Englands vievv, in the vnmasking of two paradoxes with a replication vnto the answer of Maister Iohn Bodine. By Gerrard de Malynes Merchant.

About this Item

Title
Englands vievv, in the vnmasking of two paradoxes with a replication vnto the answer of Maister Iohn Bodine. By Gerrard de Malynes Merchant.
Author
Malynes, Gerard, fl. 1586-1641.
Publication
London :: Printed by Richard Field,
1603.
Rights/Permissions

To the extent possible under law, the Text Creation Partnership has waived all copyright and related or neighboring rights to this keyboarded and encoded edition of the work described above, according to the terms of the CC0 1.0 Public Domain Dedication (http://creativecommons.org/publicdomain/zero/1.0/). This waiver does not extend to any page images or other supplementary files associated with this work, which may be protected by copyright or other license restrictions. Please go to http://www.textcreationpartnership.org/ for more information.

Subject terms
Bodin, Jean, 1530-1596. -- Résponse aus Paradoxes de M. de Malestroit -- Controversial literature -- Early works to 1800.
Malestroict, Jehan Cherruyt, -- seigneur de. -- Paradoxes. -- Early works to 1800.
Money -- Early works to 1800.
Cite this Item
"Englands vievv, in the vnmasking of two paradoxes with a replication vnto the answer of Maister Iohn Bodine. By Gerrard de Malynes Merchant." In the digital collection Early English Books Online. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/A06788.0001.001. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed May 20, 2024.

Pages

Now let vs examine the an∣swer of Maister Bodine.

Maister Malestroit was of opinion, That nothing was growne dearer in

Page 64

three hundred yeares, as is before shewed. But Maister Bodine was of a contrarie opinion, and sheweth fiue causes of the dearth of things, as we haue also declared. Whereunto for a generall and direct answer by way of Replication, we say: that to shew the alteration of the price of things and the causes therof, is of small moment, the true ground of the matter being by him mistaken. Which true ground must be by making a comparison of the enhauncing of the price of the Commodities of one countrie, with the price of the Commodities of o∣ther countries: and thereby to find out, whether things are grown deare with vs in effect; and whether we pay more proportionably for the forraine Commodities within the aforesaid time of three hundred yeares, then we doe receiue for the price of our home Commodities. For if we do now pay more for corne, wine, and all

Page 65

other victuals; and sell our Commo∣dities for more then we were wont to do proportionably: here is no alte∣ration in effect, but in name onely, so long as the substance of the money is not altered in propertie. But if we sell our Commodities dearer, and buy our victuals dearer then heretofore; and that ouer and aboue the price thereof, we must pay farre dearer for the forraine Commodities, then pro∣portionably the price of our Com∣modities is risen: this causeth vs to be aloser in particular, and bringeth by an ouer-ballancing of forraine Com∣modities with our home Commodi∣ties, a generall losse to the Common∣wealth: which to supply, causeth vs to make vp the inequalitie with mo∣ny, which is the treasure of the realm. The consideration then must be, not to compare things within themselues in the Commonwealth where we do liue; but betweene vs and other na∣tions

Page 66

with whom we deale, either by way of permutation of Commodi∣ties for Commodities, or Commo∣dities for money in specie, or by ex∣change. So that we must examine the course of Commodities, Money▪ and Exchange, which are the three sim∣ples, vnder the which all the trade and trafficke is performed: whereof we shall intreate, when we shall haue exa∣mined the matters by him alleaged in particular.

The fiue causes of the dearth of things by him alleaged, are to be di∣stinguished according to our forme▪ obseruation. For the first & last cause concerning plentie of gold and siluer, and the alteration of the valuation of money, may be causes that generally things are deare. But the other three touching Monopolies, the want and wast of things, and the pleasure of Princes; can but make things parti∣cularly deare, according to the vse

Page 67

thereof: wherein the time maketh al∣so now and then an alteration vpon occasion; as when armes are dearer in time of warre, then in time of peace: victuals in time of famine: wood in winter, and water in desert places, and such like.

Seeing then that plentie of money maketh not onely the Commodities of a countrie deare, but that they are also Nerui bellorum, the sinewes of warre; euery Prince is to haue a sin∣gular care for the preseruation and augmentation therof: especially those Princes that haue no mines of gold or siluer within their dominions, or such as haue had them, and are now with∣out them. The gold was wont to come much out of the mountaines of Boheme, and riuers of Pannonia and Swaden. Out of Spaine, there was wont to come both out of the riuers and monntaines aboue 20 thousand pound weight yearely, which is all

Page 68

exhausted: then it came from the West Indies, first from Santo Domin∣go and other places, where it doth also cease: now it commeth from Peru by certaine millions, which will also take an end. The siluer is brought also frō the West Indies, and was much found in Germanie: but is now in many pla∣ces drawne out.

The most noble Kings of this realm haue alwaies had a singular care to accumulate treasure; deeming ther∣fore, that it was neither expedient nor conuenient for them to suffer the transportation of their monies or bul∣lion out of the same: as by diuers acts of Parliament may be seene, whereby it was made fellonie for the space of many yeares continuing.

William the Conqueror caused a description to be made of the realme, and the land to be measured, reseruing so much thereof, as he thought con∣uenient for the Crowne: and the rest

Page 69

he deuided amongst his Barons and knights, who did pay him therefore a certaine summe of money: where∣by he did gather a treasure.

