne coūteruayle, or ouerweighe the practise of the church euer synce vsed to the cōtrary, and cōfirmed by the great cōsente of the catholyke writers, and dyuerse gene∣ral councelles withal? Ye write as out of Antoninus, or Marius, in a seueral and latin letter that the Popes attemptes were erroneous, and derogating from the simplicity of the Chri∣stiā religiō. But such wordes I fynd as yet in neither of thē, nor in any other of your authours, here named. And your authour Antoninus saieth, that in this point, both Dātes ād Ockam with other do erre: and that the monarchy of the Empire is subiect to the Church euē in matters temporal. And wheras your secte wil haue no meane place, for any Christians, but heauen or hell, your Dantes (as Antoninus

telleth) hath fownde a meane place, beside heauen and hel, for Socrates, Aristotle, Cicero, Homere and suche lyke. Suerly Dantes, for his other opinion towching thēperours subiection is counted not muche better then an heretyke. As for Marsilius Patauinus, he hath bene aswell long agoe, as also of late, largely and learnedly answered. But as for these writers, Marsilius Patauinus, Ockam, Dantes, and Pe∣trarche, with diuerse others, part of whom your brethern of Basil haue patched vp togeather, in a greate volume, as they laboure al to proue the Emperour aboue the Pope in temporal iurisdiction and gouernemēt, wherin yet they er∣red (as we haue said) so none of thē al doe labour to proue the Emperour supreme gouernour in spirituall and eccle∣siastical causes, (as you the first founders of this heresy do say and sweare to,) but do leaue that to the Bishoppes, yea and some of them to the Pope to. And therefore al were it true, that they wrote in the fauoure of Lewys the .4. then Emperour, yet were you neuer the nerer of your purpose by one iote. This is M. Horne, your owne proper and sin∣gular heresy of England to make the Prince supreme go∣uernour in causes ecclesiastical. You only are Laicocephali, that is such as make the lay Magistrates, your heads in spi∣rituall matters.

Ye adde then more force to your matter by a great coū∣cel kepte at Franckford, wherat the king of Beame and of Englande also were presente, of which wyth other things is set forth by a special ād a latin letter, as the precise words of Marius, or of the additiō adioyned to Vrspergensis. But neither they, nor anye other of your marginall authours speake of the king of Englād. And when ye haue al don, ād who so euer was there, yt was but a schismatical conuen∣ticle,

and yet muche better, then your late conuocations. Yf the articles of your sayde conuocations had comme to theire handes, no dowbte, they had bene condemned, for a greate parte of them, for most blasphemous heresies. Wel: The Emperour saith (say you) that his authority depēdeth not of the Pope, but of God immediatly, and that it is a vayne thinge, that is wonte to be sayde, the Pope hath no superiour: yf ye could proue this Emperour an Euangelist, or this Coūcel a lawfull Generall Councel, we would geue some eare to you. And yf themperours authority depende so immediatly of God, shewe vs goddes commaundement, geuē rather to the Germans, then to the Frenche or English mē, to chose an Emperour. Most of the other princes Christiā in Europa holde by succession, and not by electiō. And yf ye cā shew vs any other cause of the diuersity, but the Popes only or∣dinance, then shal ye quite your self lyke a clerke. Yf ye cā not shewe other cause, then shal ye neuer be able to shewe vs good cause, why the Pope should not clayme the cōfir∣mation. Yet is yt, sayeth M. Horne, a vayne thing to say the Pope hath no superiour: but yt is more vainelye and fondlye done of you M. Horn, to the descrying of your false dealing and to the destruction of your Primacy, to bring foorth this saying. For your sayd councel recogniseth the Pope, as su∣periour in all causes ecclesiastical. And where yt sayeth, yt hath a superiour, why do ye not tel vs, as your authours do, who is his superiour? Is it the Emperour wene you, or any temporal Prince, as ye wold make your vnlearned reader belieue? No, no. Your councel meante, and so both your au¦thours plainely declare, that it was the generall councell, to the which themperour had appealed. Where you adde, the Actes of this Councell were ratified by the Emperours

letters patents, and do bring in thervpon as the Emperours letters against the Popes processes, you beguile your Rea∣der, and belie your Author Nauclerus. For those letters pa∣tents, this Emperour gaue forth, not as ratifiyng the Actes of that Councel (as you say) but De concilio quorundā fratrū Minorum sub sigillo suo: vpō the aduise of certaine Minorits, vnder his owne seale. And againe: vocata solenni curia: At the keping of a solemne Courte. Of the Acts of that Coun∣cel, Nauclere speaketh not in this place, neither reporteth these leters pattēts to haue proceded therof. Thus of Prin∣ces Courtes, ye make great Councels, and of the aduise of certaī Friers, you frame to your Reader the cōsent of many bishoppes. By suche pelting shiftes, a barren cause must be relieued.

But now are ye yet againe in hand with an other Coun∣cel at Frankford by this Emperour: and with certaine here∣sies that Pope Clement laid to this Emperours charge. It would make a wise man to wonder, to consider, to what end ād purpose this stuffe is here so thrust in. Neither cause can I as yet coniecture any, vnlesse I shoulde impute it, to Maistres folie, or to dame heresie, or to both: or to the spe∣ciall ordinaunce of God, that suffreth this man for the ma∣lice he beareth to the Catholike Church to wexe so blind, that he speaketh, he wotteth not what, and seeth not; whē he speaketh moste against him selfe, nor the matter that he would gladly defend. For beside as many lies as be almoste lines (as that he telleth of an heresie first laid to the Empe∣rours charge, which was not the first, as ye shal vnderstand anon: Item, that the Pope sayed he was an heretike, be∣cause he said Christ ād his Apostles were poore, wherin he doth excedingly lie vpon pope Clement: Item that th'Em∣perour

set forth lawes Ecclesiasticall, concerning mariages and deuorcemēts, which his Authours say not, nor is other∣wise true) beside all this he declareth his Emperour to be a very heretike, and him selfe also, or at the least to be but a very foolish fond man.

I wil therfore for the better vnderstāding of the mater, first rehearse you his authors wordes, and then adde to it some further declaratiō mete for the purpose. The first heresy (saith Nauclerus) was that the Emperour affirmed, that the Decree made by Pope Iohn the .22. touching the pouerty of Christ ād his Apostles, was heretical, swearing that he beleued the contrarie. He auouched moreouer that it appertained to the Emperour, to make or depose Popes. Furthermore being cited to answere in a cause of heresie, and being accursed for his cōtumacy, he hath cō∣tinued almost these tēne yeres in the said curse. He retained al∣so in his cōpany, one Iohn of Landenio an Archeheretik. He ma∣keth bisshops, he breaketh the interdict, and doth expel thē out of their benefices that wil not breake it. He seuereth matrimo∣nies, cōtracted in the face of the Church: and ioyneth persons to∣gether in the degrees forbiddē. He meaneth perchaunce (sayeth Nauclere) that he maried his sonne Lewys to the Coūtes of Ty∣roles, her husbād Iohn, the king of Beames son, yet liuing: saying that he was impotēt: ād furder, shee was maried to this Lewys being within the degrees prohibited. Clemēt addeth beside, that he hath set vp an Idole in the Churche, and an Antipope, and hath de facto, deposed the Pope. These are Nauclere, M. Horn his authors precise words: the which I pray thee good rea∣der to conferre with M. Hornes glose, and then shal ye see the mans honesty and fidelity in reporting his Authors.

This Emperor then was not accōpted an heretik because he said Christ ād his Apostles wer poore, neither is this cō∣demned

for heresie, by the foresaid Iohn the .22. but to say Christ and his Apostles had nothing in cōmon or in priuat, which was the heresie of those that are called Fratricelli, or Pauperes de Lugduno: most chieflie of al men set forth by a Frier called Michaël de Cesena, and our Countriman Frier Ockam, ād Marsilius Patauinus, and by this your Emperour Lewes of Bauarie and by Petrus de Corbario the Antipope, that ye say was placed in pope Iohns roome: who keping a Conuenticle in Italie, condemned pope Iohn for an Heretique, as your Author Marius de∣clareth: So that this faction in this wise on euerie side banded, grew to a very great schisme. And many so fondly and obstinately dwelt in this opini∣nion, that they died as obstinately and wretchedly for it. And yet these men as I haue saied, are not onely holy brethren, but holye Martyrs too, with Maister Foxe. And nowe good Maister Horne, tell vs your iudgement in the matter. Is it Heresie, or is it no heresie, to defende this opinion obstinatlie? If ye say it is heresie▪ then doe ye confesse your newe Heade of the Church, with his newe Idole and Antipope, an Here∣tique: and doe shew your selfe a greate slaunderouse lyer against pope Iohn: and a very fonde madde man, thus to fight against your selfe, and your owne cause. If ye doe stoutelie denie this to be heresie, as yee seeme, by the or∣der of your declaration to denie it, as well as the rest, then shewe you your selfe no simple Schismatique, nor simple Heretique, and so ye are at the least messhed here in foure heresies.

To set some fast footing in the discussiō of these matters, and seriouslye to weigh and examine euery thing, woulde

aske some larger talke, thē we may now (vnlesse we would be to to tediouse to our reader) wel spare. But yet for the two principal matters, seing you make so light of Pope Iohn and the Churches Authoritie, I will conuince you, and sufficientlye to, I hope: and by suche a witnesse as your owne Emperour, of all other men in the worlde did most esteme and reuerence, yea and kissed his fote to. Perchaūce Maister Horne ye longe to heare of this man? Truelye he is none other, but your Emperours dearling, and idole the Antipope. I meane Petrus de Corbario. Who at lēgth, (called no doubt thereto by the speciall grace of God,) better aduising him selfe of his doings, and weighing them better with him selfe, after mature and seriouse discussing of them, in fyne founde him selfe no Pope, but a misera∣ble and a wretched intruder, in the sea of S. Peter: and a damnable disturber of the peace and vnitye of Christes Churche, and to say all at ones, a greauouse schismatike, and an heynouse heretike. Wherefore fynding the worme of conscience, bytinge and gnawing his harte, he fell to greate sorowe and lamentation, and forthwith being then at a citie in Italy called Pisa, before the Archebisshoppe of the said citye, and the Bisshoppe of Luke, and manye o∣ther honorable persons aswell of the clergy as of the laity, voluntarilie and willinglye, shewed howe penitente he was for his greauouse enormities, and before them and certayne notaries, for a full testimonie of his true repen∣tance, gaue ouer his vsurped primacie, and plainely con∣fessed, that he hadde bene a schismatike and an heretike: and he did put him selfe into the handes and mercie of the right Pope Iohn the .22. And wrote vnto him resident then at Auinion in Fraunce, his moste humble submission: in

the which he declareth, that as him selfe was but an vsur∣per of the Apostolique▪ See: So your Lewys of Bauarie, was no lawfull Emperour, but an vsurper. He declareth further that both he and the said Lewes, mainteyned di∣uers heresies, and namely two of these that ye here specify, concerning the pouertie of Christ, and the making and the deposinge of the Pope. The which he doth by spe∣ciall woordes freelie and voluntarilie, forsake, renounce, and abiure. And promiseth that he woulde euer after be∣lieue, as the sayde Iohn, and the holie Churche of Rome belieued. Wil ye nowe see good Reader the wonderfull workinge of God, that hath brought to Maister Horne his owne Pope, to condemne him and his newe Heade of the Churche Lewys, for Arrante heretikes? Yea to make a shorte aunswere to all Maister Hornes booke, and to call yt heresie, that Maister Horne doth so stowtlie de∣fende, in saying that the Emperour shoulde be aboue the Pope, and to haue authority to make or depose the Pope? And thus ye heare, (Maister Horne) that contrary to your saying Pope Iohn neither was deposed, nor coulde be de∣posed by your Emperour. I meruayle nowe seing that it is a true and sownde doctrine by your newe heades tea∣chinge, that Christe and the Apostles hadde nothinge of theire own, that your and your fellowes consciences (who pretende that ye woulde haue the Churche that nowe is, reformed to the paterne of the primityue and Apostolicall Churche) are so large, that ye are nothing pinched at cō∣science, in keping your godly and great possessions.

The .30. Chapter: Of Gods Iudgement vpon such Emperours, as seme most to haue practised M. Horns Primacy.

Stapleton.

BVT nowe M. Horne, sith we are come by course of tymes and ages to the last Emperour, that notoriously rebelled against the Apostolike See of Rome (for since this Lewys the .4. they haue al ben obedient Childrē to that See, especially in al causes spiritual or Ecclesiasticall, euē to the right Catholike Emperour Maximilian that now reig∣neth) I wil put you brefely in minde, to what ends al these disobedient Emperours came. Trusting that this considera∣tion of Gods iudgement shal be neither to you bearing your self for a bishop in Gods Church vnpleasant, neither for me (my vocation considered) vnmete, neither to the Christian Reader vnfruteful.

To be short therfore, Cōstā••ius the Arriā Emperor which banished Pope Liberius, ād plaied in dede the part of your su¦preme gouernour, died obscurely and miserably whiles he persecuted Iulyan his own Cousen.

Valens an other Arriā Emperor, and playing Rex ouer al Catholik Bishops in the East, being ouercome in field of the Gothes, was burned to ashes in a poore cotage, with diuers of his nobles about him, which▪ was neuer read of any Chri∣stian Emperour sence, or before.

Valentinian the yonger who called his bisshop, S. Am∣brose to appeare before his consistory, and there to answer in matters of faith, his end was to be kylled of his own ser∣uants, and shamefully hanged.

Anastasius the Eutychian Emperour, and excommu∣nicated of Pope Gelasius, was stroken to deathe with fyre from heauen, and Mauritius an vnmerciful persecuter

of blessed Pope Gregory, and a busy Prince ouer his Bishops seing first his wife and children murdred before his face, was murdered at last him selfe of a base Souldiare Phocas.

Constans nephewe to Heraclius, banished the most ho∣ly Pope Martinus: but seing him selfe for that and such like wicked dedes (saith Zonaras) hatefull to his subiectes, he left Constantinople, and liued in Sicilia, where at a bathing he was slayne. Michael, sonne to Theophilus, a notorious enemy to the See Apostolike, namely to Nicolaus the first, going drunke to bed, was miserably slayne by his beds syde, forsaken of al his frēds. And thus much of the Greke Empe∣rours and of the East Church, only Valentinian excepted.

The first of al the Germain Emperours that notoriously disobeyed the See of Rome, and that was therefore by the Pope excommunicated openly, was Henry the .4. whome Gregory the seuēth (otherwise called Hildebrād) excōmu∣nicated. His end was, as it hath before ben declared, that be∣ing first deposed of his own son, after much resistance, and misery, appealīg, but to late, to the See of Rome, seing hīself forsaken almost of al the states of the Empire, in affliction and extreme persecution died.

Friderik the first called Barbarossa, a man that many yeres persecu••ed the Church of Rome, ād therfore worthely ex∣cōmunicated of Alexāder .3. to whō also he was forced at lēgth to submit himself, though against his wil, afterward in Cicilia, being strong and mery, sodenly bathing him selfe in a ryuer he was loste.

Philip an Emperour made against the consent of Pope Innocētius .3. and a persecuter therefore of the Pope, in the towne of Bromberge reposing him selfe after diner in his pryuey chamber, was slayne of the Countie Palatyne.

Otho the fourth deposed and excommunicated of the Pope for his enormious cruelties and iniuries cōmitted in many places of Italy, was of Philipe the French king assaulted in these lowe countries, and put to flight, and shortly after in Saxony died as a priuat man.

Frederike the second, a prince brought vp in the Court of Rome, and set in the Empire by the procuremēt of pope Innocentius the .3. became yet afterwarde a most cruel ād tyrānical persecutor not only of that See, but of al the Cler¦gy vnder his dominions. This man being excommunicated of Innocentius .4. was poysoned in Apulia as some write, or strangled, as other write, by his bastarde sonne Manfre∣dus. Not onely this Emperour him selfe, but al his stocke after him perished, by violent deathes or imprisonmēt. His sonne and Heyr Conradus being excommunicated also of Innocentius .4. for the great outrages and oppressions by him commytted against the Church, by the meanes also of the sayd Manfredus, was poysoned in Apulia.

This Manfredus commyng by these trayterouse meanes to the kyngdomes of Apulia and Sicilia, and afflictinge the Churche of Rome, as his father and brother had done, was excommunicated by Alexander the .4. and after of Charles the Frenche kynges broother, whome Vrbanus the fourth made kyng of Sicilia and Apulia, he was vanquished and slayn in the fyeld. Conradinus sonne to Conradus, and clay∣ming after, his fathers Titles, was of this Charles also van∣quished and put to death.

Entius likewise an other sonne of Friderike the .2. and one that had longe and many yeres in his fathers warres, done great myschief to the See of Rome, was at length takē in battayle of the Bononyans, and committed to perpetual

prison. Thus al the stock of this Frederike the .2. who had so greuously persecuted the Church of Rome, was in few yers vtterly extinguished. Which thing al historiās do worthely note, though some more sharply them other: yet al herein agreing, that for their desertes God plaged thē so notorious∣ly in this worlde.

Lewys the fourth, the last Emperour by maister Horne alleaged, being excōmunicated twise of the See of Rome, first of Iohn the .22. and after of Clement the .6. vnder whō and in whose fauour those poetes and oratours, Petrarcha and Dantes, Marsilius, and Ockam the scholeman wrote a∣gainst the Popes temporalties, as he was a hunting, was ta∣ken with a soden palsey, fel from his horse, and died.

Such endes had they in this life, that most practised the supreme gouernement by M. Horn here defended. And his best exāples and proufes, to proue his strange primacy, haue bene drawen from the doyngs of these forenamed Empe∣rours. And verely like as in the old lawe, Saul, Achab, Iorā, Ochozias, Ioas, Amasias, Ozias, and Achas, kynges of Iuda and Israel died al by violent and miserable deathes, for diso∣beying the prophetes and priestes of God, Samuel, Elias, E∣lizeus, Micheas ād Esaie, ād as their such deathes were ma∣nifest argumentes of Gods indignation, and recounted for suche in holy scripture: so these forenamed Emperours, ād princes in Christes Church Constantius, Mauritius, Valēs, Anastasius, Constans, Michael, Henry the fourth, Friderike Barbarossa, Philip, Otho .4. Friderike the second, Cōradus, Conradinus, Manfredus, ād Lewys the .4. hauing such vio∣lent and miserable endes, vppon their notorious disobe∣dience to Christes vicaires in earth, the bishoppes of the See Apostolike Liberius, Gelasius, S. Gregory the firste, Martinus the firste, Nicolaus the firste, Gregory the .7.

Alexander .3. Innocentius the .3. and .4. Alexander the .4. Iohn the .••2. and Clement the .6. are vnto vs professing the faith of this Church, vndoubted argumentes of Gods iuste indignation and plage in their behalfes, and may well serue for holsome presidentes to other Christen princes, not to attempt the like. But nowe to returne to M. Horne, and to treade, as he leadeth vs, haue out of Germany, into France, an other while.

M Horne. The .135. Diuision. pag 81. b.

In Fraunce king Charles (.443.) denied the Pope the tenthes of his Cler∣gie. But Philip de Valois that follovved, reformed and tooke avvay many late vpstart Ecclesiasticall abuses in the Clergy, and Prelates in his Realme: of the vvhich, diuerse complaints being made vnto the kinge, he ca••led a coū∣cel at Paris, and summoned thither the bishops, as appeareth by his letters vvherein he complaineth, that they haue enchroched from him and his officers a great many of rightes: bringing in their nouelties not due, and vnwonted grieues vnder the p••etence of Eccle∣siastical causes: whereby they haue broken the concorde of the Clergy and the Laity, and therfore willing to prouide so much as he can by Goddes help, an healthful remedy: He requireth, and neuerthelesse commaundeth them to appeare before him at Parys personally. &c. The Prelates appearing at the day as∣signed, before the kinge in his Palayce, Archebisshoppes, Bis∣shoppes, and making reuerence to the kinges maiestie, being set down with his councel, and certein Barons assisting him, a certeine knight of the kinges councell, spake publykely for the kinge in the presence of them al, taking for his theme this texte. Geue that vnto Caesar that belongeth to Caesar, and that vnto God that is due vnto God. &c.

The kinges admonition being made, a great many complaintes vvere put vp vnto the king by his nobles and officers, againste the Clergies vsurpation, in medling vvith contractes of mariages, in their priuileges of ••lerkes: In citations to their Courtes, in their excommunications, in vvilles, and hereditamentes, in calling of prouinciall councells, in making synodall De∣crees, ād statutes, in medling vvith realties, in perēptory vvrites, in examina∣tions

of mens beleues, in enioyning of money penaunces, In shauing of childrē, and vnlauful persons making them Clerkes, in vvhoordome and fornication, in vvyddovves goodes, in bloudshead in the Churcheyarde, in inuentories, &c. and in a great many mo matters, vvhich ye call Spirituall or Ecclesiasticall causes: the Frenche kinge prouing (.444.) them to be (as in deede they vvere no other) but temporall: neuerthelesse not standinge much about the name, nor taking them al avvay, from their iurisdiction, he onely saied, he vvould reforme them. Neuerthelesse, for certeine daies there vvas much di∣sputing to and f••o, whether they belonged to the kinge to re∣forme or no, till the king by his foresaid procuratour gaue thē the kinges determinat aunswere, declaring vnto them, howe that they ought not to be troubled, bicause the kinges intentiō was, to keepe those rightes and customes of the Churche, and Prelates which were good ād resonable, but by reason of their faults, the iudgement which were good and reasonable, ap∣perteined not vnto them to determine, but to the kīg. Bicause the Decree, Nouit &c. saieth, that the kinge of Fraunce in mat∣ters de Facto, hath not his superiour &c. VVhereuppon hee cō∣cluded, that the kinge woulde heare all the informatiōs: And those Customes of the whiche he should be fully enfourmed, that they were good and reasonable, he woulde make only to bee obserued.

In (.445.) cōclusiō the Prelats made such importune labour, that the for∣said attourney aūswered thē for the kinge, that if the Prelates thē selues would amende those thinges, that were to be amended and corrected, the king would abide till the feaste of the Na∣tiuity next to come: within the saide terme, he woulde inno∣uate nothing: but if within the sayde terme, the Prelates had not amended those thinges that were to be amended and cor∣rected, that then the king would put to such ••emedy, as shuld be acceptable to God and the people. VVhich in conclusion the kinge vvas faine to do, by a sharpe and seuere (.446.) Lavv, vvhan he savve hovv the Prelate•• dallied him of, vvith faire vvordes, and (.447.) therefore he him selfe, Composuit rem sacerdotum, did set in order the mat∣ters of the Priestes.

The .31. Chapter. Of Charles the .4. and Philip de Valois sixt of that name, kinges of Fraunce.

Stapleton.

WEll fisht, and caught a frogge. All this lōg tale is tolde for Composuit rem sacerdotum. But to touche the particulars, what wise reason is this, or what reason at al is it, to make the Quene of England supreame head of the Church, because Charles the French king denied the pope the tenthes of the Clergy? Verely his authour saith, the king did empayre his estimation, that men had of his vertue before by this very fact of his. Yea and yet he sayth withall, that afterwarde he did cōdes∣cēde to the popes request. Now what meaneth M. Horn, to alleage that for prouf of dewe gouuerne∣mēt, which his authors report, for prouf of vndewe regiment? Meaneth he that al the worlde shoulde laugh him to skorne? That which foloweth of Peter Bertrād, and eftson of Paulus Aemilius, is M. Horns own: making thē, to speake not theire myndes, but what liketh him, tellīg vs first an obscure, dark, false tale, out of the sayd Bertrād: but I trust we shall drawe him out into the fayre open light, and pluck frō him Petrus Ber∣trand and Paulus Aemilius with whose visour, he woulde fayne couer the vgly face of his impudente and shamelesse lies. Why M. Horn? hath not the Clergy to doe with mat∣ters of contracts of mariage, excommunications, wills, and with the examination of mens beliefes, with making syno∣dical decrees, and such like matters? Wherfor thē do ye not shake of from you the intermedlinge with these matters? Wel I perceiue saying ād doing are two things: and neither

shall Ludouicus the Emperour, though he affirmed that the Clergy should followe Christ and his Apostles in po∣uerty, make yowe to disclaime your goodly landes and patrimony: nor Philip Valesius the Frenche kinge make yowe to disclaime your iurisdiction. The gaine is to sweet. Perhaps ye will answere, that I strayne yowe to farre, and that ye do not deny, but that the Clergy may vse the iu∣risdiction of the foresayd matters, but not as Church or ec∣clesiasticall matters, but as playne temporall matters, for the Frenche kinge proued they were so in dede. Ney∣ther the king proued yt, nor your authour sayth yt, nor any other. The shamelesse dealinge of this man is suche, that he semeth to seke nothing else, but to ouerwhelme the worlde with wordes, litle regardinge to speake, not only great and many vntruthes, but euen such as with∣out further triall and strayning hym no more, but with his owne authours, are incontinently opened and des∣cried. To answere fully, and at large to all his endlesse and importune babling, aswel here as otherwhere would be to to tediouse a thinge. And for this matter, in as muche as Petrus Bertrand is in prynte, I will send the learned reader, that is desirouse; to see the deapth of thys matter, to the originall booke: and will nowe touche so much onely, as shalbe sufficiente for the vnlettered rea∣der, to see and consider M. Hornes vnfaythfull and wret∣ched dealing.

Petrus C••••erius being one of the kings priuie councell proponed to the Clergy before the king, and the nobilitie .76. articles: and wente about to proue, that the prelates and the Clergy, for so many poynts had vsurped vppon the kinges iurisdiction. He auowched also, that tempo∣rall

and spirituall things, are diuided and sondred, and that the one appertayned to the kinge onely, the other to the cleargy onely. The archbishop of Sans, answered to this Petrus, and proued by the olde and the newe testamēt, by the cyuil and canon Lawe, and by the custome of Fraunce tyme out of mynd vsed, and by seuerall graunts and pri∣uileges, receiued from the kings predecessours, that spiri∣tuall and temporall iurisdiction were not so preci••elie di∣stincted, but that one person might occupie both. After him the same daye seuē night, in the presence of the king stode vppe Petrus Bertrandus a Bisshoppe of the people in Fraunce then called Hedui, who are nowe Burgoni∣ons, and enforced the same matter, addinge a full aun∣swere, aswell to the decree Nouit, alleaged here by M. Horne out of the sayd Petrus Cunerius, as vnto all his .76. articles. A greate nomber of the sayde articles, towche matters playne and mere temporall, and yet suche as the clergy did and might medle withall, part∣ly by Lawe, partly by speciall priuilege, and partly by custome. There were certayne faults and abuses fownd in the prelates officers, the whiche the prelates answe∣red, that yf they had knowen them before, they woulde not haue suffred them: and promised to forsee for the tyme to come, for the earneste amendinge and redressinge of them. For the redressing whereof the kinge gaue them a tyme vn∣till Christmas folowinge. Nowe M. Horne would make thee belieue, good reader, that because the prelats dalied and things were not refourmed accordingly, the kinge by a sharpe and a seuere lawe dyd amende and correcte them. But this is your owne Lawe, good maister Horne, and no Lawe at all of Kynge Philippe: made by yowe,

I say, with as good authoritie and truthe, as the damnable articles were made, in your late conuocation. Howe so euer yt be, here is nothinge amended but abuses: which to be amended no good man will I wene be angrie withall. But what say yow nowe maister Horne to the whole ec∣clesiasticall iurisdiction that the Frenche clergie practi∣sed? What became of yt? Did the king take yt away, or no? Whie are ye tounge tyed M. Horne to tell the truth, that so freelie and liberally, yea and lewdly to, lie againste the truth? Wel: seing that ye can not wynne yt at Maister Hornes hands good reader, ye shal heare it otherwise. The effecte and finall resolution then of this debate was, that the kinge made answere to the forsayd bishop of Sans, de∣maunding his resolute answere, in the behalfe of the whole clergy: that the prelates shoulde feare nothinge, and that they shoulde not lose one iote in his tyme: but that he woulde defende them in theire righte and customes: neither woulde he geue to other an example to impugne the Churche. Where∣vppon the Bisshoppe in the name of the whole clergie gaue to the kinge moste humble thankes. Howe saye yowe good reader, hath this man any more shame then hath a very Horne? And dareth he to looke hereafter any honest man in the face?

Yet he wil say that Paulus Aemilius sayth, that the King was fayne to make this sharp and seuere Lawe. Why? Cā Pau∣lus Aemylius, tell better what was done, then your other authour Bertrande, being presente and playing the chiefe parte in this play, and setting yt forth to the world, to your perpetual ignominie, with his own penne? Wel: tel vs then, what Paulus sayeth. Marie saye yowe, Paulus reporteth that composuit rem sacerdotum: he did set in order the mat∣ters

of the Priestes. But who speaketh of your sharpe and seuere Lawe? Wil not cōponere rem sacerdotū: agree with al that I haue told out of Bertrand himself? Is now cōponere rē sacerdotū: to be englisshed, to make a sharpe and a seuere law? Suerly this is a prety expositiō, ād a try me tricke of your new grāmer. Your Authour Aemilius vseth his word cōpo∣suit, valdè, aptè, & compositè, very aptly and fytlie. But you M. Horne with your gaye and freshe interpretation doe no∣thing else, but Lectori fallacias componere, deceyue and be guyle your reader, or to speake more fytely to our pur∣pose, ye doe nothing else but Legem Philippi nomine compo∣nere. counterfeyte a lawe in Philippes name: whereof your authour Aemilius speaketh nothing. For Aemilius decla∣ring a notable victory that this King had ouer his enemies, saith: that the victory obteyned, and after that he had made his prayers and geuen thankes therefore to God and to his blessed Martyres, composuit rem Sacerdotum: he set in order the Priestes matters. Then doth he shortly specifie, that the foresaide Petrus Cunerius complained vpon the clergy for the hearing of many matters, that appertayned to the kīges secular cowrte: and that the foresaid Bertrandus made him answere, declaring amonge other thinges, that their beste Kinges in Fraunce, the most florisshing and the most nota∣ble were euer the greateste patrons and defenders of the clergies liberties: and that the other that impugned the same, came to a miserable and wretched ende. He saith fur∣ther, that the Kings answere being from day to day prolō∣ged, the said Bertrandus with a nomber of the prelates vpō S. Thomas of Canterburies day, went to the Kinge, ad∣monishīg him that S. Thomas in the defence of the Church liberties vppon that daye, spente his bloud and lyfe. The

King at the length answered that he wuld rather encrease, than impayre the Churches right. Wherevpon all rendred vn∣to him thankes: and the Kinge purchased himselfe thereby the name of a Catholike King. Ye heare, good reader, an other maner of exposition of ••om••osuit remsace••dotum, by theau∣thour him self, then is M. Hornes gaye lying glose made in his theeuish Cacus denne. And therfore with these words, wherewith Aemilius beginneth his narration, M. Horne endeth the narration, to putte some countenance vpon his false and counterfeite Lawe. The clergy then enioyed still their liberties and iurisdiction, which ordinarilye they had before, either by Law, or by custome and priuilege, though as I said many causes were but temporall. Al the which tē∣poral causes, the said Petrus Cunerius, by the way of cōsul∣tation only and reasoning, declared by some coulorable ar∣guments, to belong to the Kings cowrte onely. But for ex∣cōmunicatiōs, synodical decrees, examinatiōs of mēs beliefes, ād such like he maketh thē not as ye bable tēporal matters, nor abridgeth the clergies iurisdiction therein, but onely repro∣ueth certayne abuses therin committed, forthe which and for the other the clergy promised a reformation.

Let vs nowe see your policie, ād to what benefit of your cause ye doe so lie? Imagyne (yf ye wil) that al were true, ād for ones we will take you for Philip the French King: and your Law made in your Cacus denne, to be in as good force as yf yt had ben made in open parliament in France. What issue ioyne you thereof? what due and ordinate consequēt is this: the Frenche King maketh a seuere lawe against the clergie, vsurping his iurisdiction: Ergo the Pope is no Pope: or, ergo the King of England, is the Pope of Englande? A∣gayne, yf al are temporal matters, howe standeth yt with

your doctrine, especially of this booke, that ye and your fellowes, shoulde busie your selfe therewith? Neither will yt ease you to say, that ye doe yt by the Princes commissiō: for Cunerius, vppon whome ye grounde all this your talke dryueth his reason to this ende, that spirituall men be not capable of temporall iurisdiction, and therefore this com∣mission will not serue you. And yf ye holde by commis∣sion, take heade your commission be well and substan∣cially made. But of this commission, we shal haue more oc∣casion to speake hereafter.

M. Horne. The .136. Diuision. pag. 82. b.

In England at this tyme many abuses about Ecclesiasticall causes, vvere refourmed, (although the Pope and his Clergie, did earnestly (.448.) mainteine them) by Kinge Edvvard the .3. vvho vvrote his (.449.) letters to the Pope, admonishing him to leaue of his disordered doings, and vvhan that vvould not serue, he re∣dressed them by act of parliament, and (as Nauclerus saith) he commaunded that from thence forth, no body should (.450.) bring into the Realme any kind of the Popes letters, vnder the paine of drowning, and expelled al persones out of his kingdome, that were by the Pope promoted to any benefice.

The .32. Chapter: Of Edward the .3. King of England.

Stapleton.

THis argument also is right futely to the precedent, as resting vpō the reformīg of abuses, in matters Eccle∣siastical. But I pray you tel vs no more M. Horn of reformīg of abuses, if you wil ani way furder your presēt cause, except

you tell vs withal, and proue it to, that in such reformation, the whole clergy, and the temporalty, tooke the Kinge and not the Pope to be the supreame head Gouernour, and di∣recter thereof, and of al other Ecclesiastical causes also. Ve∣rily your own authors shewe playnely the cōtrary. And the Popes authority was at this tyme takē to be of such weight and force, that the great league made betwē our Kīg ād the Frēch King was cōfirmed by the Pope. Ye wil perhapps re∣plie and say, the Popes whole Authority was abolished, a commaundement being geuen vpon paine of drowninge, no man shoulde bring into the realme any kinde of letters from the Pope. Ye wil tel vs also, of certaine letters, that the Kinge sent to the Pope admonisshing him, to leaue his disordered doings: and when that woulde not serue, he re∣dressed them by acte of Parliament. Why doe ye not M. Horne laye forth the tenour of those letters, which as yet I finde not in any of your marginall authours? Belyke there lieth some thing hidde that ye woulde be loth your reader should knowe, least yt bewray your weake and feble argu∣mente, as yt doth in dede. Neither that only, but directlye proueth the Popes primacy. Did this Kinge, wene you M. Horne, cal the Pope Antichrist as ye doe? Or wrote he him self supreame head of the Churche of England? Or did he abolishe the popes authority in England? Harken then I pray you, euen to the beginning of his letters. Sanctissimo in Christo Patri Domino Clementi diuina prouidentia sacrosan∣ctae Romanae ac vniuersalis Ecclesiae summo pontifici, Edwardus eadēm gratia rex Francorum & Angliae, & dux Hiberniae de∣uot a pedum oscula beatorum To the most holy father in Christ the Lorde Clement by Gods prouidence the high bisshop of the holy and vniuersall Churche of Rome, Edward by

the same grace King of Fraunce and England, and Duke of Ireland, offereth deuoutly to kisse his holy feete. He calleth the Pope, Successorem Apostolorum Principis, the successour of the prince of the Apostles: he desireth the pope to consider the great deuotion and obedience, that the King, the Cleargie, and the people had shewed hitherto to the Sea of Rome. He saieth, vt nos & nostri, qui personam vestrā sanctiss. & sanctam Rom. Ecclesiam dominari cupimus, vt de∣bemus, &c. that he and all his, did desire euen as their dutie was, that his holy person and the holy Churche of Rome, might gouerne and rule.

