The history of Polybius the Megalopolitan The fiue first bookes entire: with all the parcels of the subsequent bookes vnto the eighteenth, according to the Greeke originall. Also the manner of the Romane encamping, extracted from the discription of Polybius. Translated into English by Edward Grimeston, sergeant at armes.

A PARCELL OF the Ninth Booke of the History of POLYBIVS.

BEhold the most renowned and excellent Actions, comprehended vnder the afore∣sayd Olympiade, and within the space of foure Yeares which it containes: Of which wee will endeauour to speake of in two Bookes. I am not ignorant that our Com∣mentaries haue beene somthing rough, and that they are pleasing to a certaine kinde of Auditors, and blamed by others. In truth other Historiographers, and in a manner all, or the greatest part, helping themselues with all the parts of a Hi∣story, draw many men to the reading of their Commentaries. The manner to Discourse of Genealogies causes a desire to heare: That al∣so which speakes of Collonies, Voyages, Possessions, and Races, which please a curious man of little iudgement, as that of Ephorus. And to a ciuill man, that wherein they Discourse of the Actions of Nations, Citties, and Potentates, whereunto applying our selues plainly, and disposing all our Treaty to these things, wee direct and guide our selues by a certaine kinde of Discourse, as wee haue formerly promised.

It is true, wee direct most Readers to that which is not much plea∣sing and delightfull. Finally, wee haue at large deliuered the cause, why in reproouing the other parts of a History, wee will thus write the Actions. There is no hinderance that for the better expressing and declaration, wee should not briefly aduertise the Reader heereof.

But as many of these things are related in diuers manners, of Genea∣logies, Fables, and Collonies, and moreouer of Races, Alliances, and Possessions, it will be necessary for him that would Write, to speake consequently of strange things as proper, which were an infamous thing: Or if he will not, hee must labour in vaine, in promising pub∣liquely to pursue and Comment of those things, which haue bin suffi∣ciently declared, and deliuered to posterity by the ancient.

For this cause, and for many others we haue left them, receiuing a relation of Actions: For that first, that as many new things offer themselues often, so it is very necessary to vse a new kinde of Dis∣course: The which happens not in the beginning of the Relation, so as we deliuer the subsequent Actions. And secondly, for that this kinde hath beene before, and is most profitable, by the which the experi∣ence of things and Policies, haue so much preuailed with vs, as they which haue a desire to know the Actions, may helpe themselues by an easie way, in all that which happens by the course of time. Where∣fore hauing no such regard to the pleasure and delight of those which shall reade and peruse our Commentaries, as to the profit of the Hea∣rers, we haue (leauing the other parts) fixed vpon this. Finally, they which shall diligently consider of our Commentaries, wilbe more cer∣taine witnesses.

When as Hannibal had inclosed the Campe of Appius Claudius, being at the siege of Capoua, at the first hee vsed skirmishes, seeking to draw the Enemy to Battaile. But when as no man presented him∣selfe, in the end he besieged them, which was an Enterprize wherein hee was frustrated aswell as of the first, although the Horse-men of the Wings assailed them in Troupes, casting Darts into their Campe, with great cries: And the foote-men charge them by Bands, labou∣ring to breake the Pallisado. Yet they could not diuert the Romans from their former resolution, repulsing those which assailed the Palli∣sadoe with great strength and Courage: And being well armed, they went not out of the Campe with their Ensignes. Hannibal bearing these things impatiently, and the rather for that the Romans could not any way bee annoyed from the Towne, studied what order he might take for the present Affaires. For my part, I thinke that the case falling out thus, seemes to haue made not onely the Carthagini∣ans to doubt, but all other men to whom the knowledge thereof hath come.

Who will not wonder, hearing how the Romans haue often beene vanquished by the Carthaginians, and durst not present themselues, nor fight with them, haue not abandoned their Fort beeing in the open field? It is certaine that in times past, they had alwayes Camped onely at the bottome or foote of Mountaines against the Enemies: But now being in a faire Plaine, and in the openest place of all Italy, besieging a strong Towne, they were assailed by them of all sides, a∣gainst whom they durst not once thinke or immagine to make head, being so much disheartned. And although the Carthaginians preuailed continually fighting, yet they were no lesse annoyed by the vanquished▪

Finally, I hold this to be the cause, that they consider the Enterprize one of another: That is to say, that the Troupes of Hannibals Horse-men, purchased the Victory to the Carthaginians, and a defeate to the Romans: Wherefore the vanquished made suddaine sallies after the fight. They also lodg'd their Troupes in such a place, as the Horse-men could not annoy them. The case falling out thus neere vnto Capo∣ua, was common to them both. The Romans in trueth durst not come foorth to fight, beeing terrified with the Enemies horse. They kept themselues within their Fort, knowing well that the Cauallery vanqui∣shing them in fight, they could not annoy them.

The Carthaginians likewise could not with reason stay long with so great a number of Horses: For that the Romans had for that ••ause wasted the whole Countrey: Neither could they giue order to haue Hay and Barley brought on Horse-backe so great a way vnto their Ca∣uallery and Sumpters: Neither durst the Carthaginians besiege the E∣nemy without Horse, being fortified with Ditches and Pallisadoes: A∣gainst the which in fighting without Winges vppon an equall danger, they should hazard an vncertaine Fortune. They feared likewise that the Roman Subiects, would ioyne with them and succour them, and that cutting of their necessary Victualls, they would draw him into great distresse.

Hannibal considering these things, hauing opinion that they could not raise the siege directly, he takes another aduice. Finally, he makes his reckoning, that if in stealing away suddainly, he should shew him∣selfe about Rome, he might do something that might be profitable for the Carthaginians affaires, the inhabitants beeing amazed with such a new accident: Or if that did not succeede, hee should force Appius Army to raise the s••ege to succour and supply their Countrey, or else foorth-with diuide themselues, so as they which should succour the Country, and they which remained at the siege would be easie to van∣quish. Considering these things, hee sent a certaine Lybian messenger to Capoua, perswading him to retire to the Romans, and so into the Citty, prouiding wisely by this meanes, that his Letters might bee safely carried. He feared much, that the Capouans seeing his depar∣ture would yeilde, following the Romans party, as destitute of hope. For this cause hee acquaints them with his intention by Letters, for the which he sends the Lybian, after the departure of his Army, to the end that knowing his resolution and dislodging, they should main∣taine the siege couragiously.

