A counterblast to M. Hornes vayne blaste against M. Fekenham Wherein is set forthe: a ful reply to M. Hornes Answer, and to euery part therof made, against the declaration of my L. Abbat of Westminster, M. Fekenham, touching, the Othe of the Supremacy. By perusing vvhereof shall appeare, besides the holy Scriptures, as it vvere a chronicle of the continual practise of Christes Churche in al ages and countries, fro[m] the time of Constantin the Great, vntil our daies: prouing the popes and bishops supremacy in ecclesiastical causes: and disprouing the princes supremacy in the same causes. By Thomas Stapleton student in diuinitie.

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A counterblast to M. Hornes vayne blaste against M. Fekenham Wherein is set forthe: a ful reply to M. Hornes Answer, and to euery part therof made, against the declaration of my L. Abbat of Westminster, M. Fekenham, touching, the Othe of the Supremacy. By perusing vvhereof shall appeare, besides the holy Scriptures, as it vvere a chronicle of the continual practise of Christes Churche in al ages and countries, fro[m] the time of Constantin the Great, vntil our daies: prouing the popes and bishops supremacy in ecclesiastical causes: and disprouing the princes supremacy in the same causes. By Thomas Stapleton student in diuinitie.
Author
Stapleton, Thomas, 1535-1598.
Publication
Louanii :: Apud Ioannem Foulerum. An. 1567. Cum priuil.,
[1567]
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Subject terms
Horne, Robert, 1519?-1580. -- Answeare made by Rob. Bishoppe of Wynchester, to a booke entituled, The declaration of suche scruples, and staies of conscience, touchinge the Othe of the Supremacy, as M. John Fekenham, by wrytinge did deliver unto the L. Bishop of Winchester -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800.
Feckenham, John de, 1518?-1585.
Royal supremacy (Church of England) -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800.
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http://name.umdl.umich.edu/A12940.0001.001
Cite this Item
"A counterblast to M. Hornes vayne blaste against M. Fekenham Wherein is set forthe: a ful reply to M. Hornes Answer, and to euery part therof made, against the declaration of my L. Abbat of Westminster, M. Fekenham, touching, the Othe of the Supremacy. By perusing vvhereof shall appeare, besides the holy Scriptures, as it vvere a chronicle of the continual practise of Christes Churche in al ages and countries, fro[m] the time of Constantin the Great, vntil our daies: prouing the popes and bishops supremacy in ecclesiastical causes: and disprouing the princes supremacy in the same causes. By Thomas Stapleton student in diuinitie." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A12940.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 14, 2024.

Pages

The .18. Chapter: Of Frederike Barbarossa, and of Ale∣xander. the .3.

Stapleton.

MAister Horne good Reader, as he hath hitherto, so doth he styll playe Cacus parte.* 1.1 This Cacus stole Hercules Oxen, and because he woulde not haue them espied where they were by the track, he drewe thē into his caue by the tayles backward. Whiche thing Her∣cules seing, did nothing mistrust they shoulde be there,* 1.2 but yet as he passed by with the droue of his beastes, the beasts that were in the denne lackinge theyr company, beganne as the maner is to bellowe, wherby all this thefte was dis∣cried. This boke of M. Hornes is the very denne of Cacus, into the which by a pretye sleight, he conueyeth in hys stories and other proufes, as a man maye say, by the

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taile backewarde, that is not keeping the righte and cu∣stomable waie and order in making true and faithfull alle∣gations, but craftelie and peruersely cutting and chopping away some parte of them: which partely lying in this his Cacus denne, and as it were bellowing for his companie, bewrayeth all M. Hornes slie dealings. So haue ye hither∣to found it, and so shall ye still, good Reader, finde it, and loe we haue at hande a ready proufe Frederike saith M. Horne, seing the horrible vices of the Romish Church, com∣maundd that no Legate of the Church of Rome, should come into Germanie, &c.