Henry the second succeeding him within one hundred yeares, hauing had many great warres, and ioyned Ireland to the Crowne of England, conquering also Scotland, and redu∣cing Normandie and other places in Fraunce to the Crowne; and hauing raigned 35 yeares, had neuer cause to impose any tribute, subsidie or taxe vpon his subiects: and left notwith∣standing behind him in treasure 900 thousand pounds; which in those daies was not only a great matter (the West Indies not being discouered) but also for that it would make now with vs 27 hūdred thousand pounds, the ounce of siluer being esteemed at fiue shillings, which then was but at twentie pence.

Edward the third made many good

Page 70

lawes to keepe the treasure within the realme, and for the aduancement of his home Commodities, and had a great care, that the forraine Commo∣dities, should not ouer-ballaunce his home Commodities: knowing that if hee payed more for them, then he made of his Commodities, the difference must be made vp and bal∣lanced with the treasure or money of the realme. For hauing brought the working and making of cloth into the realme, he did deuise by all meanes to find vent for the same, obseruing a due course for to preuent the trans∣portation of his money: and that the true value of his money might be an∣swered by exchaunge with the mo∣nies of other countries. And foras∣much as the same course of exchange could not be done by a multitude of people so conueniently, (the most part being ignorant of the true value of the monies of other countries) he

Page 71

did appoint and ordaine an Exchan∣ger, who did make exchaunges with all men for forraine parts, according to value for value, and specie for specie, proceeding in all things most orderly, as may appeare also by that: a sacke of wooll containeth 13 Tods accor∣ding to the Lunar moneths of the yeare, euery Tod 4 nayles for the 4 weekes to the moneth, and so 52 weekes in the yeare: euery nayle 7 pounds to the 7 daies of the weeke, and so 28 dayes for the moneth, as 28 pounds for a Tod: and in all 364 pounds for so many dayes of the yeare.

Richard the second hauing an es∣peciall regard to the ouer-ballancing of forraine Commodities with his home Commodities, caused the Sta∣tute of Employment for merchants strangers, to be duly executed. And if they could not sell their Commodi∣ties within a conuenient time, they

Page 72

were to transport the same againe: and if they made not their returne in Commodities, they might deliuer their money by exchange, but onely to the Exchaunger by him ordained, and none other.

Henry the fift confirming the for∣mer statutes, caused the Staplers to bring into the realme in returne of their wools a great part in bullion, and the Statute of Employment to be duly executed. And the like was done by other kings.

Henry the seuenth, in the 3 yeare of his raigne, made an Act of Parlia∣ment for explanation of the former Statutes, prohibiting all manner of exchaunge or rechaunge within his realme, or for any forraine parts: and that no person should make any ex∣change without the kings licence, or of his exchanger according to the sta∣tute of Richard the second. For in his time the Bankers had their beginning,

Page 73

who did inuent the merchandizing exchange, and made of money a mer∣chandize: whereby they found the means to ouer-rule the course of Cō∣modities, and to aduance the price of their Commodities, abating the price of others. But this prudent and poli∣ticke king, hauing his coffers stored with standing treasure, did (for the furtherance of trafficke, and for to ad∣uance the price of his Commodities) lend great summes of mony freely to the Merchants. And whereas other nations came into the realme to buy his Commodities, which he knew to be staple Commodities and of great request, as being most necessarie for the vse of man; he did inhibite them the buying of any, vnlesse they be∣came bound in Recognizance not to carie any to the place, where his sub∣iects kept their Marts: and did so qua∣lifie the course of Commodities, mo∣ney and exchange, as he left an incre∣dible

Page 74

wealth and treasure in those dayes, when the West Indies were but newly discouered, and an ounce of sil∣uer but valued at 40 pence.

Henry the 8 in the 18 yeare of his raigne, perceiuing the price of money continually to rise beyond the seas, af∣ter remission made vnto the Arch∣duke of Burgundie, and no reforma∣tion ensuing, caused the angell noble to be valued from 6 shillings 8 pence, vnto seuen shillings 6 pence: wherby an ounce of siluer was worth fiue and fortie pence: afterwards requested the Duchesse to value his angell at a high∣er rate, as is before shewed, which was cleane contrarie. And then Car∣dinall Wolsey obtained a patent to alter the valuation of money, as he should see cause from time to time. In the 22 yeare of his raigne, the king being in∣formed, that diuerse nations brought abundance of forraine Commodities into his realme, and fearing an ouer∣ballancing

Page 75

of Commodities (for that those nations receiuing readie monie for their Commodities, which mony they euer deliuered by exchange vnto other Merchants, & neuer employed the same on the Commodities of the realme; wherby his Maiestie was hin∣dred in his Customes, and the Com∣modities of the realme lesse vented) he caused a Proclamation to be made according to the former statutes, That no person should make any exchange contrarie to the true meaning of the said Statutes, vpon paine to be taken the kings mortall enemie, and to for∣feit all that he might forfeit: which tooke place but for a short time, be∣cause the wars brought all things out of order. So that at last the base mony was coyned, which being done with∣out any order, brought diuerse incon∣ueniences to the realme.

Edward the sixt did crie downe those base monies of his father, and

Page 76

caused new money to be coyned, ac∣cording to the auncient standard of the realme, and did also prohibite ve∣ry seuerely the transportation thereof by Proclamations: albeit they proued fruitlesse, as they haue done in her Maiesties time.