When as they which besieged Capoua, had intreated the people of Rome for assistance, that Hannibal held them besieged, they were all in great doubt and feare, for that the present Affaires required a finall end, and therefore they sought by frequent Embassies and attempts to assist that party concerning the Generall. The Capouans on the other side (after they had receiued the Letters by the Lybian, and knowne the Carthaginians aduice) hold good against the Enemy, resoluing to aduenture and trie their Fortune. Wherefore Hannibal hauing fedde his Army the fifth day after his comming, and leauing fires burning,

he rais'd his Campe, so as he was not discouered by the Enemy. Taking then the difficult way by the Saunitide, discouering & gaining by his Ca∣uallery the nearest places to his way, he past the Riuer of Annion secret∣ly, whilest that the Inhabitants of Rome were in suspence for Capoua and that Warre: Approaching in such sort, as he planted his Campe within forty Furlongs of Rome. And as he assailed it by this meanes, it hap∣pened that they of the City were troubled and dismayed with feare, for that this accident came suddainly and contrary to their hope, and that Hannibal had not formerly besieged the City so neare. They had also a conceit, that he approaching so neare the City, their Army besieging Capoua, must of necessity be defeated. The men flye to the Walles, and out of the City to places of aduantage. The Women on the other side make professions about the Temples, washing the pauement with their haire. It was a thing they were accustomed to doe, if at any time the Countrey were in great danger.

When as Hannibal was thus incampt, thinking to assaile the City the day following, there happened an admirable and casuall accident, wor∣king for the preseruation of the Romans. Caius and Publius had taken an Oath of the Souldiers which had beene leuied, to come to Rome the the same day in Armes. They also made another Leuie: so as at a cer∣taine time a great number of men of Warre transported themselues sud∣dainly to Rome. With the which the Captaines made a bold sally: and planting their Campe before the City, they restrained Hannibals fu∣ry. The Carthaginians in truth at the first made such an attempt, as they despaired not to take the City by assault. But seeing the Enemies to hold a Campe, and aduertised by a Prisoner of that which had hap∣pened, they desisted from their Enterprize to take the Towne, falling to spoile the Countrey, and to fire their houses: so as at the first they brought a wonderfull booty vnto their Campe, as being come to this kind of hunting, to the which neuer Enemy thought to attaine. And when as afterwards the Consuls taking courage, had planted themselues within Eleuen Furlongs of the Enemies Campe, Hannibal lost all hope of taking the City, notwithstanding the great spoiles which hee had made; and which is more, he parts at the breake of day with his Ar∣my, keeping a good reckoning of dayes, in the which according to his aduice taken from the beginning, he was in hope that Appius aduerti∣sed of the danger of the City, would wholly raise the siege, and that he would succour Rome; or leauing some portion of the Army, and ta∣king the greatest part, he would make haste to succour his Countrey: either of which happening, his affaires would succeed well. But Pub∣lius breaking the Bridges of the said Riuer, forced him to passe his Ar∣my at a Fourde, being alwayes in the taile of him, and annoying him much.

It is true, he could not defeate him for the great number of Horses, and the dexterity of the Numidians fit for all purposes: yet he retired to his Fort, hauing recouered a great part of the booty, and taken a∣bout three hundred men. Afterwards imagining that the Carthagini∣ans hastned their retreate for scare, hee pursued them in the Reare by

Skirmishes. In the beginning Hannibal made haste pursuing his de∣signe. But when as on the fift day he had beene aduertised that Appi∣us continued still at the siege of Capoua, he stayed: then suddainly re∣ceiuing those which pursued him, he charg'd them in the Night, ma∣king a great slaughter, and chasing the rest out of their Fort. When as the day following he saw the Romans retired to a certaine Hill, strong by scituation, and rampred, he despaires to take them: Yet making his voyage by Daunia and Brette, hee assailes the neighbour places to Rhegium so suddainly, as he had in a manner taken the City: yet he sur∣prised all those that were stragling in the Fields, with a great number of the Rheginois at his comming. In my opinion we ought with reason to obserue at that time the vertue and enuy of the Romans and the Cartha∣ginians in the conduct of the Warre.

For as all the World wonders at Epaminundas, Generall of the The∣beins in this, that when he was come with the Allies of the Warre to Tegee, and was aduertised that the Lacedemonians were with their league at Mantinea, assembling there to giue Battaile to the Thebeins, hee gaue order to his Troupes to feede presently: By this meanes hee cau∣seth his Army to march in the Euening, as it were to recouer some con∣uenient places to put them in Battaile. VVhen he had drawne many in∣to this conceite, hee parts to assaile the City of Lacedemon. VVhere entring about three houres in the Night, contrary to all hope, and fin∣ding it naked and destitute of helpe, he tooke it, and kept it on that side which was paued to the Riuer. As this disaster happened with a great alteration, and that a certaine Fugitiue flying to Mantinea, had aduerti∣sed King Agesilaus of that which happened, and that they of the league made haste to succour Lacedemon, hee was out of hope to bee able to keepe it. But when he had fed neare vnto the Riuer of Erota, and had drawne his Army together, after that he had suffered many miseries and dangers, he returnes to Mantinea, taking the same way, with hope to finde it destitue and vnfurnished of Lacedemonians and their league, as being gone to succour Lacedemon: the which succeeded accordingly. Wherefore giuing courage to the Thebeins, and marching in the Night with great labour and toile, hee arriued by noone at Manti∣nea, being destitute and void of succours. It is true that the Atheni∣ans who at that time held the party of the Lacedemonians, against the Thebeins, were come to their succours. When the foreward of the Thebeins, arriued at the Temple of Possidon, standing seuen Furlongs from the Towne, it happened as a thing fore-cast, that at the same instant the Atheniens shewed themselues vpon a Hill neare to Mantinea, who being discouered by them which remained in the Towne, they went to the VValles, taking courage to repulse the Thebeins attempts. Hi∣storiographers therefore haue reason to complaine of the said actions, saying, that the Commander had done all that was fitting for a wiser and more excellent Captaine then the Enemies were, and that Epami∣nundas was vanquished by Fortune. Some others likewise may say with reason, that the like hapned vnto Hannibal.