Now M. Horne vnlesse vppon some sodayne and newe deuotiō ye intende to haue the pope beare rule in England againe, and will also offer your selfe, yf neede be, to kysse the Popes fote to, wich thing this great and mighty Prince was not ashamed to say, tell vs no more for shame of these letters. Neither tel vs of disorders reformed nowe al∣most two hundred yeares agoe: to make thereby an vn∣seasonable and fonde argumente to abolishe all the Popes authority in our Dayes. The effecte then of those letters were, to pray, and that most humbly, the Pope, that he woulde not by reseruations, collations, and prouisions of Archbishoprykes, Bishoprykes, Abbeis, Priories, and other dignities and benefices, bestowe any ecclesiasticall lyuinges in Englande vppon straungers and aliens. The whych thyng hath bene euer synce straitly sene to, and there were two Actes of parliament made in this Kinges dayes, agaynst the sayed prouisions. And yet did the popes ordinarie and laufull authoritie in matters and causes ec∣clesiasticall remayne whole and entiere as before. Ney∣ther doe I fynde, nor take it to be true, that suche persons

as were promoted by the Pope, were expelled the realme. Nor did the statute take place againste suche, as had taken before the enacting of the same, corporal possession. As for Nauclere, it is no maruell yf he being a straunger doth not write so exactely of our matters. And no doubte he is de∣ceiued in writinge, that the kinge forbad any letters to be browght from the Pope. But what say I, he is deceiued? Nay, you, that should knowe Englishe matters better then he, especially such as by penne ye set abrode into the face of the worlde, are deceiued, and not Nauclerus. Yea rather ye haue wilfully peruerted Nauclerus, and drawen his sen∣tence, as Cacus did Hercules oxen, backwarde into your Cacus denne: and to beguile and deceiue your sim••le rea∣der, and to bring him, into a fooles paradise, therin fond∣ly to reioyce with you, as thoughe this King abolisshed all the Popes authority and Iurisdiction. For thoughe Naucle∣rus his wordes be general, yet they may be wel vnderstan∣ded and restrayned to suche letters as conteyned any suche collatiō or prouision inhibited by the statute. But you, least this shoulde be espied, haue altered the forme and order of your authours wordes, placing that firste, that he placed laste. As before cōtrariewise, ye placed in Paulus Aemilius that laste, whiche he placed firste. Then haue ye falsly trā∣slated your authour to wrye him to your wrōgful purpose. He expelled sayeth Nauclerus) all persons promoted to any benefice in his realme by the Pope, commaundinge vnder payne of drowning, that no man shoulde exequute there, the Popes letters what so euer they were. Your authour speaketh not of bringinge letters, into the Realme: (those are your owne wordes falsly fathered vpon him: but of exequutiō. And therefore the generall wordes following (what so

euer) are to be restrayned to the exequution of the Popes letters, contrarie to the order taken, against the sayde pro∣uisions, and of none other. Whiche statute doth no more take away the Popes ecclesiastical and ordinary authoritie, then this kinges royall authority was taken away, because the Parliament vppon reasonable causes denied him a cer∣taine paymente that he there demaunded. And yet yf I shoulde followe your vayne and humour in your newe rhetoryke, I might thereby aswell inferre, that the people toke him for no king as you by as good argumentes inferre the abolishing of the Popes authority. Nowe as towching theis prouisiōs, they were not altogether abolished against the Popes will. For this matter, was lōg in debate betwene the Pope and the king, and at lengthe yt was agreed by the Pope, that he woulde not practise anye more suche pro∣uisions. And on the kinges parte, it was agreed, that Arch∣bishoppes and Bishops should be chosen by the Chapter of the cathedral Church without any interruption or impedi∣mente of the king. As appeareth aswell in the sayde epistle sente by the king to the Pope as by our chroniclers.

M. Horne. The .137. Diuision. pag. 82. b.

Next to Levves vvas Charles the .4. chosen Emperour, vvho helde a councel at Mentze vvith the Prelates and Princes, in the yere of the Lorde 1359. vvherein he much reproued the Popes Legate for his disorders, and cō∣maunded the Archbishop of Mentze to reforme his Clergy, and the disorders amongest them, for othervvise he would see to it him selfe. (.451.) The Popes Legate seing hovv the Emperor tooke vpon him, gate him to his shippe, and saylled to Colayn as one that fledde away. VVith (.452.) vvhiche doynges, the Emperour became very famouse, for he was a man of great vvorkes. VVho did lyghten the king∣dōme of Bohem••, bothe vvith the setting foorth of Religion, and vvith the discipline of Lavves, and good manners.

The .33. Chapter. Of Charles the .4. Emperour. And of Nilus the Bisshop of Thessalonica.

Stapleton.

THis man runneth on his race stil, to proue the Empe∣rour Charles the .4. also the Supreame heade of the Churche, because he reproued the Popes Legat, and other of the Clergy for disorders. Goe ones to the matter, M. Horne, and proue to M. Feckenham, that Charles toke either him selfe to be head of the Church, or the Pope not to be the Head. Was not this Charles crouned by Pope Innocentius his Legate? Did not this Charles geaue the vsuall othe that Emperours make to the Pope? And did he not at the Popes commaundemente voide out of Italie, straight after his coronation? If ye denie it, ye shal finde it in your owne Authour Nauclerus. Yf ye graunt it, being the principal, why do ye so trifle in other things, that touch not the principal matter standing in variance betwene you and M. Fekenham? These are but fonde floorishes of your rude rhetorique. And I may resemble your doings well to a dead snake: whose taile and hinder partes, the head being cut of, and the snake slaine, do notwithstanding for a while moue and sturre, yea and make a resemblance of life. Euen so, the head of your serpentine and poisoned argumentatiō against the Popes primacy, being at al times by the true and faithful declaration of the saied Primacie, against your false arguing, as it were with a sharp sworde cut of: yet make ye by telling vs of reformation, and such bie matters a counte∣naūce and resemblaūce of some truth, or as it were of some life in your matter ye take in hād to proue. And truly your bie matters to, are cōmonly brought in very malitiously, ig∣norātly, erroneously, ād foolishly, as wel otherwhere, as euē

here also. For to leaue then other things, what folly is it for you to proue by this storie the like regiment in this Empe∣rours time, as is now in England (for if ye proue not this, ye proue nothing to the purpose) confessing your selfe, that the Popes Legat was present in the Coūcel with th'Emperor? And wel ye wot ye haue no Popes Legate in your cōuoca∣tion. But what was the disorder M. Horn, in the Popes Le∣gate? Because he will not tell it you, good Reader, ye shal now heare it at my hands. Sir, saith the Emperour to the Legate, the Pope hath sent you into Germanie, where you ga∣ther a great masse of mony, but reformation in the Clergie ye make none. At which words the Legat being gilty to him∣self, went away. Now what inferre you hereof, M. Horne? Do not these words necessarily import the Popes Primacy in Germany? And that the reformation of the Clergy was at the Popes ordering, not at the Emperours? Is not there∣fore M. Feckenhā much boūd vnto you, that he hath of you so tractable and gentle an Aduersarie?

But the Archebishop of Mentz also (you say) is commaū∣ded to reforme his Clergy. I āswere. If ye had told the cause withal, ye had surely deformed al your Geneuical Clergie. The occasiō was, for that one Cuno a Canon of his Church, there presēt, wēt in a cap or hood, more lay like ād souldior like, then Priestlik. What think you thē this Emperor would haue said to your brother Smidelinus the pastor of Gepping, that preached openly before a great assemblie of the nobi∣litie in Germany, in his Maisters liuery girded with a wod∣knife by his side? Or to the late Caluinist Ministers in Ant∣werp, of whō some preached in clokes and rapiers by their sides? What likīg would he haue had in your bretherns late booke made in the defence of their Geneuical apparrel, ād

for the vnfoldīg of the Popes attierment, as they cal it? And therfore the Quenes most excellēt Ma. hath don very wel her self to see to these disorders, as ye said thēmperor would see to it him selfe. He said so in dede. But how? To doe it by his authority? No. But cōmaunding the Archbisshop to see to the reformatiō of his Clergy in their apparrell, their shoes, their heare, and otherwise. And withal he said, yf the disordered persons would not redresse their abuses, then should they leese the profites and issues of their benefices: the which the Empe∣rour would employ with the Popes cōsent to better vses. And so haue you of your accustomable liberalitie and goodnes, broughte to our hande one Argumente more for the Popes superiority. This hath your Author Nauclerus. And as for your brother Gaspar Hedio, though he rehearse al the resi∣due, word by word, in a manner, out of Nauclerus, yet these three poore wordes, cū volūtate Papae, weighed so heauie a∣gainst your new primacy, that he could not carrie thē with him. And you to be sure, tell vs that the Emperour saide he would see to it hī self. But how he would see to it, that would you not your Reader should see, least he should see withal, not your Charles, but the Popes primacie. This your dissi∣mulation is badde inough. But whē ye adde, with the which doings th'Emperour became very famouse: I suppose your vnhonest dealing throughout all your booke practised, will make you famous to, and yet to your no great cōmendatiō, but to your great shame and infamy. Your Authors say not, nor can wel say, he was famouse for these doings. And then come ye in as wisely, with your, for he was a wise man, ctc. Nauclerus saith in dede, he was a renouned Emperour, not for the causes by you aboue rehearsed: but for some other that he afterward reciteth: and nothing seruing your, with

the which doings, &c. The doings that made this Charles the 4. so famous (if ye list to know, M. Horn) were that with his greate charges and bountifulnes he erected the Vniuersitye of Praga in Boheme, that he founded manye Monasteries, that he brought the bodie of S. Vitus to Praga, and such like: Which you had as litle lust to recite, as you haue to follow. Only you say he was famouse for setting forth of Religion. A man woulde thinke that knewe you, that he was a setter foorth of your religion forsoth. But if you had tolde vs (as your Author telleth you) that he builded Monasteries, and translated Saints bodies: Euery child should haue sene, that this setting forth of Religion in Charles▪ was no such suprem gouernment as you should proue to M. Fekenham, but was (to say al in few words) a setting forth of Papistrie. See you not, M. Horne, what a faire thread you haue sponne?

M. Horne. The .138. Diuision. pag. 83. a.

At this time vvrot Nilus the Bisshop of Thessalonica, declaring the (.453.) only cause of the diuision betvvene the Greke and the Latine Churche to be, for that the Pope vvould not suffer free and General Councels to be cal∣led by the Emperours, according to the aūcient custome: and that his autho∣rity is not by the lavve of God, but by the positiue Lavves of Princes, graunted only, because that than Rome vvas the greatest Citie in the vvorld, and hath no prerogatiue of Christ or Peter, more then any other Bisshoprique.

Stapleton.

A faire pleasurely, for one Schismatique to plead vppon the Authority of an other Schismatike. As if you would say M. Horne: Aske my fellow, if I be a theefe. For both the Author Nilus, and the first setter forth therof, Flaccus Illy∣ricus, are knowen and notorious, the one a Schismatike, the other an Heretik. And therfore what so euer ye here bring oute of Nilus bookes, it weigheth no more, then if yowe brought Illyricus him selfe, or Luther his Maister.

And to saye the truth, it is nothing but an heape of vn∣truthes: not only on your Authours parte, but on youres also, ouerreaching him shamefully, as I shall anon declare. But as for your authour, if he would haue considered no more but his owne predecessours the Archbisshoppes of Thessalonica, he should haue found, that they almost one thousand yeares before, had an other and a better iudge∣ment of the Popes authoritie: and were at that time the popes Legates for the Easte partes: as well appeareth by Pope Leo his epistles, to Anastasius Bishop there. And that the Pope had the principal charge of al churches, by Gods owne ordinaunce: contrary to the saying of your schisma∣tical authour of so late yeres. And yet as bad as he is, he doth litle relieue yow. For he graūteth the Pope to be Pa∣triarche of the Weste Churche. And so is he, (thowgh he were not the Chiefe absolutelye) yet our patriarche and cheif Bishop: and therfore cheiflie to be consulted in all greate and weighty ecclesiastical affayres. Againe though he be badde inoughe, yet is he the worse for coming into your fingers. For where you make him to say, the only cause of diuision betwene the Greke and the latine Churche was, for that the Pope wil not suffer free ād general Coūcelles to be cal∣led by the Emperours &c. There is no suche thinge in Nilus (I haue of purpose perused him ouer neither in the Greke nor in the Translation of Flaccus Illiricus. It is your own Captayne and Notorious vntruth.

M. Horne. The .139. Diuision. pag. 83. a.

Kinge Richarde the .2. called a Councel at VVestminster (saieth Polydore) wherein it was thought good to the Kinge and the Princes for the weale of his realme of Englande, if a parte of the Popes authority were bounded within the limites of the

Occean sea, (he meaneth that it vvere driuen out of the Isle of Britaine) (.454.) wherefore it was decreed, that hereafter it shoulde be lawfull to no man, to trie (.455.) any cause before the Bishop of Rome: nor that any man be publikly pronoūced wicked or enemy of Religion, that is to wit, as the cōmon people terme it, be excōmunicate by his authority: nor that if any mā haue any such cōmaūdemēt frō him, they execute the same. The pe¦nalty ordeined to those that violate this lawe, was, that losing all his goodes, he shoulde be caste into perpetual pryson.

The .34. Chapter: Of Richarde the seconde, Kinge of Englande.

Stapleton.

HEre lo, M. Horn at lēgth strayneth vs very sore. For nowe all suytes to Rome are quite cut of. Neither can the Pope send any excommunication into En∣glande. What may we then say to helpe our selues? Shall I lette the matter goe, and let yt shifte for yt selfe as yt may, and reason againste the man and not the matter, and tel M. Horne, least he waxe to proude and want on, for this great triumphaunte and victoriouse argumēte, that yf a man that is excommunicated, is (as he expoundeth yt) a wycked man, and a enemie of religion, that him self and his fellowes had neade to loke wel abowt them, beinge accursed, not only by many Popes (which now M. Horne careth not a rushe for) but by many national and general coūcelles also? Or shal I tel him that, suyte to Rome for excommunicatiō, is but one braunche or arme of the Popes authority? And that the residewe of his authority stoode in strengthe and force styll? And so that he proueth not the lyke regimente that nowe is, in the which, the whole papal authoritye is vtterly bannished? Or shall I say, that God punished the

kinge for his attempte and as he toke away the Popes au∣thority: so he loste all his owne very shortly after: and loste bothe crowne and kingdome miserably? Or shall I say this lawe died with the kinge, and was neuer after vntill our dayes put in vre? Or shall I say that, thowghe all the Popes authoritie were bannished by this statute out of England, M. Hornes newe supreamacy will not therof followe, but that the supreamacy in matters ecclesiasticall, remayned in the Bishoppes, especially in Thomas Arondell Archbi∣shop of Canterbury, who kepte coūcelles and synodes: and determined matters ecclesiasticall without the kinges cō∣sente therunto, by whose prouincial constitution Mayster Horne and his fellowes are declared excommunicate par∣sons and heretikes for the hereticall doctrine, that he and they maynteyne contrarie to the catholike faith? Or shall I yet ones againe appeale not to Rome, (leaste M. Horne charge me with a terrible premunire) but euē to some do∣mesticall Iudge, and I greatly passe not, yf yt be to a quest, of lawyers of his best frendes, to be tried by them, yf they can fynde any suche lawe in the Statutes of oure Realme? Againe shall I appeale to an other Queste, euen of his owne nighe neighbours in Winchester schole, to be tried by them, yf I falsly accuse M. Horne, of a moste vntruth and false translation? Or shal I appeale to his deare frendes the Logitioners at Oxford or Cambridge, and be tried by them, yf I say not true, saying now and auouching to M. Hornes owne face, that his owne allegation out of Polidore, directly proueth the Popes Primacie, and es∣pecially the customable and ordinarye suytes to Rome? I will then holde my self at this stay: and I will ioyne with him for these three poyntes.

First then I auouche, that there is no suche presidente to be shewed among the statutes of our realme: and further that neuer any suche was made in the tyme of this kinge. Secondly I affirme, that M. Horne hathe either of deape and grosse ignorance, or of cankered malice, maymed or mangled his authours narration, and depraued and peruer∣ted his manifeste meaning, by a false and counterfeite tran∣slation. The wordes of Polidore are these. Concilium habi∣tum est ad Westmonasterium: eo in Concilio regi pariter at{que} principibus visum est è republica sua Anglicana fore, si pars aliqua imperij Romani Pontificis Oceano terminaretur, quod multi quotidie vexarentur ob causas quas Romae non facilè co∣gnosci posse putabant. Quapropter sancitum est, vt nulli mor∣talium deinceps liceret pro quauis causa agere apud Romanum Pontificem, vt quispiam in Anglia eius authoritate, impius religionis{que} hostis publicè declararetur, hoc est, excommunica∣retur, quemadmodum vulgò dicitur: néue exequi tale manda∣tum, si quod ab illo haberet. Sincerely translated thus they stande. A Councel (sayeth he) was called at Westmynster, wherin yt was thowght good to the king and his Princes, for theire common weale in Englande, yf a parte of the Popes authority were bounded within the lymytes of the Occean sea: because many were dayly troubled and vexed for causes, which they thowght, coulde not be well hearde at Rome. Wherfore yt was decreed, that yt should be lawfull for no man to sue to the Pope for euery cause, to haue any man in Englande by his authority publikely pronoun∣ced a wicked man and an enemie of religion: that is (as the people commonly terme yt) to be excommunicated. And that, if any man haue any suche commaundement, he doe not exequute yt.

The statute then doth not embarre, as ye most shameful∣ly pretend, all suites to Rome, nor all excommunications, from the Pope: but only that it should not be lawfull to sue to Rome, and procure excommunications, indifferently as wel in temporal as in spiritual matters: as it seemeth many did then. And this doth nothing acrase the Popes ordina∣rie authoritie. Now that this is the meaning, your Authour him selfe sufficiently declareth. First when he speaketh but of a parte of the Popes authoritie: then when he sheweth that men sued to Rome for suche causes, as were thought could not be heard there: which must nedes be temporall causes. And therefore ye ouerhipped one whole line and more, in your translation, thinking by this sleight so craftely to conueie into your theeuish Cacus denne, this sentence, that no man should espie you. And for this purpose where your Authour writeth, pro quauis causa agere, that is, to sue for euery cause, Ye translate, to trie any cause. As though it were al one to say. I forbidde you to sue to Rome for eue∣ry cause, and to saie: I forbidde you to sue to Rome for any cause. And as though your Authour Polidore had writē: pro quacunque causa agere, to trie any cause at al. The sta∣tute therefore doth not cut of al suites, but some suites: that is, for suche matters as were temporal, or thought so to be. Wherevppō it wil followe, that for all spiritual matters the Popes iurisdiction remained vntouched, and nothing blemi∣shed. For these woordes of the statute, that men shoulde not sue in euerie cause to Rome, imploye some causes, for the whiche they might sue to Rome. And so for all your gaie Grammar and ruffling Rhetorique, the Popes autho∣ritie is confirmed by this statute, whiche ye bring againste it. And this King Richard confirmed it, and was redie to main∣teine

it not by words only, but by the sworde also. And therefore caused to be gathered fiftene thousand fotemen, and two thousand horsemen, and sent them out of the real∣me to defende Pope Vrbane against his ennemie and Anti∣pope Clement. You on the other side, in this your victo∣riouse booke, haue brought a iolie sorte of souldiers to the field, to fight against the Pope, but when all is well seene and examined, ye doe nothing but muster lies together a∣gainst the Pope, as he did men, to fight for the Pope. A farre of, and vppon the sodaine, an vnskilfull man would thinke, ye had a iolie and a well sette armie: but lette him come nigh and make a good view, and then he shal finde nothing but a sorte of scar crowes pricked vppe in mans apparell.

M. Horne The .140. Diuision. pag. 13. a.

The Churche of Rome at this time vvas marueilouslie torne in sunder vvith an horrible Schisme, vvhiche continued about fortie yeares, hauing at ones three heades, calling them selues Popes, euerie one of them in moste despitefull vvise, calling the other Antichriste, Schismatique, Heretique, tyraunt, thiefe, traitour, the sonne of perdition, sovver of Cockle, the child of Beliall, &c. Diuerse learned men of that time inueighed againste them all three, as Henricus de Hassia, Ioan. Gerson, Theodorych Ny∣em, Secretarie before this, to Pope Boniface, vvho proueth at lardge by (.456.) good reasons, by the vvoorde of God, and by the Popes Decrees, that the refourmation of these horrible disorders in the Chuche, belong to the Emperour, and the Secular Princes. Sigismunde the noble Emperour, vn∣derstanding his duetie herein, amongest other his notable Actes, called a Councell togeather at Constantia, and brought againe to vni∣tie the Churche deuided in three partes: whiche Councell (saithe Nauclerus) beganne by the Emperours cōmaundemente and industrye, in the yeare.1414. To the vvhiche Councel came Pope Iohn before thēmperors cōming, thinking to haue (457) outfaced the Councell vvith his pretensed authoritie, till the Emperoure came: vvho

geauing to all men in the Councel free libertie to speake their mindes, a great companie of horrible vices, were laied straight way to his chardge To the vvhich vvhen he vvas not able to ansvvere he vvas (.458.) deposed, and the other tvvo Popes also, and an other (459) chosen chieflie by the Emperon••s meanes, called Martin the fifte. After these things finished, they entred into communication of a reformati∣on bothe of the Clergie and the Laitie, to vvhiche purpose the Emperour had deuised a booke of Constitutions, and also vvilled certaine learned Fathers there, but specially the Bisshoppe of Camera, a Cardinall there presente, to deuise vvhat faultes they could finde, and hovve they shoulde be ••edressed, not sparing any degree, neyther of the Prelates, nor of the Princes them¦selues. VVhiche the Bisshoppe did, and compiled a little booke or Libell entituled: A Libell for reformation of the Churche gathered togeather by Peter de Aliaco, &c. And offered to the Chur∣che rulers, gathered togeather in Constaunce Councel, by the commaundemente of the Emperoure Sigismunde. & cet. In this Libell of refourmation, after he hathe touched the notable enormi∣ties in the Pope, in the Courte of Rome, in the Cardinalles, in the Prelates, in Religious personnes, and in Priestes: in exactions, in Canons, and De∣cretalles, in collations of benefices, in fastings, in the Diuine Seruice, in Pi∣ctures, in making festiuall daies, in making Sainctes, in reading theyr le∣gendes in the Churche, in hallovving Temples, in vvoorshipping Reli∣ques, in calling Councelles, in making Relligious souldiours, in refourming Vniuersities, in studying liberal Sciences, and knovvledge of the tongues, in repairing Libraries, and in promoting the learned: After all these thinges, being (.460.) Ecclesiasticall matters or causes, he concludeth vvith the dueties of Princes for the looking to the reformation of these matters, or any other that needeth amendement. The sixth (saieth he) and the last consideration shall be of the refourminge of the state of the Laie Christians, and chieflie the Princes, of whose manners dependeth the behauiour of the people, & cet. Let them see also, that they repell all euill customes contrarie to the lawe of God, and the lawe of man in their subiectes, by the Coun∣cell of Diuines and other wise men. Also lette them see, that they pul vppe by the rootes, and destroy more diligently then

they haue done, Magicall Artes and other superstitions con∣demned by the lawe of God, and all errours and heresies con∣trarie to the Faith. Item that they watche and care earnestly for the exalting of the Faith, and the honour of Goddes ser∣uice, and the refourming of the Churche, that they labour and trauaile diligently for the reformation of althose things which are mentioned afore, or here folowing, or anye other thinges profitable, & caet. VVhen this booke vvas thus compiled, it was of∣fered vppe to the Councel (saith Orthvviuus) that the most Chri∣stian Emperour Sigismunde had called togeather, not so much for the agreemente of the Churche, as for hope of a generall reformation of their manners: hoping verelye, that the Pre∣lates woulde put to their helping handes, but the Romaine craft beguiling the Germaine simplicitie: the new made pope featly flouted the vvell meaning Emperoure, saying that he vvoulde thinke on this matter at laisure, & caet. Thus vvas Sigismunde the Emperour misused, vvhiche othervvise might seeme to haue bene borne to haue restored Christianitie to the vvorlde againe. The frustrating of this refourmation, vvas on the o∣ther side, no lesse grieuouse vnto the Frenche Kinge, that bothe before the time of the Councell, and in the Councell vvhile, had greatly trauailed in taking avvay the Popes ex••ctions, and other Ecclesiasticall abuses, vvher∣vvith his Realme vvas vvonderfully oppressed: as appeareth in the Ora∣tion that the Frenche Kings Embassadours made in this Councell, vvritten by Nicol. de Clemangijs, and set forth in Othvvynus Gratius far∣dell of notable things.

After this Councell, vvas an other holden at Basil, vvhither came the Princes of Spaine, Fraunce, Hungary, and Germany: vvhiche dooinges of the Princes made pope Eugenius so to feare, that he (.461.) thought to translat the Coūcel to Bononia. But the Emperour and other princes, and the prelates whiche vvere at Basill, not onlye not obeyed him, but tvvise or thrise admonished him to come thither. This ••••pe vvas in this Coūcel (.462.) deposed in the .34. sessiō. Of this Coūcel, the Em∣perour Sigismōde vvas the chiefe, and protector, and in his absence appointed the Duke of Bauaria in his roome. He caused the Bohemes to come to this

Councell. And whan he hearde of those matters in Religion, which were generally agreed vppon, he allowed them, and commaunded them to be obserued.

The .35. Chapter. Of Sigismund and Friderike the .3. Emperours.

Stapleton.

MAister Horne, for goddes sake remember your self, and what ye haue taken in hande, to proue to M. Fekenhā, that is, that the Quene of Englāde owght to be supreame head of the Churche of Englande, and not the Pope. Remēber I pray you how weighty this is to M. Fekenham as for the which, beside this his longe imprison∣ment, he standeth in daunger of losse of lyfe also. Goe ones rowndly to your matter and bringe him some fytte and cō∣uenient proufe to perswade him withal. Ye rūne on a thre leaues following, with the doinges of the Emperours Si∣gismonde, Friderike, and Maximilian, and then at length after all your busie rufle and greate turmoyle againste the Pope, ye come to kinge Henry the .8. and to our owne dayes. Nowe howe litle the doinges of these Emperours proue their supreamacie in all causes ecclesiastical, euerie childe may see. And to beginne with Sigismond: we heare of you, that in the tyme of the great and mayne schisme, he called a councell at Constantia, where three Popes were deposed, and that thē Martine the .5. was (••he••st••r by the Em∣perors meanes) chosen. We heare of a booke of reformatiō offred to themperour, for the abuses of some matters ec∣clesiastical. But in al that boke there is not one word either against the Catholike faythe, or for M. Hornes heresies. Onely he reherseth vp certayne abuses, which he woulde haue amended.

And as for our matter nowe in hande, he sayth expressely that the Church of Rome beareth the Principalyte or chief rule in Christes Church: deriued principally from Gods ordinaunce, and secondarely from the Coūcels. What doth this relieue you M. Horne? We heare farder, that themperour and other princes would not suffer the pope to trāslate the Councell of Basile to an other place: and finally that the pope Eu∣genius was deposed in the foresayd Councell at Basile. But what serueth all this for your purpose? Yea what shameles impudencie is this for yow, thus to vaunte your selfe, vppō the doings of these two councels, that cōdemne your great Apostle Wiccliffe for an horrible heretyke, and so conse∣quently al your Geneuical doctrine now practised in Eng∣land? And ye must remember, that not themperour, but the Councel deposed these popes, that is, the bishops. You doe fynde theire sentence definityue, in the .34. Session of the Councel of Basill by your selfe alleaged. But for the sentēce definitiue of themperour, for theis depositions, or any mat∣ter of religion, ye shall not fynd. Ergo the bisshops were the heads, and not themperour. And so are ye nothing the nea∣rer for the deposition of Eugenius. Who yet, this depositiō notwithstanding, continued pope still (as M. Iewell him selfe witnesseth against you M. Horne) and the duke of Sa∣uoye (of whome ye make mention in your nexte argumēt) elected in Eugenius his place, by the sayde councell, was fayne to renounce his papacy, as your selfe confesse. And notwithstanding so many and so great princes, that ye name withstode the translation of yt, yet was the councell of Ba∣sill translated to Ferraria first, and thē to Florence: where the greke Emperour and the Grecians were reconciled to the vnity of the Church, and among other things, acknowled∣ged

the Popes Primacy. So that ye haue nowe lost all your goodly schismaticall argumentes that ye haue in this your book brought out of Nilus and otherwise for the Grecians rebellion against the sayd primacy. But what doe you tell vs here of Theodorike Nyem, and of his greate and large proufes, that the reformation of the Church belonged to the Emperours? In dede proue he would such a matter. But as for him, bothe his maner of writing is so course, and his proufs so weake, that you were ashamed to bring any one of thē into the face of the opē Court. And in very dede, it is but a great vntruth of yours so to reporte of him. Namely out of that booke and Chapter which you alleage. For ther he bringeth neither good reason, nor any parte of the word of God (both which you auouche him to bring, and that at large) but only one sentence of a decree, and the exāple of king Theodorike, in the matter of pope Symachus: which matter (as I haue before proued) maketh expressely for the popes primacy. Such a discrete writer you haue picked out to help forward so badde a matter. But to let this mā passe, I will nowe aske yow whether thēperour toke pope Mar∣tinus for the head of the whole Church, or no? Yf ye say he did, as the force of truth will cōpell you, then to what ende haue ye so busied your self with the doings of this Empe∣rour? Yf ye say he did not, thē wil I send you to your owne authour Nauclerus of whom ye shall heare, that not them∣perour, but the Cardinals elected Martinus: and that them∣perour as sone as he was elected, fell flatte and prostrate before him, and with much reuerence kissed his feete. Now againe if as ye say, he allowed, and commaunded such thinges as the councell agreed vppon in matters of relligion to be obser∣ued (this agreemēt being as it was in dede against your new

religiō) what doe ye, but blowe your own cōdemnatiō, ma∣king it as strong as may be against your own self? How Em¦perours haue cōfirmed councels, I haue oftē declared. This therfore I let passe, as a stale argumēt, according to promise.

But now let me be so bold, as ones to appose you M. Horn. Who was (I pray you) at this tyme, supreame head of the Church in England? Did king Henrie the .5. take him selfe (trowe ye) to be this head? I suppose ye dare not say it for shame. And if ye dare, thē dare I be so bold to tel you, it is a most notoriouse lie: and withall that in case it were so, yet did he euē about the same time that Wiccleff and his schol∣lers were cōdemned in the Coūcell of Cōstantia, cōdemne thē as fast by act of parliament in Englād. And it was (I may say to you) high time. For your good bretherne had cōspi∣red to adnulle, destroy, and subuert not only the Christian fayth, ād the law of God, ād holy Church within the realm: but also to destroy the kīg, ād al maner of estats of the realm aswel spiritual as tēporal: ād all maner of pollicy, and finally the lawes of the lād. As it is more at large cōprised in an act of parliamēt, made at that time. In the which it was ordey∣ned, ād established, that: first the Chauncelor, Treasorer, Iustices of the one bench ād of the other, iustices of peace, Sherifs, mayors baylifs of cities ād townes, ād all other officers hauing the gouer∣nance of people, or that at any tyme afterward shulde haue the sayd gouernaunce, shuld take an othe in taking of their charge to put theire whole power and diligence to put out, cease ād de∣stroy al maner of errours and heresies, cōmonly then called Lol∣lardries, within the place where they exercised theire offices. And thus neither abrode, nor at home, can ye fynde any good matter, for the defence of your newe primacy, and your damnable heresies.

M. Horne. The .141. Diuision. pag. 84. b.

After the death of Sigismonde, Frederike the Emperour caused the Duke of Sauoy, that vvas made Pope, to renounce his Papacy, and commaun∣ded by his Decree, the Prelates gathered at Basill, to dissolue the Councell by a certaine daie. This Emperour called a Coū∣cell at Mentze, to make an ende, and vtterly to take away the Schisme of the Church, and to deliuer it from more greuous daungers. He vvriteth to the Frenche Kinge thereof, declaring hovv this Schisme did so oppresse his minde, and feruētly sollicite him, that as well for his loue to Religion, as for his office called of God, to be the chiefe aduocate of the Churche, he did not onely runne with diligence to succour it, but stirred vp al kin∣ges and Princes, that with a pure sinceritie, delighted in the name of Christe, to runne with him in this so necessary and healthfull a worke, and to this purpose, he declareth hovve, he hath appointed to all his princes and prelates an assembly at Mentze, whereat he entendeth to be personally present, and therefore desireth the Frenche kinge also to bee there in his ovvne persone, or at the least that he vvoulde sende his Ora∣tours thither, instructed distinctly vvith all vvaies and meanes, by the vvhiche the Churche might be quiet from the calami∣ties ready to fall on her. Pope Eugenius sent to the Frenche king, to desire him to take a vvay his (.464.) pragmaticall Lavve. To vvhom the king ansvvered, that he vvould haue it kept inuiolatly. Then the Pope de¦sidered the king neither to admit •••• Basill coūcel, nor yet the coūcel at Mētze, that vvas called: to the vvhich the kīg ansvvered, that he vvold take aduise.

Stapleton.

Here is small or no matter for M. Hornes newe Prima∣cie, and that he here reherseth maketh rather agaynst him, then with him. For though M. Horne sayed in the last ar∣gument, that pope Eugenius was deposed, yet is he nowe pope styll, and thother set in his place, faine to geue ouer: And though the princes would not obeye Eugenius, for the dissoluing of the Councell of Basile: yet nowe it is dis∣solued

by the Emperour Friderike also. And what answere so euer the French King made to Eugenius, touching the sayed Basile Councell, the Councell is no further allowed in the Catholike Church, then Eugenius and his successour Nicolaus did allowe the same. And (as ye shewe your selfe) themperour Friderike saieth, that by his office he was cal∣led of God, to be the chiefe Aduocate of the Church. He saieth not, the chiefe head of the Church, the which ho∣nour he did attribute, not to him selfe, but to the Pope only, of whome he was crowned, as his predecessours were. These also are but stale wares, and much woren. And for such I let them passe. As for the Frenche King and hys pragmatical sanction, which Charles his predecessour had made, and whiche he at the requeste of Pope Eugenius, would not reuoke: it contained no such matter, as you M. Horne doe attribute to princes nowe, neyther was that gouernement like to that which you nowe defend. This pragmaticall sanction stode most about monye matters: It denied to the Court of Rome, the great payements which went out of Fraunce, about Reseruations, collations, ex∣pectations, and cōmendoes of bishoprickes, prebendes and benefices. Great and long contention there was betwene certaine Kings of Fraunce, as Charles the .vij. and the .viij. Loys .xj. and .xij. Frauncis the first, and certaine Popes, as this Eugenius, Pius .2. Sixtus .4. Innocentius .8. Alexander .6. Iulius the .2. and Leo the .10. as Duarenus a vehement wri∣ter for the French Kings aduantage mencioneth.

But notwythstanding all these matters, the Popes su∣preme Authoritie in matters of Fayth and ecclesiasticall Iurisdiction was not denied. For witnesse hereof I bring you the wordes of the Court of Paris, vttered among the

Articles which they proposed to the King, about this mat∣ter, as Duarenus him selfe recordeth them. In the number .19. thus they say. Ante omnia protestatur Curia &c. Before all thinges the Court protesteth, that it mindeth not to dero∣gat any thing from the holynesse, dignity, honour, and Autho∣rity of the Pope and the holy Apostolike See. But rather it is rea∣dy to shewe and exhibit, all honour, reuerence and obedience, that euery godly and faithfull person ought to shewe to the chief Pastour of the Churche. And yf any thing fall out, worthy of amendement, it refuseth not to submitte them selues to the de∣termination of the Church, which can not erre. C.A recta .24. q. 1. By which allegatiō they proteste to meane the Church of Rome. For so in that place we reade out of the Aunciēt decretal epistle of Pope Luci{us} .1. How thē do you proue M. Horn by this exāple the like gouernement in the Church cau∣ses, as you now attribute to the Q. Mai. and as you take vpō you here to proue? Graūte M. Horn to the See Apostolike now, as the Court of Paris graūted thē, and thē looke howe and with what conscience you may take the Othe, which now you defend, or by what reason you cā moue M. Fekē∣hā thereunto. I would haue you ones brīg some exāple, that made not playn against you, and your whole booke.

M. Horne. The .142. Diuision. pag. 85. a.

Pius the seconde, sent his Legate the Cardinal of Cusa, into the coun∣treis of Sigismond Duke of Austria, vvhich Legate, when he woulde haue ordeined certain (.465.) Ecclesiasticall constitutions ac∣cording to the Popes Lawe: Sigismonde the Duke, would not suffer that such a custome should come into Germany.

Aeneas Syluius, vvho after he vvas made Pope, vvas called Pius the seconde, vvas of this minde before he vvas Pope, that secular Princes might cal councels, yea, (.466.) maugre the Popes head, and therefore commen∣deth that deuise of Charles the Frenche king which (saith he) is both a

saulf and a short way to stil this mischiefe. He meaneth to take a∣vvay the Schisme and to restore vnity to the Churche. Of the same (.467.) minde also vvas ••is Cardinal de Cusa, as appeareth in his booke, De Cō∣cordia Catholica, saying. By that which is a foresaide, it is gathe∣red, that the holy Emperours alwaies, made the Synodical cō∣gregations of vniuersal councels of the whole Chu••che: and euen so I my selfe, hauing sought throughly the Actes of al the vniuersal councels, euen til the eight councel inclusiue, cele∣brated in the time of Basil, I haue found it to be true: and so al∣so in the same eight Synod in the fift Act therof, we reade, that the most reuerende priest Elias and Syncellus, of the trone of Hierusalem in the hearinge of al, spake thus: Knowe you that in the tymes past, they were the Emperours, which gathered together Synods frō out of the whole vvorld, ād they collected their deputies, to the disposing of such maner causes: VVhose steps therfore our Emperor folovving, being also a worshipper of God, hath made this vniuersal Synod. Thus said he there, ād I haue also redde in the litle glosse of Anastasius (the library-keper of the Apostolical sea, who translated the same Synode out of Greke) vpon the same, saying: that the Emperours were vvont to gather vniuersal Synodes from al the vvorld, &c.

The .36. Chapter. Of Aeneas Syluius, who was after, Pope Pius .2. and of Cardinal Cusanus.

Stapleton.