By this briefe collection is to be seene, the great care these noble Prin∣ces haue had, to the end they should not find themselues and their king∣dome without treasure of gold & sil∣uer, drawne by meanes of their Cō∣modities: and to auoid Not to fall in∣to that error of the French king Charls the ninth; who after the massacre of Paris finding the treasure of his realm exhausted, and his subiects wealth to consist more of plate then of readie money, was aduised by some, that vn∣der colour of the suppressing of pride, it were good to take a course to pre∣scribe euery man, what store of plate he should keepe according to his de∣gree

Page 77

and qualitie, and the rest to bee conuerted into money. Others were of opinion, that it would not onely breed a discontentment vnto his sub∣iects, but a derogation and dishonor of the kings reputation; seeing that the estate of a Prince doth as much consist by reputation as by strength: wherefore like good Polititians did aduise the king to embase his money, which wold cause the same not to be transported, and the plate to be of course conuerted into mony. Which was done accordingly, and had also that effect: sauing that where they thought money would not be trans∣ported, they foūd thēselues deceiued. For the course of exchange was not looked into by them, which did cause a gaine to be had vpon the mony, and so long as the gaine remained, it was still transported: whereby at last he lost the plate of the realme being con∣uerted into money, as well as he had

Page 78

lost his money before that time.

M. Bodine doth shew by diuers exā∣ples, that there was not so much siluer & gold in times past 300 yeares ago, as there is now, he might wel haue said in 100 yeares and lesse: howbeit this ge∣nerall examination is to smal purpose. For euery Cōmonwealth is to make a particular examinatiō, whether they do proportionably participate of the general abundance or plentie of gold and siluer found now adaies, and not by cōparing the same vnto the quan∣titie of times past: for so should they be deceiued. And we neede not to proue, that there is now more gold and siluer then in times past; for it is cleare in euery mans iudgement. And euen of very late yeares, we find re∣corded in our Chronicles of England, that during the gouernment of the most victorious king Henry the eight in the 14 yeare of his raigne in a Parli∣ament then holden, the whole sub∣stance of London was not taken to be

Page 79

worth 20 hundred thousand pounds: this citie being the head of the realm where the wealth is heaped vp, as the corne of a field into a barne. And in the yeare following, vpon the de∣maund of a subsidie of foure shillings of the pound, it was proued that the same demaund (amounting to 800 thousand pounds) was more then all the readie money and plate of the realm came vnto, which was out of the kings hands: and yet did amount but to about one hundred marke a parish, not reckoning so many parishes as Machiauell hath done; but only about 12 thousand in the whole realme: the spatious countrie of Fraunce contai∣ning but 27400 parishes. Which rea∣die money and plate of the realme would be now adaies found farre dif∣fering, and much more, and yet not proportionable to the abundance of gold and siluer found in other coun∣tries: and as we may see, that Maister

Page 80

Bodine hath noted of the city of Paris, and of the many millions which haue come from the West Indies; whereby the realme should be stored with suf∣ficient treasure and wealth. For as he called their salt to be a Manna: so may we call our cloth, lead & tinne, which be our staple Commodities most ne∣cessarie for the behoofe of man. And therefore ought this with vs to be the first cause of the increase of the wealth of the realme, the rather for that in the second cause, which Maister Bodine noteth to be The increase of people: we are not proportionably inferiour vnto them, as we may iudge by di∣uerse causes: namely, First, for the mariage of the Cleargie. Secondly, by the people driuen into the realme for Religion by the wars of other coun∣tries. Thirdly, the seldome plague or mortalitie. Fourthly, the seldome fa∣mine. Fiftly, the small warres of coun∣tries adiacent or forraine warres, ha∣uing

Page 81

had no ciuill wars at home. And sixtly, the vntimely mariages of both men and women now adaies. Where∣by Colonies might be spared for the inhabiting of other dominions, as heretofore was once taken in hand. The third cause concerning the trade for Turkie and Barbarie, is not onely common with vs for those countries: but also with diuers other countries, where the French men haue no trade at all. And as for their Bankes of mo∣ney, they would rather be preiudicial and impouerish the realme, (as they are vsed) then do any good, as is suf∣ficiently declared in our Treatise of Exchanges: which other nations will find in time, and most especially Prin∣ces that haue occasion to vse them, and might well auoid them; if a due care were had for the accumulating of a standing and yet a running trea∣sure within such bounds, as would stil ebbe and flow for the good of Princes

Page 82

and their Commonwealth.

Concerning Monopolies, it is strange that Maister Bodine doth with such breuitie passe ouer thē, shewing onely what he meaneth thereby ac∣cording to the Etimologie, true sense and definition of the word: when merchants, artificers, or labourers do assemble themselues to set a price v∣pon Commodities, which one man alone may also count when he buy∣eth vp all, that is to be had of one kind of merchandize, to the end he alone may sell the same at his pleasure. The engrossing, forestalling, or incorpo∣rating of any Commodities or victu∣als, is intollerable in any Common∣wealth, vnlesse that the trade of those Cōmodities would decay, if a kind of incorporation were not vsed. For whē the cōmon-people do buy generally things deare; they can generally also sel their Cōmodities dere according∣ly: but when some particular things

Page 83

are deare, they cannot do so. Now as the effects of al Monopolies is to make the price of Cōmodities dere: so must the price of things in this regard be considered betweene our home Cō∣modities, & the price of forrain: which if we will but examine within the cō∣passe of 50 years, that our monies haue bene without alteration, as is before expressed: we shall easily procure the great error or malice of those that do accuse the cōpanie of Merchants ad∣uenturers to be a Monopoly; which false imputation may be reproued by by this only, that all forrain Cōmodi∣ties are dearer then our home Com∣modities: which are not risen in price accordingly, & yet of late years are for the most part amended in the making & the other impaired: and one sort of cloth is sold at one time beyond the seas by 2, 3, 4, or more pounds diffe∣ring in a packe one from another: neither haue the merchants aduentu∣rers