For who will not wonder at this Commander, in obseruing that hee

endeauoured to raise the siege, in assailing the Enemy by Skirmishes: And when hee was therein frustrated in his attempts, hee assailed Rome it selfe: And when this Enterprize did not succeed, for the casuall e∣uents, hee againe endeauoured (turning head with his Army) to charge the Enemy, and to try if hee might trouble those which be∣sieged Capoua: And when in the end he preuailed not in his Enterprize, he resolued to annoy the Enemy in ruining them of Rhegium. It is true that some one will happily iudge that at this day the Romans are to bee preferred before the Lacedemonians. Who vpon the first aduertis∣ment parting together, deliuered Lacedemon, yet losing Mantinea for their parts: But the Romans preserued their Countrey without raising the siege from before Capoua, growing constantly obstinate in their Enterprize, and haue in the end assailed the Capouans resolutely. I haue propounded this Discourse not so much to praise the Romans or Cartha∣ginians, (for we haue many times shewed them to bee excellent) as well for their present Captaines, and for those which hereafter shall haue the gouernment of these two Common-weales: to the end that remembring them, and hauing these things before their eyes with a de∣sire of imitation, they may take courage, not of a desperate and dange∣rous rashnesse, but of a politique resolution, with an admirable industry and good discourse, which shall neuer be subiect to forgetfulnesse, re∣taining still in memory actions well mannaged; and Enterprizes with∣out reason.

For this cause the Romans haue decreed to set a part, and to carry in∣to their Country the things we haue spoken of, not omitting any thing. If this be well done and profitable to them, or otherwise, it requires a longer discourse: And moreouer whether it hath beene in former times, or is onely necessary at this day. If considering these things, they had instructed their men, it is certaine that according to reason they had transported to their vse the things for the which they had growne great: But if leading a simple life, they flye abundance and sumptuous∣nesse, and yet they vanquish those which many times haue store of such good things, why should not their actions be turned to vice? Some one may confidently say, that they erre which haue left the Victors course of life, to follow that of the vanquished, and hauing incurred enuy, a Companion of such things: which is a case much to bee feared in Great men. Doubtlesse a man thus possest, will neuer hold them hap∣py which possesse another, and beares them enuie. Moreouer, who will take compassion of those which degenerating lose their principali∣ties? If Fortune smiles, and if a man drawes together all the wealth of another, and moreouer, inuites in some sort the dispossest to see it, he sinnes doubly. First the Spectators haue no compassion, but are ad∣monished as of their owne miseries: whereby not onely enuy but also choller inflames them against the fortunate. The remembrance of their owne calamities is as it were a stirring vp to hatred against the Au∣thours. It is true, that it may be there is some shew of reason for the drawing of Gold and Siluer. For they could not haue attained to the Empire, if they had not gotten the power taken from others.

In regard of those things which concerne not power, they might leaue them with the enuy in those places where they were before, and make their Countrey of better fame, in beautifying it with honesty and magnanimity, not with Images and figures. I hold this Discourse for those which Potentates alwaies vsurpe, to the end that in sacking Cities they may not conceiue that the miseries of other men, are the glory and beautifying of their Countrey. Finally, it is necessary that the accidents which happen in the Art of Warre, bee diligently considered of▪ It may happen they shall duly fore-see euery thing, if any one doth exe∣cute speedily that which is propounded.

If any man will know that executions done openly with violence, are of lesse consequence then actions of policy and time, hee may easily iudge by the actions past. It would be no difficult thing to vnderstand by the euents, that in matters which are done by time, there are more found executed through errours then by reason; For no man doubts that many faults are committed through the ignorance and dulnesse of Commanders. Wherefore we must consider the reason of this kinde. It is not fit to hold for good seruice the accidents which without fore∣sight happen in the profession of Warre, but rather for euents and ca∣suall accidents: and wee must leaue them, for that they are not gouer∣ned by reason, whereas those should be apparent which are done with a setled resolution whereof we now speake. But for that euery action hath time, space, and a determinate place, and hath neede of secresie, and of confident resolutions: and that it doth import by whom, with whom, and by what meanes they shall execute them: it is apparent that he which shall duly consider euery one of these things apart, shall not stray from reason: if he omits any one of them, he shall be defrau∣ded of his whole resolution. Nature in truth makes one of all the parts, and euery one of them (although vulgar) sufficeth to cause a disaster of aduice if it be forgotten: Finally all the parts doe scarce suffice, al∣though they be imployed to bring any worke to a good end. Where∣fore Commanders should not omit any thing of this kinde.

Silence is the chiefe of those things which we haue spoken of: to the end that through ioy if any vnexpected hope presents it selfe, or for feare and amazement, they do not through familiarity or friendship, cō∣municate their enterprize to any stranger, but only to those without whom they cannot execute their resolutions: nor yet to them, but so far forth as necessity shall force them. He must be secret not onely in words but also in his affections. For it happens to many to discouer by signes, and sometime by their actions, their resolutions which the tongue hath kept silent. Secondly, it is necessary not to be ignorant of the wayes both by day and night, and the meanes to passe them as well by Sea as Land. The third point, and the most exquisite, is to know the op∣portunity of times by the circumstances, and to be able to coniecture it with iudgement. He must make no little esteeme of the manner how to execute it. For many times thereby things which seeme impossible, proue possible, and those which vsually haue beene possible, are made impossible. Finally, he must not disdaine the Accords and Articles an∣nexed,

nor the choise of things by the which, and with whom that which hath bin resolued, is brought to an end. Of these things some are considered by the exercise, others by Histories, and some by the course and reason of experience. The knowledge likewise of the waies, and whither he meanes to go, and its nature would be very fitting••: and consequently by whom and against whom they make Warre, and care∣fully to consider of the businesse, and not to trust all men. It is true that they which are led and gouerned, must alwaies in such affaires giue cre∣dit to those that lead them. Moreouer, Commanders may happily learne these things and other such like from a simple Souldier: some by their owne industry, and others by History, in considering the actions experience. It is also necessary to vnderstand the Mathematiques, and the Theorique, especially of Astrology and Geometry, the Art whereof is not very necessary in this trade: yet the vse may helpe much in the alteration of things. Their chiefe necessity consists in the consi∣deration of the Day and Night. If they had beene alwaies equall, there would be no difficulty therein, and the knowledge would bee com∣mon to all.

But as the afore-said things haue a difference not onely betwixt them, but also in themselues, it is most necessary to know what bee their augmentations and diminutions. How can the course and per∣fections of the Day and Night be knowne without the consideration of the said difference? No man can without their experience attaine vnto those things which concernes a competency of time, being otherwise forced to worke sooner or later then is needfull. Haste in these affaires is more defectiue then the delay of an Enterprize. Hee that exceeds the time appointed, is frustrated of his hope: But hee may repaire it in giuing good order, knowing after what time it may be done: whereas hee that preuents the opportunity of the approaching time, and being discouered, not onely failes of his Enterprize, but is in danger to be wholly defeated. Occasion is the Mistresse of all humane affaires, and especially in the Art of Warre.