First, Maister Horne, what horrible vices of the Romissh Churche, were those you speake of? It is verely, naughte els, ten a horrible lye of your schismatical mouth. The beginning of the sentence, of the whiche you haue taken the taile onely, is this. Adrian the .4. our Countrieman, and Frederike the first, were fallen at great variaunce.* 1.3 The Pope complained (saith Nauclerus your own Authour) that liuing betwene the swordes of the Romaines and William of Sicilie, he was forsaken of the Emperoure, contrarye to his great promises, and so vexed for the Emperours sake, that he could not reast at Rome. The Emperoure on the other side, pretended many things, and namely the crowning of William the King of Sicilia, Iamque ad id vsque processum est, vt Im∣perator nullum Rom. Ecclesiae legatum, &c. And now the matter broke out so farre, that the Emperour cōmaunded that no Legate and so forth, as in Maister Hornes Allegation. You see nowe, good Readers, it was no horrible vices of the Romissh Church as this horrible lying spirit of M. Horn prateth, but a priuate quarrell betwene this Emperoure and that Pope, that occasioned the Emperour to forbidde

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appellations to Rome, &c. You see howe this Cacus hathe drawen Nauclerus his woordes by the tayle into the lurkinge denne of his lying Conclusion. And that their fellowes nowe drawing nere to the others compa∣nie, the former ioyned with the later, haue euidentlye betrayed the notable thefte of this lying and theeuinge Cacus.

But Maister Horne, supposing the Emperour vpon such respecte had so done, tell vs, is the doings of this one Em∣perour, so preiudiciall to our cause, and so authorised a∣boue al exception or plea, that because he did so, we must straightwaies cōfesse he did wel and laufully? Me thinke it were reason ye should proue this withal. Wel let this goe, we wil not charge you at this time so straightly. Yet this questiō I must nedes aske you: Whether this was so done because he thought the Pope or See of Rome had no au∣thoritie, or for some priuate grudge and quarell not against the See and Pope, but against this Pope.

Yf ye will saye (as ye must nedes saye this quarrel was but a priuate and a personall quarrell, then is the ordinarie authoritie as yet nothing acrased hereby, but your Ar∣gumente is then muche acrased. Yf ye will say, he de∣nied, as ye now doe, all maner of authoritie of the See of Rome, then must I aunswere you: It is not so. For he was crowned of this Pope called Adrianus Quartus, an Eng∣lishe man: and submitted him selfe after to Alexander the thirde, as we shall anon see. And further I must answere you, that you are the verye Cacus we spake of, and that these stolē allegations from Nauclerus do bellow wanting their companie, and doe discrie all your theeuish conuey∣aunce as we haue before declared.

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Now next hath M. Horne found a Rouland for an Oli∣uer: a dissension betwixt Roulande and Octauian for the Papacie. For the appeasing wherof, this Frederike called a Councell, and at length the matter being heard, confir∣med Octauian, who was called Victor the .3. as the other was called Alexander the .3. which name ministreth mat∣ter of mery pastime to M. Horne to solace him selfe with∣al, as though Alexander named him self so, for that he pur∣posed (belike) to make a cōquest of the mater. And here is das∣shed in the margēt, to set forth ād beutify his narratiō with∣al, first, Vrspergensis, then Nauclerus, then Sabellicus, then Platina, then Nauclerus againe, then beside Radeuicus Fri∣singensis in his next, Platina, and then Vrspergensis againe. As though he tooke distinct and seuerall matter from eche one.* 1.4 Whereas in a manner al they runne one way: and wherof I am most assured, al against M. Hornes owne Primacie: part of their testimonies being cut of from eche of them, and so caried craftely by M. Horn into his Cacus caue, bewraieth al M. Horns theft. Wil ye proue the like regiment, M. Horne, by Frederike his doings, that ye now maintaine? Goe to then, and see ye proue it vs substantiallye. He refused ye say Pope Rouland: yet he receiued Pope Octauian, and confirmed him too, as ye say, yea and ledde him about the Citie of Pauia sitting vppon a white Horse, and then adored him too, as I with Platina and Nauclerus saye, or as Vspur∣gensis saieth, fell flatte before his feete, to receiue pardon, and to become his obediensarie. Al which ye saye not, and therefore, I heare Hercules sto∣len oxen bellowe out of Cacus denne.