Page 84

the trade of cloth onely in their own hands. For diuers other cōpanies of merchants are priuiledged, and do transport great quantitie of clothes in∣to forraine parts, as well as they; and it is free for all straungers that are in league with her Maiestie to buy cloth & to transport the same at their plea∣sure. Which reasons do concerne the effects of Monopolie. Whereas for the manner of their trafficke, whereby euery man tradeth particularly and a∣part with his owne stocke, selleth by his own factor or seruant, with diuers other reasons: we will referre our selues to that which their Secretarie hath written of late, in defence of their good orders and constitutions. Con∣cluding, that as their trade is the most important, and as in all traffickes the vniuersall doth gouerne the particu∣lar: so the dissolution of that societie would be the vndoing of al the trade, and bring a great confusion to the

Page 85

Realme. For albeit, that some would haue other nations to come and buy the cōmodities of vs within the realm: for, say they, there is (according to the Prouerbe) twenty in the hundred dif∣ference betweene VVill you buy? and will you sell? these men haue no consi∣deration for the maintenance of na∣uigatiō, which is the greatest strength of the realme: whose defence (next vnder God) consisteth most in ships and well experienced mariners, that most carefully are to be prouided for. Whereas also the transporting of our cloth to certaine places, doth cause other nations to resort thither to buy them: which may be more properly called to be, VVill you sell? seeing that those nations doe bring their owne Commodities vnto our merchants to the places by them appointed, which is in effect as much as, VVill you buy? And would not this be, VVil you buy? if in a dispersed and stragling manner

Page 86

our cloth were caried to al markets be yond the seas in seuerall places? which would take away the desire of buy∣ing: for he that buyeth, doth it in hope of sale with a gain to the places where he intendeth to carrie the Commo∣ditie. Which Commoditie, if hee knoweth to be extant in most places to be vented; will quench his desire of buying: and he that commeth to barter other Commodities for ours, hath also the like cōsideration. But let vs admit, that our cloth would be ad∣uanced in price, when men shold (by multitudes) runne to the markets, or into the countrey in all places to buy it: what would be the euent of it? It would not onely be sold beyond the seas with a smaller gaine, and many times to losse: (wee being naturally inclined to make speedie returnes) but we should also pay dearer for the forraine Commodities, which we should obtaine by way of

Page 87

permutation, or for the billes obliga∣torie of the Merchants to whom we should sell our cloth. And if our mer∣chants were cut off, and that other nations should buy the cloth with∣in the realme, and so aduaunce the price therof (as it hapneth most com∣monly in Fraunce and Spaine at the vintage time with their wines and raisins) then forraine Commodities would be sold dearer vnto vs by them againe. For the small gaine had vpon our home Commodities causeth vs, and would cause them to seeke a better gaine vpon the forraine Com∣modities, to the generall hurt of the realme, and to the exhausting of our monies which (to ballance the mat∣ter) must supply the same. So that the enhauncing of the price of cloth in this manner would be but an i∣maginarie gaine, and bring in the end an exceeding losse to the gene∣rall Commonwealth: whose welfare

Page 88

is to be preferred before any particu∣lar Cōmodity of any member therof. And it were to be wished, that labou∣rers and workmens wages were aug∣mented, although our cloth should cost so much the dearer, as we haue noted elsewhere: and that with great regard the poore people were set on worke, and (by way of corporation) their handiworke were vented; which (without incurring the compasse of Monopolie) is very commendable in all Commonwealths, and vsed in ma∣ny countries. Lastly, that the Statutes concerning the maintenance of naui∣gation were duly executed.

The third cause (saith Maister Bo∣dine) is the want of things, proceeding of the excessiue trade of things, or by the wast thereof. Touching the trade of any particular Commodities of the realme we may well passe ouer, as he doth, and make onely our stay with the trade for corne. Which if it were

Page 89

guided with that due consideration, both for preseruation and transporta∣tion, as is requisite; would make plain the Prouerbe (Fraunce cannot be fa∣mished) to be more incident and pro∣per to the realme of England, then to the realme of Fraunce: because that proportionably we haue more fertile ground for corne, and that in all pla∣ces of the kingdome, then Fraunce hath but in some places. For those countries where the vines do grow, are vnapt for corne, and must haue their prouision from the countries ad∣iacent, and many times out of En∣gland: when our corne is thither trans∣ported, being with vs too good cheap in regard of their wines and other Commodities. The cōparison wher∣of being made, and the goodnesse of our corne regarded, will make mani∣fest, that to sell our wheate for thirtie shillings the quarter, and other grains after the rate, is good cheape: and that

Page 90

the Prince notwithstanding may im∣pose a great custome or licence for the transportation therof, which trans∣portation might be done moderately, and according to the quantitie extant, and for so much therof as might con∣ueniently be spared, if the Magistrate and those that are in authoritie had the rule of the market, in such sort as the Venetians haue; who by the means of the Iustices of euery prouince, do know little more or lesse the quantity of corne in all places: whereupon cer∣taine substantiall men are appointed from time to time to haue a consi∣deration of the quantitie or scarcitie therof; which quantitie being known and in what places, may be a direction to those that are in authoritie, to con∣sider what the realme may spare, ha∣uing a regard to the season of the yeare, and making the price accor∣dingly. And when the price of corne is limited and made knowne in wri∣ting

Page 91

in certaine publike places on eue∣ry Monday of the weeke: all ingros∣sers, forestallers or others, that buy corne to sell againe, are preuented, because that the price thereof is not in their owne power, but by the directi∣on of those honest men rated at all times according to the quantitie, and as the haruest is distant, or at hand, which is so notified vnto all men, as aforesaid. Whereby the execution of the law for the making of the loues of bread is duly obserued, without any trouble vnto the magistrate. For the baker knoweth how to make his loues and of what waight, deliuering the same according to the true waight by those men appointed, vnto any man that doth call for it: which the poore doth so well obserue (for that his in∣digence giueth him cause) that with∣out troubling any officer, he is sure to haue his penni-worth: and if he shold find it wanting of his waight, pre∣sently