A Commander therfore of an Army must haue knowledge of the So••stice of Summer, and of the Equinoctials, and of the intermixt in∣creases and decreases of Dayes and Nights. By this onely meanes hee may hold a meane in things which are to be effected, as well by Sea as Land. Moreouer, hee must know euery point of the Day and Night, to the end that hee may vnderstand the time when to plant his Campe and to raise it. It is not possible that hee shall attaine to a good end which doth not consider the beginning. It is not impossible to see the houres of the Sunne by the shaddowes whilest he makes his course, and the distances which are made by it in this world: In regard of those of the Night, it is a difficult thing, vnlesse some doe follow and obserue the Starres after the disposition of the Heauen, and the order of the twelue Signes in the Zodiacke. It is in truth easie for those which dili∣gently obserue the Celestiall Starres. For although the Nights be vn∣equall, yet in euery one of them sixe of the twelue Signes do mooue, so as it is necessary that to euery part of the Night an equall portion of the

Zodiacke be turned, and as daily it is apparent what part the Sun driues behind, which is that which it separates from the Diameter: it is neces∣sary that accordingly there should be so much consumed of the Night, that after this part it appeares eleuated from the rest of the Zodiacke. The Signes of the Zodiacke being knowne as well for their number as greatnesse, it falls out afterwards that they shew themselues such all times of the Night. But when the Nights are cloudy, we must obserue the Moone: for her greatnesse, her light appeares vniuersall in what part of the world soeuer she be. And wee must sometimes search by the times and places of the East, and sometimes of the West: for that in this part there is a knowledge, so as she followes the Diurnall differences of the East. There is also in this knowledge a manner of easie considerati∣on. There is likewise the same end almost within a figure, and all are of Sence. For this cause they iustly commend the Poet, who brings in Vlis∣ses an excellent Prince, taking coniecture of the Starres, not onely to di∣rect a Nauigation, but also to mannage Warre at Land. Wee may in truth exactly fore-see vnexpected chances, although that many times they be of great preplexity, as inundations by Raine and Riuers, Snows and violent Frosts, and finally Fogs and Clouds, with such like things. Shall we not with reason be destitute and voide of many things by our owne fault, if wee disdaine those which wee may fore see? Wee may not therefore contemne or despise any of these things, lest wee fall into such a consideration which they say hath happened vnto ma∣ny others: Concerning which wee must now speake by way of Example.

Arate Chiefe of the Acheins, labouring to surprize the City of Cynethe, appointed a day to them of the Towne which had the same intelligence: who comming by Night to the Riuer which fals to Cyne∣the, he was to stay there with his Army: and they of the Towne taking their occasion about Noone, should send forth one of them secretly out at the Gate, couered with a Cloake, and should command him to stay before the Gate vpon a Dunghill: and in the meane time the rest should take the chiefe men sleeping, who were accustomed to guard the Gate about Noone. Which being done, comming out of their Ambush, they should plant their Battalion against the Gate. These things thus con∣cluded, Arate came at the time appointed, and keeping the accord, he laid his Ambush neare vnto the Riuer. But about fiue of the Clocke, a man hauing weake Sheepe of those which are accustomed to feede about the Towne, came forth of the Gate in a Cloake, as it was need∣full; who according to the reason of the time, enquired of the life of the Shepheard: And staying vpon the sayd Hill, looked where hee was▪ A∣rate thinking they had giuen him the Signe, makes haste to gaine the Towne with his men. But when the Gate was suddainly shut by the Guards that were present, for that they within had nothing ready, it happened that Arate was not onely frustrated of his purpose and in∣tention, but was the cause of extreame calamities to the Burgesses, with whom hee had intelligence. For being apprehended, they were presently chased away or slaine. What shall wee thinke to be

the cause of this accident? Doubtlesse for that this Commander had executed this agreement with more lightnesse then was fit, who being young had not an exquisite knowledge of these two accords, nor of the things annexed. The affaires of Warre haue an alteration in a mo∣ment, wauering from one side to another in the Euents. When as like∣wise Cleomenes the Lacedemonian, had resolued to take the City of Mega∣lopolis by practice, he agreed with the Guards of the Walles, that hee should come in the Night with his Army to the Gate which they call Pholee, at the third renewing of the Watch. For they which held his party, had then the guard of the Wall. But when he had not fore∣seene, that the Nights were shorter at the rising of the Pleiades, hee parting from Lacedemon with his Army at Sun setting, and as hee could not come thither in time, arriuing when the Sunne was vp, he was repuls'd, making his attempts in vaine and without reason, with a great and shamefull losse of his men, and in danger to lose all: Whereas if hee had aim'd truely at the time appointed by the agree∣ment, and had brought his Army when as his Confederates had power to let him in, he had not failed in his Enterprize.

In like manner Philip (as wee haue formerly sayd) hauing plotted a secret surprize of the City of the Meliteens, failed doubly. He brought not Ladders of a sufficient length, as the businesse required, neither did he obserue the time. For hauing resolued to arriue at Mid-night, when as all the World slept, hee dislodg'd before the time from Larisse with his Army, and came too soone into the Meliteens Countrey. For this cause as he could not stay, fearing to be discouered by the Citizens, nor yet steale away, he gaue an assault to the City, the Inhabitants being yet awake. So as it was not in his power to get to the top of the Walles by his Ladders, for that they were not of a iust length, nei∣ther could hee enter by the Gate, for that the Confederates which hee had in the City, could not succour him being excluded by the time. And as hee had incensed the Citizens, and made a great losse of his men, hee returned with shame and disgrace, it being a warning and caueate vnto all others, not to put any trust or confidence in him hereafter.

As likewise Nicias which was Chiefe of the Athenians, might haue preserued the Army which hee had neare vnto Saragosse, and had taken a fit occasion in the Night to lay an Ambush, to the end hee might not bee discouered by the Enemy, hee retired into a safe place: Afterwards hee remooued not his Campe through supersti∣tion, for that the Moone was Eclipsed, as if shee had fore-told some ensuing danger and misfortune. But it happened vnto all, as ••ell to the Army as Captaines, to fall into the hands of the Sara∣gossins, when as the Night following Nicias raised his Campe, be∣ing discouered by the Enemies. Notwithstanding hee might in such affaires haue beene made wise by such as haue had experience, that the cōmodity of time ought not to be neglected for such things, making the ignorance of the Enemy his comfort. Ignorance in truth giues a great helpe to men of experience, to bring their affaires to a good end.