YOu run stil at riot M. Horne, bringing in your matters extraordinarely and impertinently, and yet adioyned with one lye beside. For your autor speketh not of the ordeining of any ecclesiasticall constitution, by the Popes Legat, but that themperor would not suffer him to receiue the profits of the Church he had in commendo, neither any such custome to be brought into Germanye. Ye are then in hande ones agayne that Princes maye call Councelles. But when ye tell vs this owte of Aeneas Syluius, and

tell vs withall, that before he was pope, he was of that minde, that secular princes might call Councelles: if he were not also of that minde being pope, why tell you this tale against your selfe? Had you read M. Horne that no∣table letter of Recantation, which this Aeneas Syluius in his riper yeares and later dayes (after the example of S. Au∣gustin retracting in like maner diuers thinges) sent to the Vniuersytie of Collen, sette forth fewe yeres past in diuers editions, you woulde not for very shame (if any shame be in you) ones haue mentioned the testimony of this man. In that Bulle of retractatiō (forseing as he sayth him self the ob∣iection that woulde be made) he retracteth and reuoketh this errour which in his youthe at the Councel at Basill he had lerned, that the Coūcel was aboue the Pope. In which he declareth at large by what meanes, by whose aduise and counsell, he was first persuaded so to thinke, howe also he was agayne brought backe from that errour, and amonge other meanes by the persuasion of that most lerned Cardi∣nall Iulianus sancti Angeli, who firste at Basill was for the Councell against pope Eugenius, but after (as after him all other) reconciled him selfe to the pope, was his legate in the Councell of Florence, (where most lernedly he confuted the Grekes, and reduced them al (only Marcus of Ephesus excepted) to the Catholike doctrine of the holy Ghoste, and to the vnyte of the Romain Church) and last of al ser∣ued him in embassy against the Turk. He proueth by Scri∣pture, by natural Reason, by Authorytie of the Doctours, that Peter and his successours are the Supreme Vicairs of Christ, that the Church to whome Christ gaue his peace, must of necessytie haue that kinde of regiment, by which peace may most be mayntained and preserued, which only

is the state of Monarchy, where one Heade gouerneth the whole body, and last, by S. Hierom, and S. Bernard that the bishop of Rome S. Peters Successour, is that one Head. Af∣ter al which he cōcludeth. Haec nos de Romani Pontificis Au∣thoritate & potestate sentimus, cui & cōgregare Concilia gene∣ralia & dissoluere datum est: qui etsi filius est propter regenera∣tionem, propter dignitatē tamen pater habetur, & sicut propter regenerationis causam venerari debet Ecclesiam tanquam Ma∣trem, ita & propter praelationis causam praeest ei vt pastor gre∣gi, princeps populo, Rector familiae. This is our Iudgement of the Authoritye and power of the Bisshop of Rome. To whome it belongeth both to summon general Councelles, and to dissolue them. Who though he be a childe of the Churche for his regeneration and newe birthe therein (by baptisme) yet he is for his dignity and office her Father. And as he ought to Reuerence the Churche as his Mo∣ther, because he was borne of her: so he ruleth the Church also, as a Pastour the flocke, as a Prince his people, and as a maister his family, because he is made the Ruler of her. A∣gain in his very last words of that retractatiō thus he spea∣keth to the Vniuersity of Collē. Haec nostra sententia est filij. Haec credimus & profitemur: haec iam senes & in Apostolatus apice constituti pro veritate asserimus: si quae vel vobis vel aliis conscripsimus aliquando, quae huic doctrinae repugnent, illa tan∣quam erronea & iuuenilis animi parum pensata iudicia reuoca∣mus at{que} omnino respuimus. This is (my sonnes) our Iudgemēt. This we beleue and professe. This we now affirm in our old age, ād placed in the Apostolik top. If at any tyme we haue writen any thing either to you or to any other, contrary to this doctrin, al those things we now reuoke and vtterly re∣peale for erroneous, and light opiniōs of youthely affectiō.

Lo M. Horn. For your Aeneas: we answere you with Pius: for your younge, vnkilful and lesse aduised, we answere you by the old, the more lerned, and the better aduised: for your priuat and lay mā (for he had yet takē no holy orders when he returned to the obediēce of Pope Eugenius) we answer you with the Bishop ād the chief of al Bishops. You must re∣mēbre M. Horne, that alwaies: 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.

Next to Aeneas Sylui{us} cometh the Cardin. de Cusa, one that maketh as much for M. Horn as a rope doth for a thefe. Haue you sene M. Horn that Cardinals book, which you allege de Cōcordia Catholica? If not, thē beshrew your frend that told you of hī? If yes, thē tel vs I pray you, how like you him, ād his cōclusiōs in that work? How like you his cōclusiō in the .2. book, proued by the clere practise of the Chalcedō ād the Ephesin Coūcel, fidē Romanae Ecclesiae in nulla Synodo vniuer∣sali retractari posse? That the faith of the Church of Rome cā be reuoked in no vniuersal Synod or Councel generall? For thē what wretches are you, and how cōtrary to the Fa∣thers of the first general Coūcels, and of the first .400. yers, which haue in your pelting priuat conuocations reuoked and cōdēned in so many and waighty points the faith of the Church of Rome? How like you, that he telleth how in the old first general Coūcels, not only the holy ghospels, but al∣so lignū S. Crucis & aliae reliquiae, a piece of wod of the holy Crosse, ād other relikes were layed forth in the midle? How like you that he saith. Ecclesiastici Canones nō possunt nisi per ecelesiasticā cōgregationē (quae Synodus vel coetus dicitur) statui? Canōs or rules touchīg Church matters cānot be determi∣ned but by ā ecclesiastical assēbly, which is called a Synod or cōpany, no doubt but of ecclesiastical persons? For if this be true (as Cusan{us} ther by the practise ād Canōs of the Church

proueth ir most true) thē hath Cusanus vtterly ouerthrowē your new primacy, ād in one lyne geuē you an other pawne mate to your whole boke. For here lo are plainly excluded al Prīces ād other laye magistrats whatsoeuer, who are par∣dy no ecclesiastical persons. How like you that he pronoū∣ceth assuredly and cōstātly, saying. Papā esse rectorē nauiculae S. Petri & vniuersalis Ecclesiae, nemo etiā dubitat. That the Pope is the ruler of S. Peters ship, ād of the vniuersal Church no mā verely doubteth. But how say you M. Horn? doubte you, or doubt you not? How like you again where he affir∣meth ād proueth the same substātially, as whē he saith. Et ve¦rū est &c. And true it is that no iudgemēt of any Synod is auaile∣able, wher the autority of the See Apostolik cōcurreth not? wher be thē your Lōdō conuocatiōs? But how proueth he this? the reason he geueth. Quia semper appellari potest &c. Bicause it may alwaies be appeled, frō the Iudgmēt of that Synod to the See Apostolik. So we reade (saith he) of the Patriarches of Cōstātino∣ple, Flauianus, Ignatius, ād other: so of Athanasius, of Alexādria and other we reade that thei appealed (frō Synods of Bishops) to the See Apostolik. So also Chrysostome frō a Synod of the Aegyptiā bishops appealed to Innocēti{us} the Pope. So Theo∣doretus frō the Ephesin cōuenticle ād his owne Patriarche Maxim{us} of Antioch, appealed to Pope Leo, as I haue other wher agaīst M. Iewel declared: How like you this doctrin of Cusan{us} M. Horn? As also wher he saith again expressely. Fateor de cōstitutionibus fidē tāgētibus verū esse, quòd si Sedis Apostolicae Autoritas nō interueniat, ratae nō sint, imò & ipsi{us} Pō¦tificis cōsensus interuenire debet, cū sit princeps in episcopatu fi∣dei. I confesse it is true of Constitutions concerninge faith, that yf the Authoritie of the See Apostolike doe wante, they are of no valewe, yea the consent of the Pope him selfe ought to concurre in such case, because he beareth

the chiefe rule, in the bishoply charge of fayth. Which last wordes Cusanus had lerned of the Emperours Valentinian and Marcian in their letters to pope Leo, aboue a .xi. hun∣dred yers past. How like you now M. Horn, tel me of good felowship, this Cardinal of Cusa, out of whom so sadly you alleage such a longe processe? Howe so euer you like it, it is of vs, and of euery diligent Reader, very well to be liked, and diligētly to be noted: I meane these testimonies of Cu∣sanus, not bicause he sayeth it, but bicause he proueth it so by the olde practise of the primitiue Churche. But es∣pecially it is to be noted, that this Cusanus writinge this booke De Concordia Catholica, about the time of the Coun∣cell of Basill, and writinge it expressely not for the pope, but againste the pope, for the Authorytie of the Councell aboue the pope, and for the Authoryte of the Emperour as muche as he coulde, yet by the very force of the truthe, which in dede lernedly and paynefully he serched out, he was constrained to say and conclude for the popes Autho∣rytie, as we haue before recited largely and amply, though not in dede so fully and absolutely, as bothe he and Aeneas Syluius afterwarde did, by reuokinge their former errours, in their riper ages. For this Cusan{us} whē he wrote this, was not yet Cardinall, but only the deane of a Church in Coue∣lēce. And in all his positions where he speaketh against the Commō opiniō of lerned mē touching the popes primacie, aboue the general Councel (for otherwise he neuer denied it) he submitteth him self to better iudgement, and speaketh vnder correction. Nowe to drawe nerer to your allegatiō M. Horne, concerning the Emperours Authorytie in cal∣ling of Councels, if you take Cusanus with his whole mea∣ning therein, you shall find small reliefe for your desperat

cause. If you admitte not his whole meaning, nor will not tary his tale out, M. Iewel wil tel you M. Horne: that is no good maner. And he will tell you of a lawe that sayeth. It is againste reason that one man shoulde in parte allowe the will of the dead, (so farre forthe as it maketh for him) and in parte ouerthrowe it, where it semeth to make against him. Lette vs then heare the whole meaninge of Cusa∣nus, concerninge the Authorytie that Emperours haue in callinge, assistinge and confirming of Councelles, euen in that booke where he sayeth all he can for the Emperours. Verely maister Horne in all that booke he neuer calleth the Emperour supreame gouernour in all matters, no not in any matter Ecclesiasticall. He sayeth the Emperour is truly called Aduocatus vniuersalis Ecclesiae, the Aduocat or protectour of the vniuersall Churche. And wherein, he declareth out of the .8. Generall Councel. For, sayth he, as the Authoryte to define and determine those thinges that belonge to the right and vniuersall faythe of Christe is com∣mitted of God to Priestes: so to gouerne, to confirme, and to preserue those thinges that are of God by the Priestes orday∣ned, it is committed to the holy Empire. And this he graun∣teth to the Emperour onely, not to other seuerall prin∣ces and kinges, bicause he speaketh onely herein of mat∣ters touchinge the vniuersall faith of the Church. Where∣in also he so farre preferreth the pope before the Empe∣rour, that he sayeth. Si papa qui in Episcopatu fidei princi∣patum gerit, electum in fide errare inueniret, declarare posset, eum non esse Imperatorem. If the pope who beareth the prin¦cipalytie in the bishoply charge of Fayth, should finde the Emperour elected, to erre in the fayth, he might pronoūce him no Emperor. In the next chapter he proueth very wel

out of the Chalcedon Councell, the Councells of Milleui∣tum and of Cabylon, that in matters properly ecclesiasticall belonging to bishops and clerckes, Emperours and princes ought not to intermedle. Nowe touching the intermed∣ling of Emperours and princes with Councelles, firste he sheweth by the examples of Riccharedus Chintillanus and Sysenandus kinges of Spayne in .iij. seuerall Councelles of Toletum (which also we haue before shewed) with what mekenes, reuerence and humilite princes ought to come to Councells. And wheras in many Synodes, matters also of the common welthe were debated, he declareth by the practise of Aunciente time, that In Synodicis congregationi∣bus &c. In Synodall assemblyes (of particular prouinces) the office of the kinge is to mete there, to exhorte and to strengthē to obey and to execute the ecclesiastical cōstitutions, such as be∣longe to fayth or to the worshipping of God. But in such cōstitu∣tions as belonge to the publike state (of the common welthe) he must together with the bishops define and determine. In all which he ouerthroweth clerely your position M. Horne, as you see. And here after this in the next chapter immedi∣atly foloweth the place by you alleaged: By that which is a∣foresayd it is gathered, that Emperors made alwayes the Synodal congregations of vniuersall Councels of the whole worlde &c. For this he speaketh only of General Councels, adding im∣mediatly in the same sentence, which sentence you quyte cutte of from the ende: Locales verò nunquam eos legitur col∣legisse. But prouinciall Synodes it is neuer read that Em∣perours called. And in the nexte Sentence he concludeth howe he called the generall Councelles. Non quòd coa∣ctiuè sed exhortatiuè, colligere debeat. Not that the Emperour should cal or gather those Councels by the way of force or

cōmaundement but by the way of exhortation and aduise. And this he exemplifieth very well by the Councell of A∣quileia whereat S. Ambrose was present. Vnto the which the bishops were so called by the Emperours Gratian, Valē∣tinian, and Theodosius (as in their epistle the Councel agni∣seth) vt episcopis honorificentia reseruata, nemo de esset volens, nemo cogeretur inuitus: that dewe reuerēce beīg reserued to the bishops, none was absent that listed to come, nor none was forced that listed not to come. Nowe the reason why the Emperour may cal only General Councels, none pro∣uinciall, Cusanus addeth. For (saieth he) when any generall daungers of fayth do occurre, or any other thing that vniuersally troubleth the Church of Christ, then ought the Emperour him self to attende, as a preseruer both of the fayth and of the peace: and thē he ought first of all to signifie to the bishop of Rome the necessyte of a Councel: and requyre his consent for assembling a Councell in some certayne place. As the Emperours Martiā and Valentinian did to pope Leo for the Chalcedō Councell. Inuitā∣tes at{que} rogantes: Inuitinge him and desiringe him. As Con∣stantin the .4. did to pope Agatho for the .6. general Coun∣cell at Constantinople, writing thus vnto him. Adhorta∣mur vestram paternam Beatitudinem, We exhorte your fa∣therly blessednes, vsinge all wordes of gentle intreaty, and none of forceable commaundemente as we haue before largely declared. To be short, Cusanus concludeth al this Imperiall callinge of Councelles in these wordes. Ista sunt & cat. These are the thinges that belonge to the Emperour, tou∣chinge the beginninge of a Councell, that is, to assemble it with exhortation, and with sauegarde, with all liberty, with good custody, all partialytie taken away, and all necessyte of commaundement.

Nowe if you wil knowe, what difference there is betwene the calling of the Pope, and the calling of the Emperour, to a Councel, Cusanus declareth that also shortly by the pra∣ctise of the first Councels thus. Papa vt primus &c. The Pope calleth a General Councel (for of such he speaketh) as the chief, and as hauing a power to cōmaunde, through the principality of his priesthood ouer all bisshops, touching that assembly which cō¦cerneth the vniuersal state of the Church, in the which he bea∣reth the chiefe charge. By the which power committed vnto him, he may commaūd the faithful to assemble, chiefly al priestes subiect vnto him. But the Emperour exhorteth or counselleth the Bisshops, and commaundeth the Laye. Thus much your own Authour Cusanus (M. Horne) concerning the Em∣perours Authority in calling of Councels. I suppose if you take his whole meaning, your cause wil be but weakely re∣lieued by him. And I think you wishe nowe, you had neuer alleaged him.

M. Horne The .143. Diuision. pag. 85. b.

Next vnto Frederike vvas M••ximilian Emperour, to vvhome the Princes of Germany put vp certaine greuaunces in Ecclesiasticall matters, that anoied the Empire, in number .10. Against Bulles, Priuileges, Electiōs, reseruatiōs, expectatiues, Annates, vnfit pastours, pardōs, tythes, ād the spiri∣tual courtes &c. beseching hī, to haue some redresse herin. VVho being moued vvith the admonitions, aduisementes and exhortations of the learned Cler∣gy, and the godly Princes, at the length called a Councel at Triers and Co∣layn, for the redresse of these and other enormities, in the yeere of the Lord: 1512. vvhich vvas the fourth yeere of the moste renoumed King of Englād, King Henry the eight. In this Councel amongest other thinges be∣cause there was a suspicion of a Schisme breedinge, and of greauaunces in the Churche, it vvas necessarily decreed, that the Emperour and Princes electours, vvith other Princes and states of the Empire, should looke about them, and vvel cō∣sult

by what means, these greeues might be taken away most commodiouslie, and the Schisme remoued, and euill thinges reformed to edification. It was decreed also against blasphe∣mours, to paie either a somme of money limited, or to suffer death. And that all men should knowe this decree, it was thought good to the Princes, and states of the Empire, that al Preachers and persones, should at all high feastes preache vn∣to the people thereof faithfully. This being done. Maximilian sette forth a decree for the taking avvaie of the foresaied Ecclesiastical greuaun∣ces: vvherein he declareth, that though of clemencie he haue suffered the Pope and the Clergie herein, as did his Father Frederik: Yet not with∣standing sith that by his liberality, the worshippe and seruice of God hath fallen to decaie, it apperteineth vnto his dutie, whom God hath chosen vnto the Emperial Throne of Rome, that amongest all other moste great businesses of peace and warres, that he also looke aboute him vigilantlie, that the Church perishe not, that Regilion decaie not, that the wor∣shippe of the seruice of God, be not diminished &c. In confide∣ration vvhereof, he prouideth, that a man hauing in any Citie a Canonship or Vicarshippe, enioy not any prebende of an other Church in the same Ci∣tie, &c. Making other decrees againste suinge in the Ecclesiasticall Courtes for benefices, for defence of Lay mens Patronages, for pensions against bulles, and cloked Symonie &c.

After this, the (.468.) Emperour and Levvys the French King, conclu∣ded togeather to call a (.469) generall Councell at Pise: to the vvhich also agreed a great part of the Popes Cardinals. Many (saith (.470.) Sabelli∣cus) began to abhorre the Popes Courts, saying, that al things were defiled with filthy lucre, with monstruous and wicked lustes, with poisonings, Sacrilegies, murders, and Symoniacal faiers, and that Pope Iulius him selfe vvas a Symoniake, a dron∣karde, a beaste, a worldling, and vnworthelye occupied the place, to the destruction of Christendome, and that there was no remedie, but a General Councel to be called, to helpe these mischiefes, to the which his Cardinalles accordng to his othe, desired him, but they could not obteine it of him.

Maximilian the Emperour, being the Authour of it, with Lewes the Frenche King (because the histories doe beare re∣corde, that in times past the Emperours of Rome had wont to appoint Councels) they appoint a Coūcell to be holdē at Pyse.

The .37. Chapter. Of Maximilian the Emperour: Great Gran∣father to Maximilian the Emperour which now liueth.

Stapleton.

THough Maximilian the Emperour redressed certaine grieuaunces, that the Churches of Germanie suffred through paiements to the Romaine Court, as did the French Kings about the same time, yet did he not thereby challenge the Popes Supremacy, but most reuerētly obeied the same, as did (this notwithstanding) the French Kings al∣so, as I haue before declared. Which (to omitte al other ar∣guments) appeareth wel by his demeanour, at his later dai∣es, in the first starting vppe of your Apostle, I shoulde saye Apostata Martin Luther: and also by the protestation of his nexte successour Charles the fift of famous memorie, protesting openlye at his first dyet holden in Germanie at Wormes, that he woulde followe the approued Relligion of his moste Noble Progenitours of the house of Austria, of whome this Maximilian was his Graundfather. Whose Relligion and deuotion to the See of Rome from time to time, his nephew Charles in that assemblye extolleth and setteth forthe as a most honourable and worthy example. Whiche in him howe great it was, if nothing els, yet your deape silence in this place, of so noble an Emperour, vn∣der whome suche importante concurrents befell geaue vs well to vnderstande. For had there bene in him the least

inkling in the worlde of any inclining to your factious sect, he shoulde not thus haue escaped the famouse Chronicle of this your infamouse Libell. And yet verely as wel you might haue broughte him, and Ferdinand his brother, yea and our late Gratiouse Soueraigne Queene Marie too, for example of gouernemente in Ecclesiasticall causes, as you haue broughte Maximilian his predecessour, and a number of other Emperours before.

As for the Generall Councell, that you saye Maximilian and Lewys the Frenche King, called at Pyse, it was neuer taken for anye Generall Councell, nor Councell at all, but a schismaticall assemblie procured against Pope Iulius by a fewe Cardinalles, whome he had depriued of their Eccle∣siasticall honour. And it was called onely by the meanes of the Frenche King in despite of Pope Iulius, for making league with the Venetians, and for mouing Genua to re∣belle againste him. As for Maximilian, he doubted in dede a while (being for the said league offended with the Pope) whiche waie to take, but seeinge the matter growe to a Schisme, he rased that Conuenticle, being remoued from Pise to Millaine, and agreed with Pope Iulius. By whom also, and by Leo the .10. his successoure, this Conuenticle was dissanulled in a Generall Councell holden at Laterane in Rome. To the whiche Councell at length, as wel the Schismaticall Cardinalles, as all other Princes, condescen∣ded. And thus euer, if there be any thing defectuouse or faulty, that you make much of, and that maketh for you: but if the faulte be refourmed, and thinges done orderlye, that you will none of, for that is against you.

As for that you tell vs out of Sabellicus, That many be∣ganne to abhorre the Popes Courtes, &c. not telling vs withal,

where in Sabellicus that should appere, his workes being so large, it semeth to be a manifest Vntruth. For neither in his Aenead. 11. lib. 2. where by the course of time it shoulde be found, neither in Rebus Venetis, nor anye otherwhere can I yet finde it. And therefore vntill you tell vs, where that shamefull accusation was layed in, and by whome, we doe iustlie aunswere you, that it sauoureth shrewdly of a lie.

And yet if all were true, what proue you els, but that then the Pope was an euill man, and his Courte licentiously or∣dered? Whereof if you inferre, M. Horne, that therfore the Prince in England must be Supreame Gouernour, then on the contrarie side we may reason thus. The Pope that now liueth, is a man of miraculouse holinesse, of excellente learning, and no waies reprehensible: His Court also is di∣ligently refourmed, and moste godly ordered (as all that now know Rome, can and do witnesse) Ergo the Quenes Maiestie now, nor no other Prince, can or ought to be su∣preme Gouernour in al causes Ecclesiasticall.

M. Horne. The .144. Diuision. pag. 86 b.

Maximilian the Emperour, Levves the French Kinke, and other Prin∣ces beyonde the seas, vvere not more carefully bent, and moued by theyr learned men to refourme by their authoritie the abuses about (.471.) Church matters, then vvas King Henrie the eight, at the same time King of Eng∣land, of most famous memorie, vvho follovving the humble suits and petiti∣ons of his learned Clergie, agreeing therevpon by vnifourme consent in their Conuocation, toke vppon him that authoritie and gouernment in all matters or causes Ecclesiasticall, vvhich they assured him to belong vnto his estate, both by the vvoord of God, and by the auncient Lavves of the Churche: and therefore promised, in verbo sacerdotij, by their priesthoode, not to

doe any thing in their Councels vvithout his assent, &c. And this Clergie vvas not onely of Diuines, but also of the vvisest, most expert and best lear∣ned in the Ciuil and Canon Lavves, that vvas than or hath bene sence, as D. Tonstall Bisshoppe of Duresme, D. Stokesley Bisshop of London, D. Gar∣diner Bisshop of VVynton. D. Thirlebie Bisshoppe of VVestminster, and af¦ter of Norvvich, and your old Maister D. Bonner, vvho succeded Stok••sley, in the See of Lōdon, and many others: by vvhose aduise and consent, there vvas at that time also a learned booke made and publisshed, De vera differen∣tia Regiae potestatis & Ecclesiasticae, vvhiche I doubte not, but yee haue sene long sithen. Neither vvas this a (.472.) nevv deuise of theirs to please the King vvithal, or their opiniō only, but it vvas ād is the iudgemēt of the most lerned (473) Ciuiliās and Canonists, that vvhē the Clergy are faulty or negligēt, it appertaineth to th'Emperor to cal general councelles for the reformation of the Churche causes, as Phi∣lippus Deciu•• a famous Lavvyer affirmeth. And the Glossator vppon this Canon Principes, affirmeth, that the princes haue iurisdiction in diuers sortes within the Churche ouer the Cleargy, when they be stubbourne, ambitious, subuerters of the faith, falsaries, makers of Schismes, contemners of excommunication: yea also wherein so euer, the Ecclesiasticall povver faileth or is to vveake, as in this Decree. He meaneth vvhere the povver of the Church by the vvorde of doctrine preuaileth not, therein must the Princes authority and iurisdiction take order, for that is the plaine prouis•• in the decree. The vvordes of the decree are as follovv. The seculer princes haue (.474.) oftentimes vvithin the Church the highest authority that they may fence by that power, the Ecclesiastical discipline. But with in the Church the povver (of princes) should not be necessary, sauing that, that thing vvhich the priests are not able to do, by the vvorde of doctrine, the povver (of the prince) may com∣maund, or obteine that, by the terrour of discipline: The hea∣uenlie kingdome dothe oftentimes preuaile or goe forvvarde by the earthlie Kingdome, that those which being vvithin the Churche, dooe againste the faithe and discipline, maye be broughte vnder by the rigoure of princes: and that the po∣vver of the princes, may lay vppon the neckes of the proude,

that same discipline, whiche the profite of the Churche is not hable to exercise: and that he bestowe the force of his authori∣tie, whereby to deserue woorship. Let the Princes of the worlde wel knowe, that they of duety shall rendre an accōpt to God for the Churche, VVhiche they haue taken of Christe to preserue. For vvether the peace and discipline of the Churche be encreased by faithfull princes, or it be loosed: He doth exacte of them an accompt, VVho hath deliuered his Churche to be committed to their povver.

The .38. Chapter. Of kinge Henry the .8. our late Souerayne.

Stapleton.

WE are at lengthe, by the course of tyme which M. Horne hath prosequuted, deuolued to owre owne dayes, and to the doinges of kinge Henry the eight for the confirmation whereof, he hath fetched frō all partes of the world so long, so many, and yet al imperti∣nente argumentes. Belyke nowe for his farewell, and to make vs vppe a plausible conclusion, he will loke more narrowly, and more substancially to the handling of his proufes, and wil perhappe lyke a good oratour in the win∣ding vp of his matter leaue in the readers heartes by some good and effectuall probation, a vehemente impressiō and perswasion of his surmised primacie. He hathe perchaunce reserued the beste dishe to the last, and lyke a good expert captaine, will set his strongeste reasons and authorities, tanquam triarios milites, in the rearwarde. And so suerlye yt semeth he will doe in making vp his matters with fyue authorities that is, of one Diuine, and fowre Lawyers. The diuine being a Spaniard: and of his lawyers thre being straungers, two Italians, and one frenche man, all being ci∣uillians

of late tyme: The fourth being our contryman and a temporall lawyer of our realme. For the Diuine and our countriman the lawyer, he sti••keth not to breake his araye and course of tyme, the one lyuing aboute .900. yeares, the other fowre hundred yeares sythence. Let vs then cōsider his proufes, and whether he doth not, according to his ac∣customable wonte rather featly floute hym, then bring his reader, any matter to the purpose.

You will nowe proue to vs M. Horne, that king Henrie was taken and called the Supreame Head of the Churche of England, and that lawfully. And whie so, I pray you? Mary say ye because the conuocation promised hym by theire priesthod they woulde doe nothing in theire coun∣celles withowte his consente. Why M. Horne, take you this promise to be of so great weight? Dothe the conside∣ration and estimation of priesthod weighe so deaply with you nowe? Ye wil not be of this mynde long. For ere ye haue done, ye wil tell M. Fekenham, that there was none of them al priestes: and that there is but one onely prieste which is Christe. Yet will ye say, a promise they made. Truthe yt is: but vnlesse ye can proue the promise honeste and lawful (which we vtterly deny) then this promise will not relieue you. And, this is but one braunche of the vn∣lawfull supreamacie that king Henry practised: therefore thowghe this doinge were tolerable and probable to, yet vnlesse ye went to a further proufe, ye shall wynne litle at M. Fekenhams handes. I am content to passe ouer the re∣sidewe of his vsurped supreamacie for this tyme I demaūd of you then, what one thing ye haue hitherto browght for to perswade any reasonable man, for this one pointe: that is, that the Bishoppes can determyne nothing in theire sy∣nodes

to be forcible, vnlesse the Prince agree also to yt? Suerlye no one thing. That Bishoppes voluntarely desired their good and catholyke Princes to ioyne with them, yea and submitted sometimes the iudgmente of theire doinges, of theire great humility, to some notable Princes, ye haue shewed: and withall that in some cases yt is conueniente so to be donne. But ye can full ill wynde vp your conclu∣sion vppon this. Which ye forseeing, did shewe vs a tricke of your newe thetorike and fyne grammer, turning conue∣nit into opo••tet: making yt is conueniente, and yt muste be so, all one. Ye will belyke take better handfaste nowe. But wil ye now see his sure handfaste good Reader? Suerly the first is not very fast, as whē he telleth vs owt of Decius, ād owt of the glose of the Canō law, that princes may cal coū∣cels, and that in some cases they haue iurisdictiō in Church matters: wherin we haue alredy sayde inowgh. And how slenderly and loosely this geare hangeth with his assertion, yt is opē to the eye. I trow he sticketh faster to his diuine, thē to his lawyer, and therefore he bringeth in Isidorus ex∣traordinary .900. yeares almost owt of his race and course. Here, here (as yt semeth) is his anker hold, and for this cause aswell the whole allegation is here producted, as also one peace of the same, set in the first page of his whole boke, as a sure marke to direct the reader by: and as yt were a Sam∣psons poste for M. Horne, to buyld his boke vppō. But take good head M. Horne yt be not a true Sampsons poste, and that it bring not the whole howse vpon your own head, as yt doth in dede. Wherunto good reader, seing M. Horne hath chosen this as a notable allegation to be eied on, set∣ting the same in two notable places, I woulde wishe thee also to geue a good eye thereunto, and to see, if it can anye way possible make for him.

I say then M. Horne, that this allegatiō goeth no further, then that the Prince, by his cyuill and worldlye power shoulde assiste and maynteyne the Churche and her do∣ctrine. And that this allegation directly and rowndly pro∣ueth the contrarye of that, for the whiche ye doe al∣leage yt, that is, that yt proueth the ecclesiasticall autho∣ritie, and not the cyuill, to be cheif and principall, in cau∣ses ecclesiasticall. And that in effecte the whole ten∣deth to nothing else but that, as I sayde, the Princes shoulde defend the Churche. I will not stande here in rip∣ping vp of wordes with you, or in the diuersity of reading, and that some old copies haue: who hath committed his Churche to be defended of theire power: and that your (hath deliuered to be committed) seameth to stande in your tran∣slation vnhansomly. I will saye nothing, that credere and committere: is all one in Latin. Let this goe, I finde no faulte with you, for translation, but for yl application. Yf ye had brought this authority to proue, that the prince should defende the Churche (for the whiche ende and respecte it was writen) I woulde say nothing to you. But when ye will bleare our eies and make vs so blinde, that we shoulde imagine, by this saying of Isidore, that the king is Supreame Head of the Churche, or that his assente is necessarie to the Synodes of Bishops and coūcelles, I wil say to you, that the cōtrary, wil be much better gathered of this allegatiō. The very firste wordes wōderfully acrase your newe pri∣macy, and somwhat also your honesty, peruersly trāslating, nōnunquā: which is, somtime, or now and thē, into oftētimes. But let yt be, for nonnunquam, sepe: let them oftētymes haue the highest authoritye in the Churche. Vnlesse they haue yt styll, they can not be called the Supreame Heades in all

causes ecclesiastical. And so theis very words make a good argumēt againste your primacy. But now M. Horne, what is the cause, whie they haue this high authority either som∣times, or oftētimes? Isidore straytwayes sheweth the cause: that they may (as your self translate) fence by theire power the ecclesiastical discipline. Ye heare thē the scope, and final pur∣pose of this allegation, for Princes authority in matters ec∣clesiasticall, that is to defende the Churche. And therefore as I sayde, yt is more sutely, to reade, tradidit defendendam, then tradidit cōmittendā. And for this cause the Emperours call them selues not capita Ecclesiae, not the heades of the Churche, sed aduocatos Ecclesiae, but the aduocates of the Churche, as your self tel of themperour Friderike. Goe we now forth with Isidorus: But first I aske of you M. Horne, that make the Princes to be heades of the Churche, and to haue so muche to doe, in matters ecclesiasticall, that the Bi∣shops can decree nothing that shoulde be auaylable with∣owt theyre special ratification (for the setting forth of the which doctrine ye are content, for this tyme that priestes shalbe priestes, and may sweare by their priesthod, and not by theire aldermanship or eldership) whether suche autho∣rity in Princes be absolutelie necessarie to the Churche or no? Yf ye say no, thē conclud you against your self ād your whole boke. Yf ye say yea, then conclude you against the truthe, and againste your authour, who sayeth, that suche authority of Princes in the Church is not necessarie, but for to punishe those that contemne the worde of doctrine, the fayth, and discipline of the Churche. Of whome haue we receiued M. Horne the worde of doctrine, the faythe and discipline of the Churche? Of the Apostles, and theire successours the Bishoppes, or of the Princes? I suppose ye will not saie of

Princes. Then must ye graunt that for these matters the pri∣macy resteth in the clergy, of whom the Princes thē selues, haue receiued theire faith: ād to whom in matters of faith, and for the discipline of the Churche they must also obey: and as case requireth, set forth the doctrine of worde wyth theire temporal sworde. Whiche if they do not, but suffer throwghe theire slacknes, the faythe and disciplyne of the Churche to be loosed, God, who hath committed his Churche to be defended by theire power wil exacte an accompte of thē, as your authour Isidore writeth and your self do allege. So that now we see euen by your own allegatiō in whom the superiority of Churche matters, remayneth: that is, in the clergy: And that Princes are not the heades but the ayders, assisters, and aduocates of the Churche with theire tēporal authority. And to this ende, all that euer ye haue browght in this your boke cōcerning the intermedling of Princes in church affaires, cā only be referred. And this your own al∣legatiō is aswel a sufficiēt answere to al your argumēts hi∣therto laid furth for the princes supremacy, as a good iusti∣fication of the Clergies primacy.

Wherfore if you harken but to your owne allegation, and will stande to the same as you wil your Readers to do, placing it (as I haue said) in the fore fronte of your booke, you must nedes stand also to the next parcell folowing ma∣king clerely for the Clergies superioritie in Ecclesiasticall causes. These words I mean, that withī the Church the power (of Prīces) shuld not be necessary sauing that, that thing, which the Priests are not able to do by the word of doctrine, the power (of the prīce) may cōmaūd by terror of discipline. And I doubt nothing, but that we are able wel and surely to proue as wel by his other bookes, as by his gathering of all the Councels

together, into one volume yet extāt, that Isidorus thought of the Popes Primacy then, as Catholiques doe now. For an euident proufe wherof, behold what this Auncient and learned Bisshop Isidorus writeth. He saith: Synodorum congregandarum authoritas Apostolicae sedi commissa est. Ne∣que vllam Synodū generalem ratam esse credimus aut legimus, quae non fuerit eius authoritate congregata vel fulcita. Hoc Authoritas testatur Canonica, hoc Ecclesiastica historia com∣probat, hoc Sancti Patres confirmant. The Authoritie of assembling Coūcelles, is committed to the See Apostolike. Neither doe we beleue or reade any General Councell to be ratified, whiche was not either assembled or confirmed with her Authoritie. This to be so, the Authoritie of Ca∣nons doth witnesse. This the ecclesiastical history proueth. This the holie Fathers confirme. Lo you see. M. Horne, what the iudgement of Isidorus was aboue .900. yeres past, howe iumpe it agreeth with the assertion of Catholiques now, and how directly it ouerthroweth yours. This ther∣fore being so sure a Principle on our parte, and so clerelie proued: bethinke your selfe now, M. Horne, how your new Primacie wil be proued by this allegation.

Touching that you saie, This Clergie (in King Henries daies) was not only of Diuines, but also of the wisest, most ex∣pert, and best learned in the Ciuil and Canon Lawes, that was or hath ben sence, as D. Tonstal, D. Stokesley, D. Gardiner, D. Thirlbie, and D. Bonner, by the euident falsehood whiche you practise in alleaging these witnesses, a man may iudge with what fidelitie you haue handled the rest, throughout your whole booke. Who is ignoraunte, that not one of these Reuerent Fathers did sincerely thinke that to be true, which you here impute vnto them? For whereas

all vpright iudgement shoulde come of a mans owne free choise, not stained or spotted either with the hope of pri∣uate lucre and honoure, or with the feare of great losse, the one of those two things which of all other, most forceably carieth men away, from professing their owne conscience, did stoppe those men from saying and vttering that, which otherwise they would most gladly haue vttered: sithens as they were put in hope of al promotion, if they agreed with the Kings will (of which they made, I iudge, the lesse ac∣compte) so disagreeing from the same, they were certaine to loose bothe goods and life, and also their good name, in the shew of the worlde, as who shoulde haue bene put to deathe by the name of Traitours, whiche is the thing that all true subiectes doe chieflie abhorre. Yet you knowe in suche sorte suffered a great many, notable both for lear∣ning and vertue, as D. Fisher Bishoppe of Rochester, Syr Thomas More, a great number of the Carthusians, beside diuerse other of all estates. You knowe also, the matter, then was not so sifted and tryed by learning, as it hath bene since. And we know, they were the secrete snakes of your adders broode, that induced the King to that minde, not any of the Doctours here by you named, who all againste their willes, condescended therevnto.