Page 92

with the assistance of an Offi∣cer, (as it were) the Constable, he doth seaze vpon all the bakers bread then extant, and taketh the one moitie for him, and the other for the poore of the Hospitals. And who would buy corne to sell againe, being debarred not to sell at his pleasure or with gain, and vncertaine what the price will be made by others? And what baker is he that would make his loaues of a lesser waight, when he must sell them by waight as aforesaid? By these meanes is corne brought to the market, and none may be sold but in the market, and the Clerke of the market taketh notice therof: and what is by licence transported, is done vpon due know∣ledge, and without defrauding the Prince of his custome. To haue many store-houses in seuerall places of the realme in the principall townes, is most conuenient for the preseruation of corn; which when need requireth,

Page 93

may be prouided from forrain coun∣tries, when the vnseasonable times cause vs to haue scarcitie or want ther∣of notwithstanding all the industrie and care of man. Concerning the im∣moderate vse of forraine Commodi∣ties in wearing and wasting, by cut∣ting and putting into seuerall strange new fangled fashions, we doe referre the examination thereof vnto those that haue authority to reprehend men of their actions: wishing reformation where things are amisse. And albeit, that gay and sumptuous apparell is a demonstration of pride, yet a country clowne may be as proude in a frize coat, as a gentleman in a veluet gown. For pride harboureth in the mind, and the difference is onely in the gi∣uing of example vnto others: where∣in the costly and gorgeous apparell giueth offence, which may be han∣dled hereafter. Concluding therefore this point with Maister Bodine tou∣ching

Page 94

allume (whereof abundance is spent with vs) we say that there is stuffe sufficient within the realme, whereof to make it exceeding good: but so long as we be able to affoord the Romish allume for 24 shillings the hundred, and other sorts accor∣dingly, being brought into English ships, it is better for the Common∣wealth to bring it from forraine parts, then to make it within the realme.

The fourth cause of the dearth of things, being The pleasure of Princes or great men, which doth giue a price vnto things; is grounded vpon estima∣tion, the very ground of the value of all temporall things: which things in regard of the behoofe of man, are ser∣uing for food, houses, and apparell, and (as they say) for the backe and belly. This estimation is authorised by common consent almost of al men and nations: and therefore of such ef∣ficacie, that some Politicians haue ob∣serued,

Page 95

that things that be in d〈…〉〈…〉 things that be not in deed, b〈…〉〈…〉∣med to be in deede, make n〈…〉〈…〉∣rence in the course of trafficke. 〈…〉〈…〉 rule the Bankers, haue studie〈…〉〈…〉 〈…〉〈…〉 might be made apparant, if I we〈…〉〈…〉 solued that it would tend to the g〈…〉〈…〉 of the Commonwealth. But leauing this, let vs consider of the second rule obserued by Plato, That as the Prince is, so are the subiects, who by imitati∣on follow his example, which sooner entreth into their eyes thē their eares: and the greater their authoritie is, the more affectionate is their imitation. Alexander cast his head aside, and all the Court held their neckes awry: Denis was purblind, and his Cour∣tiers stumbled at euery steppe, and iu∣stled each other as if they had bene e∣uill-fighted: and so of other Princes, whose examples haue bene contagi∣ous to their subiects. Maister Bodine maketh mention of three great Prin∣〈…〉〈…〉

Page 96

〈…〉〈…〉ne time, which did aduaunce 〈…〉〈…〉g and pretious stones. Tou∣〈…〉〈…〉 〈…〉〈…〉arning, vnlesse it be accom∣〈…〉〈…〉 with the knowledge how to 〈…〉〈…〉r to hauewealth, it is litle accoun∣〈…〉〈…〉 whereas a lumpish blocke-head 〈…〉〈…〉le without wit or wisedome, shall be much made of, onely because hee hath money or wealth; whereof by aduerse fortune or casualtie being de∣priued, he is then seene in his owne colour, and laid open to the world. And concerning pearles and precious stones, it is not straunge, that some men do despise and account them as glistering toyes & trifles, considering the diuersitie of mens opinions, which made the auncient Philoso∣phers to say: That the world was go∣uerned by opinions. But if these men should wel consider the pure creation and vertue of the stones, they would iudge otherwise; and their owne opi∣nion (opposite to most men) would

Page 97

condemne their errour: seeing that a generall estimation doth approue the value of things, especially of things that are durable. Which was the cause that when Commodities began to abound in the world, all mettals (as being fit for preseruation) were estee∣med, and the purest mettall most. The holy Scripture doth manifest vn∣to vs, in what estimation precious stones, gold, and siluer, haue bene al∣waies from the beginning: and to what holy vses they haue bene em∣ployed and appropriated, especially gold and siluer. Was not Iericho de∣stroyed with the inhabitants and their goods by Gods commandement, as things execrable: and would not God haue the gold and other mettals pre∣serued, and to be consecrated and kept in his treasurie? Was it not gold and siluer wherewith his temple at Ie∣rusalem was adorned and beautified? But why should I enter into the enu∣meration

Page 98

of examples, to illustrate and proue the antiquitie of the esti∣mation of gold, siluer, and precious things: seeing that in all Common∣weales and countries, that onely is decent and of estimation, which the custome doth allow or approoue? Hence the Prouerbe took beginning, Countries fashion, countries honour: which maketh the Indian and Blacke∣moore to dominiere with his glistering beades, brasse rings for their eares and armes, and to giue vs gold and siluer for them. Straunge was therefore the imagination of Sir Thomas Moore in his conceipted Commonwealth of Vtopia: where he fained gold to be in such contumelie, that they made their chamber-pots and other vessels that serue for most vile vses, of pure gold; and haue the same in euery mans pri∣uate house. And their chaines, fetters and gyues wherein they tye their bondmen, were all of gold, as being