Wee must then for the afore-said things haue recourse to Astrology, in regard of the measure of ladders, the manner is as followeth. If any one of the Conspirators haue giuen the height of the Wall, they may presently know of what length the ladder shall be: As if the Wall bee ten foote high in some places, the ladders must be twelue foote long. Finally, they must giue vnto the ladder good footing, according to the proportion of the staues: left burthening it too much, it breake not easily by reason of the multitude: and againe set vp straight, it will be very dangerous vnto them. If there be no meanes to take the mea∣sure, nor to approach the Wall, let them take the greatnesse of those things which are eleuated on the Plaine, by the space of all the height, which is a kinde of measure not onely possible, but also easie for those which study to learne the Mathematiques.

Wherefore it is necessary for them that will aime truely in their re∣solutions of the course of Warre, to know the vse of Geometry: If not perfectly, yet at the least that they haue the knowledge of pro∣portions, and consideration of Similitudes. It is not onely necessary for this, but also for the comprehension of Designes in the scituation of a Campe: to the end that when as wee sometimes change its gene∣rall disposition, we may obserue the same proportion of things which are there comprehended: And if sometimes we retaine the same De∣signes of Camps, we may extend the place comprehended by them, or straighten it; according to the reason of things before decreed, or set apart: the which we haue declared more exactly in our Commen∣taries for the ordring of Battailes. I doe not beleeue there is any man that will be discontented with our study, for that wee charge the pro∣fession of Warre with many things, commanding those that loue it, not to disdaine Astrology nor Geometry. For my part, I striue especi∣ally, and with great desire to command things necessary, as I doe re∣proue and blame the excesse of vaine and superfluous things, in regard of the subtilties and dreames in euery Science: So doe we those which are out of necessary vse. It is strange thing that they which practise Dancing, or playing of the Flute, take the preparatiues which concernes the accords and Musicke: And likewise Wrestling, for that this kind of Art seemes behoouefull to bring this exercise to an end: And yet they which terme themselues Souldiers, are discontented if they must allow of any other Studies: So as they which practise Mecanique Arts, are more carefull and studious then those which challenge an Excellency in things which are of great honour and glory: the which no man of Sence will deny. But wee haue spoken enough of this Subiect.

Many coniecture the greatnesse of things by the Circui••e: to whom notwithstanding it seemes incredible, that although the City of Me∣galopolis bee contained within the Circuite of fifty Furlongs, and that of Lacedemon within forty eight, yet it is twice as great as that of Megalopolis. And if any one (meaning to make this doubt greater) sayth, it is possible that a City, or the Pallisadoe of a Campe, hauing the Circuite of forty Furlongs, may bee more ample and

compleate then that of a hundred, this will seeme vnto them a mad and extrauagant speech: the cause is, for that wee remember not the things which inhumane Disciplines are deliuered vnto vs by Geome∣try. This is the cause why I haue vndertaken this Discourse. For that not onely many people, but also some of those which gouerne the Common-weale, and likewise Commanders and Captaines are ama∣zed and wonder how it can be possible, that the City of Lacedemon should be greater then that of Megalopolis, seeing the circuite is lesse: and that consequently they coniecture the number of men by the cir∣cuite of the Campe.

There is another such like errour which they commit in the descrip∣tion of Townes. For many conceiue, that Cities containe more houses which are crooked and hilly, then those which are in a flat Countrey. But this is not true, for that the houses are not of a good building in a declining Streete, but in a plaine Countrey, for the which it happens that the Hils yeeld: the which may appeare by that which is apparent in a Plaine. If thou doest consider the houses which are built high, and set vpon the declining of a Hill, so as they are all of an equall hight, it is apparent that their tops being leuell, the distance is equall, as well of those which are built vnder the Hils, as those which are seated on the Plaine neare vnto the foundations of the Wall. It sufficeth at this time to haue spoken to those which (desiring the preheminence ouer others, and to gouerne Common-weales) are ignorant of these things, being amazed and wonder at this relation. The City of Agragas is not onely more excellent among many other Cities, but also for the force of its Rampire, and for the grace and building. It is built eighteene Furlongs from the Sea, so as euery man may be partaker of her commodities, the Walles are excellently fortified by their scituation and the industry of man. The Wall is seated vpon a hard and inaccessible Rocke, as well by Nature as by Art. It is enuironed with Riuers. For towards the South runs a Riuer of the Townes name, and on the Westerne part to∣wards the Winter Solstice, passeth the Riuer of Hypse. The Fortresse is seated vpon the side of the Summers East. The which hath with∣out an inaccessible valley and within it one approach to the City. On the top is built the Temple of Minerua, and of Iupiter A••abarin, like as at Rhodes. For as Agragas hath beene peopled by Rhodiens, their God with good reason hath the same name, as at Rhodes. Finally the City is stately adorned with Temples and Porches. In regard of the Tem∣ple of Iupiter Olympian, it is none of the most sumptuous: But like∣wise it seemes not lesse in its height and greatnesse then any other of Grecce.

The Oration of Chlenee, Embassadour for the Etoliens to the Lacedemonians.

IT is so true my Maisters of Lacedemon, that your power hath beene the beginning of Seruitude to the Grecians, the which I hold so certaine, as no man at this day will say the contrary. Wee may iudge of it in this manner. For what a multitude of Grecians are there in Thrace, whereof the Athenians and Calsidonians haue planted Collonies? What Ci∣ty hath had a greater estate and power then that of the Olynthiens? The which when as Philip had made Captiue, and ordained to serue for an Example, hee hath not onely beene Lord of all the Cities of Thrace, but hath moreouer made subiect the Thessalians, being ter∣rified with feare. And when as afterwards hee had subdued the A∣thenians by Armes, he vsed his Fortune nobly, not so much for the good of the Athenians (for there wanted much) but to the end that by the same of his benefits towards them, he might draw others to a vo∣luntary obedience.