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Why Maister Horne can your eares paciently abide al this? And is your Octauian for all this, as ye write, a mā in all pointes honest and relligious? Some thing I perceiue there was, that he is made a Saint after his death,* 1.5 and that as it is said, there were many miracles done at his Tombe in Luca, where he was buried before the Image of Nico∣demus. Can your stomake disgest all this Maister Horn? And can you suffer your Supreme head, like a slaue to kisse the Popes feete, and to become the Maister of his Horse? Can ye suffer Miracles at the Popes tombe, and yet not∣withstanding shall he be a man in all points honest and reli∣giouse? How chance we haue not at the least for your cō∣fort one pretie nip, ād to tel vs that he called hī self Victor, for that he entēded to be a victorious Cōquerer, as he was in deede vppon your Supreame head the Emperour Fre∣derike? Surely I maruaile why ye shoulde so fauourably encline to this false Antipope, rather then to the true Pope in dede, which was Rouland, who as Platina writeth, was elected of 22. Cardinals: and your Octauian but of .3. onlye. And therfore was he, and Frederik that mainteined hī, and not Rouland, the occasion of the horrible schisme ye speak of. And this Rouland was euer ād is takē for the true Pope, yea and was so taken at length by your Frederike also cō∣ming to him to Venice, and kissing his holy feete (for see∣ing ye haue made the Popes hand holye,* 1.6 I will be so bolde to make his feete holy too) and ratifiyng and allowing him by that humilitye, to be the Supreame heade of Christes Churche. And so at the length (for all your iesting) Ale∣xander hath made as great a conqueste vppon your false lying booke, and new set vppe Primacie, as euer did the great Alexander vpon King Darius.

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But lo, now ye and your companions, that can beare with Victors conqueste, can not beare, the matter being all one, the lyke in Alexander. Wherin I see no reason, but that perchaunce ye take Victor to be of your nighe cousinage, for that he was, as ye are, a great schismatike. And therfore thoughe Friderike did suffer at the hands, yea and at the feete to of Victor,* 1.7 as he did at Alexanders, yet roreth owte your Apologie against hym, that he put yll fauored∣ly and mōstruouslie this Emperours neck vnder his feete. Whiche semeth to be but a fable of such as be parcial wri∣ters, and wedded to theyre affectiōs, to slaunder the Pope withal, as Carion and suche other are that write yt: Al∣thoughe some catholyks perchaunce, reporte the same as dothe Nauclerus, but with an addition. vel vt Blondus scri∣bit, post quàm Pontificis pedes imperator exosculatus est, ad al∣tare maius ambo principes se amplexati & exosculati sunt. So that Nauclerus,* 1.8 whiche thowghe catholyke, yet muche inclinable as the Germans cōmōly are to the Emperours parte, semeth rather to lyke the narration of Blondus, that thēperour did no other thē the vsual honor in kyssing the Popes feet. And if the tale of th'Apology were true (which M. Fox doth also with a ioly gay picture set forth) thowgh yt make not for the commendation of the Popes modera∣tion and humility, yet yt maketh for hys supreame authori∣ty. I obey sayeth the Emperour, not to thee, but to Peter whome thow doest succede.