Page 99

the reprochfull badge of infamous persons. Their gemmes and precious stones were holden for toyes for yong children to play withall. And to proue the estimation of things to be accor∣ding to the fashion of euery countrie, and to giue gold his due commenda∣tion, we will vse his owne pleasant tale, in manner as he hath set downe the same. The Ambassadours of the next countries vnto Vtopia, which knew the maners and fashions of the Vtopians (which giue no honour to sumptuous apparell, and hold gold to be infamed and reprochfull) came to Amaurote (the principall citie of that Ile) in very homely and simple array. But the Anemolians because they dwell farre thence, and had very litle acquaintance with them, hearing that they were all apparelled alike, and that very rudely and homely; thinking them not to haue the things which they did not weare: being therefore

Page 100

more proud then wise, determined in the gorgiousnesse of their apparell to represent very gods; and with the bright shining and glistering of their gay clothing, to dazle the eyes of the silly poore Vtopians. So there came in foure Ambassadors, with a hundred seruants, all apparelled in changeable colours, the most of them in silkes: the Ambassadors themselues (for at home in their owne countrie they were Noblemen) in cloth of gold, with great chaines of gold, with gold hanging at their eares, with gold rings vpon their fingers, with brouches and aglets of gold vpon their caps, which glistered full of pearles and precious stones: to be short, trimmed and a∣dorned with all those things, which among the Vtopians were either the punishment of bondmen, or the re∣proch of infamed persons, or else tri∣fles for young children to play with∣all. Therefore it would haue done a

Page 101

man good at his heart, to haue seene how proudely they displayed their Peacockes feathers, how much they made of their painted sheathes, and how lustily they set foorth and ad∣uanced themselues; when they compared their gallant apparell with the poore rayment of the Vtopi∣ans: for all the people were swar∣med foorth into the streetes. And on the other side, it was no lesse pleasure to consider how much they were de∣ceiued, and how farre they missed of their purpose, being contrarie waies taken, then they thought they should haue beene. For to the eyes of all the Vtopians (except very few, which had bene in other countries for some reasonable cause) all that gorgeousnesse of apparell see∣med shamefull and reprochfull. In∣somuch that they most reuerently sa∣luted the most vile and most abiect of them for Lords, iudging them by

Page 102

their wearing of golden chaines to be bondmen: yea, you should haue seen children also (that had cast away their pearles and precious stones, when they saw the like sticking vpon the Ambassadors cappes) digge and push their mothers vnder the sides, saying thus to them: Looke mother, how great a lubber doth yet weare pearles and precious stones, as though hee were a litle child still. But the mother, yea and that also in good earnest: Peace sonne (saith she) I thinke he be some of the Ambassadours fooles. Some found fault at their golden chaines, as to no vse or purpose, being so small and weake, that a bondman might easily breake them: and againe so wide and large, that when it plea∣sed him, he might cast them off, and runne away at libertie whither he would. But when the Ambassadours had bene there a day or two, and saw so great abundance of gold so lightly

Page 103

esteemed; yea in no lesse reproch, thē it was with them in honour: and be∣sides that, more gold in the chaines and gyues of one fugitiue bondman, then all the costly ornaments of them three was woorth; they beganne to a∣bate their courage, & for very shame laid away all that gorgeous array, whereof they were so proud. Which in effect is as much as to accommo∣date and fashion himselfe to the man∣ner and fashion of the countrie, being also grounded vpon estimation al∣though of baser things: which is to preferre earthen and glasse vessels, wherein they eate and drinke (as he saith) before gold, siluer, & other pre∣cious things. But if all the wit and wis∣dome of man were as yet to deuise, what thing would be fittest to set a price vnto all other things, and to be as a iust measure and proportion be∣tweene man and man in the trade and traffick of things, they could not find

Page 104

any thing more proper then pure gold, and other mettals accordingly. The foure elements haue such an e∣quall proportion in gold, that none is predominant ouer the other; where∣by all corruption is excluded, whe∣ther you take the same according to the qualities of hote and drie, cold and drie, hote and moist, and cold and moist with Galen: or according to the substance of the elements drawne into salt, sulphure, and mercurie with Paracelsus. For it neuer wasteth or consumeth by fire, and the more it is burned, the purer it is; which cannot be said of any other mettall: there is no rust or scurfe that diminisheth the goodnesse or substance thereof: it a∣bides the fretting and liquors of salt and vineger without damage, which weareth any other thing: it needs no fire ere it be made gold, for it is gold assoone as it is found: it draweth with∣out wooll, as it were wooll: and it is

Page 105

easily spread in leaues of maruellous thinnesse: you may adorne or guild any other mettall with it. Neither is it inferiour vnto any other mettall to make vessell and curious workes: it defileth not the thing it toucheth as siluer doth, wherewith you may draw lines: it resembleth in colour the cele∣stiall bodies, and it is medicinable and bringeth gladnesse to the hart of man: it is fit also to be cut or deuided into many peeces to make mony, and go∣eth into a litle roome, being easie and 〈…〉〈…〉 table to auoide the combersome 〈…〉〈…〉age of Commodities from one countrie into another. And what thing can be inuented or deuised, that for this purpose hath all these quali∣ties and properties? With great reason therefore hath gold his due estimatiō aboue other things. Also such things wherein the art of man is illustrated; as in pictures & other curious works, are worthie of great commendation,