In regard of the authority of your City, it seemed for a time to fa∣uour the other Grecians. Wherefore propounding what hee thought good, he went to Field with an Army, and in spoiling the Countrey, he hath ruined and sack't your houses, and finally your Countrey, di∣stributing part to the Argiues, part to the Tegeates, some to the Mega∣lopolitains, and the rest to the Messeniens: seeking without reason to be∣nefit others, to the end he might endammage and and annoy you. A∣lexander hath since taken vpon him the power and command. Who thinking that there was yet remaining some comfort for Greece in the City of Thebes, I conceiue you all know how hee hath ruined it. But what neede is there to relate in particular the Deeds of those which haue succeeded them, and how ill they haue intreated Greece? There is no man so negligent of the actions of Warre, which doth not know how Antipater (the Grecians being vanquished neare vnto Lamiai) did most wickedly intreate the miserable Athenians and others: To whom hee was so outragious and vniust, as hee sent Inquisiters for Fugitues, and sent to the Cities, against those which had contradicted him, or in any fort offended the honour of the Macedonians. Whereof some being violently drawne out of the Temple, and others from the Altars

themselues, haue beene miserably defeated and slaine: the other Fugitiues haue beene chased out of Greece. There was no freedome but onely in the Nation of the Etoliens. In regard of the executions done by Cassander, Demetrius, and Antigonus, Gonas, who is ignorant of them? The knowledge hath beene manifest, seeing they haue beene done without any disguising. Some of them placed Garrisons in Townes, others setled Tyrants: By which meanes there hath not beene any City free from the name of this kind of seruitude.

But leauing this Discourse, I come in the end to Antigonus: to the end that none of you considering plainely my intent, may thinke him∣selfe beholding to the fauour of the Macedonians. Antigonus in truth hath not made Warre against you for the preseruation of the Acheins: neither for that he was offended with the Tyranny of Cleomenes, he de∣sired to set the Lacedemonians at liberty (it were too great a folly, if you were of this opinion) but for that he saw his power was not assured, if the principality of Morea were vnder your gonernment, and withall he saw the industry of Cleomenes, and that Fortune smiled vpon you, the which he feared with enuie. He came not to giue succours to Morea, but to rauish your hopes, and abate your greatnesse. Wherefore the Macedonians are not so much worthy of loue, Lording it ouer this City which they haue ruined, as to be held for Enemies and odious, seeing he hath alwaies hindred you, when you had meanes to command all Greece. In regard of the iniquity of Philip, what neede is there to vse any long discourse? His execration towards the Gods, for the outrages committed in the Temple of Thermes is plainely declared: And as for his cruelty to men, it is fully exprest by this preuarication, and the accord violated with the Messeniens. Finally, the Etoliens haue alone among the Grecians made head against Antipater in the view of all the World: so as they liued in safty which were outragi∣ously afflicted. They haue also withstood the attempt of Brennus and the Barbarians which accompanied him: And they alone being cal∣led, haue endeauoured with you to set the principality of Greece at liberty. But it is enough of this Subiect: Wee must now aduise in some sort, and take order touching this present Councell, as with them that resolue for the Warre. Wee must consider it according to the truth.

I am also of opinion that as the Acheins as the weaker, should not onely forbeare to spoile your Countrey, but also giue great thankes vn∣to the Gods if they may preserue their owne: The Eliences and Messe∣niens will make Warre against them for the league they haue with vs, the like you will doe. As I vnderstand, Philip will desist from his En∣terprize, being assailed by the Etoliens at Land, and by the Romans and Attalus by Sea. It is moreouer easie to iudge of the future by the actions past. For making Warre onely against the Etoliens, hee could neuer subdue them, how then will hee support this present Watre? Take these words according to my first proposition: that it may be noto∣rious to all men, that you ought not by a rash and vnaduised Councell, but by a mature & setled deliberation rather giue succours to the Etoliens

the Macedonians. And if you haue formerly preuented, and giuen order for those, what meanes can there remaine? If you haue granted vs present succours, before you haue receiued the benefits of Antigo∣nus, wee must with reason enquire, if it be fit that in yeilding to the succeeding benefits, you should contemne the precedent which you haue enioyed. How this liberty and safety being published hath beene consumed by Antigonus, there are some which reproach it vnto you, and turne these things to euill, demaunding often whither you should follow the party of the Etoliens or Macedonians: You would enter League with vs in many things, to whom in these affaires you haue giuen your faith, and you haue it mutually from vs, hauing mannaged the former Warres with vs against the Macedonians. Who can doubt iustly of these things.

It is certaine that the Affaires which you haue with Antigonus and Philip, is palliated vnder the Title of courtesie. Finally, what neede is there to declare that, which since hath beene done vnto you? Either in regard of the outrage of the Etoliens, or the bounty of the Mace∣donians, or for any other thing which hath beene auaileable vnto them? How can you being now changed, confirme the Accords and Oathes with them, (which are great Testimonies and Tyes among men) to whom formerly you had wisely resolued not to obey?

When as Chlenee had Discoursed of these things, and had spoken in such sort, as hee thought no man could contradict him, hee made an end of his Speech. After whom Lucisque Embassadour for the Acarnanians, entring, con∣tained himselfe at the first, seeing many discoursing of the afore∣sayd things: But when silence was made, hee beganne in these Termes.

The Oration of Lucisque Embassadour of the Acarnanians to the Lacedemonians.

YOu Masters of Lacedemon, we are come hither, as sent by the Common-weale of the Acarnanians. We conceiue that this our Embassie, is common to Vs and the Mace∣donians: For that in a manner daily, they and wee are Companions in the same hope. And as in dangers wee involued together, by reason of their excellency and the greatnesse of their Vertue, to the end that by their forces wee may liue in safety: In like manner the commodity of the Acarnanians, is according to the care of the Embassadours, contained in the right of

the Macedonians. Wherefore you haue no cause to wonder, if we make a long discourse of Phillip and the Macedonians. Chlenee making an end of his Oration, addes a briefe recapitulation of the right by the which you were bound vnto them: For hee hath said, if theire bee nothing which hath beene done Since by the Etoliens, which doth hurt or dis∣content, after the Succours granted vnto them: or any courtesie done by the Macedonians, this present deliberation, is of a iust considera∣tion. If likewise they haue not committed, in producing the things which concerne Antigonus, the which formerly haue beene allowed by you, I am of opinion that you are the simplest men in the World, if you renew the Oathes and Accords. For my part, I say you are the simplest men in the World, and take the vainest resolution, if when as there hath beene nothing done according vnto his Speech, and the Grecians Affaires remaine such as they were before, when you made the League with the Etoliens.

But if this cause hath a very different disposition, as I will shewe in continuing my Discourse, I thinke it will appeare plainly, that I say something which will be commodious vnto you, beeing vnknowne by Chlenee. We are come hither to that end, being perswaded that we are to speake it, to make it knowne. Wherefore it is necessary, if it may be done, that when you haue heard the calamities which hangs ouer all Greece, you should resolue on that which may be honest and fit, and to enter into League with vs in the same hope. If this cannot be done, but at this present you will rest your selues. Yet I hold it ne∣cessary, that in Discoursing in few words of this Subiect, (for that the others haue presumed to accuse the House of the Macedonians) wee should cleare the ignorance of those, which haue giuen credit to their Speeches.