But to thentent that you M. Horne with the Apologie and M. Foxe, who alwaies like bestly swyne do nousell in the donge, and vente vp the worste that may be founde against Popes and prelates, may haue a iuste occasiō (if any Charity be in you) to cōmende the greate moderation of

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this Pope Alexander 3. you may remember, that this is he to whō being in extreme misery through the oppressiō of the Almayne Army, spoyling ād wasting al aboute Rome,* 1.9 Emanuel then Emperour in the East, sent embassadours, promysing bothe a great hoste against the Almayne Em∣perour Friderike, and also a vniō of the Grecians with the Romain Church, if he would suffer the Romain Empire, so lōge diuided (frō the time of Charlemayn) to come agayne to one heade and Empire: to whome also (being then in banishment) the sayde Emperour sent a seconde embassy, with great quantytie of mony, promysing to reduce the whole East Churche vnder the subiection of the West, all Grece vnder Rome, if he woulde restore to the Em∣perour of Constantinople the Crowne of the West Em∣pire, from the which Frederike seemed nowe rightlye and worthely to be depriued. To all which this Pope (notwithstanding the greate miseries he stode presentlye in, and was daily like to suffer through the power of this Frederike) answered. Se nolle id in vnum coniungere,* 1.10 quod olim de industria maiores sui disiunxissent. That he woulde not ioyne that into one, which his Forefathers of olde time had of purpose diuided. You will not I trowe denie M. Horne (all circumstances duely cōsidered) but that this was a very great ād rare moderatiō of this Pope Alexāder 3. more worthy to be set forth in figures ād pictures to the posteryty for sober and vertuous, then that facte of him whiche Mayster Fox hath so blased oute, for prowde and hasty. Except your Charyties be suche (as verely it semeth to be) that you take more delight in vice then in vertue, and had rather heare one lewde fact of a Pope,

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then twenty good. If it be so with you, then is there no Charyte with you. For Charyte, as S. Paule describeth it, Thinketh not euill,* 1.11 reioyseth not vpon iniquyte, but reioyseth with verytie. It suffreth all thinges, it beleueth all thinges, it hopeth al thinges, it beareth all thinges Contraryewyse, you not only thinke, but reporte alwaies the worst: you reioyse and take greate pleasure vpon the iniquytie of such as you ought most of all men to reuerence: you are sorye to haue the veryty and truthe tolde you. You suffer and beare no∣thing in the Church: But for the euil life of a fewe you for∣sake the Cōmunion and societie of the whole. You beleue as much as pleaseth you, and you hope accordingly. And thus muche by the way ones for all, touching your greate ambition and desire to speake euil of the Popes, and to re∣porte the worste you can doe of them: which you in this booke M. Horne haue done so plentifullye and exactlye throughe this whole processe,* 1.12 of the Princes practise in Ecclesiastical gouernment, as if the euill life of some Popes were a direct and sufficient argument to proue all Princes Supreme Gouernours in al thinges and causes Ec∣clesiasticall.

I coulde now shewe you other authorityes and places oute of your owne authours concerninge thys storye, of Friderike the first making directlie againste you, and wherein ye haue played the Cacus. As where ye wryte by the authoritie of Vrspergensis, that the Emperour sent for both theis Popes to come to hym, mynding to examine both theyre causes. For yt followeth by and by: not to iudge them, or the cause of the Apostolique see: but that he might learne of wise men, to whether of them he shoulde rather obey.

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And is not this thinke you M. Horne, so craftely to cut of, and steale away this sentence from your reader, a preatye pageant of Cacus? Namely seing your authour Nauclerus writeth also the like?* 1.13 And seyng ye demeane your selfe so vnhonestly, and vnclerkly in the principall matter,* 1.14 who will nowe care for your extraordinarye and foolishe false excursions, against the welthy pride, the fearce power, the trayterouse trecherie of Popes at that tyme? Or for Erasmus comparing the Popes to the successours of Iu∣lius Caesar? Or for Vrspergensis owteries, against their couetousnes, and not againste the Popes authoritye? As for S. Bernarde, who, you say founde faulte with the pompe and pride of Eugenius. 3. how clerely he pronoun∣ceth (that not withstanding) for the Popes Primacy, I referre you (to be shorte) to the Confutation of your lying Apologie. Al this impertinent rayling rhetorike,* 1.15 we freely leaue ouer vnto you, to rayle and rolle your self therein, til your tōg be wery againe, yf ye wil, for any thīg that shal let you. Only as I haue oftē said, I desire the Reader to marke, that as wel this, as other emperors, were not at variāce with the See Apostolike it self, or set against the Popes Authori∣ty absolutely, but were at variaunce, with such a pope and such, and were set against this mans or that mans election, not renouncing the Pope, but renouncing this man or that man, as not the true and right Pope.