Page 106

and to be preferred before many o∣ther things that man doth vse, for to liue in the most ciuille maner aboue other nations which liue barbarously. In all which, the generall care of the Prince must be, and the particular re∣gard of the subiect, that the same bee done for the good of the Common∣wealth: so that the expences thereof do not surmount the incomes or re∣uenues, hauing a due consideration of the moderate vse of forraine Com∣modities, and at reasonable rates, ac∣cording as the price and vtteranc〈…〉〈…〉 of our home Commodities, both 〈…〉〈…〉∣victuals and other wares: without stu∣dying how to liue without the traf∣ficke and commerce with other nati∣ons; seeing that God caused Nature to bestow and distribute her benefits, or his blessings to seuerall Climates, supplying the barrennesse of some things in one countrie with the fruit∣fulnesse and store of other countries,

Page 107

to the end that interchāgeably one cō∣mon weale should liue with another.

Concerning the last cause of the dearth of things by the alteration of mony, wherein Maister Malestroit had a certaine good purpose if he could haue proued the same to haue bene in France: Maister Bodine concludeth that the price of things is not altered by the valuation of monies in sort by him alleaged, and yet that things are grown deare: which only thē cometh to passe by one cause, which he called almost the only cause, which is the a∣undance of gold & siluer of late yeares running with vs into these parts of the world. For the other causes (as we haue noted before) make particularly some things deare, but not generally all things. And for asmuch as we haue spoken hereof in answer of the Para∣doxes of Maister Malestroit, therefore we passe ouer it: and come to the ex∣amination of the remedies which

Page 92

Maister Bodine alleadgeth which do onely tend to remedy things in parti∣cular, being well considered of.

He saith, that the abundance of gold and siluer now a daies more then in times past, must partly excuse the dearth of things: which being so, it followeth, that this is not to be taken as a remedy, nor yet as a true cause of the dearth of things; for what cohe∣rence is there to alleage a matter as a remedy against the dearth of things, when this remedy (as I haue shewed before) is the only cause of the dearth it selfe (as he saith) which must excuse the same? which excuse being admit∣ted in defence thereof: doth conse∣quently proue, that things are not growne deare to our hurt in particu∣lar, or to the preiudice of the Com∣mon wealth in generall, because that hauing more gold and siluer then we had heretofore, we are made able to giue more then before. And if we will

Page 93

say: Take away the cause, and then the effect will cease, that is to say; Take a∣way or diminish the abundance of gold and siluer, and then things will become better cheape: this wold be a very great absurdity. For as he is a foo∣lish Phisitian, that cannot cure his pa∣tients disease, vnlesse he cast him in a∣nother sicknes: so the Prince that can∣not gouerne his subiects but by ta∣king from them the wealth and com∣modity of life, must needs graunt that he knoweth not how to gouerne mē. A prouident and wise Prince there∣fore will rather conclude thus: Are things growne deare, through the a∣bundance of gold and siluer of late yeares? then is it most requisite for me to procure to participate of that abundance, as much as lieth in my power, and to accumulate treasure for me and my subiects by importation of gold and siluer, and preuention of the transportation of any: the rather

Page 112

that the course of commodities in par∣ticular hath this property, that as by the excessiue exportation of some things, the like things do grow deare: so by the ouerabundant importation of other commodities things do be∣come better cheape.

Another remedy against the dearth of things, especially victuals is to re∣store the vse of fish to the ancient cre∣dit and estimation: and hereupon he taketh occasion to commend our cu∣stome of England for obseruing fish∣dayes in the weeke. And for effecting of the like in Fraunce: he propoun∣deth the example of the Prince and magistrate whom the people will imi∣tate. We may wish that both the one and the other were duly executed or obserued, whereby fishing would be better maintained, and most especial∣ly the nauigation: and flesh would in some seasons of the yeare be vsed more commodiously, and better for

Page 113

the health of man. The great number of all sorts and kinds of fish according to the obseruation of the Romaines (noted by maister Bodine) ought to moue vs thereunto; fish being so pure a creature, that were it not, that we see the same subiect vnto diseases, it wold be very doubtfull, whether the same amongst other creatures was cursed for mans transgression, the Scripture speaking only that the earth was cur∣sed therefore: considering also the Prouerbe, As sound as a fish: and if a∣ny be subiect to diseases it is fish of ri∣uers or of standing waters and fish∣ponds, which may be cured by straw∣ing much parsley into the water. And because that flesh and fish are two principall things for the food of man, and that our purpose is not to omit a∣ny thing, that incidently may be han∣dled for the good of the common∣wealth, therefore will it not be exor∣bitant the rule of our methode to dis∣course

Page 96

somewhat thereof. The best season of the yeare to eate fish is from September vntill March, if we will re∣gard the goodnesse of the fish: howbe∣it that for the increase of beasts, we are commanded with great reason and consideration, to eate most fish in March and Aprill, when he loseth his taste. The fresh fish of riuers is of more digestion, and better for sicke persons; but the sea-fish is of more nourish∣ment. All fish being moist and cold of nature, is qualified by the addition of salt: and being eaten with much bread cannot do any hurt, especially vnto cholericke persons, with whose com∣plexion it agreeth best. And whereas all other creatures do first decay and putrifie in the belly, the fish doth first putrifie in the head: for no other rea∣son, but that hauing only one gut, the meate doth easily passe the same, without digestion or corruption; which by staying long with other