Chlenee hath sayd that Philip the sonne of Amintas, Conquered the Principallity of Thessaly by the ruine of the Olyntbiens. Contrariwise I am of opinion, that not onely the Thessaliens, but the rest of the Grecians haue beene preserued by Philip. Who is there among you, that knowes not that at such time as Nomarche and Philomale, going to Delphos, had vsurped the Gouernement vniustly, and rauished the Treasure of the Gods execrably, what great forces they then raysed, against the which none of the Grecians durst once open his mouth pub∣lickely. As they were wicked towards God, so they laboured for to vsurpe the Principallity of all Greece. At what time Philip imploying his forces willingly, defeated the Tyrants, and restored the things safe∣ly which belonged to the Temple: Deliuering withall vnto the Grecians anoccasion of liberty, as the effect doeth testifie to Posterity. The Grecians did not make choise of Philip to be their Commaunder, both at Sea and Land, as hauing offended the Thessaliens, as this man hath presumed to say, but as a Benefactor vnto Greece: Which dignity no man before had euer receiued. It is true, hee came to Lacedemon with an Army. This was not by his owne aduice, as you know: But be∣ing called and often prest by his Friends and Allies of Morea, whom hee obeyed vnwillingly. And when hee arriued there, consider Chlenee

how hee carried himselfe. When it was in his power to make vse of the fury of their neighbours, aswell in the spoile of the Lacedemonian Region, as in debasing the Citty; whereby hee should purchase their fauour, but he would not follow this aduice: But terrified both the one and the other, and forced them to make an end of their Quarrell, for their common good and profit. Neither did hee Constitute him∣selfe a Iudge in this Contention, but established men chosen through∣out all Greece.

Is this an Act worthy of reproach and reprehension? Thou hast likewise made the same reproach to Alexander, as if hee had wrong∣fully afflicted the Thebeins: But thou hast made no mention of the pu∣nishment which hee inflicted vpon the Persians, to reuenge the com∣mon outrage done to all the Grecians: Nor how hee deliuered you from great miseries, reducing the Barbarians into seruitude, and de∣feating their Succours, with the which they ruined Greece, making Warre sometimes against the Athenians, and their Ancestors, some∣times against the Thebeins: and that in the end he made Asia subiect to the Grecians. As for his Successours, how dares he presume to speake? They haue beene themselues many times the cause of good to some, and of hurt to others, during the Calamities of their time: Against whom some happily may haue cause to remember outrages: But it be∣comes not you, from whom they neuer diuerted any good, but con∣trariwise preserued you many times from harme. Who are they which haue called Antigonus the sonne of Demetrius to subuert the Acheins? Who are they moreouer which haue made a League, and sworne it with Alexander the Epirote to ruine Acarnania, and to diuide it: Haue not you done it? Who hath sent such Commaunders contrary vnto the publique good, as you haue done? Who were not ashamed to infringe the liberties.

How hath Tymeus sackt the Temple of Neptune in Tasmare, that of Artimedes at Luses? In regard of Phariques, he hath ruined the Tem∣ple of Iuno in Argos. And Polycrates that of Neptune in Mantinea. What hath Lattabe and Nicostrates done? Haue they not infringed the Accords of the Pambiolates with Panegyre, and practised the cruelty of Sytheans, and Gallatians, or Gaules, so as nothing hath beene done by the Successours? And when you could not excuse them, you holde it a glory that you haue broken the attempts of the Barbarians, falling vpon Delphos: Saying moreouer that for this cause the Grecians ought to giue you thankes. And if they must acknowledge this commodity from the Etoliens, what honour do not the Macedonians deserue, who imploy the greatest part of their liues continually, to maintaine the safety of the Grecians against the Barbarians? What is hee that doeth not know that the Grecians haue beene continually subiect to great dan∣gers, if the Macedonians and the bounty of their Kings had not serued them for a Rampire? VVhereof behold a great Argument: For when as the Gaules disdaining the Macedonians, had vanquished Ptolomy sir∣named Ceraune, they came presently into Greece with Brennus Army: The which had often happened, if the Macedonians had not had the

charge. And although I could holde a long Discourse of ancient deedes, yet I thinke these presents will suffice. But for that which a∣mong other things Philip hath done, hee turnes to cruelty the ruine of the Temple: But hee doth not adde their outrage and insolency, which they haue committed in the Temples and Oratories of the Gods, which are in Die and Dodone, the which hee should haue spoken first. You relate the wrongs and miseries you haue indured, and make a greater shew then is needfull, passing ouer in silence, those which you haue formerly committed in great numbers: For you know, that euery out∣rage and wrong that is done, is by all men reiected vpon those, who haue first done the wrong vniustly.

As for the deedes of Antigonus, I will onely make mention, to the end his Actions may not seeme to you worthy of contempt: neither must you lightly regard a deede of great esteeme. I doe not thinke there were euer so great a benefit seene, as that which hee hath im∣parted vnto you. It seemes vnto me so excellent, as there cannot be a greater: The which may appeare by this. Antigonus made Warre a∣gainst you, then in giuing you Battaile, he vanquished you by Armes: Hee was in the end Lord of the Country and Citty, hee might by the Law of Armes haue intreated you roughly: But hee was so far from offering you any outrage, as beside other Benefits, he hath (chasing the Tyrant) restored your Lawes and proper rights. For which Fact ordaining a Testimony to the Grecians by publicke praises, you haue cal∣led him Antigonus your Benefactor and Sauiour. VVhat should you then doe? I will tell you, seeing there is hope of your good Audience: The which I will doe, and not without reason, not to charge you with re∣proaches, but for that the quallity of matters forceth mee, to speake that which is necessary in publicke. VVhat shall I then say? That in the former VVarre you should haue imbraced the League of the Ma∣cedonians, and not of the Etoliens: And that at this day you should ra∣ther revnite your selues with Philip, seeing hee calls you then with them.