M. Horne. The .117. Diuision. pag. 76. a.

About this tyme, the King of Cicilia and Apulia, had a dispensation from the Pope for money,* 1.16 to Inuesture Archebisshops with staffe or cro∣sier, ringe, palle, myter, sandalles or slippers: and that the Pope might sende into his dominions no Legate, onlesse the kinge should sende for him.

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Stapleton.

Did the Kings of Sicilia procure a dispensation as ye say M. Horne from the Pope to inuesture bisshops and to re∣ceyue no Legate?* 1.17 Who was then the supreame heade I praye you, the Pope that gaue the dispensation, or the King that procured yt? Ye see, good readers, howe sauerlye and hansomly this man, after his olde guise, concludeth, against him self.

M. Horne. The .118. Diuision. pag. 76. a.

* 1.18Our English Chronicles make report, that the Kings of this Realme, hadde not altogeather leafte of their dealing in Churhe matters, but continued in parte their iurisdiction aboute Ecclesia∣sticall causes, although not vvithout some trouble. * 1.19 The Popes Legate came into Englande, and made a Coū∣cel by the assent of King VVilliam the Conquerour. And after that in an (.412.)* 1.20 other Coūcel at VVinchester, * 1.21 were put down many Bisshops, Abbatts, and priours by the procuremēt of the King. The King gaue to Lāfrauke the Archbisshoprike of Cantorb. and on our Ladye daie the Assumption made him Archebisshope. On whit Sonday, he gaue the Archbisshoprike of Yorke, vnto Thomas a Canon of Bayon. VVhen Thomas shoulde haue bene consecrated of Lanfranke, there fell a strife betvvixt them, about the liberties of the Church of Yorke. The controuer∣sie being about Church matters, vvas brought and referred to the Kinges (.413.)* 1.22 iudgement, and Thomas by the Kinges commaundement, was faine to come to Lanfrank to be sacred. And aftervvard, vvhen there grevve greater conten∣tion betvvixt these tvvayne about Churche matters, the Bis∣shop of Rome remitted the matter to be determined before the Kinge, and the Bisshops of Englande, and so at VVindesour before Kinge VVilliam and the Cleargy the cause was treated.* 1.23 Also an other cause vvas mo¦ued before the King of the misorder of Thurstan,* 1.24 whome the

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King had made Abbot of Glastonbury, by whose iud∣gement the Abbot was chaunged, and tourned to his owne Abbay in Normandye. but the Monkes (.414.)* 1.25 scattered aboute by the Kings hest. After this the King bestowed many Bisshoprikes on his Chaplaines, as London, Norvviche, Chester, Couentry, &c. And ruled both temporalty and the spiritualty at his owne wil: saithe Polychronicon: He tooke noman fro the Pope in his lād,* 1.26 (he meaneth that the Kinge vvoulde suffer no Legate to enter into the lande from the Pope) but he came and pleased him: he suffred no Coūcel made in his own coūtrey with∣out his own leaue: Also he woulde nothing suffer in such a councel, but as he woulde assent. So (.415.)* 1.27 that in geuing, or translating of spiritual promocions, in geuing his as∣sent to Councels, and suffring nothing to passe vvithout his con∣sent, in hearing and determining Ecclesiasticall causes, in rest∣reining the Popes liberty, vvithout his speciall licence, and in ru∣ling the spiritualty at his ovvn vvil: King VVilliā shevveth plain, that he (.416.)* 1.28 tooke him self for the supreame gouernour vvithin this Realm in al maner of causes, so vvel Ecclesiastical as Tempo∣rall.

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