Page 97

ereatures causeth putrifaction: an ar∣gument that fish is more healthfull then flesh, howbeit that (through the continuall vse) flesh is more agreeable with our nature. And whereas maister Bodine saith that it is vnknowne vnto man, from whence at one season the infinite millions of herrings do come: we are of another opinion. For the Herring (against the nature of all fish, which goeth against the water and tide, fearing the lifting vp of his scales) commeth from the Northerne seas, and goeth to the West Ocean to en∣ioy the temperature of the aire. For whereas all the sommer he hath taken his ease and pleasure in the Northerne seas, desirous to enioy the water ther∣of, as being sweeter then that of other seas: he returneth in winter to those places, that haue bene most beaten of the Sunne, being hotter and deeper, as also lesse troubled with the winds and tempests; vnto the which the Nor∣therne

Page 114

seas are more subiect, & where the sands are thereby eleuated, and concurring with the water. For the Herring aboue all other fishes cannot endure the cold, and therfore are they also dead as soone as they be out of the water. Aire is the cause of putrifi∣cation, which those that haue studied to preserue flesh long without salt, haue found by experience. Salt doth bite out the bloud of the flesh, which we see will not keepe vnlesse it be co∣uered with brine made of salt: yet those that do trauell vnder the line cal∣led Aequinoctiall, do keepe fresh mut∣ton, veale, or any other flesh for a long time without salt; for they presse out the bloud, and hauing well dried the same with linnen clouts, they put it into their barrels of meale, especially meale of Rie, as it commeth from the East contries, and so they do closevp the same, that no aire can enter: which is an easie matter, and their meale not

Page 115

the worse for to be vsed. Some do also a litle perboile their flesh, and keepe it close stopped in vineger: but that is not so sauory to be eaten. The know∣ledge hereof is fit for Nauigators. But for the good of all the inhabitants of a Commonwealth, let vs commend the singular care of those Magistrats which (to preuent all corruption and diseases of euill aire and corrupted bloud) do commaund, that oxen and all other beasts should be fasting a day or two before they should be slaine: and then hanged vp for the like time, or more, as the season of the yeare will permit, to let the blod runne out before the Butchers may sell the flesh thereof; who knowing the losse of waight by the bleeding, and that it doth not shew so well, are hasty to sell the same to the great hurt and danger of the health of man. This care of the Magistrate therefore tendeth to the preseruation of the health of the sub∣iect.

Page 100

And to this purpose we do not hold impertinent to commend a good order obserued in other coun∣tries, for keeping of their cities and townes cleane without hauing so many scauengers in euery parish, as we do, to the great charge of the inha∣bitants. For whereas the cleansing of all vaults is brought to certaine places and vsed for dung, there are certaine three or foure scauengers which for two or three hundred pounds a yeare take the same, and the durt of the streetes to farme and do euery one of them keepe twelue or more horses and carts to cary the durt away: which by scattering straw along the streetes from time to time is gathered vp, and so caried to the places where the cleansing of the vaults is mingled with it, which maketh good dung, and is caried all the countrey ouer; preuen∣ting hereby corruption of aire, & bet∣tering their grounds for increase.

Page 101

His last point concerning certainty and equality of money, which may hold the price of commodities and all other things in a certaine equality by a due course of exchange, is a matter of great moment, as we haue shewed heretofore: which maister Bodine hol∣deth so difficult to be vnderstood, that when any man is sayd to be of expe∣rience, and to vnderstand matters wherein he is surpassing others; that hence the prouerbe is deriued, that One doth vnderstand his Par, or Equa∣litie: be it in matter of exchange or monies, whereby the course of com∣modities is ruled. But this cannot pro∣perly be taken as a remedy against the dearth of things, for it doth keepe a due equality in the price of all things, and maketh not any alteration. So that we may conclude as before, that maister Bodine hauing mistaken the true ground of the matter he intreated of: the remedies by him propounded

Page 118

are also incertaine. For as we haue said before, we are not in this regard to compare things within themselues in the Common-wealth where we do liue: but betweene vs and other na∣tions with whom we deale or traffike, either by way of permutation of com∣modities for commodities, or com∣modities for money in specie, or by exchange. Therefore let vs examine the course of commodities, money and exchange: whereby the wealth of a Realme may increase or decrease.

Riches (as Aristotle hath defined) are either Naturall or Artificiall. And Plato (before he did reuoke his opi∣nion concerning equalitie, when he willed al things in a Commonwealth to be common, whereby euery man might haue enough: and in regard of these words Mine and Thine, wherby the propertie of things is distin∣guished) did vse to say: That there was no man that did gaine, but another was

Page 119

a loser: supposing both the Naturall and Artificiall riches to be appertai∣ning and proper to some▪ that were owners thereof. Wherein he did note a kind of absurditie at that time, in re∣gard of his purpose. But afterwards hauing had a due consideration of far greater absurdities that wold happen, if (to auoide strife and contention) goods were common, and conse∣quently women and children; wher∣by families (whereof Commonweals are compounded) wold be dissolued and ouerthrowne: he did wisely re∣uoke his former opinion, holding the matter to be impossible and incompa∣tible. For there can be no Common∣wealth without a priuate wealth; whereby these two words, Mine and Thine, were restored to their former and auncient credite: which all good housholders or fathers of families are to consider in particular, & the Prince as the father of the great familie of a

Page 104

Commonwealth in generall, as well touching the Natural riches of lands, as of the Artificiall riches proceeding of the same, and to make and mode∣rate his charges and expences accor∣dingly. To which end, first in regard of Naturall riches, the knowledge of his dominions and territories is requi∣site to be considered of, being compa∣red with other Princes dominions, which oftentimes are accounted to be more spacious then they bee. By reason whereof, we haue made this Geometricall description following, whereby the spaciousnesse of one kingdome or countrey, may be com∣pared with another, obseruing onely the difference of the number.

Do you have questions about this content? Need to report a problem? Please contact us.