You answere, that in doing so, you shall breake your Accords. But tell me, if you shall commit a greater mischiefe, in leauing the Accord which you haue made in particular with the Etoliens, then in Trans∣gressing those which concerning all the Grecians, are grauen and Con∣secrated vpon a Pillar? Why doe you so superstitiously flie the dis∣daine of those, from whom you neuer receiued any benefit: And beare no respect to Philip, nor to the Macedonians: from whom you haue the power to hold this Councell? Thinke you that right and equitie, ought to bee preserued to Friends? Yet the Sanctitie is not so great to obserue the Faith reduced in Writings, as the sinne is prophane and ex∣ecrable in bearing Hatred, and making Warre against a publicke body. What the Etoliens require now of you? But we haue spoken enough of this Subiect, the which would be held by the Enuious, not to con∣cerne the present businesse. I returne therefore to the Continuation and Discourse of the cause which consists in this. If the Affaires be at this day a like, as when you made an Alliance of Warre with them,

the election of things propounded in the beginning must remaine in you. If they be altogether changed, it is fit you should consider iudi∣ciously vpon that which they require.

I demand of you Cleonice and Chlenee, what allies had you when as you called these men to a Common warre. Had you all the Grecians? With whom at this day haue you communication of your hope? Or to what league doe you inuite these men? Is it not of Barbarians? Thinke you this present warre is like vnto the precedent, and not dif∣ferent? You contended then with the Acheins, and your kinsmen the Macedonians, and with Philip, for principality and glory: And now the warre is made by strangers against Greece for its seruitude, whom you thinke to draw against Philip. Are you ignorant that their for∣ces are call'd in against your selues and all Greece? Like vnto those which during a warre retire into their City a greater Garrison then their owne forces for their owne safety, make themselues subiect to their friends, as soone as they are freed from the feare of their Enemy: The Etoliens thinke the same at this day. Whilst they desire to vanquish Philip, and to humble the Macedonians, they doe not obserue how they blind themselues with a westerne fogge, the which happily may bring some darknesse to the Macedonians, and in the end be the cause of great miseries to all the Grecians. It is therefore necessary for all Greece, to prouide for the threatnings of this time, and especially for the Mace∣donians. Otherwise what cause thinke you my Masters of Lacedemon; had your Ancestours, when as Xerxes demanded by an Embassadour which he sent vnto you Water and Earth, they cast him that was sent into a Well, and cast Earth vppon him: Then taking him out againe, they gaue him charge to tell Xerxes that hee had Water and Earth in Lacedemon? Moreouer, for what reason did the Company which was slaine with Leonides, cast themselues vppon the Enemy in view of all the World? Was it not to the end they might see them vndergoe the danger, not only for their owne liberty, but also for the rest of Greece? Consider now, if it be decent and fitting for their posterity, to take Armes, and to make VVarre with the Barbarians, in allying themselues with them, against the Epirotes, Acheins, Acarnanians, Beocians, Thessa∣liens, and in a manner against all the Grecians, holding nothing infamous, so as it were profitable. VVhat must they attend that doe such vnlawfull things?

As the Romans haue beene vnited to them, so the others haue en∣deauoured (hauing the said comfort and aide from the Sclauonians) to make the war by Sea, and to breake the Accord at Pyles: And haue by Land besieged the Citty of the Clitoriens, ruining that of the Cyne∣theins. It is true, they first made an Accord with Antigonus, in regard of the Acheins and Acarnanians. But at this day they are Confede∣rate with the Romans against Greece in generall. These things vnder∣stood, who doth not suspect the comming of the Romans, and detest the sottishnesse of the Etoliens, who presumed to enter into such a League? They spoile the Vines, and the Iland of Acarnania, and haue already taken the Cittie of the Tallaneins and Anticyra, which

they with the Romans haue ruined, who carry away their VViues and Children, suffring (as it seemes) the common accidents of those which fall into the hands of strangers in regard of the soile of these miserable people, the Etoliens enioy it. It were without doubt a very honest and pleasing thing that the Lacedemonians should imbrace this League, who would haue the Thebeins alone among the Grecians liue in peace, when the Persians descended: and haue resolued to make vowes vnto the Gods to vanquish the Barbarians.

Your dutie and Honor, my Masters of Lacedemon, depends thereon, to the ende that hauing recourse vnto your Ancestors, and fearing the comming of the Romans, and suspecting the bad intent of the Etoli∣ens, and putting you in minde of the deedes of Antigonus, you may detest the League of the wicked, and flie the amitie of the Etoliens, al∣lying your selues by a common hope with the Acheins and Macedonians. And if some of the chiefe yeild not vnto it, at the least budge not, nei∣ther make your selues Companions of their Outrages. It is true, that affection to friends is very profitable, if it bee commodiously made: But if it be forced, and finally slow and defectiue, it hath no comfort: and therefore you must obserue, if onely in words, or else in actions they will keepe their League with you.

A parcell of the Riuer of Euphrates.

Evphrates takes its sourse and beginning in Armenia, running its course by Syria, drawing towards Babylon, and falls as it seemes, into the Red Sea; whereof the signe is. It looseth it selfe in hol∣low places vnder ground made in that Region, before it falls into the Sea. VVherefore it hath a different nature to other Riuers. The course of others augment as they passe by many places, and are very high in VVinter, and low in Summer. But Euphrates growes very high at the rising of the Canicular, especially in Syria, and continuing its course decreaseth. The cause is for that it is not augmented by the concur∣rence of the winter raine, but by the melting of the Snow: It decrea∣seth likewise for that it extends vpon the plaine, and is dispersed for the watring of the Land. Then the transport of Armies is slowly made, for that the shippes stay in regard of the burthen, the Riuer beeing low; and finally the swift course of the water is some hinderance vnto the Na∣uigation.

Notes

• Appius besieged by Hannibal.
• A wise Consi∣deration of Hannibal.
• Hannibal with∣in 40. furlongs of Rome.
• The amaze∣ment of the Ro∣mans.
• The superstiti∣on of the Ro∣man Dames.
• The Carthagini∣ans waste the Countrey a∣bout Rome.
• The Romans is Field.
• A defeate of the Romans by Night.
• Lacedemon ta∣ken by Epami∣nundas.
• Epaminundas vanquished by Fortune.
• The duty of a Commaunder.
• The knowledg of the diuersi∣ties of Dayes necessary for Captaines.
• Homer.
• The errour of Arate.
• The errour of Cleomenes.
• The errour of Philip.
• The errour of Nicias.
• What a Ladder for the Warre ought to be.
• Geometry ne∣cessary for the Warre.
• The carelesnes of Souldiers for the Scien∣ces.
• The circuite of Megalopolis and Lacedemon.
• The City of Agragas.
• Philip subdued the Thessalians.
• Alexander rui∣ned Thebes.
• Antipater.
• Antigonus.
• The blame of Philip.
• The blame of Nomarche, and Philomale.
• Alexander the Epirote.