Howe then are they broughte foorthe for witnesses of your heresies, who for feare of deathe saied as you doe, and that no longer then the foresaid impedimente laie in theyr waye? For when the state of the worlde was otherwise that without feare of deathe they might vtter their minde freely: who knoweth not, that all they who liued to see those daies of freedome, in all theire woordes and deedes, protested that the Pope, and not the King, was head of the

Churche vnder Christ? Neuer hearde you (M. Horne) that when your owne brethren, being arryued before D. Gardiner the Bishope of Winchester, and then Chaunce∣lour of England, had saied, they lerned theyr disobedience vnto the Pope, out of his booke, De vera obedientia, &c. then he aunswered that if they had bene good Scholers, they would haue folowed theyr Maister in his beste, and not in his worste doeinges. Againe, if they had erred through his Authority, whē he was not so wel learned and grounded, they should much more repēt and recāt through his Authority, being nowe better lerned through longer studie, and better grounded through longer experience. And this Doctour Gardiner, when he was moste of your side, in this one matter, yet he was so suspected of the Kinge for secrete conference with the Pope, by let∣ters to be sent by a straunger in the tyme of his embas∣sye on this side of the Seas, that (as Master Foxe repor∣teth) for this verie cause, Kinge Henrie in all Generall Pardons graunted after that tyme, dyd euermore excepte, all treasons committed beyonde the Seas, whiche was meant for the Bishoppes cause: This ys that Doctour Gardiner who at Paules Crosse, in a moste Honorable and full Au∣dience, witnessed not onely his owne repentaunce for his former naughty doings, but also that King Henry sought diuerse tymes to haue reconciled hym selfe againe, to the See of Rome, as who knewe, that he had vnlaw∣fully departed from the vnytie thereof, and had made hym selfe the Supreme Heade of the Churche of En∣glande, altogether vniustly.

This is that Doctour Gardiner▪ who lying in his deathe∣bedde, caused the Passion of Christe to be readen vnto

hym, and when he hearde it readen, that Peter after the denying of his Maister, went out and wepte bitterlie, he causyng the Reader to staye, wept him selfe full bitter∣lie, and saied: Ego exiui, sed non dum fleui amarè: I haue gone out, but as yet, I haue not wepte bytterlie. And is nowe Doctour Gardiner a fitte witnesse for your secu∣lar Supremacy M. Horne?

Marcellinus the Pope being afearde of deathe dyd sa∣crifice vnto Idolles: And the same Marcellinus repen∣ting his vniuste feare, dyd afterwarde sacrifice his owne bodie and soule for the loue of Christe, suffring Martyr∣dome for his sake. Will you nowe proue Idolles to be better then Christe, by the facte of Marcellinus? Or shall not the last iudgemente stande rather then the first? What meane you then to alleage the iudgementes of Do∣ctour Gardiner, Doctour Thirlbey, Doctour Tonstall, and Doctour Bonner, sith you knowe that all those chaunged their mindes vppon better aduise? Or whie died Doctour Tonstalle, in prisonne? Or why lye the other learned godly Bisshops yet in prisonne, if they are of your minde? But if you knowe that they dissente vtterly from you, and yet doe pretende to bring their Authoritie for you, this fact declareth, that you are not only a fond wrangler, but also a wicked falsarie: and that you knowe as well Saint Augu∣stine whome you alleaged before so largelye, and all the Councels and princes with al other Authours by you pro∣ducted, are none otherwise of your minde, then are Do∣ctour Thirlebie, and Doctour Bonner, whome you so im∣pudentlie make to speake as Proctours in your cause, albe∣it they are readie to shedde their bloude against this your opinion.

Once in maner the whole clergy of the Realme sinned most greuously, by preferring the secular and earthly king∣dome, before the Magistrates of the heauēly kingdome. But that sinne of theirs al those now abhor, and haue before ab∣horred, to whō God gaue grace to see the filthines and the absurdty thereof. And surelye vntil the rest bothe of the clergy and of the layety, do hartely repēt for that most fil∣thy and absurd dede, wherein they withdrewe the Supre∣macy from S. Peters successours, and gaue it to the succes∣sours of Iulius Caesar, vntill I say they repent for it, and re∣fourme that minde of theirs, as much as lyeth in thē, they cā neuer be made partakers of the kingedome of heauen: But only they shal inherit the kingdome of the earth, in whose Supremacy they put their cōfidence. You Mayster Horn, haue in dede great cause to make much of this earthly Su∣premacy. For had not the clergy and temporalty geuen that to kinge Henry .8. you and your heresies coulde haue had no place now in the throne of that Bishopprike, which was ordayned not for Robert and his Madge, but for chast prelates, and suche as shoulde preferre the soule before the body, the kingdome of heauen before the kingdome of the earthe, Peter before Nero, Christ before Antichrist. For so I doubte not to say, with the greate Clerke, and most holy Bishop Athanasius, that a Christian kinge or Emperour, setting him selfe aboue bishops, the officers of Christ, in matters of the faythe, is a very Antichrist. Which Anti∣christian facte in dede hathe bene the first gate and entry for all those heresies to enter▪ which the Prince him selfe then most abhorred, and against the which bothe he had lately before made a lerned booke, and did publishe after (but in vayne) for a stay thereof, the six Articles. In vayne,

I say: for the order of dewe gouernement ones taken a∣way, the knotte of vnity ones vndone, the heade being cut of, howe coulde it otherwise be, but false doctrine should take place, a separation from the corps of Christendome shoulde ensewe, and our Countrie a parte of the body fall to decaie in suche matters, as belonged to the Heade, to order, direct and refourme? This horrible sinne Maister Horne woulde make a vertue. But all ages, all Councels, all Princes, yea the holy Scriptures are directly against him, and doe al witnesse for the Pope and Bishoppes against the Prince and lay Magistrat, that to them not to these, be∣longeth by right, by reason, by practise, the Supreme and chiefe gouernement in al causes and matters mere Eccle∣siastical and spiritual.

M. Horne. The .145. Diuision. pag. 87. a.

To this (.475.) effect also vvriteth Petrus Ferrariensis, a notable learned man in the Lavves, saying: Thou ignorāt mā, thou oughtest to know that the Empire (the Emperour) ones in tymes past, had both the swoordes, to witte, both the Temporal and Spiritual, in so much that the Emperours then bestowed (.476.) al the ecclesiastical benefices through the (477) whole world, and more, they did choose the Pope, as it is in C. Adrianus Dist. 63. And the same Petrus in an other place, saith thus: Marke after what sorte and how many vvaies those Clergymen, do snare the Lay, and enlarge their ovvne iurisdiction: but alas miserable Emperours and secular princes, which doe suffer this and other things: you both make your selues sclaues to the Bisshoppes, and ye see the vvorlde vsurped by thē infinit vvaies, and yet ye study not for remedy, because ye geue no heed to vvisedom and knovveleadge.

Stapleton.

YF your law be not better thē your diuinity, we neade not much to feare our matter: And so much the lesse, yf that be true, that a good mery fellowe, and vnto you not vnknowen, reading your boke of late sayd, that he durst lay a good wager, that yf ye were vppon the sodayne well apposed, ye were not able to reade the quotations, by your selfe in the margent alleaged out of this Petrus: and withal, that ye neuer readde that, which ye alleage out of Quintinus, or yf ye did, ye do not vnderstande yt, or at the leaste ye doe most wickedly peruerte yt. But let this goe, as merely spoken: for thoughe ye neuer read the authour, nor can redely at the first (perchaunce) reade your owne quotations, the whole matter being by some of your frēds and neareste affinity brought ripe and ready to your hand, we shal be wel cōtēt frō whēce so euer yt come, so it come at length to any purpose and effect, whereof I for my parte haue litle hope. For what if in the old tyme the Emperours confirmed popes? What if the cleargy vsurpe and intrude in many thinges vppon the seculer princes iurisdiction? Yf ye may herof make a sequele, that either the king of Englād is supreame head of the Church: or that, the vnlawful pro∣misse made by the bisshops by their priesthod (which ye esteme as much as yf they had sworne by Robin hode his bowe) doth bynde them, as a lawfull promisse, I will say, ye are sodenly become a notable lawyer, and worthy to be re∣tayned of councell in greate affayres. I am assured of one thinge, that howe so euer ye lyke him in this poynte, yet for other poynts of this his boke, that you alleage, you like him neuer adeale: As, for the inuocation of Saints: yea for the Popes Primacie, by the which he sayth: A periured man

which otherwise is reiected) may be by the Popes dispensa∣tion admitted to beare wytnes: and that a clerke irregular can not be absolued, but by the Pope. Which followeth the very place by yowe alleaged, with many such lyke, not making very much to your lykinge. Nowe what yf I should say vnto yowe, that you and your authour to, yf he sayth so, say vntruely, affirminge the Emperour to haue both the temporall and spirituall sworde? And what if I should say that there is no more truth in that assertion, than in the o∣ther, that he bestowed all the benefices through the whole worlde? For your chapter Adrianus, that you alleage, speaketh of the Emperour Charles the great who was not Emperour of the whole worlde, nor of halfe Europa nei∣ther, and therfore he coulde not bestowe the benefices of the whole worlde. Yf ye wil say, that your authour saith truly, and ye haue translated truely, for the text is per sin¦gulas prouincia••: I graunt yowe it is so: but yet is it vnskil∣fully and ignorantly translated: for ye shoulde haue sayed, through out euery prouince, or contrey subiect to the Romā empire. For the Romans did call all countries, that they had conquered (Italie excepted) prouinces, and the peo∣ple Prouinciales. I say nothing nowe, that this chapter ra∣ther enforceth then destroyeth the popes primacy. For Charles had neither authority to bestowe the Ecclesia∣sticall benefices, nor to choose the Pope: but as he beinge a mere straunger before, toke thempire at the popes hand, so did he take also this speciall priuilege and preroga∣tyue.

M. Horne. The .146. Diuision. pag. 87. b.

Like as Petrus Ferrariensis attributeth bothe the svvordes, that is, both the spirituall and the temporall iurisdiction to the Emperour:

So (.478.) Io. Quintinus Heduus a famous professour of the lavv in Paris, and one that attributeth so much to the Pope as may be, and much more than ought to be, saith that: In solo Prin¦cipe omnis est potestas: in the Prince (.479.) alone is al power, and thereto (480.) auoucheth this saying of Specu∣lator, De iurisdict. omnium iudicum: Quod quicquid est in regno, id esse intelligitur de iurisdictione Regis: that whatsoeuer is in a kingdome, that is vnderstan∣ded, to be vnder the iurisdiction of the kinge. To vvhich (.481.) purpose he citeth an auncient learned one in the Lavve vvhose name vvas Lotharius, vvho, saith he, did say: That the Prince is the fountaine or welspring of all iurisdictiō and protesteth also him selfe to be of the (.482.) same mind.

The .39. Chapter. Solutions to Argumentes taken out of Quintinus Heduus, a Doctour of Parys.

Stapleton.

LET vs nowe take heede: for M. Horne wonderfully lassheth on, with Io. Quintinus Heduus, and runneth his race with him two full leaues together. And yet for all this sturre, and heapinge Lawe vppon Lawe, we might graunt him, all that euer he bringeth yn, without any pre∣iudice of our cause: and would so do in dede, sauing that the handling of the matter by M. Horne is such as requireth of vs a special specification. Neither can I tell, of all the disho∣nest and shamefull pageantes that he hath hitherto played, whether there be any comparable to this. I can not tell whether his folly or his impudency be the greater: but that bothe excede, I am right well assured. And yet I trowe he owght not to beare all the blame, but may parte stake with his collectour, who hath abused his ignorance, as hym selfe doth abuse his readers ignorance. The answere would

growe longe and bigge, yf I should fully as the case requi∣reth, rippe vp, and open all thinges, and then at large con∣fute them, which at this tyme I intende not: but in vsinge as muche breuity as I may, to lay before thee good reader, and to discipher the fashion and maner of his dealinge. Wherein euen as Medea, fleinge from her naturall father, and runninge away with a straunger, with whome she fell in loue: her father pursuing her, and she fearing to be taken, slewe her yong brother scattering his limmes in the way, therby to stay, what with sorowe, and what with long see∣king for his sonnes body, her fathers iourney: euen so M. Horne running away from the catholyke Church his mo∣ther, with dame heresie, with whose filthy loue he is rauis∣shed, to stay the reader that woulde trace him, and his he∣resyes, for the authours he alleageth, doth so miserably teare them in peces, and dismember them, that yt would pity any good Christian mans harte to see yt, as muche as yt pitied kinge Oëta father to Medea to see that misera∣ble and lamentable sight: and very busie will yt be for him to finde out the whole corps of the sentences, so wret∣chedly cutte and hewed by M. Horne: and here and there in these two leaues so miserably dispersed. We will notwith∣standing trace hī as we may. Thē the better to vnderstād his first allegatiō, ye shal vnderstād that ther is a kind of Iurisdi∣ctiō which is called of the Ciuiliās merū imperiū that is, po∣wer of lyfe ād death: which whether it resteth in the prīce only, or in other inferiour magistrates, the Lawyers do not al agree. Lotharius setled al in the prince: to that opinion Quintinus also inclineth. But then maketh Quintinus an obiection. Whie sayeth he, Howe is yt true, that the prince onelye hath this mere empire or iurisdiction, seinge that we

affirme, the Churche to haue yt also? Whereunto he answereth, that vnder the name of Princes, are cō∣teyned the highe Priestes: from the which our Actes of parliament doe not all disagree, calling Bisshoppes the Peeres of the realme. When we say, saieth he, with Lotharius, that the Kinge is the fountayne of all iurisdiction, we meane as Lotha∣rius doth, not of the Churche, but of the ciuill magi∣strates, vnder the Kinge. The said Quintinus saieth, Gladium pontifex vtrū{que} gestat, exercet alterum Rex solus, quem pontifex etiam desertus a suis, in hostes li∣citè stringit. The Pope hath both the swordes, that is, both temporall and spiritual iurisdiction, yet the King alone, vseth the one of thē, that is the tēporal: the which the Pope may notwithstāding, yf he be forsakē of his own, vse also. But as I was about to tel you out of Quī∣tinus, he saith: Probauimus Ecclesiam Deo militantem se no∣luisse temerè negotijs secularibus implicare, temporalem{que} iu∣risdictionem principibus sponte reliquisse, tam{que} libenter, tam{que} animo prompto & facili, vt regū propria videatur. Id circo scrip∣tum est à Speculatore, quòd quicquid est in regno, id esse intelli∣gitur de iurisdictione regis. We haue proued, that the mili∣tant Church doth not but vpō good cause intermedle with seculer affaires: yea rather geueth ouer to Princes the tem∣porall iurisdiction so gladly and so willinglye, that yt see∣meth to appertayne to the Princes onely. And therefore Speculatour writeth, that what so euer is in a Kingdome, that is vnderstanded to be of the Kinges iurisdiction. And for this some were persuaded, that the spirituall and tem∣porall iurisdiction stode so contrarie one to the other, that one man might not exercise both. But Quintinus hīself mis∣liketh

this opinion, and saith, euen in the said place, where he speaketh of Speculator, that the Church only, ād not the Princes seculer, hath both swordes, and both iurisdictions. And vpon this occasion he doth vehemently inueighe against Petrus de Cug∣nerio of whome we haue spokē, that did so stifflye stand against the Frēch clergy for their tēporall iu∣risdictiō: and prouoked the King Philip Valesius, as much as in him laye, to plucke it away frō the cler∣gie. He calleth him a misshapen parson in body, a most wicked mā, and to say al in one, a very knaue. And thoughe his name were then terrible, and thowgh he would seeme for his great wisedome to carrie al the realme vpō his shulders, yet was he euer after, but a lawghing stock to mē: and because he durst not for shame after this great challēge, shew hīself abrode, as he was wont to do, for M. Peter de Cugnerio, he was called in their tong M. Pierre de Coyner: as a mā would say, M Peter that lurketh in corners.

But wil ye now heare M. Horne this your own authour Quin••inus how he expoūdeth cōposuit rē sacerdotum, that is, how the King set in order the matters of the priests? Wil ye heare also, what sharpe Law he made against thē, as you a∣uouch that he did? He saith of the king. Pronūciauit Ecclesiā, & feuda, & ••ēporalia quae{que} bona propria sibi possidere posse at{que} in illa iurisdictionē habere He gaue sentēce and pronoūced, that the Church might possesse fealtes and other temporal things, ād haue iurisdictiō therein. So much for our first en∣traūce into Quītinus. Wherin beside the shame that ye must take, for your worshipful glose vpō cōposuit rē sacerdotū, first ye see, that he improueth Ferrariēsis ād such like, as attribute

to the Emperour the spiritual and temporal sworde. Then that he is of a quyte contrarie mynde, to that, that ye woulde by a sentence here and there yll fauouredlie, and disorderly patched in, enforce vpon, as thowgh he should thinke, that al iurisdictiō should come of the Prince. Third∣ly it is vntrue that he auoucheth Speculatours saying: He auoucheth as ye haue hearde the contrary. Fowrthly it is vntrue, that he bringeth in Lotharius, to confirme that, which Speculatour said. For he intreateth of Lotharius, be∣fore he alleageth Speculator, and doth not alleage Lotha∣rius for that purpose ye speake of. Fiftly and last, Lotharius is not as ye pretende of this mynde, that all iurisdiction co∣meth of the secular Prince. For Lotharius meaneth not of the clergies iurisdiction, which cometh not of the Prince, but of the iurisdiction of Laye men, which all together de∣pendeth of the Prince.

M. Horne. The .147. Diuision. pag. 87. b.

And vvriting of the Kings povver in Eccle. (.483.) matters or causes, he citeth this Canon Quando vult Deus foorth of the decrees, vvhereuppon he as it vvere commenteth: saying, Thus is the reason vvherefore, it is leaful for the Prince, some vvhiles to determine those things vvhich concerne the Church, least the honesty of the mother (he meaneth the Church) should in any thing be violated, or least her tranquilly should be troubled, specially of them, to vvhom she is committed (meaning the Church Ministers).

Stapleton.

Leaue ones M. Horne, this peuishe pinching and pa∣ring, this miserable mayming and marring of your authours. Your authour M. Horne, geueth two rules: the first for the

authority and matters of the Church saying that, in matter of fayth and synne, the lawe of the Church is euer to be obserued, and therto all princes lawes must yelde: whiche rule he pro∣ueth at large. And thus yow see your owne authour stan∣deth agaīst you, for one of the cheif matters of your booke, wherī ye wil, in al matters to be determined by the Church, that the princes cōsent is to be had. The .2. rule, is touching the prince: wherin he sayth, that it apperteyneth to the kings and princes of the worlde, to desire that the Church theyr mo∣ther, of whome they are spiritually born, be in their tyme in rest and quietnes. And this is the reason, and so forth as your self reherse. What can ye gather of this, that is sayde, that somtyme the princes may determine of thinges touchinge the Church: seyng as ye haue heard before, this determina∣tion toucheth not fayth or synne, nor can be vsed of them generally, but sometymes for the quietnes of the Church?

M. Horn. The .148. Diuision. pag. 87. b.

If there be any other thing, this chiefly is an Ecclesiasticall matter, namely to call or conuocate Councelles (saith Quinti∣nus) But this is the opinion, saith he, of many learned men, that the Emperour may conuocate a general Councel, so often, and for any cause, whan the pope and the Cardinalles be noted of any suspiciō, and doo forslowe ād ceasse, either for lacke of skil: or peraduenture of some euil meaning, or of both, or els whan there is any schisme. Cōstātinus, saith he, called the first Nicene coūcel, the other † three general Coūcels, Gratianus, Theodo∣sius, and Martianus themperours called by their edict. Iustinia∣nus called the fifte general coūcel at Cōstantinople: thempe∣ror Cōstātine .4. did cōuocat the sixt general Coūcel agaīst the Monothelytes. The authority of the kīg Theodorike cōmaun∣ded the Bishops ād priestes forth of diuers prouīces to assemble together at Rome, for the purgatiō of Pope Symachus the first. Carolus Magnus, as it is in our histories, cōmaūded fiue Coū∣cels

to be celebrated for the Ecclesiastical state, to wit, Moguntinum, Remense, Cabilonense, Arelatense, and Turonense. The Pope calleth the Bishops to Rome, or to some other place: the King dooth forbidde them to go, or he commaundeth them to come to his Court or (.484.) Councell: the Bisshoppes muste obey the kinges precept, not onely in this case, but in any other matter what so euer besides sinne: for he that dooth not obserue his bounden fidelitie to the kinge: whe∣ther he be a Bisshoppe, Priest, or Deacon, is to be throwne foorth of his degree or place. For the proufe vvhereof he citeth many Canons out of the decrees, and conclu∣deth thus: to be briefe, this is mine opinion: whan the kinge calleth together the Prelates to a Councell, and to reforme the state of the Church, they are bounde to obey, yea although the Pope (.486.) forbidde it.

Stapleton.

This is our olde matter of calling of Coūcels by princes: wherin you see you authour maketh no general or absolut rule as you doe, but for certayne tymes and considerations: for the which I will not greatly stande with yowe, seinge that your authour confesseth that which we most stand for, and ye stande most against: that the prince in such coūcels, hath not the superiority, but the cleargy. For he saith: I wil that princes be present at such Councelles, but not president. And therfor Quintinus wil not be aduocat, for the bishops, that by their priesthod promised, that they woulde enacte nothing in their synodes without the kings consente. Yet haue ye one prety knacke more in Quintinus to proue the king supreame head, and not the pope. For if the kinge on the one syde, and the pope on the other side call the bis∣shops to a Councell, the Bisshoppes muste obey the kinge, and not the pope: and not onely in this thinge, but in all

other thinges what so euer beside synne. Happie is it, that ye haue putte in, beside synne: for this putteth you quite beside your cusshion, as they say, and beside your matter and purpose. For this is synne, yea and one of the moste horrible kindes of synne, that is a schisme, for any prince or anie other to holde a councell, contrary to the councell summoned by a lawfull Pope. Such neuer had anie good successe as the ecclesiasticall stories euery where reporte. And as Aarons rodde deuoured the roddes of Iamnes and Mambres, and other sorcerers in Aegipte: and as his rodde onely among all the roddes of the schismaticall and mur∣muringe people of Israell, did geue forth yong slippes, and braunches: and for a memoriall was reserued in the taber∣nacle: Euen so, those councells, that the pope gathered or allowed, haue deuoured and abolished all other vnlawful and schismaticall conuenticles. They onely florish, and be in estimation, and are and shalbe for euer preserued in the tabernacle of Christes Catholyke Churche.

I will not walke in the larg felde of this matter that here lieth open: The Frenche kinges doinges onely, whereof ye talke, shall be a sufficiente confirmation for our side, and such stories onely as your self haue browght forth for the strēgthnīg as ye thought, of your purpose: As the coūcel of Rhemes that the kīg Hugo Capet assembled deposing ther, as ye write, the bishop Arnulphus. What was the issue M. Horn? Did not Benedictus the .7. summone an other coūcel euē in the very same city, ād restored Arnulph{us} again? Was not al, that your fayre kīg Philip attēpted agaīst the pope Bo¦nifaci{us} in his coūcels in Frāce brought to naught by a coūcel sūmoned by the Pope as we haue before declared? we haue also shewed how that the Laterā councell abolished the Pi∣sane

conuenticle, that Lewes the Frenche king, and others maynteyned as your self write. Wherfore yf your authour had thus writen, neither his tyme is so auncient, nor his au∣thoritie so great, but that a man might haue sayde, that he was wonderfully deceyued. But it is not he, but you that with your false sleight and craftie cōueiance deceyue your readers. Your authour speaketh not, of two councells, the one summoned by the pope, the other by the king: but spea¦keth of bishops, that held by fealty and homage lands of the king. And then sayth, that quoad feuda & regalia: concernīg theis fealties and royalties, the king is aboue the bisshops, as he is aboue all his other vassals. And therfore if the pope on the one side, send for a bisshoppe, and the kinge on the other side, send for him: concerning his fealty and homage matters, he ought to goe to the king: otherwise he shoulde rather obey the pope thē the king, as appereth (sayth Quin∣tine) in the glose, to the which he referreth hym self. Theis wordes feuda and regalia, haue ye sliely slipt ouer; as though Quintinus had auouched the bishops subiectiō in Ecclesia∣stical matters. You could not otherwise haue decked your margent, with your gay and freshe lying note: that the king is to be obeyed in Ecclesiastical causes, and not the Pope. And so are ye now sodainly become so spiritual and so good an ec∣clesiastical man, that feuda and regalia: are become matters ecclesiastical. Which is as true, as ye may be rightfully cal∣led an ecclesiastical man, hauing a Madge of your owne to kepe your back warme in the cold winter nightes: and by as good reason ye may cal her an ecclesiastical woman to.

M. Horn. The .149. Diuision. pag. 88. a.

The people doth amende or reforme the negligence of the Pastour Can. vlt. dist. 65. Ergo, the Prince also may do the same.

If the Bisshop wil not, or doe forslovve to heare and to decide the controuersies of his Cleargy: the Bisshop being slowe or tarying ouer longe, nothing dooth hinder or stay (saith the Canon) to aske Episcopale Iudicium, the bisshoply iudgement of the Emperour. If it happen that the Priests be not diligent a∣bout the Aultar offices: if concerning the temple, neglecting the Sacrifices, they hasten into kings palayces▪ runne to wrast∣linge places, doe prophane them selues in brothelles houses, and yf they conuert that which the faithful haue offred, to the pleasures of them selues, and of theirs: wherefore shal not the Princes, whome the Catholique Faith hath be∣gotten, and taught in the bosome of the Church, cal againe, and take vpon thē selues the care of this mat∣ter? and so proueth at large by many examples out of the Histo∣ries, and the Lavves, that this care and charge in Ecclesiasticall (.487.) matters and causes belongeth to the Princes, vnto the vvhich examples, he addeth this: In our Fathers tyme (saith he) Kinge Lewes .11. made a constitution, that Arche∣bisshoppes, Bisshops, Abbottes, and who so euer hadde dignities in the Church, or had the cure of other bene∣fices, should within fiue monethes, resorte to their Churches, and should not remoue any more frō thēse, diligently there labouring in diuine matters, and sa∣crifices for the faulfty of the king and his kingdome, and that vnder a great paine of losing all their goods and lands. Here Quintinus doth greuously complain of the dissolute and moste corrupt maners of the Cleargy, vvhereto he addeth, saying: VVherefore than should not Princes cō∣pell this Iewde idle kinde of men to do their dueties?

Stapleton.

May the people M. Horne amende and reforme the ne∣gligence of the pastour? And that by the Popes Lawe to? Then belyke the headlesse people of Germany, and your

headlesse bretherne that of late haue made such ruffle, in these lowe countres here, shal finde some good defence for their doings, to saue the reast from the gybet or from the sacke, which haue not yet passed that way. Then may yt seme a smal matter that the laye people haue by a late Acte of parliamente transformed and altered the olde relligion against the minde of all the Bisshops and the whole conuo∣cation. But your authour saieth. Ecclesiae nihil est licentius, Democratia. There is in the worlde, nothing more perni∣ciouse to the Church of God, then is such vnbrideled liber∣tie of the people, which must be taught and not followed: as he alleageth out of Pope Celestin, ād that but two distinctiōs, before that distinction, which your self alleage. And what great reformation is it M. Horn, that your distinction spea∣keth of? Suerly none other, but that, yf it chaunce all the bis∣shops of one contrie to die, sauing one, and yf he be negligent in procuring the electiō and substitutiō of some other in their pla∣ces, that the people may goe to the bisshops of the contrey next adioyning, and cause them to ordeine some new bisshops. We are also content that yf the bisshops or others be negligent, the prince may compell them to doe their dewty. But then loke wel to your self. For who is more negligent about the Aultars, and worthy to be punished therfore, thē they that throwe downe Aultars? Who neglect the sacrifices but yow that deny the sacrifice and the presence of Christ in the Sa∣cramēt? Who be those but you and your fellowes, that cō∣uerte to the pleasures of thē selues and theires, that which the faithful hath offred to Christ in laying out the Church goods vpō your self, which should haue no parte to thē, being be∣come by your mariage a laye man: and in the mainteyninge ād purchasing for your vnlawful wyues childrē? Now who

be they that prophane thē selues in brothel howses, let the old constitutions of the Churche tel vs. A man would litle think, that ye would euer haue pleaded so agaīst your own self. But what can you bring, (I would fayne know,) that is not against you, in so badde a cause?

M. Horne. The .150. Diuision. pag. 88. b.

If you delight in antiquites (saith he) no man doth doubt, but that in the primatiue Church, the Princes did iudge both of the Ecclesiasticall persones and causes: and did oftentimes make good Lawes for the trueth against falsehood. Arcadius ād Ho∣norius religious Princes doe (.488.) depose a troublesome Bis∣shop both from his Bishoprik, sea, and name. The .13. first titles of the first booke of Iustiniās Code, collected out of the Cōsti∣tutiōs of diuers Emperours, doe plainly intreate and iudge of those things which appertain to the Bishoply cure. For what perteineth more to the office of a Bishop, than Faith? thē Bap∣tism? then the high Trinity? than the conuersation of Mōkes? the ordeining of Clergymen and Bishops? and than many like lawes, which doubtles doe concerne our Religiō, ād Church. But the Nouel Constitutions of themperour Iustinian are full of such Lavves. And least peraduenture some man might sus∣pect, that this vvas tyranny, or the oppression of the Churche, Iohn the Pope doth salute this Emperor, the most Clemēt Son learned in the Ecclesiastical disciplines, and the most Christiā amōgest Princes. Epist. inter claras. De summa Trin. C. Childebertus the King of Frāce, did (.489.) exact of Pelagius .2. the cōfession of his faith and religion: the which the Pope both speedely ād willingly did perfourme C. Sat agendum. 25. q. 1. VVhan I was in Calabria, saith Quintinus, by chaunce I founde a fragment of a certain booke in Lombardye letters, hauinge this inscription: Capitula Caroli. Then followeth an epistle beginning thus: I Charles by the grace of God, and of his mercy, the Kinge and gouernour of the kingdom of Fraunce, a deuout defendour of Goddes holy Churche, and humble healper thereof.

To al the orders of the Ecclesiastical power, or the dignities of the secular power: greeting: And so reciteth all those Ecclesiasticall Lavves and constitutions, vvhich I haue vvriten before in Charles the great. To al which (saith Quintinus) as it were in maner of a conclusiō, are these woordes put to: I will compell al men to liue accor∣dinge to the Canons and rules of the Fathers. Lewes the Emperour, this Charles Sonne, kept a Synode wherein he forbadde all Churchmen, sumptuousnes or excesse in appa∣raile, vanities of Ievvels, and ouermuch pompe. Anno Christi .830. He also set forth a booke, touching the maner and order of liuing for the Churchmen. I doubt not, (saith Quintīnus) but the Church should vse, and should be bounde to such lawes. (meaning, as Princes (.490.) make in Ecclesiastical matters) Pope Leo .3. (saith he) being accused by Campulus and Paschalis, did purge himself before Charles the great, being at Rome, and as yet not Emperour. Can. Auditū. 2. q. 4. Leo .4. offereth him selfe to be refourmed or a∣mended, if he haue done any thing amisse by the iud∣gement of Lewes the Frenche Kinge, being Empe∣rour. Can. Nos si incompetenter. 2. q. 7. Menna whom Gre∣gory the great calleth moste reuerende brother and fellow Bishop, beīg now already purged before Gre∣gory, is (.491) cōmaunded a freshe to purge himself of the crime obiected, before Bruchin••ld the Queene of Fraunce Ca. Menna. 2. q. 4. In which question also it is red, that Pope Sixtus .3. did purge himselfe before the Emperour Valentinian. Can. Mandastis. So (.492.) also Iohn .22. Bisshop of Rome was compelled by meanes of the Diuines of Paris, to recante before the Frenche King Philippe, not vvithout triumphe, the vvhich Io. Gerson telleth in a Sermon. De Pasc. The Popes Heresy vvas, that he thought, the Christian Soules not to be re∣ceiued into glory before the resurrection of the Bo∣dies. Cresconius a noble man in Sicilia, had authoritie or povver geuen him of Pelagius the Pope, ouer the

Bishoppes in that Prouince, oppressing the Cleargie with ve¦xations. Can. Illud. 10. q. 3. The whiche Canon of the law, the Glossar doth interprete to be writē to a secular Prince. in Ca. Clericū nullus .11. q. 3. The Abbottes, Bishoppes, and the Popes them selues, in some time paste, were chosen by the Kinges prouision. Cap. Adrianus .63. dist. And in the same Canō. Hinc est etiam .16. q. 1. Gregorius wrote vnto the Dukes Rodolph, and Bertulph, that they shoude in no wise receiue priestes defiled with whoredome or Symony, but that they should for∣bidde thē frō the holy Ministeries. § Verum .32. dist. in whiche place the interpretours doo note, that Laimen sometimes may suspende Cleargymen from their office, by the Popes cōmaun∣dement: yea also they may excōmunicate, whiche is worthy of memory. Hytherto Quintinus a learned lavvier and a great main∣teinour of the Popes iurisdiction, hath declared his opinion, and that agrea∣ble to the Popes ovvne Lavves, that Princes may take vppon them to go¦uerne in Ecclesiastical (.495.) matters or causes.

Stapleton.

All this processe following tendeth to proue, that prin∣ces haue a gouernemente in causes and matters ecclesia∣stical. We might perchaunce stande with M. Horne for the worde gouernemente, which I suppose can not be iu∣stified by any thing he shall bringe forthe, but we wil not. For we nede not greatly sticke with him for the terme, we wil rather consider the thing yt self. First then ye enter M. Horne with an vntruth, or two. For properly to speake, neither were any princes, that you here reherse, iudges in causes ecclesiastical, thowgh they had therein a certain in∣termedling: neither dothe the lawe ye speake of, tel of any Bishoppes deposed by the Emperours Arcadius and Ho∣norius: but this▪ onely that if any Bishop be deposed by his fellowe Bishoppes, assembled together in councell, howe he shalbe ordered, yf he be fownde afterwarde to attempte

anie thing against the common wealth. Concerning the doeinges of the Emperour Iustinian in matters ecclesiasti∣call: we haue spoken at large alredie. And if he were, as ye terme him moste Christian amongest princes, and lear∣ned in the ecclesiastical disciplines: why doe you not be∣lieue him calling Pope Iohn, that ye here speake of, heade of the Churche, and that in the verie place by you alleaged? What gouernance in matters ecclesiasticall, I praye you was it in Kinge Childebertus, if Pope Pelagius, to auoyde slaunder, and suspicion, that he should not thinke wel of the Chalcedon Councell, sent to the saied King at his requeste the tenoure of his faythe and beliefe? Therefore you doe abuse your Reader, and abuse also the woorde, exacte: whiche signifieth to constraine or compel. And that dyd not the Kinge, but only dyd require or demaunde. Tou∣ching the Emperour Charles, it is I suppose sufficiently an∣swered alrerdye. And if nothing were answered, that youre selfe nowe alleage maie serue for a good answere. For he maketh no newe rules or Constitutions in Chur∣che matters, but establissheth and reneweth the olde, and saieth: He wil compell all men to lyue according to the rules and Canons of the Fathers. Neither doothe he call him selfe heade or Gouernoure of the Churche, but a de∣uoute defender, and an humble helper. But when he spea∣keth of his worldlie kingdome, he calleth him selfe, the go∣uernour of the kingdome of Fraunce. We nede now answere no further for Lewys the Emperour, Charles the great his sonne, then we haue already answered: neither touching Leo the .3. Yf ye say, that the Emperour was iudge in the cause of Leo the .4. I graunt you, but not by any ordinarie authoritie, but because he submitted him selfe and his cause

to the Emperours iudgemēt, as it appereth by his own text and the glose. And it is a rule of the Ciuill Lawe, that yf any man of higher Authority, wil submit him selfe and his cause to his inferior, that in such a case he may be his iudge.

But now at length, it semeth you haue found a laie per∣son, yea a woman, head of the Churche: and that a reue∣rend Bisshop was cōmaunded to purge him self before her. Whie doe ye not tel vs also who cōmaunded him? It was not Brunichildis the Frenche Queene, but Pope Gregorie that cōmaunded him. And when, I pray you? Surely when he had purged him self be∣fore at Rome, before Pope Gregory. And why was he, I pray you, sent to the Queene? Surely for no great nede, but for to cause his innocencie, to be more euidently and clerely knowen. Here by the waie, I woulde aske M. Horne, what authoritie Gregorie had to call this French Bishop to Rome? Hath he not trow ye, by his owne example, pro∣ued the Popes Primacy? And hath he not done the like in the matter of Pope Sixtus? Verely his text saieth: that the Councell which the Emperour Valen∣tinian commaunded to be holden, and before the whi∣che the Pope Sixtus purged him selfe, was assembled by the saied Pope Sixtus authoritie, and that he nea∣ded not to haue made his purgation, but made it vo∣luntarilye to auoyde suspition, not binding his succes∣sours to followe this exaumple, but to be free and at their owne libertie. But this matter I leaue to be handeld more at large by Maister Dorman against Maister Nowell, who maketh (to his seming) gaie sporte therewith.

Then followeth in M. Horne the recantation of Pope Iohn wherof his Author Quintinus speaketh neuer a word, and yet is it here placed in the midle of Quintinus matters, and in a distinct letter. And this patche as it discloseth the grosse errour of the English Apologie, and of M. Iewell in his Replie imputing to this Pope, that he denied the immor∣talitie of sowles: so it proueth nothing in the world the laye Princes primacie, no nor any heresie in Pope Iohn neither. For if he mainteined any such errour, it was before he was Pope. And in case he thought so after he was auaunced to the See Apostolicall (which can not be proued) yet he did not cōmaūd yt to be publikly beleued, by any definitiue sentence or open decree. And therfore as gaily as ye haue garnished your margent: with the Pope an Heretique com∣pelled to recant before the French King, neither you, nor your Apologie, nor M. Iewel, shall take any greate woorshippe thereby: but you must all three (if M. Iewell and the Au∣thour of the Apologie be two) recante, as well as he, and beare him companie. The Apologie and M. Iewel, for slaū∣dering him with a wrong and a farre more grieuous error, then he euer helde. You, as well for reporting this out of Quintinus (who saieth it not) as for your impertinent and foolish plea, pleading thereby for your new secular prima∣cie. Which wil as well follow of this storie, as it is true that Pope Iohn denied the immortalitie of soules. The re∣sidue that followeth, partly we haue answered, as touching Cap. Adrianus .63. Distinct. Partly it may be answered in few wordes: and that is, that it maketh al directly for the Popes Primacie as from whom the laie men that M. Horne spea∣keth of, had al their authority, as appereth by his own exā∣ples. If he would haue proued any thing cōcludingly for his

purpose, he should haue concluded, that the Pope tooke his authoritie of the laie men. Now prouing the contrarye him selfe, he ministreth good matter against him selfe.

M. Horne. The .151. Diuision. pag. 89 b.

Besydes these Lavviers, this vvas the common opinion of the chiefest vvri∣ters of the cōmon Lavv of this realme, as appeareth (.496.) by Braughton in these vvoordes: Sunt & sub rege &c. Vnder the King are bothe freemen and bondemen, and they be subiect to his power, and are all vnder him, and he is a certaine thing or creature that is vnder none but onely vnder God. And againe in the Chapiter the title vvhereof is this. Rex non habet parem, &c. The King hath no peere or equall in his Kingdome: The King (saith he) in his Kingdom hath no equall, for so might he lose his precepte or authoritie of commaunding, sithe that an equall hathe no rule or commaundement ouer his equall: as for the King himselfe ought not to be vnder man, but vnder God, and vnder the law, because the Law maketh a King. Let the King therefore attri∣bute that vnto the Lawe, that the Lawe attributeth vnto him, to wit, dominion and power. For he is not a King in whom will and not the law doth rule, and that he ought to be vnder the Law, Cùm sit Dei Vicarius, sith he is the Vicare of God, it appeareth euidently by the likenes of Iesu Christe, whose vicegerent he is in earth: and vvithin a litle after he concludeth thus: Igitur non debet maior esse eo in regno suo (.497.) Therfore there ought to be none greater then he in his kingdome.

The .40. Chapter. Concerning Braughton, Maister Hornes last Authour.

Stapleton.

HAppie is it, that M. Horne writeth in English, and to English men, and not in Latine. For surelye as oure Countrie hath shutte out the Popes authoritie, yea

ād al maner of ecclesiastical authority, that it shal not passe the Ocean sea towarde it: So may al other nations muche better exclude the authority of a temporall lawyer of our realme that it passe not the sayde Ocean sea toward them. But because our Christian belief (the more pity) is become of late nothing else but a Parliamēt matter, and a matter of commō lawe: and seing we haue estraunged our self from the olde cōmon catholike faith into a late vpstart, and into a priuate and national fayth of our owne, and yet for some colour wil pretend, it was at least the aunciente faythe of this realme, I wil make none exceptiō againste M. Hornes plea, but wil ioyne issue, and cope with him euen with our own lawe, and with his owne authour. And that M Horne shall not say I deale with him hardly and pinchingly, but freely and liberally: I do here offer to be tried, not by the Pope (for feare of a premunire) but by the Iudges of the kinges benche: and by al other the Quenes May. Iudges, yea by all the lawyers of the realme to, that by the cōmon lawe of the realme in Braughtons time the king was not ta∣ken for the head of the Churche, but the Pope. And if M. Horne may proue the contrary to my assertiō, by Braugh∣ton, then dare I offerre in M. Fekenhams name, that he shal take the othe: and if he wil not, I, for my self dare pro∣mise so much, ād wil performe it: and shalbe contēte with∣al, that M. Horne for this his highe inuentiō, shal be made sergeant of the quo if also. Why saieth Mayster Horn, what meane you to say so? Do not I plainly alleage by Braugh∣ton his wordes, that the kinge is vnder none, but onely vn∣der God? That the kinge hath no peere or equall? That there ought to be none greater in his kingdome then the kinge? Yea to conclude, that he is the Vicar of God? Are not these

Braughtons wordes? Do I misreherse them, sayeth May∣ster Horne? And what will ye haue then more, will he saie? Forsoth Mayster Horne we loke for, but three litle wordes more, that is, that ye proue vs owt of Brawghton, that the kinge is the greatest in his realme, and the Vicar of all, not in matters cyuill, which we willinglye graunte you, but for matters ecclesiasticall. Wherof ye haue not yet owte of Braughton browght so much as one worde. And so haue you for all this ioly fetche, fetched in nothing to your purpose, but haue fished all this while in Braugh∣ton all in vayne. Yet is there one thing more we loke for, that is, to haue an honester man, and of better, and more vppright dealing and conscience, then ye are of, to reporte Braughton. And then we haue some hope, that as you can proue nothing by him, for your new primacie: So shall we proue euen by your owne authour, that by the common lawe of the realme, the Pope was then the cheif head of all Christes Churche. And me thincke, thowghe in your texte there is nothing but the duskishe, darke, hornelight of an vnfaythfull and blinde allegation, that yet in your margent, there appereth a glistering day starre, and that the sonne is at hande to open and disclose to the worlde by the bright beames and most cleare light of the catholyque faythe, shyning in youre owne Authoure, ei∣ther your exceding malice, or your most palpable grosse, and darke ignorance. Wherewith for your desertes and spitiful heart to the catholyke faith, God hath plagued you no lesse then he did the Aegiptians. Why M. Horne? Hath Braughtō thē a Title de Papa, Archiepiscopis, & alijs prelatis: of the Pope, Archbishops and other prelats. What? Is there nothing in him but a bare and naked title? What sayeth

Braughton in his text? Doth he say that the Pope hath no∣thing to doe, but in his owne diocese, and no more than o∣ther Bishoppes haue? Doth he say, that he is not the head, and the superiour of al other Bishopes? Or doth he say, as ye saie, that all Ecclesiasticall iurisdiction commeth from the King only? Or doth he say, that the Kinge is aboue the the Pope, and head of the Churche him selfe? Wel. Ye haue seene the starre light in the margent: Nowe shall ye see also, to the vtter destruction of your newe primacie, and to your great dishonestie, for this your detestable dea∣ling, the bright daye light. Ye tel vs out of Braughton, that al, aswel freemen as bondmen, are subiecte to the Kinge his power. You tel vs, the King hath no Peere: what of all this? Tel me withall for what the title of the Pope and Arche∣bishope serueth? Verely it serueth to direct vs to your own confusion and shame. Ye tolde vs euen in the other page of this leafe, that Kinge Childebertus exacted of Pope Pela∣gius the confession of his faith, whiche he voluntarily offe∣red. But suerly the cōfessiō of this matter, wil not come frō you freely and voluntarily, but it must be exacted from you, and brought from you by the verie violence of the moste stronge and forcible truth. Let vs then heare Braughtons owne wordes. He saieth: There is a difference and distinctiō betwen person and person. For some there are, that be in excel∣lencie and prelacie, and be rulers aboue other. As in spirituall matters and those that appertaine to priesthood, our Lorde the Pope, and vnder him Archebishopes, and Bishopes, and other inferiour Prelates. In temporall matters also Emperours, Kinges, and Princes, for suche thinges as apperteine to the kingdom: and vnder them Dukes, Erles, Barons and such other.

Againe he writeth thus in an other place: Sunt enim

causae spirituales &c. There are, saieth he, spiritual causes, in the which the seculer iugde hath no cognition, neither can put them to execution, because he hath no punishement for them. For in these causes, the iudgement apperteyneth to the eccle∣siastical iudges who hath the gouernance and defence of priest∣hoode. There be also Secular causes, the knowledge and iudgemente whereof apperteyneth to Kinges and Princes, who defende the Kingdome, and with the whiche the Cler∣gie shoulde not intermedle: seeing that the iurisdictions of them are sondred and distincted: vnlesse yt be when one sworde muste helpe the other. I truste by this Maister Horne ye doe, or may vnderstand, what is meante, when Braughton calleth the Kinge, the Vicar of God: and saieth, there ought to be none greater then the Kinge in his kingdome. Whiche rule woulde haue bene playner, if ye had added the three woordes following: In exhibitione iuris. That is, in ministring of euerie man ryght and iustice: whiche is altogether ministred in mere prophane and ciuill matters vnder and by the Kinges Authoritie, and whiche woordes are by you nipped quite of verie ministerlyke. We will yet adde the third Authoritie out of Braughton, because it doeth not onely make againste this newe vpstarte Supre∣macie, but aunswereth also as well to the olde Cugnerius, as to our newe Cugnerius (M. Horne) his fonde argu∣mentes against the spirituall iurisction.

Braughton then after that he hath shewed, that there is one iurisdiction, that is called ordinarie, and an other of delegates, and holding by commission, and that as well in the temporall as spirituall Courte: and that these two iu∣risdictions be distincted, and that the Iudges of eche sorte, shoulde take heed, that they doe not intrude vppon the

other: he telleth vs of some particularities, of matters ap∣perteyning to the Churche Iurisdiction. First that none of the clergy may be called before a secular iudge, for anie matter towching the ecclesiasticall courte, or for any spi∣rituall matter, or suche as be annexed and coherent. As when penance is to be enioyned for any sinne or trespase, wherin the ecclesiastical Iudge hath the cognitiō, and not the kinge: for it doth not apperteine to the king or to the temporall Iudge to enioyne penaunce. Neither can they iudge of matters coherent and annexed to spiritual things: as of tithes and suche other: as, concerning mouables be∣quethed in a mans testament, nor in a cause of matrimony. Nor if a mā promise mony for mariage as (he saith) he hath before declared. For in al theis things the clerke may bring the cause frō the tēporal to the ecclesiastical Iudge. And so haue we found M. Horne by the common lawe in Braugh∣tons time the Popes supreamacy in Englande, and not that onely, but also, that aswel Braughton as Quintinus be hard against you and your Petrus Cugnerius for the minishing and defacing of the spiritual iurisdiction: and for your vn∣truth in auowching that the medling with contractes of mariages, enioyning of penaūce, and suche like, are nothing but temporal matters perteining to the kinges iurisdiction. And thus in fine, to be shorte, where your proufes should be strongest, there are they most acrased and feble: ād your fowre lawyers, with your Diuine, proue nothing to your purpose, but al against yt.

M. Horne. The .152. Diuision. pag. 90. a.

Thus haue I sufficiently (.498.) proued, that the Emperours and Kinges, ought, haue, and may claime, and take vpon thē suche gouernement, in Spi∣ritual and Ecclesiastical causes and matters, as the Queenes Maiestye novv

doothe. In confirmation vvhereof I haue bene more large, than other∣vvise I vvoulde, but that the proufe hereof doeth reproue, and fully aun∣svveare the principall matter of your vvhole booke: and therefore I maie vse more briefnesse in that vvhiche follovveth. I haue made proufe vnto you, sufficient to remoue (.499.) your ignorance, both of the mat∣ter, and the vvaie vvherby to knovve, confessed by you in your Minor Proposition. And this haue I done by the selfesame mea∣nes, that you require in your issue. I haue made proufe of the Su∣preame gouernment in Ecclesiastical causes, to belong vnto Kings and Princes, by the expresse (.500.) cōmaundement of God, vvhere he did first describe and set foorth, the duety and office of Kings. I haue made the same more plaine and manifest, by the (.501.) ex∣amples of the moste holy gouernours amongest Goddes people, as Moyses, Iosua, Dauid, Salomon, Iosaphat, Ezechias, Iosias, the Kinge of Niniue, Darius, and Nabugodonosor: vvho expreste this to be the true meaning of God his commaundemente, by theyr practise hereof, so hyghly commended euen by the holy Ghost: vvhervnto I haue added certaine prophecies, forthe of Dauid and Esaie: vvherby it is manifestly proued, that the holy ghost doth loke for, exact, and challenge, this seruice and (.502.) Supreme gouern∣ment in church causes, at princes handes. I haue declared that the Catholike church of Christ, did accept, and repute these histories of the old Testamēt, to be figures and prophecies, of the like gouernmēt and seruice, to be required of the Kinges, in the time of the nevve Testamēt: I haue cōfirmed the same by the manifest Scriptures, of the (.503.) nevve Testamēt: VVherevnto I haue adioygned the testi∣monies of (.504.) auncient Doctours, vvith certain exāples of most godly emperors, vvho being so taught by the most Catholik Fathers of Christs church, did rightly iudge, that the vigilāt care, ouersight, ād ordering of church causes, vvas the chiefest and best part of their ministery, and seruice vnto the Lord. I haue shevved plainly, by the order of supreame gouernmēt in church causes, practised, set forth, and allovved, in the greatest and best Coūcels, both (.505.) General and Nationall: that the same order of Gouernement, hath bene claimed and put in vse by the Emperours, and allovved, and much commended by the vvhole number of the Catholike Bishops.

I haue made plaine proufe hereof, by the continuall practise of the (.506.) like Ecclesiastical gouernment, claimed and vsed by the kinges and Princes, euen vntil the time that you your selfe did allovve, confesse, and preache the same many yeares togeather: All vvhiche to your more contentation here∣in, I haue proued by those Hystoriographers, that vvrote not onely before the time of Martine Luther, least ye might suspecte them of partialitie a∣gainst you: but also suche in dede, as vvere for the moste parte (.507.) par∣tiall on your side, or rather vvholie addicte and mancipate to your holy Fa∣ther: as Platina, Nauclerus, Abbas Vrspurgensis, Sabellicus, Ae∣neas Syluius, Volateranus, Fabian, Polychronicon, Petrus Ber∣trandus, Benno Cardinalis, Durandus, Paulus Aemilius, Mar∣tinus Poenitentiarius, Pontificale, Damasus, Polydorus Virgili∣us, &c. all your friendes, and vvhome you may truste. I vvarraunt•• you, on their vvo••rde, being the Popes svvorne Vassalles, his Chapplaines, his Cardinalles, his Chamberlaines, his Secretaries, his Librarie keepers, his Penitentia••ies, his Legates, his Peterpence gatherers, his svvorne Monkes and Abbottes, as vvell as you, and some of them Popes them selues, vvhich, your friendes saie, can (.508.) neyther lie, nor erre from the truth. And besides all these, the fovver pointes of your issue, according to your re∣queste, proued at large, for the better reducing of you from vvilfull and ma∣licious ignoraunce, to knovve and acknovvlege the inuincible trueth hereof: I haue added to your petition, a fift pointe, vvhiche you tearme a vvoorke of Supererogation. For, to confirme my proufes vvithall, I haue produ∣cted for vvitnesses, your best learned, although othervvise Papishe, Ciui∣lian and Canon lavvyers, vvho haue deposed directlie on my (.509.) side againste you: Namely Doctour Tunstall, D. Stokesley. D. Gardiner, D. Bon∣ner, D. Thirlbie, D. Decius, the Glossaries vppon the Lavv, D. Petrus Fer∣rariensis, D. Io. Quintinus: to vvhome I mighte adde the Ciuilians and Canonistes that vvere in or tovvard the Arches in the last ende of King Henrie, and all the time of King Edvvarde, vvith all the Doctours and Proctours of or tovvardes the Arches at (.510.) this time. VVherefore you vvill novv, I trust, yealde herein, and recken your selfe vvell satisfied, take vppon you the knovvledge hereof, and to be readie to testifie the same vppon a booke othe, for so haue you promised.

The conclusion of the three bookes going before, with a briefe recapitulatiō of that which hath bene saied.

Stapleton.

NOwe doth M. Horne blow out of his iolye Horne, a gloriouse and triumphant blaste, to signifie to all the world, what a renowned cōqueste he hath made vppon poore M. Fekenham. He setteth forth his army to the vewe of the worlde, wherby he sayeth he hath obtey∣ned this famouse victorie: furnished with a number of most holie gouernours amongest Gods people, before the com∣ming of Christ, as Moyses, Iosue, Dauid, the king of Niniue, Darius, and Nabuchodonosor: furnished with the manifest scriptures of the newe testamente, and the examples of the most godly Emperours, with generall and nationall coun∣celles, with the cōtinuall practise of the Churche, with the Popes sworne vassales, his chaplaines, his cardinalles, his chamberlaines, his secretaries, his librarie kepers, his peni∣tentiaries, his legates, his peterpence gatherers, his sworne monks and Abbattes, yea to confirme vp his proufes with∣al, with the testimony of Doctour Gardiner, D. Tonstal, D. Bonner, and D. Thirlbie. And therfore he trusteth that M. Fekenham will nowe at length, yelde and recken hym self wel satisfied, and take the othe of the supremacy.

This is a Royall and a Triumphante conqueste in deede, Mayster Horne, if it be as you vaunte. But yet, I would muche soner beleue yt, yf I hearde any indifferent man besides your self, say as much. For thowghe, as I heare say, you coulde handle your clubbe, your buckler, and your waster wel and cūningly, whē ye were in Cābridge, wher∣of ye wil not sticke as yt is reported, now and thē to talke, when ye are disposed to bragge of your yowthly partes

there played, yet to say the truth, in this combate with M. Fekenham I see no such manlines in you. Neither haue ye plaied so closely, but that a man may easely reache you a rappe vppon the head, armes, or shoulders, and cause you there to cratche and claw with your fingers, where it yt∣cheth not. Yea ye are beaten quite out of the field, with your owne proufes and weapons.

And as for M. Fekhenhā ye haue not fastened vpon him as much as one blow. What speak I of a blowe? No not so much as a good phillip. And therfore wheras ye so brauely bragge, and so triumphaūtlie vaunt, that all is yours, when in dede ye haue lost al, I thinke good to put you in remem∣braunce of the great wise man that Atheneus writeth of: who as often as any ship came to the hauē with marchan∣dize, would runne thither with al haste, and welcome the mariners with great ioye and gratulation, reioycing exce∣dinglie and thanking God that had sent home his Marchā∣dize, so sauflie, and so prosperouslie. For the poore man (such was his wisedome) being owner of no part, thought al to be his. I say, it fareth euen so with you, M. Horne. Of al the good Emperours, Kings, Fathers and Councelles by you rehearsed, crie you as much and as long as ye will, that they are al yours, yet there is not so much as one, yours. Ye haue not brought so muche as one authority directly or in∣directly cōcluding your purpose. Els shew me, but one of al the foresaid Authors that saieth that the Pope hath no au∣thoritie either in England or in other countries out of Ita∣lie. Shew me one that saith either plain words, or in equi¦ualent, that the Prince is Supreme head in al causes eccle∣siasticall. Yea shewe me one, that auoucheth the Prince to be the Supreme gouernour in any one cause mere ecclesi∣astical.

And thinke you now in the folding vp of your con∣clusion, to perswade your Readers, that yee haue them all on your side? Or blush you not to vaunte, that you haue proued your assertion, euen by those that your selfe cōfesse were wholy addicted and mancipated to the Pope? And what can more euidently descrie and betraie your excee∣ding follie, and passing impudencie, then dothe this moste strange and monstrous Paradoxe? But who woulde haue thought, that of all men in the worlde, your Rhethorique would serue you to bring in the most Reuerend Fathers in God by you named, as good motiues to perswade M. Fe∣kenham to take this othe, which for the refusing of the ve∣ry same othe, were thrust out of their Bishopricks, and cast into prison, where yet they remaine, suche as yet liue? This point of rhetorical perswasion, neither Demosthenes, nor Cicero (I trow) could euer attaine vnto.

Seing then all your Rhetorike consisteth in lying, and your triumphant conclusiō is folded vp with a browne do∣sen of seueral vntruthes, allowing you thirteen to the do∣sen, I wil assay M. Horne with more truthe and simplicitie, brefely to vnfolde, for the Readers better remembraunce, and for your comfort, the contentes of these three bookes, wherin you haue plaied the Opponēt, and haue laied forth the best euidēces that you could, for proufe of your straūge and vnheard paradoxe of Princes Supreme Gouernmēt in al ecclesiastical causes. I haue therfore not only disproued your proufes al along frō the first to the laste, but I haue al∣so proued the contrary, that to priestes, not to princes ap∣pertaineth the chiefe gouernemēt in causes Ecclesiastical. In the first boke, your scripture of the Deuteronom, cōmaū¦deth the king to take of the priests, not only the boke of the

lawe, but also the exposition thereof. To your examples of Moyses, of Iosue, of Dauid, of Salomō, of Iosaphat, of Eze∣chias and of Iosias, I haue so answered, that it hath euidēt∣ly appeared the Supreme gouernement in spiritual matters to haue rested in the highe Bishops, Priestes, and Prophe∣tes: not in them: Moyses only excepted, who was a Priest also, not only a Prince of the people. Your idle obiections out of S. Augustin, and of the Donatistes examples, haue nothing relieued you, but only haue bene occasiō to make opē your extreme folly, and to reuele your cousinage with olde heretikes to al the worlde. Your Emanuel hath vtter∣ly shamed you: and your disorderly talke of Cōstantin hath nothing furdered you. Your textes of the newe Testamēt, haue bene to to fondly and foolishly alleged, to set vp that kinde of gouernemēt which Christ and the Apostles neuer spake word of. Last of all wheras you blindely vttered, the state of the Question, as one that loued darkenes and shū∣ned the light, where only Truthe is to be founde: I haue opened the same more particularly, and discouered withal your double Vntruth aboute the tenour of the Othe. Thus muche in the firste booke, beside many priuat matters be∣twene M. Feckenham and you: wherein you haue bene taken in manifest forgeryes, lyes▪ and slaunders. Besides also a Note of your brethernes obediēce to their Supreme Go∣uernours as well in other Countres▪ as in these lowe Coū∣tres, here, and of their late good rule kept, of which I sup∣pose, bothe you and your cause shall take small reliefe and lesse honesty.

In the second booke I haue not only disproued all your pretensed proufes of Princes supreme gouerment in al cau∣ses ecclesiasticall, but I haue in them all directly proued

the popes primacy withall. I haue I say shewed the practise of the former .600. yeres, namely from Constantin the great downe to Phocas, to stande clerely for the popes primacy, I haue shewed that Constantin in all his dealinges in the Nicene Counc••ll against the Donatistes, in the matter of Athanasius, with the Arrian bishoppes, and with Arrius him selfe, neuer practised this Supreme Gouuernement, which you so fondly vpholde: but in al matters Ecclesiasti∣call yelded the gouuernement thereof vnto Bisshops.

I haue shewed, that the Sonnes of Constantin the greate practised no Supreme gouernement at al in any ecclesiasti∣cal cause, much lesse in al causes.

Your next example Valentinian the elder, is so farre frō al gouernement of the lay prince in Ecclesiasticall causes, that he decreed the plaine contrary, yea and made it law∣ful in ciuill matters to appeale to the bishoply Iudgement.

Theodosi{us} the great hath bene proued to be no fitte ex∣ample of your lay supremacy in causes ecclesiastical: But in his exāple the Popes Primacy is clerly proued, namely by a Recōciliation made of Flauianus the intruded patriarche of Antioche to pope Damasus, ād also by the letters of the Ge¦neral Councell holden at Cōstantinople vnder this Theo∣dosius. In that place also I haue shewed by ten seueral ar∣ticles, what and howe farre Emperours may and haue dea∣led in General Councelles.

In the examples of Archadius and Honorius, sonnes to this Theodosius, as their pretēded Primacy is proued to be none, so the primacy of Innocentius, thē pope, is clerly pro∣ued, as one that for the iniust depositiō of Iohn Chrisostom excōmunicated themperor Archadius, the vpholder ther∣of. Also of Damasus then pope, by the suyte of S. Hierom,

made vnto him.

In the example of Theodosius the secōd, and the practise of the Ephesine Coūcel the third General, M. Hornes pur∣pose is ouerthrowē, and the popes primacy is by clere pra∣ctise testified, as well by the saied Counc••ll, as also by M. Horns owne Authours, Liberatus and Cyrillus.

The doinges in the cause of Eutyches, brought forth, by M. Horne to proue the princes Supreme gouernment in al Ecclesiasticall causes, do proue clerely the popes primacy, euen in the very Author and chapter by maister Horne al∣leaged.

Pope Leo strayned by M. Horn to speake somewhat for the Princes Supremacy in matters Ecclesiastical, hath spo∣ken and done so much to proue the primacy of the See of Rome, that if M. Horn wil stand to his owne Author, he is vtterly confounded and forced to agnise the popes primacy without all maner of doubte.

By the example also of Martian the Emperour, for cal∣ling of the Chalcedon Councell, nextly alleaged, M. Horns purpose is no whit furdered, but Pope Leo his primacy eui∣dently proued.

By the Actes also of the sayd Councell, the popes and the bishops Supreme Iurisdiction in al ecclesiastical matters to be treated, examined, iudged and defined, throughe out the whole Councel appeareth, and M. Hornes purpose re∣mayneth vtterly vnproued.

I haue farder out of the sayd Chalcedon Councell, be∣ing the fourthe Generall, and so one of the foure allowed in our Countre by Acte of parliament in the reigne of the Queenes Mai. present, gathered euident and sundry argu∣mentes for proufe of the Popes and bishops Supremacy in

causes ecclesiasticall. And here I require M. Horne, or any mans els whatsoeuer to shewe, howe it is possible without manifeste contradiction, to allowe the Authorytie of this fourthe Generall Councel, and to bannishe the Popes Au∣thorytie, which this whole Councel agnised, or to geue to the Prince Supreme Authorytie in al ecclesiastical causes, the same by this Councel resting in the bishops only, not in the Prince at all.

In hath consequently ben shewed against M. Horne, that his exāples of Leo and Zeno Emperours haue proued no∣thing lesse then his imagined Supremacy.

His next examples of three popes Simplicius, Felix .3. and Symachus, haue al proued so manifest testimonies for their owne Supremacy, euen out of the bookes and places by M. Horne alleaged, that in this matter he semeth a plaine preuaricatour, and one secretly defending the cause, which he seemeth openly to impugne.

Nowe in Fraunce M. Horne, your lucke hath bene no better, then before in the East Church and in Italy it was. Your arguments in this behalfe haue bene to to pelting and miserable. But the bishops Iurisdiction in all those matters hath bene as euident.

Your story of Iustinus the elder (nextly by you alleaged, but confusedly and out of measure mangled) being wholy layed forthe, hath plainely proued the popes Supremacy, and nothing at al the princes.

Iustinian your next exaample, and largely by you prose∣cuted, hath neuer a whit proued your matter, but for the Popes absolute Supremacy hath diuerse waies pronoun∣ced, not onelye in his behauyour in the fifte Generall

Councell, but in his Edictes and Constitutions, which you for your selfe so thicke haue alleaged. In that place also I haue noted by diuerse exāples, what euil successe Churche matters haue had, whē Princes most intermedled. Ther also by the way a Councell in Fraunce by M. Horne alleaged, hath openly pronounced for the popes vniuersall Supre∣macy.

Your last examples taken out of Spayne haue nothinge relieued your badde cause, but haue geuen euidēt witnesse for the Bishops Supremacy in ecclesiastical causes. And thus farre haue you waded in the first .600. yeres after Christe, without any one prouf for your newe Laicall Supremacy. But for the popes and Bishops Supremacy in matters of the Church, the Cōtinual practise of that first age and that in al Countres hath clerely pronounced, as hath bene at large shewed.

In the third book, as the race your runne is the longer, ād triple to that ye ranne in before, so is our cause the strōger, and yours the febler, or rather the wretcheder, that in the cōpasse of .900. yeres, that of so many Emperors, kings and princes, of so many Coūcels both General and National, of so diuerse parts of the Christened worlde, al the East part, Italy, Fraunce, Spayne, Germany, and our own Countre of Englād, yea of the Moscouites, Armeniās and Aethyopiās to, of all these I say not one Prince, Councel or Coūtre ma∣keth for you, and not one prince, Councell, or Countre ma∣keth against vs, but all haue agnised the popes primacy, and not one in the worlde of so many hundred yeres, haue ag∣nised or so muche as hearde of, muche lesse sworen vnto, the Princes Supreme Gouuernement in all Ecclesiasticall causes.

Your first proufe belyeth flatly the See of Rome, and proueth nothing by any doing of Phocas the Emperour, the Supremacy that you woulde proue.

The Kinges of Spayne and the Toletane Councelles haue made nothinge for you, but haue clerely confounded you, not only in the principal matters in hande, but also in diuers other matters by your lewde heresies denied.

Your patched proufes and swarming vntruthes in your next narratiō touching certain Popes of Rome, and of the Churche of Rauēna, haue discouered the miserable weke∣nesse of your badde cause, and nothing relieued yowe: the Popes Primacy by your owne examples notwithstan∣ding established.

Your fonde surmise against the Decree of Constantin .5. Emperour, for the prerogatiue of the See Apostolike, as it nothing furdered your matter in hande, yf it had not bene made, so it shewed wel the misery of your cause, that to make your paradoxe to beare some credit, you were fayne to discredit al the Historiās and writers of that matter, cal∣ling them Papistes, the Popes Parasites, and fayners of that which they wrote.

The practise of Ecclesiasticall gouernement vsed in the sixt general Councel, next by you alleaged, cōfirmeth both in word and dede the Popes Primacy and the Bisshops Su∣preme iurisdiction in matters Ecclesiasticall, and geueth forth no maner inckling of your imagined Supremacy. In which only matter beside twenty vntruthes by you vtte∣red there about, you are as much confounded as in any o∣ther Councell or Countre before, notwithstanding your great obiection of Pope Honorius, to the which I haue there sufficiently aunswered.

Your talke of the three Kings of Spayne next ensewing, and of the three Toletane Councells kept in their reignes, doth so litle disproue the Supreme iurisdiction of Bisshops in Ecclesiastical causes, that it maketh them Supreme iud∣ges euen in ciuil causes. So wide you are euer from prouing your purpose.

The .7. General Councel by you shortly noted, doth am∣ply and abundantly confirme the Popes Primacy, and no∣thing in the worlde helpeth your purpose.

Charles Martel ād Carolomanus his sonne exercised no whit of your imagined Supremacy, but haue cōfessed both clerely the Popes Primacy, by their doings, euē in the mat∣ters by your self treated. Your most ignorant and ridiculous exposition made of the keyes of S. Peters Confession sent to this Charles, and your extreme fonde argument deduc∣ted thereof, hath vtterly shamed you, yf any shame be in you.

Your slaunderous reproches against S. Augustine our Apostle, and S. Boniface the Apostle of Germany, and ho∣lye Martyr, haue redounded to your owne shame and fol∣lye, your cause thereby nothing in the worlde furdered: No, yf yt had bene all true, which you hadde reported of them.

Charlemayne for all his callinge of Councelles, confir∣mynge of the same, and publishinge of Churche Lawes, practised not yet anye like Gouuernement in Ecclesia∣sticall causes, as you haue defended, no nor anye Gou∣uernement at all, but was lead and gouerned him selfe in all suche thinges of the Fathers and Bisshoppes then liuing, especiallye of the See of Rome. The whole Order also of

the Councelles by you alleaged, hath plainelye condem∣ned the prophane maner of determinyng causes Eccle∣siasticall nowe vsed by mere laye men, at the warrant of suche as yowe are. But for the Popes Primacye none more clere then this Charlemaine, bothe in his doinges, as in the cause of Pope Leo the .3. and in his sayinges, as in the booke so much by you and your fellowes alleaged, and in the decrees it appeareth.

Lewys the first, sonne to this Charlemayne practised no parte of your Supremacye, but the Popes at that tyme, hadde as full vse thereof, as any Popes before or fithens, the confirmation of the Pope, before elected and chosen, notwithstandinge, of the which matter in that place I haue aunswered you sufficientlye. There also you haue Maister Horne out of the Notable Epistle of Nicolaus .1. to Michael the Emperour, and by the practise of the .8. Generall Councell at large declared vnto you, both the Popes Primacye in all Spirituall matters, and the Empe∣rour or Princes subiection in the same, by the Confession of the Emperour himselfe Basilius of Constantinople present in that Councel.

Arnulphus his example hathe nothinge holpen yowe: The bedroll of certaine euill Popes by yow browght in, onelye declareth your malice to Gods Vicares, and fur∣dereth nothinge your badde cause. Your surmise adioy∣ned of the cause of the calamities at that tyme, hathe ar∣gued your greate folye, and ignorance of the stories, ex∣cept we shall say, that malice made you blinde.

Otho the first shewed such obediēce to the See of Rome, yea to the naughty Pope Iohn the .12. that he is no fit exāple

for the like gouernement in Princes as you maintayne, but for the like obedience to the See Apostolike, as Catholike Princes and Emperours haue alwaies shewed, you coulde not haue brought a more notable or excellent example: ād that proued out of the Authours by your selfe alleaged.

Hugh Capet the Frenche King, and Otho the .3. Empe∣rour haue euen in the matters by your selfe treated, bene proued obediēt and subiect to the See Apostolike, without any colour of the like gouernement as you would fasten v∣pon them.

Your great matter of Henry the .4. and Pope Hildebrād hath concluded flatte against you, with a great number of your lewde vntruthes in that behalfe discouered and con∣futed. The Popes Primacy, in no matter more, abundantly and clerely proued.

The matter of inuesturing bishops (your chief matter to proue the Princes Supremacy in al Ecclesiasticall causes) in Henry .5. Lotharius and Conradus, Emperours, hath pro∣ued your purpose no deale at al, namely Henry .5. resigning vp all such pretensed right to pope Calixtus the .2. But in al these matters, how beastly you haue belyed the stories, I haue I trust, sufficiently declared.

Frederike Barbarossa speaketh no woorde for your bar∣barous paradoxe: he obeyed no lesse then other Emperors the See of Rome, yea and at the last submitted himselfe to the Pope, whō before he persecuted, not as true Pope, but as he thought, an intruded Pope. He neuer made question whether he ought to obeye the See Apostolike, or no, but only he doubted who was the true elected Pope, and tooke parte with the worste side. The question nowe in our dayes is farre vnlike: And so are your proufes M. Horne farre and

extreme wide from the purpose in hande.

Nowe for matters of our owne Countre, and for Eccle∣siasticall gouernement practised therin, you are so ouerta∣ken as in no Countre more. It hath well appered, by that I haue at large sayd, and proued, that longe and many yeres before the Conqueste (at which time you onely beginne your course) as well in Brytannie before the Saxons co∣ming, as in England (after of thē it was so called) the Popes Primacy was clerely confessed and practised, euen as it is at this day amonge the Catholikes euery where. As for the gouernement of William the Conquerour, of William Ru∣fus his sonne, and of kinge Henry the first, it hath bene pro∣ued so farre vnlike to that which you pretende of right to appertayne to the Crowne of Englande, yea to all prin∣ces whatsoeuer, that the Popes Supreme gouernement in spirituall matters, is by their examples, yea euen by the testimony of your owne Authours, so expressely proued, and so strongely established, that a man may well wonder, what wytte, honestie or discretion you had, ones to touche the remembraunce of them for proufe of so badde a cause. Your patched adiuncte of the kinges of Hungary, hath appeared a greate vntruth on your part, and nothing for your purpose: except lies can proue your purpose.

That which foloweth of the Armenians and of the Aethyopians, proueth also moste euidently the Popes Supremacy in those Countries: but proueth no whit your singular paradoxicall primacy. Verely so singular, that in no one parte of the vniuersall worlde it can be founde.

The doinges of King Stephen and kinge Henry the .2.

haue proued the popes Supremacy in our Coūtre, but that kinde of Supremacy as you imagine, they make no proufe of in the worlde. The Martyrdome of .S. Thomas by the way also is defended against your ād M. Foxes lewed lying about that matter.

Henry the .6. Philip, and Otho the .4. Emperors of Rome, haue bene no fitte examples for the like gouernement now in England: and your sely argumentes in that behalfe haue bene to to childish and feble.

Your proufes of kinge Richard the firste, and of kinge Iohn haue appeared mere ridiculous. Onely by occasion therof, the lewed lying of M. Foxe hath bene partly disco∣uered, touchinge kinge Iohn. Your matters of Fraunce about that time haue proued the popes primacy, not the Princes.

By the discourse of Friderike the .2. his doinges, as your principall cause hath taken a great foyle, so a mayne num∣ber of other your heresies, by your own Authours and your owne Supreme head condemned, haue geuē a great cracke to al your Religion beside.

The time of kinge Henry the .3. condemneth alltoge∣ther the primacy in your booke defended, and pronoun∣ceth clerely for the Popes Supremacy, by sundry and o∣pen practises, as Appeales to Rome, depositions of pre∣lates by the pope, makinge of Ecclesiasticall lawes by his Legate, and such other. And for your parte in that place, you haue vttered your greate ignorance euen in the latin tongue.

At that time also S. Lewys the Frenche kinge agni∣sed no lesse the popes primacy in Fraunce: and therefore can be no fitte example of such Supreme gouernement,

as by Othe M. Feckenham is required to sweare vnto. The like also appeareth by the state of Apulia and Sicilia in those dayes.

As for kinge Edwarde the firste, kinge of England, the Popes primacy in his time was so well agnised in the realm of England, that euen in temporal matters his Authorytie tooke place. Your fonde surmise of the Statute of Morte∣mayne, hath exemplified your lewde lying, and encreased the number of your maniefolde vntruthes: It hath not ex∣emplified your pretended primacy, neither any thinge fur∣dered you, for proufe of your matter.

Philip le Beau, as beau and fayre as he was, yet hath he bene nor fayre nor fytte example for the Supremacy that so much ye seeke for, and can not yet finde. His doinges haue nothinge derogated from the popes Supremacy. But he, as his progenitours, liued and dyed in the obedience of the See Apostolike in all Spirituall and Ecclesiasticall matters. Durandus your owne Author hath cleane ouer∣throwen you: and your great Councel of Vienna, yea your owne fayre Philippe hath pronounced you an Here∣tyke.

Lewys of Bauary, as much as you bable of him, hath nothinge relieued you: Neither yet his poetes Pe∣trarche and Dantes: All that greate strife was aboute the popes temporall primacy, not of his spirituall supe∣riorytie, which neuer yet kinge Christened denied, vntill these late dayes in our owne Countre, by the meanes of such Apostatas as you are.

You haue hearde also in that place M. Horne by the e∣numeratiō of al such Emperours, that notoriously haue re∣belled

against the See Apostolike, what Gods Iudgement hath bene ouer them, and to what euill endes they came through Gods vengeaunce.

Philip of Valoys, for all your Composuit rem sacerdotum, yet maketh he nothing for your purpose, but both in your owne very matter he concluded againste you, and other∣wise with mere spirituall Iurisdictions, he neuer inter∣medled, nor claymed the vse thereof from the Spirituall Magistrate. Your owne Authours, and witnesses, Paulus Aemylius and Petrus Bertrandus haue deposed, againste you, and your owne kinge Philippe hath condemned you.

Kinge Edwarde the .3. and Richarde the .2. of England, for al that you reporte of them, out of Nauclere and Poli∣dore, haue nothwithstandinge pronounced clerely for the Popes Primacy: and declared withall bothe you and your felowes, to be no true members of the Churche, that they liued in, but to be plaine Apostatas and schismatikes from the same.

In like maner Charles the .4. Sigismunde, Friderike the .3. and Maximilian the first, al most Catholike Emperours haue taken great wronge at your handes, being made to say and doe, that which they neuer sayd ne did: Yea and for the which, if they liued agayne, they woulde order you, as they did the Hussyttes, and Wicleffistes your progenitours in their dayes.

Aeneas Syluius and Cusanus, your two especial Authors haue so pronounced against you, that no man I trowe, ex∣cept he had a face of horne, woulde for very shame haue brought thē into the open Courte. But (as the prouerbe is) looke howe you haue brewed, so must you bake.

But what shall I say to your last witnesses, the Catho∣like Bisshoppes and Doctours of our owne Countre, to D. Quintinus of Paris, and Petrus of Ferraria, last of all to Phi∣lippus Decius the lawier, and Brawghton our Countre∣man? what extreme vncourtesy, I may wel say impudency, hath it bene on your part, so violently and desperatly to drawe them to the barre, where you were right sure, to be condemned by their verdicte, but that you thought you might frame their tales for them, and that no man woulde comptrol your extreme lying, of the which in my Preface I will say more? Thus you haue it truly and shortly repe∣ted vnto you M. Horne, both what you haue not done, and what I haue done. I require you before all the worlde (yf you intende to Replye,) to answer to euery particular as I haue done, and so to proue your selfe an honest man.

Notes

• The .228. vntruth. Slaunde∣rous. Sabel. Plat. Paul. Dia. Volater. Naucler. Martinus.
• The .229. vntruth. Not to be Head, but to be so called.
• The .230. vntruthe Slaunde∣rous.
• The or∣der to be takē here after in ansvve∣ring the residewe of M. Hornes booke.
• Plat. in Bonifa. 3.
• Adoi•• Chroni. Beda de sex Aera. Martinus Polonus. Paulus Diaconus.
• Sabel. Ac∣nea. 8. l 6. Platina, in Boni. 2. Paul. Dia. de gestis Lōgobar. li. 4. c. 11. Naucler. Gener. 21. Martinus Polon. Vo∣lateranus.
• M Hor∣nes folly.
• The 231. vntruth, as before.
• The 232. vntruth. Thempe∣rour by that de∣cree is not left out,
• Novve M. Horne doth his kinde.

  Sabel.
• The .233. vntruth. 4 popes came be∣twene ād 25. yeres.
• It was so, vi, non iure, by force not by right.
• Fol. 38.
• Bonifa. 4. Theodat. Bonifa. 5. Honor. 1.
• Sabellicus Aenead. 8. lib. 6. pag. 535.
• Tol. 4.
• The .234. vntruth. The king folovved their dire¦ctiō, not they the Kinges in causes ec∣clesiasti∣cal.
• The .235 vntruthe. Not simply agreed vpon, but fully and finally had decreed and determined.

  Tol. 5. Tol. 6. Desinitis itaque etc. Tol. 7.
• The 236. vntruthe. By the bis••hops de∣cree not by the kinges decree.

  Decreto nostro sancimus.
• The .237. vntruthe. For not by his Su∣preme Authority, Studio Serenissimi Regis By the fauor and endeuour &c.

  Tol. 8.
• In that Othe, there vvas, I vvar∣rant you, no Su∣preme gouernmēt &c.
• By the vertu of a Canon made in To¦let. 7.
• The .238. vntruthe. Not to assiste, but in al poīts to obey ād folovv the ordi∣naunces of the Sy∣nod.
• The 239. vntruthe. No such matter in the Councel.

  Tol. 9. Tol. 10.
• Tol. 4. ca. 40.
• Tol. 6. c. 6. Tol. 8. c. 4. & 5. & 7 Tol. 9. c. 10 Tol. 10. c. 5.
• Tol. 4. ca. 8 Tol. 7. ca. 3 Tol. 10. c. 5
• Tol. 4. in praefat.
• Tol. 5. in. praefat.
• Tol. 6. c. 2.
• Tol. 6. in praefat.
• Tol. 7. in praefat.
• Tol. 8. in praefat.
• Ibidem.
• Tol. 8. c. 4.
• Nam dùm secun∣dum Carnis assump∣tae mysterium, Ec∣clesiae suae fuerit dig∣natus caput existere Christus, meritò in membris eius in∣tentio Episcoporū, of∣ficia peragere cerni∣tur oculorum. Ipsi enim de sublimiori∣bus, celsitudine ordinis regunt & disponunt subiectas multitudines plebium. Tol. 8. ca. 4.
• Vide Cōc. 5 & Con. 8.
• Distin. 631. cap. 21.
• The .242. vntruthe Slaunderous.
• The 241. vntruth. The Emperours neuer had it.
• The 242. vntruthe Slaunderous and Rayling.
• The .243. vntruth. He brought it not, but restored it &c. As shal appeare.
• The 244. vntruthe Notorious and fa∣cing.
• The .245. vntruthe. Their first strife vvas not about the Superiority: but about Tria capitula. Pontificall.
• Anno. 620.
• The 246. vntruth. It vvas not that Theodorus, but an other, as shal ap∣peare.
• The 247 vntruthe as shal appeare.
• The 248 vntruthe grosse ād impudēt, as shal appeare.
• The 249. vntruth. It vvas because thei vvould maintayne their olde disobe∣dience.
• The 250. vntruthe. It vvas Constantin not Iustinian.
• Sabell. en. 8. lib. 6. Rauēnas ecclesiae ad officium reuocata est. Platina ad Donum, hoc decus refert. Platina. Prae∣terea tantum do∣ctrina & sanctitate valuit, vt Rauen∣natem Ecclesiam à Romana ••am pridē segregatam. &c.
• Idem in Leone. 2. Contudit superbiam praesulum Rauenna∣tum, quod Agatho inchoauerat. Insti¦tuit enim ne electio cleri Rauennatis va¦leret, nisi eadem Ro∣manae sedis authori∣tate cōfirmata fuis∣set. Antea verò Hy∣parchorum potentia freti, diuina atque humanae omnia pro arbitrio animi mis∣cebant, nemini obtē¦perantes, quasi Rom. pontificibus pares. Tom. 2. Concil. fol. 280. col. 1. a.
• Vide Gre∣gorium li. 2. epist. 54 indict. 11. ad ••oan. Epis. Ra∣uen.

  Li. 4. epi. 54. ad Martianū epi. Rauē. Epist. Io. Rauēnat. ad Grego. li. 10. epi. 55.

  Quae vni∣uersali ec∣clesiae iura sua trās∣mittit.

  Rauenna∣ti ecclesiae quae pecu∣liariter ve¦stra est.
• But 72. yeres be∣fore. Tom. 2. Cō p. 279. b.
• Tom. 2. Conc. pa. 277. a. & 282. b.
• Naucler. Gener. 23. pag. 771. Omnis Clerus eū destituit.
• Naucler. Generat. 24. p. 779
• The .251. vntruth. Sanctitate permotus: moued vvith his holynesse faith Pla∣tina: and Sabellic{us} also.
• The .252. vntruth. No lōger then frō Pelagius the firste, and that by his de∣cree.
• The .253. vntruth. No good token cā beshewed
• The .254. vntruth. benedict{us} 2. sate one yere and .10. Mo∣neths. Pā∣taleon.
• The .255. vntruth. Bened. 2. vvas in as much fa∣uour, as Agatho, with this Emperor
• The 256. vntruth. A false ād a fond il∣lation, as shal ap∣peare,
• The .257. vntruth. Slaunde∣rous to al Historio∣graphers: Sabell. Naucler. Volater. Platina and the rest.
• The 258. vntruth. peuish ād starke foolish.
• Trithem. de ecclesi. scriptorib.
• Proper argumēts not vvorthe the an∣svvering. The pope supreame head by the place M. Horn him selfe bringeth in.
• Volater. Anthrop. lib. 22. Sabel. Ae∣nead. 8. lib. 6. Fol. 49. a
• Sabel. Ae∣nead 8. l. 6
• The .259. vntruth. Not for that cause but bi∣cause he could not otherwise haue had the Em∣perours ayde and assistance. Const. 6.
• The .260. vntruth. A false. lewde, ād malicious surmise, as shal ap¦peare.

  The Bis∣shop of Rome, at the Empe¦rors (261) cōmaun¦demēt in Eccl. mat¦ters.

  Act. 1.
• The .261. vntruth. Notorio{us} The Em∣perour plainely denieth and dis∣claymeth such Au∣thoryte of com∣maūding the bis∣shops.
• The .262. vntruth. The Coū¦cell hath no such vvordes.
• It vvas then true, in Tem∣porall matters.
• Beda lib. 5. ca. 20. Conc. 6. Act. 4. pa. 306.

  Constātin{us} omnibus sanctissi. vniuersa∣lis Synodi Apostolica sedis conci¦liū reprae∣sentantib. Ibidem. Act. 18. fo. 409. col. 2. a.

  The cause vvhy Pope A∣gatho ioy¦ned with thēperor for the Councell to be had. M. Horns reasons out of the 6. General Councell for his Primacy.

  Tom. 2. Concil. fol. 280. col. 2. a.
• Ibidem.
• Amb. li. 5. epist. 32. Suidas in Leontio.
• De Con∣cord. Ca∣thol. li. 2. cap. 6. 1. Cor. 4.
• Act. 5. fol. 301.
• Act. 4. Cō¦cil. 6. Cō∣stant. pag. 289. a. Gregor. li. 2. epi. 20. li. 3. epi 16. Instit. lib. 4. cap. 11.
• The Po∣pes Le∣gates are first na∣med, and doe speke first in the Coū∣cell.

  How the Emperor is presi∣dent of the Coū∣cell.
• Act. 2.
• The .263. vntruth. For it vvas no disputa∣tiō, but a simple in¦terroga∣tion.
• The .264. vntruth. This doth not proue thē plaī∣tife par∣ties, as it shal ap∣pere.

  Act. 3.
• The 265. vntruth. The laye Iudges vver not cōmaun∣de•• to de∣termine any mat∣ter.

  Const. im. dixit. Sed vnam ope¦rationē nō intelligis, eum dixis se••et mox: & quomo do intelli∣gis Dei vi∣rilē opera∣tionem? fol. 285. c. 2. a. act. 2.
• Chalc. Cō. Act. 10. p. 910.
• Ibidē Act. 1. p. 741. a
• Act. 10. vt supra.
• The po∣pes Lega∣tes vvere not plain¦tif parties either here, or in the Chal∣cedon councell.
• Cusanus lib. 3. de Concord. Cathol. c. 17. & 18.
• The. 266. vntruth. The con∣trary, vvhich is the Po∣pes pri∣macy is ther clere¦ly cōfes∣sed.

  The prin¦ce is Chri¦stes Vicar in earth, in causes (.267.) Ecclesia∣sticall by the popes confessiō Act. 1.
• The .267. vntruth. Not in causes Ec¦clesiasti∣cal, but for execu¦tiō of the lavves ec¦clesiasti∣call.
• Act. 4. pag. 290. col. 2. a.

  Cuius (Petri videli∣cet) adnitente praesi∣dio haec apostolica e∣ius ecclesia, nūquā à via veritatis, in qua libet erroris parte deflexa est. Cuius au¦thoritate vtpote apo¦stolorum omniū prin¦cipis semper omnis cae¦tholica Christi eccle¦sia, et vniuersales sy∣nodi fideliter ample∣ctentes, in cunctis se∣quutae sunt. Omnes{que} venerabiles patres apostolicā eius do∣ctrinam amplexi: haeretici aūt falsis cri¦minationibus ac de∣rogationū odijs inse∣quuti.
• Pag. 300. col. 2. a. & pa. 303. co. 1 a. & pag. 304. col. 2. c.
• Concil. 6. Constant. Act. 4. pa. 288. col. 2. b.
• Act. 4. pa. 301. c. 1. c. Vt eius fi∣dei causā (sicut aeq̲∣tas exigit, & sancto∣rū patrū sacrarū{que} quinque synodorū decreuit īstructio) exequi dig¦nemini, et redempto∣ris iniuriā defidei suae contēptori¦b{us} per eius praesidium vlciscami∣min••. Vide se∣quentia.
• The .268. vntruth. He vvas not presi∣dent nor Modera∣tour, after M. Hornes sence.
• The .269. vntruth. The popes Legats vvere no agent parties.
• Fol. 41. col. 2.
• Supra lib. 2. Cap. 7.
• Act. 7. The .270. vntruth. This proueth it not, as shal ap∣peare.
• The .271. vntruth. For they gaue Iud∣geme•• a∣gainst the heretike vvithout him,
• Missi apo∣stolici sem¦per in syno¦dis prius lo¦qui, et cō∣firmare so¦liti sunt. Chalc. sy∣no. act. 10 fo. 910. c. 1
• The .272. vntruth. He vvas not the iudge in matters there con¦cluded, er¦go not su¦preme go¦uernour.
• The .273. vntruth. They yel¦ded no such thīg but reser∣ued to thē selues the finall Sentence and iud∣gement. M. Horns post ••as••, Act. 11. fo. 350. c. 2. c.
• Castitatē Maria san¦ctae ab ōni cōtagioue liberatae et corporis, & animae & intel∣lectus. Act. 8. fo∣lio. 313. Iubetemit¦ti in dypti∣chis san∣ctarū eccle¦siarum no∣men sanc∣tae memo∣riae Vitae∣liani papae Romae. Act. 8. fol. 315. Coniectu∣res whie M Horn hath made this post hast.
• Act. 11. p. 362. Act. 10. Act. 8 fol. 321. col. 1. c Sancta sy∣nodus di∣xit. Ecce & hoc te∣stimoniū sancti pa∣tris pere∣misti. Nō congruit orthodo∣xis ita cir¦cumtrun∣catas san∣ctorum pa¦trum vo∣ces destora re••haereti¦corū poti{us} proprium hoc est. An hum∣ble and a reasona∣ble re∣queste to the Que∣nes Maie∣sty ād her councell.
• M. Iewel.
• Act. 12. sub¦finem.
• The bis∣shop•• pri¦macy proued by the said place that M. Horn al∣leageth.
• The 274. vntruth, wilful ād Notorio{us} as shal ap¦peare.
• The .275. vntruthe in leauīg out wor∣des mate∣rial.

  VVherin cōsisteth the office of Bis∣shops.
• The .276. vntruth, in nippīg of the chiefest parte of the Sen∣tence.

  The prin∣ces moste accepta∣ble ser∣uice to God.
• The .277. vntruth. That appeareth not in the Councell, neither vvas that the cause of his absence.
• The .278. vntruth. Ex more, after the maner, left out.
• Esai. 49. Psal. 98.
• The pope accursed for here∣sie by the sentence of the em¦perour, the synod and the bi¦shop of Rome.
• The 279. vntruth. No such woordes in the La¦tin text.
• Here is left out: that the See Apo∣stolike. Beati Petri autoritate confirmat confir∣meth vvith the Authori∣tie of S. Peter, the 6. General Councell.
• Concer∣nīg pope Honorius that M. Horn ma¦keth an heretyke .218. patres in 5. syno∣do Roma∣na. Nisi à fide exor∣bitauerit.
• Plat. in Honor. 1. Sabel Ac∣nead. 8. lib. 6.

  Tom. 2. Concil. in gest. Theo∣dori. pag. 228.
• Act. 4. Cōcil. 6. Const. pa. 291. c. 1. a. &c.
• Act. 4. pag 209.300. & 304.
• Vide zona¦rā. Tom. 3 pag. 74.
• Beda li. 2. hist. gētis Angl. cap. 17.18. & 19.
• Art. 4. fol. 112. & 113.
• M. Rastel in his third boo¦ke against M. Iewel. fol. 144. and .145.
• Tvvo le∣gerdema∣nes of M. Hornes: one mete for a Ma∣cariā, tho. ther for a gay gram¦marian.
• Act. 18. fol. 409. Col. 1. c.
• Hanc defi∣nitionem prae mani∣bus deferi¦mus vestro serenitatis proposito recensen∣dam.

  Acti. 18. Fol. 398. Col. 2.
• Act. 18. pag. 401.
• Act. 18. pag. 401. Col. 2. c.
• Edvvard. 6. Ann. 1. Tilet. in Confutaet. Confes. Minist. Antvverp. pag 15. b. Act. 18. vt supra.
• Act. 18. pa. 404. Supra: lib. 2. cap. 19.
• The .280. vntruthe The word cōmauded, is not in the text. Aggregati sum{us}. vide tom. 2 pag. 270. col. 2. Tol. 12.
• Tol. 13.
• The 281. vntruth. Of these .3. Coūcels or of any ratifiing thereof by the kings Au¦thorite or Royal assent in the To∣mes of the Coū∣cels there appereth nothing.
• Tolet. 12. Vide Tom. 2. Concil. Fol. 417. &. Tolet. 13. fol. 425 Votorum meorum studia ve∣stris iudi∣cijs diri∣menda cō∣mittēs. pa. 425. & 417.

  His votorū meorū in sinuationib. quaes•• vt fortia paternitatis vestrae adiutoria pro∣rogetis. Luce enī cla∣rius constat, quod ag∣gregatio sancta pōti∣ficū quicquid censue∣rit obseruādū per do∣nū spiritus sancti, oīo est ad aeter¦nitatem praefixum. Tol. 13. fol. 426. c. 1. b M. Horne vnawares maketh the Clergie Supreme Iudges in Ciuile causes.
• The .282. Vntruth. Horrible and Slan∣derous.
• The .283. Vntruth▪ as before is proued
• The .284. Vntruth. mere Slā∣derous.
• The .285. vntruthe false trās∣lation, vt Eccles••ae vniantur. To vnite the Chur¦ches vvhich vvere in a schis∣me.
• The .286. vntruthe As much in this Councel as in any other.
• The .287. Vntruthe He saied not so.
• The .288. vntruth. The defi∣nition of the faithe was made vvithout the Empe¦rours Au¦thority.
• M. Horns exceding impudēci for allea∣ging for hī the. 7. Generall Councell. Qui vene∣randas i∣magines idola ap∣pellant, a∣nathema. Act. 4. fol. 535. et act 7. fol. 603. Fol. 15.

  M. Horn is by this Councell declared an Here∣tique.
• Act. 2.
• Nequa∣quam ad Synodum conuocā∣dā cōsen∣tiremus. Dict. act. 2. fol. 483. Col. 2. b. Ibidē fol. 485. Col. Tripart. lib. 4. cap. 9. Theodoret. lib. 2. cap. 22.
• Cuius hor¦tatu & veluti iussu vos congrega∣uimus.

  ••ct. 1. fol: 463.
• Tom. 2. Conc. fol. 608.
• Zonaras Tom. 3. & Tom. 2. Concil. fol. 464.
• Ecclesiae à reliquis ec¦clesiis auulsae & anathe∣mati sub∣iectae.

  Zonar. ibidem.
• M. Horns vntruths.
• The .290. Vntruth. Ioyned vvith a Slāder.
• The .192. Vntruth. Capitaine and noto¦rious, io••¦ned vith extreme folly, and grosse ig∣norance.
• The .291. Vntruth. False trā∣slation as shall ap∣peare.
• The .293. Vntruth. He yel∣deth no iurisdicti∣on at al in eccle∣siast. mat∣ters to the laye Prince.
• The .294. vntruth. He vVas brother to Pepin, ād sonne to Charles Martell.
• The .295. vntruth. Carolo∣manus ex¦ercised no Su∣preme au¦thority in ecclesiasti¦cal causes Synod. Francica.
• The .296. vntruth. Not by his, but by the bi∣shops Au¦thority.
• The .297. vntruth. VVhich is the Popes Legate, left out. Naucler.
• The .298. vntruth. For all that Caro¦lomanus here did, vvas don by the Cōmissiō of Pope Zacha∣••ias.
• M. Horns great provves.
• Al the Popes au¦thoritye sent away by sea in a shippe.
• Miracles done by keyes.
• Coelius Rhodigin{us} Lect. an∣tiq. lib. 17. cap. 28. Gregor. li. 6. epist. 23.
• M. Horns merue∣louse ex∣position of Saint Peters keyes.
• Martinus. Synodum pene .1000. episcoporū Romae ce∣lebrādo ve¦nerationē sanctarū imaginū cōfirmat, atque vio∣latores ge∣nerali sen∣tētia ana∣themati∣zauit.
• Zonaras: Tom. 3.
• M. Horn shevveth no author for his io∣lie expo∣sition.
• M. Horns boke is not set forth by the Que∣nes au∣thoritye.
• VVhat vvere the keyes that vver sent to Char∣les Martel
• Georg. Cas¦sander in Ordine Romano.
• P. Vrb. in scholijs in vitas Pōt. Damasi.
• Tom. 2. Conc. pa. 434. col. 2. c

  Ibidē pag. 445. c. 2.
• Gregorius Secundino seruo Dei incluso lib. 7. epistol. 53. Indict. 2.
• Lib. 6. epist. 25.
• Lib. eodē. epist. 23.
• Lib. 7. epi¦stol. 53.
• Lib. 6. epi¦stol. 25.
• Lib. eodē epist. 23.
• Of this Miracle, Vide Greg. loco citate
• Lib. 2. epist. 47. Indict. 11.
• Art. 4. fol. 10. & 11.
• Sabellicus Aenead. 8. lib. 8.
• Naucle∣rus Gene∣rat: 25. p. 793. co. 1.
• Nauc. pa 790. & 791.
• Masse cō∣firmed, ād M. Horn degraded by Caro∣loma∣nus his su¦preme head.
• Naucler{us} generat. 25. pa. 79.
• The .299. vntruth. Slaunde∣rous and vylai¦nouse.
• The .300. vntruth. His que∣stiō vvas other∣vvise, as shal ap∣peare.
• The .301. vntruth. The con∣trary by that epi∣stle appe∣reth.
• The .302. vntruth. The chur¦che vvas not then idola∣trous.
• The .303. vntruth. Slaunde∣rous and cōtrary to your own sayinges after.
• Beda in martyro∣logio.
• Art. 3. fol 124. & se∣quentibus.
• M. Horns contradi∣ction to him selfe.
• Charles the great learned in the La∣tin and Greeke tonges.
• Vide Pōt. in vitae Zachar.
• De synodo autem congregata apud Francorum prouin∣ciam mediantibus Pipino & Carolo∣mano, excellentissi∣mis filiis nostris iux∣ta syllabarum no∣strarum commoni∣tionem, per agēte vi∣ces nosiras tua san∣titate qualiter egi∣stis cognouimus, & omnipotenti Deo no∣stro gratias egimus, qui eorum corda cō∣firmauit, vt in hoc pio opere adiutores existerent, et omnia optimè et canonicè peregisti, tam de fal¦sis Episcopis et for∣nicarijs et schisma∣ticis, quamque etiā et c.
• Zacha: ad Bonifac. Tom. 2. Concil. fol. 450. Col. 2.
• Vvhy M. Horne is so outragius agaīst S. Bonifacius. Leuit. 11.
• Mē waxē mad with eating of svvines flessh bit∣tē vvith a madde dogge. Lycosthen. de Prodi∣gijs. Anno. 1535. In VVirten∣bergēsi. du¦catu. &c.
• Tom. 2. Cōcil. fol. 452. Col. 2 Nā et hoc flagitasti à nobis san¦ctissime frater, in sacri cano¦nis praedi∣catione, quot in lo∣cis cruces fieri de∣beant. Fol. 453. Col. 2. c.
• The .304. vntruth. Slaunde∣rous.
• The .305. vntruth. It appe∣reth not so in any history. Dist. 634.
• Magnitu∣dine ani∣mi, consi∣lio, doctri∣na, et san∣ctitate vi∣tae, cū quo¦uis optimo pontifice comporari potest.
• Sabell. Aen. 8. li. 8 dānata est haeresis de abolendis imaginib.
• Platina.

  Theophilatius & Stephanus Episcopi insignes, Adriani no∣mine synodū Franco rū Germanorumque Episcoporū habuere: in qua, & caet.
• A duble vntruth of the En∣glih Apo∣logy abovvte this Sy∣node.
• The .306. Vntruth. Not so in the Coū∣cel. But vteius adiu∣torio perficiatur.

  That by his helpe it mighte be en∣ded or brought to passe. Not ratifi∣ed by his Autho∣ritye.
• The .307. Vntruth. Of allovving or dissalovvinge, the Councel speaketh not.
• The .308. Vntruth. In misreportinge the Councell.
• Can. 6.
• Can. 25.
• The .309. Vntruth. They craued the Princes helpe, that the Canons might be put in executiō.
• Can. 45.
• The .310. Vntruth. Notorious. It con∣demneth certaine abuses thereabout, it condemneth not the vse it selfe.
• The Prince is the Gouernour of the Church appointed of God (.311.) in ec∣clesiastical causes.
• The .311. Vntruth. Auouched in the Margin, but not to be founde in the Texte.
• The .312. Vntruth. By the order of vvul¦farius Archbisshop there: left out of the Texte.
• The .313. Vntruth. In plaine speache no suche thing ap∣peareth.
• Imputa∣tur qui∣busdāsra∣trib. eo {quod} auaritiae culpa ho∣minibus {per}suadeant vt abre∣nūciantes seculo res suas eccle∣siae confe∣rant: quod penitus ab omniū mē tib. eradi∣candū est. Can. 6. et Can. 7
• Can. 39.
• Prayers for the dead.
• Can. 44.
• Pilgrima∣ge.

  Ca. 45.
• In eo pur∣gari se à peccatis putant, et ministeri•• suo fu••gi deberi, si. &c.

  Note here vvel how the chur∣ch of this age, de∣creed opē¦ly against abuses, ād vvinked not at them, as Prote∣stantes vvoulde make folke be∣leeue. Hieron. in Epist. ad Paulinū. Tom. 1.
• Can. 25.
• in Con∣cilio Mo∣guntiaco. Tom. 2. Cōc. p. 630
• 1. Cor. 11.
• Institut. lib. 4. Cap. 11.
• Math. 22.
• The .314. vntruth. A levvde and a false surmyse
• The .315. vntruth, he was a most mylde ād m••ke mā.
• Sabell.
• Platina. Sabell.
• The .316. vntruth. The bishops only were asked their mindes.
• The .317. vntruthe. Charles tooke not the answere in such parte.
• The .318. vntruth. Platina meaned not so.
• The .319. vntruth. Sabellicus had no suche meaning.
• The .320. vntruth. He tooke it not vpon him, but vvas required of the Pope him selfe to doe it.
• The .321. Vntruthe. Not able to be pro∣ued.
• The .322. Vntruthe. Leud ād slāderous.
• Yea: in manifold battayles, not in that Iudgement.
• Regino in chronic. Captū ex∣caecauerūt, ac linguā eius radi∣citus ab∣sciderunt. Sed Deus omnipotēs reddidit ei visum & loquelam. Mart. Poe¦nitent.
• Carol{us} his testimoni (oute of Charls his booke as M. Cal∣uin and M. Ievvel say) for the Popes Primacy. Li. 1. Car. ca. 6.
• The fore∣said boke ouerthro¦vveth M. Ievvel in his Re∣ply ād in the Apo∣logie.
• The Po∣pes Pri∣macy pro¦ued by the true Charles.
• Vide Constitut. Caroli ex Ansegiso collectas, impressas in 8. An. 1545. Pa∣risiis.

  Tom. 1. Cō¦cil. pa. 196
• The new Ghospell can not stand but by defa∣cing of al antiqui∣tie.
• Platin. Homo cer¦tè mitis in genij, vt omnes di∣ligeret, neminem odio habe∣ret, tardus ad iram, promptus ad miseri∣cordiam.
• Sabel. Ae∣nead. 8. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. 8.
• Rhegino in chronic. Cum nul∣lus proba∣tor, aut te¦stis legiti∣mus appa∣teret.
• Naucle∣rus gene∣rat. 28. Impress. Coloniae. 1564.
• The pope did more for his purgatiō then hath one of our pro∣testant prelats.
• S. Peters keyes sēt ons again to fraūce, and yet the pope remay∣nīg pope still.

  In Chron. Claues cō∣fessionis sancti Pe∣tri & vexillum dixerit.
• Sabellicus
• Rhegino in Chron. claues ci∣uitatis cū vexillo detulerūt.
• Vnder the name of holy scriptures
• Ioan. A∣••ētinus.
• See our ansvvere before to King Da∣uid. ••o. 48
• 1. Par. 16.
• The .323. vntruth. Boldly a∣uouched, but neuer proued.
• The .324. vntruth. Blasphe∣mous a∣gainst the promises of Christ to remaī alvvaie vvith his Churche. M. Horne nameth no Au∣thor of this lōge allegatiō, least he should be taken in trippes, ād his vn∣truths be discoue∣red, as be∣fore.
• Our an∣svver be∣fore to the Con∣stitutions of Iusti∣nian, may serue here to these lavves of Charle∣maine. Both in like ma∣ner pro∣fessed their obe¦dience in al such matters to the See of Rome.
• Naucler. gener. 28.
• Vide epi∣tomē Con¦stitut. Ca∣rol. in. 8. An. 1545
• Concil. Carthag. 3. Can. 47
• Vide Dist. 19. In me∣moriam, & in de∣cretis. 11. q. 1. Volu∣mus vt om¦nes.

  Se before fol. 48.
• Alcuinus.
• By other not in his ovvn per¦son. And so in all the rest.
• The prīce hath a priestlie povver to sette forth Gods vvord.
• The .325. vntruth. euer auou¦ched, but neuer pro¦ued.
• The .326. vntruth. Slaunde∣rous and a plaine contradi∣ction.
• Al Char∣les com∣mēdatiō serueth for no∣thing but for M. Hornes discōmē∣dation.
• Fol. 58. col. 2.
• Naucler. generat. 28. & 11. q. 1. c. vo∣lumus. vbi allegatur liber Theo¦dosij.
• Ievvel in his Reply pag. 302.
• Idem pa. 306.
• Idem pag. 308.
• Pag. 63.
• Pag. eadē.
• why pro∣testants can not see the truthe.
• Matth. 10. & 16. Marc. 8. Luc. 9.
• The .327. vntruth. He gaue thē ouer, as shal ap¦peare.
• The .328. vntruth. Slaunde∣rous.
• The .329. vntruth. Ad vitan∣das seditio¦nes left out in the middest.
• The .330. vntruth. It pro∣ueth not any such matter.
• These some vvriters dare not shevve their faces nor tell out their names.
• The .331. vntruth. This vvherof foloweth not out of Nau∣clerus. Dist. 63.
• Dist. 63.
• Nauclerus generat. 28. In A∣reopagiti∣cis Hildiui¦ni pag. 60 He is so called of the Em∣perour Lodouike him selfe.
• Nauclerus generat. 28. pag. 53.
• Volat ant. Lib. 22.
• The prety proufe•• that M. Horne vseth.
• The .332. Vntruth. No likli∣hode in the world can be ga¦thered herof out of anye good hy∣storie.
• The .333. Vntruth. He dothe not so cal it, nor did not so take it.
• The .334. Vntruth. He vvas first cho∣sen of the Clergye: Vvhiche M Horne hath lefte out.
• The .335. Vntruth. It vvas no right, of Empe∣rial Maie∣sty, but of the Apo∣stolik au∣thoritie.
• To doe it novv▪ as this Le∣vves did then yt is counted no tyran∣ny at all.
• Vve wishe the same: for thē your heresies shoulde sone haue an ende
• The .336. vntruthe. False trā∣slatiō as shal ap∣peare.
• The .337. vntruth. missere∣porting. corā pro∣latam lau∣dibus effe∣runt.
• The .338. Vntruth. Accordīg to the rule of S. Benet, left out.
• The .339. Vntruth. Of fevv Sermons no complainte is made.
• The .340. Vntruth A tale falsely told and out of order.
• The .341. Vntruth. No gouernemente at al named or yel∣ded in Ecclesiasti∣cal things.
• Ne āplius simili ex∣emplo im∣peratoria laederetur maiestas.
• Nauclerus generat. 28. pag. 55. et dist. 6••. Ego Ludo∣uicus.
• A new kinde of treason wherin a man may loose his head and take no hurte.
• Naucle∣rus. pag. 55. Gener. 28.
• Fol. 63. b.
• Tom. 2. Conc. pag. 639.

  Eius vide∣licet libe∣ralissima largitione Copiā li∣brorū &c.
• In Con. Ticin. pag. 705. pag. 706. Col. 2.
• Ibid. Vt publicae possint poe¦nitentiae subiugari.
• The .342. vntruth. You take not the vvhole glose. The next lyne maketh cleane against you. Sabell. Platina.
• The .343. vntruth. Pope Ione, Pope None.
• The .344. vntruth. None write so, but Bale and such other, which be your vvriters, not ours, Apocal. 9.
• The .345. Vntruth: For none, but Char∣lemaine and Le∣vvis the .1 vvho at the lēgth gaue it ouer also,
• The .346. Vntruth. M. Horne can shevv none o∣ther.
• The .347. Vntruth. They vvere ne∣uer vnder their obe∣dience in Ecclesia∣stical ma∣ters,
• Confut at Apolog. fol. 164.
• Dist. 63.
• M. Horns vvonder∣ful vvise∣dome.
• The .348. vntruth. For neuer so well as the Pope had.
• The .349. vntruth. In mat∣ters of fayth the Empe∣rours had no intere¦stes of go¦uernemēt.
• Act. 3. fol. 838.
• Dist. 96. vbinam.
• The .350. vntruth. Slaunde∣rous, as shall ap∣peare.
• Cusanus lib. 3. cap. 19. de Cō∣cordia Ca¦tholica.
• Fol. 85. ex li. 3. cap. 13
• In Tom. 3. fol. 531. Co¦lon impr. An. prae∣sente.
• Zonaras lib. 3.
• Tom. 2. Conc. pa. 746.
• a.

  Dist 97. Victor.
• b.

  In epist. praeambu. Cōc. Chal.
• c.

  Cod. de Sum Trin. Nos red∣dentes.
• d.

  Conc. 6. Const.
• e

  Conc. 7. Nice.
• Heb. 13.
• Tripart. li. 4. cap. 6.
• Tom. 2. Conci. pa. 764.
• Zonaras lib. 3. pag. 71.
• Vide San∣ctiones ec∣clesiasticas collectas a Franc. Io∣uerio. Im∣press. Par. An. 1555.
• Cusanus lib. 3. cap. 19. De
• Concord. Cathol. & Tom. 3. Cōcil pag 539. edit. postr.
• Cusanus li. 3. c. 24.
• Libro. 3. c. 20. H••r∣tatoriè alloquitur vos Impe∣rator.
• Iubet Im∣perator vt loquami∣ni: sed vi∣dentes Iu∣dices con∣uicia ve∣stra, nec audire vos volunt.
• Dist. 63. Nullus.
• Cusanus lib. 3. c. 23.
• Dist. 63. Cū longè Princeps non aduo∣catur ad electionē faciendā, sed ad cō∣sensum e∣lectioni adhiben∣dam.
• Cusanus lib. 3. c. 3.
• Cap. 3. vi∣de Tom. 2. Concil. pa. gin. 780.
• Fol. 3. b.
• Cap. 4.
• The .351. vntruth. slaunde∣rously sur¦mised, but not able by any good Au∣thor to be proued.
• This we graunte: But this cometh nothing nere to the pur∣pose, and scope pre∣fixed.
• Gener. 31. pag. 72.
• Pag. 74.
• Pag. 74.
• Pag. 80. Ibidem. Pag. 85.
• Saxo grā. lib. 9.
• Plutar∣chus in Catone V∣ticensi.
• The .352. vntruth: Sabellic{us} falsified, as shal ap¦peare.
• The .353. vntruth. False trās∣lation.
• The .354. vntruth. Sab. mea∣neth no such thīg.
• Sabell. Aenead. 9. lib. 1.
• Naucler. generat. 32. pa. 85. Martinus Pol.
• Aenead. ••. lib. 1.
• (Ex qua iniuria vi∣detur mihi orta tāta rerū mutatio, quanta in humanis rebus fa∣cta est)
• In tā cor∣ruptis mo∣ribus Nau¦clerus ge∣nerat. 32. vbique Esai. 24.
• Osc. 4.
• Esaiae 3. Et effae∣minati do¦minabun∣tur eis. 2. Reg. 24
• The :355. vntruth. For these parties were not sent to Otho against Pope Iohn, but frō him, and for him.
• The .356. Vntruth: This Lu∣ithprand▪ vvas no Cardinal. Luithpr. vntruth.
• The .357. his Au∣thor ouer reached.
• The .358. Vntruth. That coū¦cel vvas not called to depose him.
• The .359. vntruth. He vvas runne avvay be¦fore the Synod vvas any thinge tovvard▪
• The .360. vntruth. A part of the sentē∣ce leaft out.
• The .361. vntruth. These vvordes in the middest nipped quite of. To vvhō•• the electiō of your Bisshop be∣longeth.
• Such si M. Hor∣nes an∣svvere to M. Feckē∣ham in a great part
• The .362. vntruth. Luithprā∣dus she∣vveth no such thinge.
• The .363. vntruthe pregnant. For nei∣ther the Empe∣rour de∣posed Be∣nedictus, but Pope Leo him selfe, nei∣ther doth Platina, Nauclere or Sabell: make any mention of Synod called by thempe∣rour the∣reaboute. Dist. 63.
• The .364. vntruth. Sūmae soe∣dis Aposto¦licae. Of the hi∣ghest Apostoli∣ke See: leeft out.
• The .365. vntruth. vnde de∣bēt: from vvhence it apper∣tayneth, left out:
• The .366. vntruth. Sūmae: the highest. lef out agayne.
• Vide Nau∣clerū ge∣nerat. 33. pag. 89. & sequēt. Summus Pontifex et vniuer∣salis papa. Luithprā∣dus lib. 6. rerū per Europam gestarum cap. 6. Naucler. generat. 32. pag. 85 Vide Tri∣themium. in scrip. & Chrono∣graph. Pantaleo∣nis.

  Luithprā∣di Ticinē∣sis Eccle∣siae Leuitae re••um ab Europae Impera∣tor. gesta∣rū histo∣riae liber 1. &c.
• Affirmans se illū cō∣tra impe∣ratoris po∣tentiā ad∣iuturum. Dict. ca. 6.
• M. Horns confuse vvritīg.
• Cap. 9. Quod nos Ecclesiae vestrae ve¦strique defensores etc.
• Hovv ād in vvhat sorte the Empe∣rour had to doo vvith the Popes de∣position. Cap. 11.
• Sperās imperator cū paucis se Romae dege¦re posse, ne consume∣retur populus Roma¦nus ob multitudinē exercitus, multis vt redirēt licētiam de∣dit. Quumque hoc Iohannes qui deie∣tus est, papa cognos∣ceret etc.
• Cap. 11.
• Nauclere generat. 33. pag. 90. Platina in Bened. 5. & in Leone. 8.

  Benedictū sanctae et Apostolicae sedis Ro∣manae inuasorē om∣ni Pontificatus & presbiteratus iure priuamus: ob elaec∣mosinam verò Do∣mini imperatoris etc. cuius opera in sedē debitam resti∣tuti sumus, diacona∣tus eum ordinē habe¦re permittimus, & non iam Romae sed in exilium destina∣namus.

  Luithprā. Cap 11.
• Vide Dist. 63. In Synodo.
• Nauclerus generat. 33.
• The 367. vntruth. The king deposed him not, but the Councel: and Ar∣nulphus was resto¦red by the Pope: and Gil∣bert depo¦sed agayne.
• The .368. vntruth. Slaunde∣rous to that age.
• The .369. vntruth. False trā∣slation. Iussit obti¦nuitque. He com∣maunded and ob∣tayned that his kynsman shulde be named Pope. Platina
• The .370. vntruth. This so that folo∣weth not, as it shall appeare.
• The .371. Vntruth: Platina vvas no flatterer, but a free vvriter.
• The .372. Vntruth. False trā∣slation. Ex Impera¦toris sen∣tentia, Ac¦cording to the Emperours vvill.
• The .373. Vntruth. Slanderous. Syluester vvas no Coniurer.
• The .374. vntruth, Ecclesiastical maters, Naucl. nameth not:
• The .375. vntruth. Sabelli∣cus falsi∣fied, as shall ap∣peare.
• The .376. vntruth., Sabellicus saith not so.
• Plat. in Greg. 5. Volat. lib. 22. An∣throp.
• Naucl. ge¦nerat. 34. pag. 96.
• Nauclerus Ibidem.
• M. Horn•• incōstant or igno∣dealing touching Syluester the .2.
• Siluester vvas no cōiurer. Theodori∣chus de Nyem in lib de pri∣uileg. & Iurib. Im∣perij. In volum. de imper. et eccles. po∣test. pag. 832. impr. Basil. An. 1566.
• Dist. 63. Tibi Do∣mino Io∣hanni pa∣pae, ego rex Otho &c. In Romae nullū pla∣citū aut or¦dinationē faciam de omnibus quae ad te, aut ad Ro¦manos per¦tinent sine tuo consi∣lio, et quic¦quid deter¦ra S. Petri ad nostrā potestatē peruenerit tibi red∣dam, & cuicunque &c.
• a.

  Gen. 34.
• b.

  Aen. 9. lib. 2.
• c.

  In Syl. Artic. 4. pag. 114. Naucl. gener. 33. Arnulphū Rhemorū Pontificē synodo episcoporū habita ab vrbe deiectū, in vincula coniecit. Rhemis Gilbertū Philosophū posuit episcopum: Romani tamen ponti∣ficis edicto, Arnulphus, reuocato Gilberto restitutus est, &c.
• Platina in Ioh. 18. Cresceniij Romani cōsulis po∣tētia fret{us} quē pecu∣nia corru∣pissecredi∣tum est: et mox. Mi∣ror ergo hi¦storicos Io¦annē ipsū inter pōti∣fices nume¦rasse, cùm viuēte ad huc pōtifi∣ce Grego∣rio sedem occupasset.
• Sabel. Ae∣ne. 9. li. 2.
• Vide Her∣mannum cōtractum in chroni∣cis.

  Lambert. Schasnab. in histor. Germa. Othonem Frising. li. 6. cap. 33.
• Sabell. Aened. 9. lib. 2. Naucler. gener. 35. pag 120. Platina in Leo .9.
• Platina Ab. Vrspu.
• The .377. vntruth. Slaunde¦rous: Sabell••c.
• The 378. vntruth. they adde By the lavv of Nicolas the last po∣pe before: vvhich you vn∣truly haue left out
• The .379. vntruth. For one of them vvas not pope.
• The .380. vntruth. Slaunde∣rous a∣gainst the vvhole Church of that age.
• Platina.
• The .381. vntruthe Slaunde∣rous, as shal ap∣peare.
• The: 382. vntruth. For much more was sayed, b••∣fore he gaue place.
• The .383. vntruth. Sabell. fal¦sified, as shal ap∣peare. Sabellicus
• The .384. vntruth. mere slaū¦derous.
• The .385. vntruth. Sabellicus falsified, as shal ap∣peare.
• The .386. vntruth. mere slaū∣derous.
• The .387. vntruth. The cler∣gy of Rome, not he, made all the haste.
• †

  A lewde lying tale cōtrary to al other vvriters Sabel. Pla¦tina, Nau∣clere, Ma∣rian{us}, An∣selmus ād other.
• The .388. vntruth. slaunde∣rous in preferrīg the cōde∣ned fable of one mā before all approued histories.
• The .389. vntruth. in cōcea∣ling: For straight N••uclere addeth.

  Other and in maner al vvriter•• report the plaine cō∣trary••. Naucl••r.
• The .390. vntruth. It vvas no Coun∣cel, but a schismati∣cal con∣uenticle. Auētinus.
• The .391. vntruth. Ridicu∣lous.
• The 392. vntruth. Rayling.
• Marianus Scotus saying of Hilde∣brande.
• Lib. 3. aeta te. 6.

  Conspiran¦tes cōuene¦rāt in vnū aduersus Dominum & aduer∣sus vica∣riū eius pa¦pā Grego∣rium.

  VVilliam of Mal∣mes bu∣ries sayīg of the same.

  Hildebrād had the gifte of prophecy Lib. 3. de hist. An∣glicana. Hilde∣brand ta∣kē for the true pope by the godlie ād Learned bishop Anselmus Vide epist. Anselmi apud Ab∣batem.
• Opera Sigeberti Ar∣chiepiscopi Mogunt. VVormaciae cōuentus indicitur. In conuētū eum & Hugo Car∣dinalis venit, tragoe∣diā quandam apud prīcipes de scelesta pa¦pae vita cōmentus fal∣sò protulit.

  Naucler. gener. 36. The crymes layde to Hildebrand were falsely layde to hī, by the confession of M. Hornes own author vvhom he maketh to be indif∣ferente. Gener. 37.

  Abbas Vrspergens. Guiliel. Malmesb. li. 3. de hist. Anglicae. Blondus.

  Naucler. Gener. 36. Pope Hilbrand pur¦geth him self by re∣ceiuing the blessed Sacrament.
• A conie∣cture vvhie M. Horne is so much offended vvith Hil¦debrand.
• The cause of the dis∣sention betvvene thempe∣ror and pope Hil¦debrand. Naucler, gener. 36.
• Naucler. gener. 36. pag. 135.
• A iuste iudgemēt of God againste Henrye the .4. Henry the 4. appe∣leth to the pope.

  Rom. pon∣tificē, san∣ctam & ••niuersa∣lē sedē Ro¦manam ap¦pellamus. In literis ad Henri∣cum filiū.
• Rogamus vos per authori∣tatē Ro. ecclesiae, cui nos cō∣mittimus & honorē regni ne &c. Apud quē si in∣terpellatio vestra, nul¦la{que} alia interuētio ad presens prodesse peterit, ap¦pellamus R. p. & sanctā vni¦uersalem R. sedē & ecclesiam. In literis ad episco∣pos et prī∣cipes.
• Platina in Alexan. 2. Naucler. gener. 36.
• Naucler. dict. Gene.
• The same vvriteth Sabellic{us} Aenead. 9 lib. 3. and Nauclere gener. 36. pag. 133.
• The form of Hilde∣brands e∣lection.
• Aenead. 9. lib. 3.
• Sabell. vt supra.
• Sabel. Ae∣nead. 9. lib. 3. Naucl. ge¦nerat. 36.
• In Indice lib. inhib.
• Naucler. gener. 36.
• Marianus in sinc suae chronogr. Sabell. & Naucler. vbi supra.
• Naucler. gener. 36. pag. 133.
• Nauclerus generat. 37. pag. 144.
• The .393. vntruth Not for this Supre∣me ••urisdictiō in al Eccles. causes whch M Horne vvould proue, but only for inuesturing of Bishops.
• The 394. vntruth. The Emperour broke his couenā∣tes first, not the Pope, as shal ap∣peare.
• The .395 vntruth. The othe of the Italians mencioned in Nauclerus hath no one vvord of any ecclesiasticall thinge or cause.
• A fovvl•• lye of the Apo∣logie of Englāde.
• Dato sibi per manū Apostolici priuilegio inuestitu∣••ae eccle∣siasticae. Nauclerus gener. 38. In Late∣ranensi conuentu. Sabell. Aenead. 9. l••b. 4.
• Gener. 38. Pag. 183. &. 191.
• M. Horns dissēbling of his au∣thors nar¦ration.
• The .396. Vntruth. Not so vvel by a greate deale. Otto. Fri∣singen.
• The .397. vntruth. Leud and grosse as shall ap∣peere. Naucler.
• The .398. Vntruth. Not of the aunci¦ent Bis∣shops, but of the old heathen Priestes.
• Naucl. gener. 39.
• The .399. Vntruth. Horrible and noto¦rious▪ as shall ap∣peare.
• Nauclerus. Vrspurg. Sabellicus.
• The 400. Vntruth. False translation. vt seditionē tolleret. That he vvoulde take avvay the se∣dition, not take vp the matter to his ovvne arbitremēt. Vspurg.
• The .401. Vntruth. He minded no such matter as shall ap∣peare.
• The .402. Vntruth. He vvas gon to this VVilliam be∣fore he vvrote to Frederike, by Nau∣clerus.
• The 403. Vntruth. That appeareth not in Platina or Nauclerus.
• The .404 vntruth. In omitting the next sentēce vvhe∣rein the Popes Pri∣macie ouer the Em¦perour is manifest∣lie declared.
• The .405. vntruth. For he had none to geue in that behalfe.
• The .406. vntruth. In leuing out that which foloweth P•••• vrbē equo insi∣dentē dedu¦citet de more ado∣rat which shevveth plainely the Empe¦rour•• in∣feriour∣nes, not primacy.
• The .407 vntruth. Rayling ribauldry
• If the only, thē hovv is the Prīce ••ouer∣nour?

  Or if the Prince notvvith¦stādingis, vvhi mai not also the Pope be?
• The .408. and .409. vntruth•• bothe ••launde∣rours, neuer able to be proued.
• The .410. vntruth. For he speaketh only of the clergi of Rome.
• T. Liuius. Lib. 1. Dec. 1.
• M. Horne playeth Cacus his parte, that stole Hercules Oxen.
• Naucler. gener, 39. pag. 215.
• Frederic. Octauianū Pontificem cōfirmat, eumque albo equo in sidentē per vrbē Tici∣nensem ducit, & de mo••e adorat.

  Platina in Alex .3. Tunc Episc. ad pedes so Octauiani proster∣nūt. Imperator quo∣que id ipsum fecit, vt ab eo indulgentiā ac∣ciperent, & sibi obe∣dientiam sacerent. Vspurg.

  Quem Imperator in Concilio Papā decla∣ratū adorauit, & e∣quū eius de more per vrbem deduxit.
• Naucler. geuer. 39.
• Supra in the .114. Diuision.
• A fable of the Apology and M. Foxe touching thys Ale¦xander treading on thēpe∣rours necke.
• Naucle∣rus. Gener. 40. In his madde Martyro∣log. Non tibi inquit, sed Petro, cui successor¦es, pa••eo. Naucler. dict. gener. 40.
• Naucler. gener. 39. pag. 225.
• Pag. 226.
• 1. Cor. 13. Prote∣stants lacke true Charyty.
• Nō vt iu∣dicaret eos, aut causam se¦dis Aposto¦licae, sed vt à pru∣dentibus viris ad∣disceret, cui electo obedire potius de∣beret. ••rsperg.
• Gener. 39.
• M. Horn•• extraor∣dinarye processe ād lewde ••ayling.
• Confu. fol. 210.
• Otto Fri∣gingēsis.
• Vid. de hoc Nau. gen. 41 p. 287. & 288.
• Of (.411.) the doīgs of the Kings of this Realme, in Eccles. matters, before the Conquest looke in the bok De postestate Regia set out by the Prelats, 26. Hen. 8.
• Polychron. Polychro. Fabian. Polychro. Fabian.
• The .412 vntruthe. For al this vvas but one Councell.
• Polychron. Polychro. Fabian. Polychro. Fabian.
• The .413. vntruthe. Fabiā saith not so: neither by the sto¦ry appeareth so.
• Polychron.
• Fabian. Polychron.
• The .414. vntruth. They vvere spred into diuers houses, saith Fabian, which you leaue out.
• Polychron.
• The .415 vntruthe. This, So that, folo∣vveth not, as shall appeare.
• The .416. vntruth. He neuer toke hī self, for such.
• Consyder the sub∣stantiall handling of the matter by M. Horn for Eng∣lande.
• M. Horn for the firste thousand yeares shevveth no exam∣ple of his primacie practised then in Britannie Fol. 93. Col. 2.
• M. Horn begīneth his newe primacie vvith vvilliam Conque∣rour, as thovv••h he had cōquered both the lande and the fayth vvithall.
• Proufs for the po¦pes supre∣macie in Britanie before the Saxons tyme.

  Beda hist. Ang. lib. 1. cap. 4.
• Obsecrās, vt per ei{us} mandatū Christian{us} efficeretur King Lu¦ci{us} ād the realme Christe∣ned bi••the popes le∣gate••.

  Ireneus li. 3 ca. 3. Ad hāc e∣nim prop∣ter poten∣tiorē prin¦cipalitatē necesse est oēm cōue∣nire Eccle¦siam, hoc est, eos qui sunt vndi∣que fide∣les, in qua semper ab hijs qui sūt vndi{que} cō∣seruata est ea, quae est ab Aposto¦lis traditio. Beda li. cap. 13. ••rosper in Chronic.
• Pope Ce∣lestinus practised his supre¦macye in the Saxōs tyme.
• The Po∣pes supre¦macie in Englande sithence the Saxōs time.

  Beda. lib. 1 ca. 29. li, 3. ca. 14.22. & 25. li. 2. c. 4. & 19.
• Fortresse. par 2. c. 8. A cōplaīt for defa∣c••ng of Libraries
• King Alured: or Alphred the foūder of the vniuersitie of Oxforde.

  A schole of the Sa¦xons at Rome. An. Dom. 880. Asserius Meneuensis. Gul. Noueoburgens. M.S. Henr. Hung∣tington.

  Ioannes Scotus. Idem Henricus. King Alured vvas annointed king of England at Rome.

  Asserius. Quo tempore Leo Papa .4. Apostolicae sedi praeerat, qui praefatum infantem Alphredū confirma∣uit, et in filium ado∣ptionis sibi accepit, & oleo vnctum con∣secrauit in Regem. Vide deflorationes Alphredi Beuerla∣censis.

  A Patre suo Adelul∣pho Romā mittitur. & à papa Leone. 4 in Regem inūgitur. Of S. vvulstane bi∣shop of vvorceter.
• He vvas cōfirmed by the popes le∣gats be∣fore the cōquest. Henry Hūtingto.
• Idem Hēr. Hunting. Polid. l. 4. The con∣tinual pra¦ctise of the Popes Primacy in the re∣alme of England before the con∣queste in payinge the Peter pence, ād receiuing the palle.
• De pote∣state Re∣gia.
• The .411. vntruth, for there is not as much as one exam∣ple of this nevve Primacye brought foorth in that boke cōcerning Englād. And therfore this is a marginal lie of M. Hornes. And so are ye novv vvel∣come to Englande M. Horne vvithall your ioly compa∣nye, that is vvith .400. vntruthes and more cleauing faste to your syde be∣side many a trym follie othervvise,
• VV. Conquerours othe.

  In addit. ad. Noueo∣burg. M.S. promittēs se velle sanctas Dei Ecclesias, ac rectores defendere.
• Idē Noueobur. M.S. Pallium canonicè nō suscepisti.

  Fabian. par. 7. cap. 220.

  The cause why the Archbishop Stigā∣dus vvas deposed.
• Guil. Malmesb. Sti∣gandū perperā & fal¦sò Archiepiscopū, per Card. Rom. & Ar∣menfridū episcopum Sedunensem deponi passus est.

  Polychronic. lib. 7. cap. 1.
• Neub. lib. 1. cap. 1.
• M. Horne and his felovves are to be deposed, yf he al∣lovv VV. Conque∣rours supremacy.
• M Horns impudē∣cie.
• Gul. Mal∣mesb. Ex prae∣cepto A∣lexandri. 11. venti∣lata est causa &c. Adfuit Hu¦bertus Le∣gatus Pa∣pae.

  Fabian. cap. 222. Polich. lib. 7. cap. 3. Guiliel. de Pontifi. Guil. Hū∣tingt.
• Notable places of Lanfrācus for the popes pri¦macie. Lanfran. contra Be¦rengar: de sacramēto Et hoc im¦pio ore gar¦risti quod garrista nemo lo∣quitur: nō haereticus, non schis∣maticus. non falsus aliquis Christia∣nus. fol. 2.
• Fol. 13. Beati pa∣tres cōcor¦diter astru¦xerūt, hae∣ricum esse hoēm om∣nem, qui à Romana & vniuer¦sali Eccle¦sia in sidei doctrina discordat, in edit. Lo nan. in 8. An. 1551.
• Lib. De pō¦tif. Angli.
• Polychr. li. 7. ca. 1.
• Fabian. cap. 220.
• Fabian.
• The .417. vntruthe. He made holy Church free sayeth Fabyan. Fabyan.
• Matth. Par.
• The 418 vntruthe. For the pleasure of the Kinge left out.
• The .419. vntruthe. he fled not to Rome but vvas sente thi∣ther by the kinge.
• Simeon Dunelmensis Hen. Huntingtonus Roge. Houedenus. Matt. Paris. Mat. VVestmonast.
• Polidorus. Polidorus. Nauclerus. Abbas Vrsp.
• The .420. vntruthe. flatly belying Mar∣tinus.
• Concerning Vvil∣liam Rufus King.
• M. Horne buyldeth his newe primacie vppō the doinges of ill princes. Eusebius de vitae Const. lib. 1. prope finem.
• The a∣greable∣nes be∣tvvene Rufus, ād the tyrāt Licinius, for stay∣yng of ecclesia∣sticall councels.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. &c.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉. &c.
• M. Horne like the spider ād the flie.

  The wor¦thines of Bisshop Anse••me. Guil Mael¦mesb. in lib. de Pontif. Henri••. Hunting. in Histor. Angl.

  T••e cau∣ses of dis¦sen••iō be∣tvvene King ••u∣fus and Anselmus Edmerus. de vita Ansel. li. 2 Regē pro Ecclesiarū quae de die in diē de∣struebātur releuatione pro Chri¦stianae l••gis quae in multis violabatur renouatione, pro di∣uersorū morū qui ōni ordine hominum quotidie nimis corrumpebantur, correctione coepit interpellare.
• Edmer. lib 2.
• Edmer. dict. lib. 2. Attamen posthaec et Vrbanum per VVal∣terum Albanensem episcopum, qui palliū à Roma Anselmo Cantuariam detulit pro Papa suscepit et principum suorum cōsilio actus in ami∣citiam suam virum recepit.
• Henric. Hunting. Cap. 225.
• Concer∣ning kīg Hēry the first.
• Edmer. lib. 2. De vi∣ta Anselmi.

  Post ea omnia rega∣uit Anselmum rex, quatenus ipsemet Romam iret.

  Henr. Hungt. Rogatus à Rege per∣rexit Romam.

  Idē Hēric. Hūgt. Anno. 1107. statuit vt nūquā per dona∣tionem baculi pasto∣ralis vel ānuli, quis{quam} de episcopatu vel abbatia ••er regē vel quamlibet laicā ma∣num in Anglia inue∣stiretur.

  ••ex antecessorū suo∣rum vsu relicto, ••ec personas quae in regi∣men Ecclesiarum su∣mebantur per se eli∣git, nec eas per da∣tionem virgae pasto∣ralis quibus praeficie batur, inuestiuit. Edmer. lib. 2. de vi∣ta Anselmi.
• inter

  Idem.
• Omnes qui haec ge∣sta tūc tēporis audie∣re, ea meritis cōcor∣diae quā rex cū An∣sel. fecerat ascripsere Fabian. cap. 227.
• M. Horn sheweth him selfe vvorthy to be pu∣nished for vvhore∣dome by his ovvn storie.
• Fabian.

  Simeon Dunelmens. & Rogerus Houed. Rex tenuit Conciliū magnū apud Lōdo∣nū de vxoribus sacer¦dotū prohibē lis, &c. Concessere namque regi iustitiā de vxo∣ribus sacerdotū, & improuidi habiti sunt: accepit enī rex pecuniam infinitam de presbyteris & re∣demit eos.

  Similia habet, & Henr. Huntington.
• Lib. 11.

  The order of the parliamēte abovvt the conqueste.

  Parliamētum est ex 3. gradibus siue gene∣ribus: scilicet ex pro∣curatoribus cleri, mi¦litibus cōmunitatis, ciuibus & Burgensi∣bus, qui repraesentāt totam communita∣tem Angliae. Quia quilibet magnatum est ••bi pro propria persona & non pro alia.
• M. Horns vvisdom in reaso∣ning aga∣inst hym selfe.
• Polidorus lib. 11. Admone∣bat ne san¦ctos ritus, neuè reli∣gionis iu∣ra, et cere¦monias verteret pollue∣retque.
• Martinus Polonus in, Pascha li. 2. Re∣nunciauit inuestitu∣ris Epi∣scoporum & aliorū praelatorū.
• Vide Nau¦clerū ge∣nerat. 38. pag. 183.
• Dist. 63. in Synod.
• Fol. 7••. Fac. 1.
• An. 2••. Henric. 8. cap. 14. An. 1. Elizab. cap. 1.
• The .421. Vntruth. not about this time, by 150. yeares at the least.
• The 422. Vntruth. They of Armenia neuer ac∣knovv∣ledged their Prīce for suche.
• The 423. Vntruth. Slāderus.
• The .424. vntruth, most lewde in nipping away the vvordes folowing in the same sentence.
• The .425. vntruth. Neuer able to be iusti∣fied.
• M. Horne by a spi∣ritual ra∣uishmēt, is sodain∣ly caried frō Eng∣land to Moscouia Aethio∣pia, &c.
• Vide Pa∣ralip. Vr∣sperg. & Matheum Flaccium Illiricum in catalo∣go testium veritatis.
• Imo quod deterius est videtur nobis quod pro nihilo habeant Ecclesiam Roma∣nam, quia nulli ap∣pellationi ad eam factae de∣ferunt.
• Bernard. Epist. Platina in Had. 4 Sabel. En. 9. lib. 9.
• Anno. 1145. Nauclerus Generat. 39. pag. 231. Volater. Geograph. lib. 10. Otho Fri∣sing.
• Cōc. Ni∣cen. 2. Cap. 32. Theophil. in Ioan. 19 Niceph. li. 18. cap. 52. & 53.
• Domian{us} à Goes de Aethiopum moribus. Pontificem Roma∣num tanquam pri∣mum Episcopum & pastorem ouiū Chri∣sti agnosco.

  Nostri certè ab ex∣ordio primitiuae Ec∣clesiae Rom. Pontificē vt primum Episc. agnouerūt, cui etiam hodierno die vt Chri¦sti Vicario paeremus. Anno. Dom. 1524. Propterea dico ego humiliter ad terram flexis genibus, quòd tu pater meus es, & ego filius tuus.

  Procul dubio sancti∣tas vestra Dei est Vicarius.
• Sabel. ene. 10. lib. 8.
• Mat. Par. Polychro.
• The .426. vntruthe. Polychro¦nicō saith no such thing.

  Mat. Par. Fabian.
• The .427. vntruthe. This for foloweth not here, but of an other mat¦ter longe after. Se•• Fabian. cap. 237.
• Fabian.
• VVilliam of Mal∣mesbury
• Giraldus Cambrēsis The King kepeth Councels in Irelād by the Popes cō∣sent.

  King Hē∣ry cōque∣red Irelād by the Popes consent▪
• Poli. li. 13. In addit. ad Neu∣bur. M. S.
• King vvil¦liā the cō¦querour moued his right first to the Pope ere he cō∣quered England.
• The doīgs of Kinge Henry a∣gainst S. Thomas declared by M. Foxe.
• S. Thomas can not iustlie be accused of stoutnes and stub∣bournes.
• Ca. 8. de appellatio. Si emerserint ab Ar∣chidiacono, debēt pro¦cedere ad episcopū: et ad epis. ad archie, et si Archiepis. defuerit in iustitia exhibēda, postremò ad regē est peruemendū, vt prae∣cepto ipsius in curia Archiepiscopi cōtro¦uersia terminetur, ita quod non debent vlteri{us} procedere abs∣que assensu regis. In quadrilogo de vi∣ta B. Thomae. lib. 5. Vide dict quadrilo∣gū lib. 5. impress. pa¦risijs in 4. An. 1495. in princi∣pio.

  Vide foxū fol. 48.

  Cap. 7. Null{us} qui de rege te∣neat in ca¦pite, vel aliquis do¦mesticorū ministro∣rū eius ex communi∣cetur &c. nisi prius rex &c.
• A man may be a martyr, though it be for no cause of fayth or relligion. Niceph. li. hist. eccles. 13. cap. 1. Telema∣chius the martyr. Theod. l. 5. cap. 26. Tr. l. 10. c. 2 Niceph. li. 13. cap. 4. cū sequēt. Sigeb. in chronic. a. 697 et 698. Videelegā∣tē disputa¦tionem an Alphegus sit martyr inter Lan¦frāc. Can∣tur. & Anselmum postea Cant. Archiepiscop. apud Edinerum lib. 1. de vita Anselmi. Vide Guliel. Malmesb. de Pontif. lib. 1.
• VVat a testimo∣ny God hath geuē to the vvorld for S. Thomas doyngs.
• In Qua∣drilogo. li. 2. c. 16. Vox de coe∣lo elapsa sic conte∣stata est. In dicto quadril. li. 3. c. vlt. Nā & in loco passiō¦nis eius & vbi ante maius al∣tare per∣noctauit humādus, & vbi tan¦dem sepul∣tus est. etc.
• The erle of flaun∣ders ād the Frenche kinge came to Can∣terburie in pilgri∣mage to S. Thomas In quadrilogo lib. 4. cap. 4.

  Obtulit munera, vi∣nū videlicet et aurū: aureū scilicet calicē, & vini centū modios, perpetuo ad natali∣tium diē martyris sin¦gulis ānis celebrādū in latitia.
• Polidorus. in Hen 2. Quadri∣logus. li. 4. cap. 5.

  The kīgs grief for S. Tho∣mas.
• Penaunce enioyned to the kīg by the po¦pes Le∣gats.
• The kīgs sonnes re∣bell to hī theire car¦nal father as he re¦belled a∣gainst his spirituall father, the pope and S. Thomas.
• Quadrip. histo. vitae D. Thom. lib. 4. c. 6. cū sequēt.
• 2. Re. c. 17. Iosephus li. 2. c. 12. de Antiq. Iudaeo.

  His mer∣uelous vo¦luntarie penaunce In dicta quadripa. & in Gul. Malmesb.
• Neuburg. lib. 2. c. 34. Impr. Cap. 19. M.S. Viro reuerendissimo Rogero scilicet Ab∣bate Bellelandensi re¦ferēte cognoui, quod &c.

  Polidorus. in Hēr. 2. Dict. lib. 4. ca. 8. in quadripart, & in Neuburg. cap. 19. Ipsa nāque die, eadē etiam diei hora qua missae interfuerat, rex Scotorum captus est: &c.

  A meruelouse victo¦ry that God gaue the king the same hovvre he heard masse at Cāterbury. The king ascribeth his victorie to God and S Thomas.

  Rex autem totū as∣cripsit Domino, & glorioso martyri Ib. cui certiss. erat ascr
• vvhat a madnes is it to make S. Tho∣mas after so manie hundred yeares a traytour?
• The .428. Vntruth. Auou∣ched, but vnproued
• Ann 1230. Abb. Vrsp. in vita Henr. 5. Gul. ••irius de bell sac. li. 1. ca. 13. Otho ••ris. li. 7. ca. 16. Radulph. Pisanus in vita Ca∣lixti. 2.
• Diuis. 117. Naucl. ge∣ner. 41. pa. 287. &. 288. Nauclerus
• The .429. vntruthe. This Otho recouered it not, but lost the Empire him selfe.
• The .430. vntruthe slaunde∣rous. It vvas no vsurpatiō but lavv∣ful poses∣sion.
• The .431. and .432. as shall ap¦peare.
• Nauclerus gener. 41. pag. 273.
• Platina in Inno. 3. Vide Nau¦cler. gene. 41. p. 274.5.6. &. 7. Conuentū principum suae partis celebrauit Norimber¦gae.
• Polych. Fabian.
• The .432. vntruthe. No suche vvoordes in Fabian.
• Acts and monu∣mentes fol. 65.
• A greate vntruthe of M. Fox cōcernīge the poy∣soning of kīg Iohn.
• An other vntruthe, for the chroni∣cles doe not com∣monly say so.
• M. Foxe him selfe vnwares cōfuteth his ovvn fable of the poy∣soning of kīg Iohn.
• The Au∣thour of vvhome M. Foxe taketh the residue of his storie cōcernīg Kīg Iohn maketh against him.

  Ex Chro∣nic. Ioan. Lōdinēsis.
• M. Foxes grounde of poyso∣ninge kinge Iohn stā∣deth vp∣pō a ly∣ing boke hauing no na∣me of the auctour.
• Vvhat a lying bo∣ke this fructus tē∣porū is that M. Fox groū¦deth him selfe vppon.
• Parte. 1.
• Parte. 5.
• Vide prae∣fationem Guilielm. Nevvbri∣gensis de Galfrid•• impress.
• An other great vn∣vntruth. of M. Foxes: for his authour hath no vvord of this con∣firmatiō. See thys boke prynted by vvin∣kin de word•• 2502.
• The .433. vntruth. mere Slaunde∣rous.
• The .434. vntruthe. Not eccle¦siasticall Lavves as shall appeare.
• M. Horne telleth of lavves made by the Em∣perour hovv he∣retikes should be ordered, but the order he shevveth not.
• The He∣retikes that Fre∣derike cō∣demned, vvere cōdemned before in the great ge∣neral coū∣cell at Lions:
• An. 1215. Platina In Innoc. tertio. In Chro∣nographia
• Vide Decret. Grego. tit. de heretic. c. ex∣communicamus. 2.
• A rascal rablement of monstruous he∣retiques names.
• Ioan. Gers. part. 4. Ibidē titulo de sum∣ma Trinit. cap. 2. Reprobamus etiam & cōdemnamus per¦uersissimum dogmae impij Almarici, cu∣ius mētem pater mē∣dacij sic excoecauit vt eius doctrina, nō tam haeretica, quàm insa∣na sit censenda.

  Vide epistolas Petri de vineis Cancella∣rij Frederic. 2. li. 1. ca. 25.26. et. 27. Et nouell. Fred. in∣sertas Cod. Iustiniā.
• The difference be∣tvvene the lavves of Frederike and the Councell.

  Dict. cap. 2. de sum∣ma trinitate. Et c. excommunicamus. 1. &. 2. de haeretic.
• The ma∣ner hovv heretikes should be ordered, set forthe as vvell out of the foresaide Councell, as out of Frederike his lawes. Dict. c. 25. cū sequē∣tibus.
• M. Horne in telling that Fre∣derik cō∣demned heretiks, proclai∣meth him selfe an Heretike. Almari∣cus his heresies. In Chro∣nolog.

  Almaricus Gallus, i∣magines, altaria, & sanctorum inuocatio∣nē, idololae¦triā cēset: transub∣stantiatio¦nē altaris negat. Idē aliquot er¦rores docēs cōburitur Parisijs. Bern. de Luxēburg in catal. Bernard. epist. 195.
• Almari∣cus is M. Foxes ho¦ly Mar∣tyr.

  Vide Foxū fol. 70.
• Articles of the cō∣uocation offered of late to the parliamēt
• In historiae Bohemiae ca. 35. P. Aemil. li. 6. Hist. Franc. Fol. 42. cū sequēt. All our nevve Gospell springeth from the foolishe fond Frier VValdo, and his sect con∣demned by the foresaide Councell and by Frederik. Of vvhō the Ar∣noldists are called. Vide cata∣logum Il∣lirici. pag. 465. et in appendice pag. 15. impress. Argentin. 1562.
• Arnoldus Brixensis Vide de hoc Arnoldo. Plat. in Adriane. 4. Sabel. Aenea. 8. li. 9 Bernard. epi. 195.
• The horrible errors of the Albigenses.
• Paulus Aemilius. li. 6. hist. Franc. Ecclesiam nostram caetum infernorum vocitabant, matrimo¦nia damnabāt, pro∣miscuōs concubitus, eosque nefarios san∣ctos ducebant.
• M. Foxe vvolde fayn haue vs beleue theis Albigenses to be martyrs.

  Frid. Dict. epist. 27. Patarenorum com∣plices & qui vt alios à paena possint exime¦re, de se velut impro∣nidi non formidant. vvhy these heretiks called them selues Patarenos.

  Epiphanius. lib. 3. Tom. 2. Heres. 8.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• Vide Petrā de vinea Lib. 1. Epist. 26. A short ansvvere to all M. Foxes madde martyro∣log, by thempe∣rour fride¦ryke M. Hornes supreame head.
• The Pate∣rās despe¦rate dea∣linges.
• Rome the head of all churches by Fride∣ricus cō∣fession againste the Pa∣terans.
• Platina. Sabell. Naucler. & alij.
• Fabian.
• The .435. Vntruth. Captaine and no∣torious. Polidore saith the clean cō∣trary.
• The .436. and .437. Vntruth. For it vvas a tenth, no tribute, ād it vvas graunted, not deni∣ed.
• Concer∣ning Kīg Henrie the .3.
• M. Horns imperti¦nent Ar∣guments.
• M. Horne seketh by matters, leauīg the principall as the Do¦natistes did.
• August. cō¦tra Dona. post collat. cap. 34. ••om. 7. In Collat. Carth. Conc. Dicebatse mirari Do¦natistas habe••e in¦co••pore sā¦guinē, qui nunquam erubes••e∣rent toties in mani∣festo men∣datio de∣prehensi.
• In addit. ad Neub. M. S. Po∣lichronic. Fabian.
• Polichr. et ••o Lond. Polichro. In addit. ad Neub. M. S. & Polichr.
• vvherein the pope practised his supre∣macy in Englād in Kings Hē¦ries time. Polidor. lib. 16.
• Magna Charta.
• Priuileges graūted to Poules Churche in London by the kinge.

  Polidorus lib. 16. Pro sua pietate & gratia irrogauit Pau¦lino collegio sacer∣dotū, ea omnia liber∣talis priuilegia, qui∣bus ciuitas Lōdinēs. vteretur, frueretur, quae ne indedānū vllū faceret, dedit ex suo li¦bras septē, quas etiā nūc vicecomites vr∣bani ex arbitrio re∣gio, quot annis capiūt

  Polidorus lib. 16. Iam ade••at annus sa¦lutis humanae. 1226. & nonus, cū regnare cepit Hēricus: quo an¦no cōciliū prīcipū est habitū: in eo concilio de regis pariter ac prī¦cipū sentētia, nō parū multa priuilegia or∣dini sacerdotali, at{que} reliquo populo irroga¦ta sunt multae{que} leges, quas reges qui sequuti sunt ita approbarunt, vt inde bona pars iu∣ris collecta sit, quemadmodū in eo extat libello qui inscribitur magna Charta, & alterae 〈…〉〈…〉
• A moste notori∣ouse and captayne lie, vvher¦in Maister Horne is cōuicted by the place him self allea∣geth.
• vve must cal a quest of Lavv∣yers and grāmari∣ans for M. Horn.
• M, Horns shameful ignorāce in the grāmer and Latyn tong.
• M. Horne alleageth Friderikes epistle, but litle for his own ease, if it vver fully executed to∣vvards himself.
• Io. Lond. in Chroni. Iste Fridericus in proposito habuit ecclesiam ad supremam paupertatem redigere. Vi∣de apud eūdem: partem epist, eius ad Henric. 3.
• Antonin{us}.
• Append. Math. Pa∣risiens.
• Fabian.
• Append. Math. Pa∣risiens.
• The .438. and 439. vntruths. One in false trās∣lating, the other in vnfaith∣ful nip∣ping.
• Antoninus. part. 3. tit. 19. cap. 9. Nomē do∣mini vel Virginis gloriosae.
• Annales de France. Fabian. Nau••lere.
• The 440. vntruthe. For they lost them.
• The .441. vntruthe, as shal ap∣peare.
• Naucler{us} gener. 41. pag. 288. Vide chro∣nicon ad∣ditum ad P. Aemil. historiā. Plat. in Nicolao. 4. Cardina∣les ad cō∣cordiā & electionē pontificis adhorta∣tus est. Idē in Caelesti∣no. 5. In∣stante Ca¦rolo Rege, & Latino Cardinale pontifex creatur.
• Naucler. gener. 42. pag. 313. et 314. Idē gener. 43.
• Polych. Fabian. Polyd.
• The 442. vntruthe. Polidore saith not so.
• Concer∣ning Kīg Edvvard the first.
• Polid. Polychro. Fabian.
• Io. Lond. An. 1272.
• Gregorius denus col∣ligit omne genus.

  Ioan. Lōd. An. 1272. &. 1274. Neubu. in addi. M.S. dict. anno. 1274.

  Io. Lond. 1278.

  Idē Anno. 1294. & 1298.
• Idē Anno 1301. & 1303.
• Idem An. 1286.
• See in vvhat esti¦mation the Popes doinges were with the Kinge and the realme e∣uen for temporal matter••. Idem An. 1298.

  Idem An. 1300.

  Vide Neu. in addit. M.S. anno 1291.

  Idē Io. Lō∣dinen.
• Pol. li. 17. Vide 6. lib. decret. li. 3. ca. 3. de immunit. Eccles. Idē Ioan. an. 1296. Idem an. 1296.1297 & 1300. Idem an. 1300. Neu. in addit. M. S. an. 1291. & 1292.

  M. Horns extraua∣gante ar∣gument. Cōcernig Mort∣maine.
• The sta∣tute of mort∣maine doth not touch re∣ligiouse mē only.
• Polidor.

  Prudentia summa, religionis studiosissi∣mus, insolentiae sacer¦dotū enimicus acer∣rimus, quam ex opi∣bus tum primis pro∣ficisci putabat: quā∣obrem legem ad ma∣num mortuam per∣petuasse fertur, vt ita eorū luxuries coer∣ceretur.
• The 423. vntruth: he gaue him no admoni∣tiō to re∣forme re∣ligion.

  Anton. Naucler. Blond.
• Pau. Aem.
• The .424. vntruth. He depo∣sed him not, but depriued hī of his tēporal∣ties, and that vn∣iustly.

  Aemilius. Naucler{us}.
• The .425.426. and 427. vn∣truthes. by arte of multipli∣cation, a•• shall ap∣peare.

  Platina. Naucler. Antonin. Sabell. Naucler. Sabellic. Aemyl. Append. Vrspurg. Antonin. Naucler. Antonin.
• The .428. vntruth. He made him not, but made intercession to haue him made.
• The .429. vntruth. It vvas not taken vp, but decreed playne against the kinge.
• Concer∣ning Phi∣lip the Frenche kinge.
• M. Horns ioly rank
• Paul. Ae∣milius. li. 8
• M. Horne choppeth and pa∣reth the ••uctour•• by hym alleaged. Cypriā: de simplicit Prae••a. siue de vnitate Ecclesiae. Corrupto∣res euan∣gelij atque interpre∣tes falsi extrema ponunt & superio¦ra prate∣reunt, partim memores, & partim subdolè corrūpen∣tes: vt ipsi ab Eccle∣sia scissi sunt▪ ita capituli vnius sententiā scindunt.
• Vide Nau∣cler. gene∣rat. 44. pag. 361. P. Aemil. lib. 8. Cōmemo∣rat Boni∣facij in se, Frāciam∣que noui exempli decretum: sed eū pō∣tificem maximā non esse, eaque de re cogno∣sc••nda sa∣crosanctā sede•• suo antistite tunc vi∣duam ap∣pellare. Naucler. gener. 44. Diuersis sententijs elegerunt Episc. Bur. re∣ge inter cedente.
• Antoninus in historia part. 3. ••it. 21. c. 1 M. Horns ovvne story pro¦ueth most fully the Popes su∣premacy. Naucler. gener. 44. Contrariū declarauit scilicet ip∣sum fuisse catholicū & indubi∣tatū pon∣tificem. Ant. par. 3. tit. 21. c. 3. Cōcilium nullo mo∣do cōsen∣tire voluit sed cōtra∣riū decla∣rauit, sci∣licet ipsū f••isse catholicū. & indu∣bitatū pō∣tificem.
• Ant. part. 3. tit. 21. ca. 1. Nau¦clerus dict gener. 4•• Paul. Aemilius. Naucler. volum. 3. pag. 361. Blond. Celebraue¦rat pro∣uinciale Conci∣lium &c. Ad sedem Apostolicā in se mitio¦rē aquio∣remque appella∣uerat. Ant. part. 3 tit. 2. c. 8. ss. 20. Naucler. gener. 44
• M. Horne declared ones agaī an here∣tik by his ovvne King Phillip.
• Mark the vvoorke of God.
• The .430. vntruth. For not in spiri∣tual mat∣ters, which is nowe the Questiō.
• Vide eun∣dē librum titul. 2. & 27. & ali∣bi passim.
• Durandus de diuinis officijs lib. 2. cap. 1. Num. 17.
• The .431. vntruth. For not in the be∣halfe of ecclesia∣stical go∣uerne∣ment.
• The .432: vntruth. The con∣flict vvas farre o∣therwise, as shall appeare.
• The .433. vntruth, as shall appere.
• The .434. vntruth. Poets, not diuines.
• The .435. vntruth. No such thing in his Au∣thor.
• The .436. Vntruth. For he did it De facto, not De iure.
• The .437. Vntruth. None of his Mar∣ginal Au∣thors say so.
• The .438. Vntruth. In cōcea∣ling his Authours meaning.
• The .439. Vntruth. Nauclere belied, ād falsified, a•• shall appeare.
• The .440 Vntruth. It vvas not the first that vvas laid &c.
• The 441. and .442. Vntruth•• Pope Cle∣mēt twise flatly be∣lyed as shall ap∣peare.
• M. Horn•• imperti∣nent Ar∣gument••.
• Antonin{us} part .3. tit. 21. cap. 5. ff. 8.

  Appellauit ad ipsum Papā malè informa¦tū, benè informandū et etiā ad cōciliū ge∣nerale. Nauclerus Gener 45. Naucler. ibidem. Platina.

  Creatus ita{que} Pseu∣dopontifex ac Nico¦laus .5. appellatus ab imperato∣re & ijs qui cū eo aderant, vt verus Christi vi∣carius cō∣salutatur. Naucler. ibidem.
• Cōcernīg the cōfir∣matiō of thēperor by the Pope.
• M. Horne proueth his nevv primacie by poets. M. Hor∣nes ovvn authour cōdēneth his vvyt∣nesses.

  Volater. in Anthropo∣logia.
• Antoni. part. 3. ti∣tul 21. ca. 5. ss. 2.
• Bartolus in lege prima ff. de requi∣rendis reis.

  Marsilius Pataui∣nus.

  Vide Hie∣rarchiam Pighij.

  De Iuris∣dict. Im¦per. & ec∣clesiast.

  Basil. im∣pres. Anno 1566.

  The pro∣per haere¦sy of En∣glande.
• M. Horne leaueth owte of his au∣thours vvordes. Vide dict. Paralip. & Nau∣cler. pag. 384. & 385. vo••¦lum. 3.
• An heape of Vn∣truths. Naucler. vbi vt su∣pra.

  Paralip. Vrspergen.
• Naucler. gener. 45. pag. 390. Prima haeresis. Ip¦se enī (in∣quit Cle∣mens) as∣seruit de∣terminat. de pauper tate Chri∣sti et apo∣stolorū per Ioan. 22. factā, esse haereticā: et iurauit se credere contrariū. Item asse∣ruit. &c. M. Horne Emperor is an he∣retike. Vide ex∣trauagan¦tē Io. 22. cū inter de verb. signif.
• Vide histo∣••iam Ant. part. 3. tit. 21. c. 5. ss. 1.
• Is Concilio in Italia habito Io. 22. haereti∣cū declarauerat, de∣fendens Iesum eius∣que discipulos adeo pauperes fuisse, vt ni¦hil ne{que} in cōi, neque priuatim habuissent. Quod in Cōcil. Ane∣monēsi refutatū est. Io. Marius de schism. et Cōcil. part. 2. c. 21
• Cardinal. Flor. in Clement. exiui. ss. proinde de verb. signif. Madde Martyrs.
• The repē∣tance of the Anti∣pope se••te vp agaīst Pope Iohn.
• Specialiter cognosco, me tenere & credere quòd ad Imperato∣rem non pertinet, deponere nec insti∣tuere Pa∣pā, prout &c.
• Vide Ro∣bertū Ar∣bor••••ēsem Episcopum impressum Parisiis in 8. Anno. 15.46. Maister Hornes Emperour, and him selfe declared an heretike by his ovvne Antipope. All Maister Hornes booke shortlie confuted by the sayde Antipope.
• Ammian{us} Marcel. li. 22.
• Idē lib. 31.
• Hierony. ad Helio∣dorū. To. 1. Ambr. lib. 5. epist. 32. Eutropius lib. 3.
• Blondus li. 3. decad 1. Paulus Diaconus, lib. 18. Zon••ras Tomo. 3. Zonaras Ibidem.
• Nauclerus volum. 3. Generat. 37. pag. 171 &. 173.
• Idem. Ge∣nerat. 40. pag. 251. Sabellicus Aenead. 9. lib. 5.
• Naucler. Gene. 41. pag. 271.
• Pag. 275. & 280. Sabell. Ae. 9. lib. 6. Nauc. Ge∣nera. 42. pag. 309. Sab. Aen. 9. lib. 6.
• Naucler. pag. 313.
• Idē. Gen. 42. p. 32••.
• Sabel. Ae. 9. lib. 7. Naucler. pag. 323.
• Naucler. pag. 324. dict. Gen. 42.
• Naucl. Ge¦ner. 45. pag. 379.388. et 393.
• 1. Reg. 31. 3. Reg. 22 4. Reg. 9. 2. Paral. 24.25.26
• The .443. vntruth. He graū∣ted them. Pet. Ber∣tran.
• Aemylius.
• The .444. vntruth. For the Frenche kinge ne sayed ne proued no such matter.
• The .445. vntruth. For this vvas not the Cōclu¦siō, as shal appeare. Aemylius
• The .446 vntruth. P. Aemy∣lius men∣cioneth no suche lavve▪ but plainely the con∣trary.
• The .447 vntruth. Not ther∣fo••e, P. Ae¦mylius fovvly abused.
• P. Aemilius li. 8. in Carolo Pulchro. Carolus Rex & vir∣tutis & clementiae laudē, fructum{que} ad eum diē tulit, exin aduersourmore, quòd sacri in Ludouicū Bae¦uarū belli noīe deci∣mas de sacerdotibus Frācispetentipōtific. Max. Iohāni cū pri∣mum denegasset, pa∣ctione deinde expug∣natus, concessisset vt in partē ipse veniret, & caet.
• Vide libel¦lum Petri Bertrandi episc. He du••us. & Cardina∣lis aduer∣sus Pe••rū de Cune∣rijs super facto prae∣••a••o••ū ec∣clesiae gal∣lis••naean. 1••29.

  Hīc l••bel. reperies adiūctum cum Qua d••il••g. de vita Be. Thom Pa∣ris. Anno. 1495.

  A shorte declarati•• of the matter in hande.
• Petr. Ber∣trandus.
• Petrus Bertran∣dus.
• M. Horns shame∣lesse Dea∣linge.
• Paul{us} Ae∣milius. Lib. 8. in Philip. 6. Valesio, sup¦plicationi∣bus ac gra¦tijs numi∣ni ac san∣ctis mar∣tyribus hae¦bitis rem sacerdotū composuit. Praetores regij &c. The mat∣ter truely declared out of ••. Aemilius M. Horns authour.
• P. Aemi∣lius dict. lib. 8.

  Tum Rex, iura, in∣quit, eccle∣siarū auxe¦rim potius quàm im∣minutae ve¦lī. Gratias vniuersi e∣gere, Rex Catholici nomē pro∣meruit.
• M. Horns imperti∣nent argu¦ments.
• M. Horne loke vvel to your cōmissiō.
• Paral. Vrsp. Fabian. Caxton. Polyd. Nauclerus.
• The .448. vntruth Slaunderous.
• The .449. vntruth. For those letters proue the Popes Supremacy.
• The .450. vntruth. Nauclere falsly re∣ported.
• Cōcernīg King Ed∣vvard•• the .3.
• Polid. li. 19
• Pensatae etiā deuo∣tionis ple∣nitudine, quam do∣m{us} nostra regia & clerus ac populus dicti regni praestite∣rūt hacte∣nus in obe¦dientia dictae se∣dis.
• Anno. 25. & 38.
• Naucler. Gener. 46. pag. 397. a Omnes in regno suo per papā p••omotos ad benefi∣cia expu∣lit, & sub¦pena. sub∣mersionis praecepit ne quis inibi lite∣ras Aposto¦licas exe∣queretur, quascun{que} &c.
• Polidor. an. Edo∣uar. 3.50. The chro¦nicles of Englande prīted in flete stret 1502. withowt the au∣thours name. The addi∣tions of Caxtō to polichro. Cap. 4.
• Polid. The saide Chroni∣cles prin∣ted in flet strete.
• The .451. vntruth. For lea∣uing out, hovv he vvold see vnto it.
• The .452. vntruth. None of his Au∣thors say so.
• Gener. 46. pag. 401. a
• M. Horns doings re¦sembled to a dead snake.
• Naucler. dict. gen. 46. & pa∣ral. Vrsp. D. Legate, papa misit vos ad Ger¦maniam in qua magnam pecuniam corraditis sed in cle∣ro nihil re¦formatis.

  The popes Primacie proued by the place M: Horn al∣leageth. Vide Nau∣cler. p. 401 col. 1. gen. 46.

  Staphil. in Apologia absoluta fol. 77. Surius in comment. breui rerū gest. fo. 216
• Naucler. g••ner. 46. pag. 403. Quos cum voluntate Papae in honestos cōuerte∣mus vsus.

  The Po∣pes Pri∣macy yet ons again proued by M. Horns ovvne storie.

  In paral. Vrsperg.

  The false∣hoode of Gaspar Hedio.
• Naeucler. gener. 46. pag. 403.
• Nilus vvas a Schisma∣tik of late yeares, of as good Authori∣tie as Fri∣er Luther.
• The .453. Vntruth. Nil•• saith no suche thing.
• Concer∣nīg Nilus.
• Leo Epi∣stola 84. Sicut prae∣decessores mei praede cessoribus tuis, ita etiam ego dilectioni tuae, prio∣rū sequu∣tus exem∣plum vicē mei mode raminis delegaui, vt curam quam vni¦uersis ec∣clesiis prin¦cipaliter ex diuina institutio∣ne debe∣mus &c. adiuua∣res, & lō∣ginquis ab Apostolica sede prouī¦cijs, prae∣sentiam, quodāmo∣do nostrae visitatio∣nis impē∣deres.
• The .454 vntruth. A sentēce left out quite in the mid∣dest ope∣ning the vvhole matter.
• The .455. vntruth. False tran¦slation.
• Vide. c. Itē quia, &c. Nullus de Haeretic. in constit. prouīcial.
• An appea¦le against M. Horne to a quest of tēpo∣ral la∣vvyers.
• An other to a quest of gram¦marians.
• The .3. to queste of logi∣tioners.
• Poli. li. 20
• These vvordes, because, &c.

  M. Horne quite left out.
• Pro qua∣uis causa.
• M. H••rne omitteth a vvhole line that openeth the whol matter againste him.
• King Ri∣chardes armie ga∣thered for the defēce of the Pope.

  Poli. dict. lib. 20.

  M. Horn•• armye a∣gainst the Pope.
• De schis. lib. 3. ca. 7
• The .456. Vntruth. touching Theodo∣dorich Nyem, as shall ap∣peare.

  Pius Pa. 2. Platina. Sabel.
• The .457. Vntruth. Slaunde∣rous.
• The .458. Vntruth, He vvas deposed by the Councell, not by the Em∣perour.
• The .459. Vntruth He vvas chosen of the Cardi∣nals and bishops only, not by them∣perour. Vide Nau∣cler. gen. 48. pag. 442. co. 2
• In this Libel the popes pri¦macie is clerely confessed as it shall appeare.
• The .460 Vntruth: Repairīg of Libra∣ries is no Ecclesia∣stical mat¦ter.
• Naucler.
• The .461. Vntruth. He tran∣slated the Councell in deede, not only thoughte so to do.
• The .462. Vntruth. For he cōtinued Pope af∣ter that Councell, as long as he liued.
• M. Hor∣nes to im¦pertinēte proufes for so weighty a matter.
• Cōcernīg thempe∣rour Sigis¦mundus.
• Vide Petrū de aliaco: impres. Ba¦sill. in 8. an. 1551.
• M. Horn•• gospel cō¦demned in the coū¦cel at Cō∣stantia by him allea¦ged.

  Tom. 4. Concil. pa. 104. Edit. vlt.
• Cōcernīg the pretē∣sed depo∣sition of pope Eu∣genius. Ievvel, in his Reply pag. 289. c
• Vide Theo∣dorichi•• de Nyem No¦rimberg. impr. An. 1532. De schis. lib. 3 ca. 7.
• Naucl. Ge¦ner. 48. pag. 442. Ante pōti∣ficē prostra¦tus cum summa ve¦neratione eius pedes osculatus est.
• M. Horn blovveth out his ovvn cō∣dēnation.
• Anno. 2. Henr. 5. cap. 7.
• The sta∣tute made agaīst he∣resies in the tyme of kinge Henry the .5.
• Naucler{us}.
• The .463. vntruth. In reaso∣ning. For this Fre∣derike, tooke the Pope for Supreme head of the Church, as his pre¦decessour did.
• Chiefe, Aduocat, Not Su∣preme Gouer∣nour.
• The .464 vntruth. As before For the makers of this pragma∣tical lawe acknovv∣leaged the popes pri¦macy.
• Lib. 5. c. 2. sacr. eccles. minist.
• Vide Dua∣renum. de sacris eccles. mi∣nist. lib. 5. cap. 12. & in append. pro libert. eccles. Ga. defens.
• Par. Vrsp.
• The .465. vntruthe. His Au∣thor mē∣cioneth no Eccle∣siasticall Constitu∣tions
• The 466. vntruthe. Aeneas Syl. neuer said so.
• The .467. vntruthe. Cusanus vvas of a far other minde as shal ap∣peare. Li. 3. ca. 13
• Epist. 54. ad Cācel. Imperat.
• Par. Vrsp. Cū venisset ad ecclesiā suā Brixi∣ensem in alpib{us} de{que} illa dispo∣nere volu∣isset pro veteri pon∣tificū iure, non passus est Sigis∣mundus dux Au∣striae, vt ea in Germa∣niā tende∣retur con∣suetudo, quòd Ro∣mani Car∣dinales ecclesias Germania haberent in commendis.
• Bulla re∣tractatio∣nū Pij. 2. Venetijs an. 1564. vnà cum Cardilio. Louanij. an. 65. Paris. an. eodem.
• Pacē meā do vobis, Pacem re¦linquo vo∣bis.
• Ne{que} vn∣quā sacros imbuimus ordines, ni si post veri∣tatē cogni¦tā Basiliē¦si coecitate relicta.
• Cusan{us} de Concordia Cath. li. 2. Cap. 4.
• Cap. 6.
• Cap. 9.
• Cap. 13.
• Cap. 15.
• Cap. eodē.
• Vide prae∣ambulares Epistol. Cōc. Cha. Tom. 1. pag. 733
• Cardillus disput. 1. fol. 19. Decanus Sancti Flo¦rini Con∣fluentiae. Lib. 2. ca. vltimo. Nihil de meis con∣ceptibus adeòfirmū assero, quī peritiorib{us} dicam po∣tius ac∣quiescen∣dum.
• Ievvel in his reply. Art. 4. pag. 290.
• Cusanus de Cō. Ca. lib. 3. c. 7.
• Ibidem.
• Chalc. Act. 3. fol. 838.
• Chalced. Act. 3. fol. 838.

  Cabilon. Cōc. ca. 6. Milleuit. cap. 19.

  Cusan. l. 3. Cap. 10.
• Cap. 12.
• Lib. 3. c. 13
• Tom. 1. Conc. pag. 395.
• In praeāb. Cōc. Cha. pa. 733.

  In epist ad Agathonē
• Lib. 3. ca. 14. in fine.
• Cap. 15.
• Para. Vrsp.
• Orth. Grat.
• The 468. vntruthe The Em∣peror did not con∣clude to haue that cōuēticle
• The 469. vntruth. It vvas a priuate conuen∣ticle, no generall Councel.
• The 470. vntruth. No such thing to be found in Sabel∣licus.
• Vide Pon∣tanū lib. 2. Rerū me∣morab. pag. 52.
• Pietr•• Messia in vita di Massimi∣liano.
• The 471. vntruth. For not aboute Churche maters, but about maters of the court of Rome.
• The 472. vntruth. It vvas a mere no∣uelty.
• The 473. vntruth. No Ciui∣lians nor Canoni∣stes are of th•• iudge¦ment, vvhiche M. Horne here de∣fendeth. Const. 152 23. q. ••.
• The .474 Vntruth: False trā∣slation.

  Nonnun∣quā som∣times.
• There is diuerse readinges imperet or impetret.
• The Prin¦ces shall geue an accompt to God, for the Church, and the discipline thereof
• Cōcernīg the do∣inges of king Hē∣ry the .8.
• The order of M. Hornes proufes.
• Cōcernīg the cōuo∣cations promisse, to make no cōsti∣tution without the kings consente. Fol. 95.
• M. Horn hath not proued in all his boke that such con∣sent is ne∣cessarie.
• M. Horn•• Sampsōs post vvil fall on his ovvn heade.
• Concer∣ning Isi∣dorus.
• Vide destru¦ctoriū vt∣tiorum im¦press. No∣rinberg. 1496. part. 6. cap. 40. Qui eorū potestati suam Ec∣clesiam tradidit defenden∣dam.
• 23. q. 5. c. Principes. Principes seculi non∣nunquam intra Ec∣clesiam po∣testati. adeptae cul¦mina te∣nent.
• Vt per ean¦dē potesta¦tem eccle∣siasticam disciplinā muniant. Caterū in¦tra eccle∣siam pote∣states ne∣cessariae non essent nisi vt quod non preualent sacerdotes efficere per doctrinae sermonē, potestas hoc impe∣ret per di∣sciplinae terrorem.

  Et mox. Vt qui in∣tra ecclesi¦am positi cōtra fidē & discipli¦nā agunt, rigore prin¦cipum cō∣••arantur.
• M. Horn•• booke in a manner ansvve∣red by his ovvn alle¦gation.
• Isidorus.
• Isidorus in praefat. Cōciliorū.
• Trip. li. 4. cap. 9. &. 19.
• D. Gardi∣ner B. of VVin∣chester.
• Actes and monu∣mentes. pag. 824. col. 1. & 816.
• Tom. 1. Concil. in vita Mar∣cellini.
• See be∣fore. fol. ••7.
• The 475. vntruth. For this Petrus vvriteh for the Po∣pes Supremacy, not for the Princes in Ecclesiastical mat∣ters.
• In form. lib. quo agi∣tur ex subst. in verbo ex suo corpore.
• The .476. vntruth. Not possible, to be true.
• The .477. vntruth. False translation, as shal appeare

  In form. respons. con. ad verb. tanquam publ. ex com. n. 10.
• M. Horns imp••rti¦nēt argu∣ments.
• Practica Iohānis Pe¦tri Fer. In forma in∣ter. fieud. cum reo, cōuento in act. reali.
• In forma iuramēti testium. Numer 7.
• Informa responsi ••ei cōuenti ad verbū tā∣quam pub¦licè excō∣municatū numero 11
• Dict. cap. Adrianus dist. 63.
• The .478. vntruth. For he reproueth Ferrariensis.
• The .479. vntruth. He is of a plaine cō∣trary minde.

  In repetit. lect. de Christ. Ciuitatis Ari¦stocratia.
• The .480. vntruth. He auoucheth not Speculator.
• The .481. vntruth. He citeth not Lotha¦rius to that purpose
• The .482. vntruth. Lotharius is not of the same minde.
• Concer∣nīg Quin∣ti••us He∣duus.
• M. Horn miserably mis••seth his re••der vvith the alleaging of Quin¦tinus.
• M. Horn for his wretched handling of Quin∣tinus cō∣pared to Medea.
• VVhat vvas the opiniō of Lothari{us}, of whom M. Horn speaketh, and hovv it is to be vnderstā∣ded.
• Quasi Principum nomine pontifices nō intelligantur. Dist. 35 c. 4.

  Nos honorum ciui∣lium duntaxat ex∣trae Ecclesiam popu∣lariumque dignita∣tum regem tenere fastigiū intelligimus &c.
• Eduardi. 3. An. 15. cap. 3. Clerkes peeres of the lande.
• VVhy Specula∣tor saith, al that is ī the realm to be of the King•• iurisdictiō
• Ecclesia v∣trū{que} gla∣diū tenet, vtramque pariter habet iu¦risdictionē.
• Nouimus vtrum{que} gladium soli Eccle∣siae datum. hoc est, ecclesiae pontificem habere ius & pote∣statem in spiritualia simul & in omnia temporalia, at{que} ex ijs decernere & sta∣tuere ex causa posse, cuius decretis stan∣dum.

  Gibere deformem. Flagitiosissim{us} qui∣dam. & postea: tam infenso nebulone.
• Quintin{us} declareth M. Horn to be a li•••• in the sto¦ry of kīg Philip va¦lesius be∣fore re∣hersed.
• Meus. Sep. 1. An 1••29 ••yue st••t vntruths of M. ••orn in lesse t••en 15 lynes.
• The .483. vntruthe. In that place he proueth the cler∣gies po∣vver, not the Prīces in ecclesia¦stical mat∣ters.
• Duabus regulis cō∣cludā: pri∣or est sem∣per in fidei & peccati materia, ius Ecclesiasticum attendendum est, & in fore ciuili, tumque cessat omne iuris imperatorij mandatum & aboletur.
• c. Quādo vult De{us}. 23. q. 4.
• †

  Hovv•• farre all this is true, it hath at large ben shevved in the se∣cōd book
• The .484. vntruth. His Author spea∣keth not of tvvo Councels.
• The king i•• to be obeied in (485.) Ec¦clesiastical causes, and not the Pope.
• The .485. vntruthe. Quītinus auouched no suche thinge.
• The .486. vntruth. That is meant in feudis & regalibus: which you haue quyte left, out of Quintinus.
• Interesse tamē volo reges tan∣tū & non praeesse, ta¦libus sacer¦dotum cō∣uentibus.
• Num. 17.
• Al schis∣maticall coūcels at fayne at the lēgth to yelde to the po¦pes coū∣cells.
• Fol. 70. Io. Mari{us} de schism. &. concil. differ. par. 2. cap. 6.
• Idē Quin∣tinus. Ari¦stocrat. fo. 135. Paris. 1552.

  Quatenus ad feuda & rega∣lia per∣tinet, per glosam ca. reprehen∣sibile. 23. qu. 8.
• M. Horne leaueth out that vvhich serueth for the opening of the vvhole matter.
• The .487. vntruth. This chardge is not in Ecclesiasti∣cal matters, but a∣boute Ecclesiasti∣cal persons in tem∣poral matters, as for external order to be kept, and in execution of the Church Canons, requiringe the Prī∣ces ayde &c.
• VVho more cor∣rupt, then your nevve Clergy now of handycraft Mi∣nisters?
• M. Horn•• imperti∣nent alle∣gations.
• Dist. 62. Docendus.
• Dist. 65. Sî fortè.
• Hovve handsom∣ly M. H. pleadeth against him selfe.
• L. Quicū∣que: de E∣pis. et Cler.
• The .488. vntruthe. The place alleaged shevveth of no bis∣shops de∣posed by these Em∣perours.
• The .489. vntruthe. The King did not exact any thīng.
• The .490. vntruth. He meaneth not so, but such as be∣ing made in for∣mer Canons, the Princes confirm ād promulge by their lavves also.
• The .491. vntruth. For concealinge, vvho commaun∣ded him, vvhich vvas the Pope him selfe.
• The .492. vntruth. This is not in Quī∣tinus, printed at Lyons. An 1549.
• The Pope an (493.) heretik compelled to recante before the French King.

  The .493. vntruthe Slaunderous
• The .494: vntruth. greate, in false reasonīg. For none of al these examples do proue the popes Primacy.
• The .495. vntruth. That hath not bene proued, out of Quintin{us} in such sēce as the Acte at∣tributeth to the Prince: L. quicun¦que de E∣piscopis et clericis. Quicūque residē••ibus sacerdoti∣bus, fuerit episcopali loco & no mine de∣trusus, si aliquid cōtra quie tē publicā moliri &c.
• Dicta ep. inter cla∣ras de su∣ma Trini∣nitate. Vt nō ve∣strae inno∣tescat san∣ctitati, quia ca∣put est omnium sanctarum ecclesiarū. Dict. ca. Satagēdū. 25. q. 1. Satagēdū est, vt pro auferendo suspicionis scandalo. Cōsidēter à nobis po¦stulauit (vt decuit) quatenus. &c.

  Dict. c. Nos si in∣competen∣ter. 2. q. 7. & ibi in glos.
• Lib. 14. Est recep∣tum, &c. ff. de iuris∣dic. omniū iudicum.
• Causa. 2. quest 4. cap. Mennam.
• Reuerti illum, pur∣gatum absolutūque permisimus.
• Vide marginalē glo∣sam ibidem.
• Dict. c. mandastis. ibidem.

  Quod audiens Valē∣tinianus Augustus nostra authoritate Synodum congregari iussit: & mox. Li∣cet euadere aliter satis potuissem, suspi¦tionem tamen fugiēs coram omnibus me purgaui. Sed non alijs qui noluerint, aut sponte hoc non elegerint, faciendi formam dans.
• In exem∣plar. Lug∣dun. An. 1549. in volum. 14.
• A grosse errour of M. Iewel. pag. 275.
• Braughtō lib. 1. cap. de Papa. Archiepis∣copis & a∣lijs praelat.
• The 496. vntruth: The con∣trary ap∣peareth plainely by Brau∣ghton, as it shal be declared.
• The 487. vntruth. A parte of the sen∣tence ope¦ning, and ansvver∣ing the vvhole obiection nipped quite of.
• Hovv vvret∣chedlie M. Horne alleageth Brauhg∣ton.
• Braughtō lib. 1.

  Homines quidā sunt excellētes & prelati & alijs principan¦tur. Domi¦nus Papa in rebus spirituali∣bus, quae pertinent ad sacerdo¦tiū & sub eo archie∣piscopi, E∣piscopi, & alij praelati inferiores. Item in tēporali∣bus Impe∣ratores, re¦ges, &c.
• Eodē libro
• Ergo non debet ma∣ior esse in regno suo in exhibi∣tioneiuris.
• Libro 4.
• Matters appertei∣ning to the spiri∣tual iuris∣diction.
• Braugh∣ton and Quintin{us} be against Petrus Cugneri∣us that M. Horne before al∣leaged. Prius fol. 82.
• The .498. vntruth. You haue proued nothing lesse.
• The 499. vntruthe. You haue proued nothing sufficient to satisfie M. Feckē∣ham, or anie meane man.
• The 500. Vntruthe. you haue shewed no such commaun∣dement.
• The 501. vntruthe. None of your ex∣amples haue serued your turne.
• The 502. vntruthe. Your prophecies haue proued no such Supreme Go∣uernment.
• The 503. vntruhe. No Scripture of the nevve Testament hath proued the like gouernment &c.
• The 504. vntruthe. Your Auncient Do∣ctours stand plaine againste you.
• The 505. vntruthe. The practise of all Councelles bothe Generall and Na∣tionall hath vvit∣nessed the popes, not the Princes Primacy.
• The 506: vntruth. Ye haue not pro∣ued the like go∣uernemēt by any one king or prince.
• The .507. Vntruth Partiall thei could not be for your part, being the aduersari, vvas not thē extāt.
• The .508. Vntruth. No Ca∣tholique denieth, but the Pope can lie and svvear to, as bad as any other
• The .509. Vntruth. Most im∣pudent. Thei haue all depo∣sed ō our side clene againste you, and do yet to this daie, some of thē stand against you.
• The .510. vntruth. Slaunderous to the learned of the Arche••
• Lib. 12.
• See M. Hornes maruey∣lous Rhe∣torique.
• Cap. 8.
• Cap. 9.10.11.12.13.14. & 15.
• Cap. 3. Fol. 16. b.
• In the foure first Chapters.
• Cap. 5.
• Cap. 6.
• Cap. 7.
• Cap. 8. fo. 122. &c.
• Cap. 9. fo. 127. &. se.
• Cap. 10.
• Cap. 11.
• Cap. 12.
• Cap. 13.
• Cap. 14.
• Elizab. An. 1.
• Cap. 15.
• Cap. 16.
• Cap. 17.
• Cap. 18.
• Cap. 19.
• Fol. 171.
• Fol. 174.
• Cap. 20.
• Cap. 1.
• Cap. 2.
• Cap. 3.
• Cap. 4.
• Cap. 5.
• Cap. 6.
• Cap. 7.
• Cap. 8.
• Cap. 9.
• Cap. 10.
• Vide fol. 240. b. & 244. b. Itē fol. 48. Cap. 11.
• Cap. 12.
• Cap. 13.
• Cap. 14.
• Cap. 15.
• Cap. 16.
• Cap. 17.
• Cap. 18.
• Cap. 19.
• Cap. 20.
• Cap. 21.
• Cap. 22.
• Cap. 23.
• Cap. 24.
• Cap. 25.
• Cap. 26.
• Cap. 27.
• Cap. 28.
• Cap. 29.
• Cap. 30.
• Cap. 31.
• Cap. 32. &. 34.
• Cap. 33.35.36. & 38.
• Cap. 37.
• Cap. 39. &. 40.