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THE first time was in the first Creation, for be∣fore God made things there could be no time; time being a deriuing of things to such ends,
whereto in Gods decree they are directed. For whatsoeuer is earthly, euen man and the number of his trauells, with their circum∣stances, are bound by God to a necessity of time, beyound which all the power of earth cannot reach. Their opinion then is both foolish and wicked, who imagine all things to happen by fortune, and that there is a speciall power in the Orbs and Elements (which they call Nature) by which, both heauen and earth and euery worke there∣of is directed. And this opinion of Atheisme is grounded vpon this doubt, that whereas wee define God to bee the beginner of all things. It is by them demanded, where that God had his beginning, and from what hee discended. By which forme of reasoning they conclude against their owne vnbeleefe, their doubting what should begin, acknow∣ledgeth a beginning, the which beginning is God, not that God himselfe had beginning, but that all things had their essence and de∣riuation from him: hee himselfe being infi∣nite, and without time. For as in the figure of a Circle, is not to bee found any limit or
terme of beginning, or ending: So God within whose Circle all things bee that are; in whom we liue, moue, and haue our be∣ing, is infinite in time, and infinite in all his attributes.
Secondly, This diuine Truth is confirmed by the sentence of the best Phylosophers, who (with their eyes of Nature) could dis∣cerne and distinguish this Truth. But be∣cause I write to a Christian Prince I will not therfore strengthen my selfe with prophane authors, but much rather content mee with the testimonie of God, whose words hath sufficient Maiesty to answer all opposition. By this word I know that God in the begin∣ning, created the world of nothing, there being no preexistent matter whereof to make it: and then of the dust of the Earth made he Man, a most noble Creature, of a matter most base, and breathed into his No∣strills the breath of Life, a soule so pure and spiritual as nothing but God could be more, being the sacred breath which hee himselfe inspired, whereby our soules (euen after our fall) yet relish of that diuinity, and whereby
we yet reach our meditation and spirituall exercise to God who did inspire them.
Thirdly, And to this Man thus made, did God giue, the heauen, the earth, and all the beauty of them; For hee himselfe in whom was the fulnesse of all things needed not ought that was made, but gaue them to his seruant Man; to whom hee had made all things seruants, reseruing Man to his owne seruice onely. And for this end hath God giuen Man a Law, which limits him with strict obedience, and bindes him to the due execution of such seruices, as may direct him to his end, which is Gods Glory. The ob∣seruance of which Law is called Religion, the not obseruing it a Rebellion against God; because thereby wee oppose against that power that made vs. This obseruance of the Law of God which wee call Religon, is that which hath deuided the world into so many disagreements, the which like fire that deuideth the metttle and drosse, doth cull out the most approued of Mankinde, vpon whom Gods decree hath set the di∣stinction of mercie, and doth marke such for
the inheritance of eternall life. Among all which differences the maintainers of euery seuerall call it their Religion to which they chiefly adheare disclayming all diuersitie.
Fourthly, Yet as there is but one God, so of necessity there can be but one Truth, and but one manner of true seruing that onely God, and such for me must that seruice haue as may please the liberty of the Master, and not the base condition of seruants to ap∣point. And from hence doth arise the mul∣tiplicity of Religions, that men interpose be∣twixt God and his seruice, and so denie the most able and absolute God, both power and wisedome in the ordering of his owne affaires. And therefore doe men forme Re∣ligions not only diuers, but aduerse to God, and to his own prescriptions. These wrongs doth God suffer in his creatures, not by vio∣lence but at pleasure, and for the finishing of such determinations, (as but to himselfe) are most secret neither ought these diffe∣rences to distresse any mans Christian be∣leefe, or make him doubt the certainty of Religion, because of many vncertaine Reli∣gions.
For Christ Iesus who is the truth and wisedome of his Father, saith, that he came not to bring peace (though the Gospell of peace) but the sword and difference, that through the firie trial the Saints might passe to the glory of eternall happinesse.
Fifthly, The first difference in Religion, was in the first family, in Adams house the first Man, and that betweene two Brethren, Caine and Habell. Habell brought for his offering to God the first fruits of his Sheepe, and the fat of them, the which Sacrifice God accepted. But Caine would not offer a Sacri∣fice of that value or nature▪ but presents God with fruit and trash, which God would not accept. And this conceiued in Caine, an en∣uious emulation against his brother Habell, which wanting grace to moderate, grew to the highest degree of Enuie, whose nature is to feede on blood, for so did enuious Caine vpon the blood of vertuous Habell. This Caine, this first man of blood, is a Father to all them that loue difference, especially in Religion, and their Religion (of all others) is neerest Caines that staine their profession
and themselues with blood, especially with the blood of righteous Habells. For God is the God of mercie and not of misery, and his delight is in the good, and not in the blood of the righteous.
Sixthly, In this generation of Adam was the first alteration of Time. For God created all things good, and in purity hee formed them; but Man made them euill, and by sin deformed them. For when sinne en••red our Natures, then Man and the Creatures God had giuen him indured alteration, and lost that name of Goodnesse, God gaue them in their Creation. So that nothing is now (in his owne Nature,) Good, but onely by con∣sequence and Gods act, because by sin Man hath spread corruption (like Leprosie) ouer all the generations of Earth, and hath made an alteration of times, and a difference in the Natures of things, which had not beene, but for the curse of sinne, which hath alte∣red their propertie, and made them subiect to euil change, which otherwise should haue had perpetuity of happinesse.
Seuenthly, And as Riuers the longer they
runne, the larger they spread themselues, so sinne and the euill thereof, for the times that are, are much worse, then the times that were: as may appeare; if we compare times, and descend from these beginnings to a lar∣ger processe. In the beginning, among three men two were good, and then the greater number were the better, but in the time of Noah, among a world of people, God found not a righteous man, but onely one Noah; and then the better number was by much the lesse. At this time God looked downe from heauen, and beheld the earth how it was deformed with sinne, therefore he resolues to wash iniquity from the face of the earth, and to bring a generall destructi∣on vpon all flesh. In which Iudgement his mercy saued Noah onely and his Family. Af∣ter the Flood, when God had thus clensed the earth, yet found he in Mans nature con∣cupiscence and a pronenesse to euill, the which grew vp with time to a maruellous strength; for as the generation of men in∣large, the generation of sinne doth much more inlarge, spreading it selfe ouer all the
earth, and begetting in this new generation of men, new and vnknowne inuentions of euill, whereby they exceeded their euill pro∣genitors both in the number, and quallity of their euills. For at this time popularity and greatnesse began to be affected, and the desire of Empire, in ambi••ious and proud spirits made men so audaciously proud, that they durst dare heauen and giue God the challenge. And at this time and not before, was there vse of Pollicie, to contriue this or that euill, to steale, murther, waste, vsurpe and depopulate whole Kingdomes.
Eighthly, This alteration of manners, occasioned a strange alteration in the state of things, for these differences did reach be∣yond particular quarrells, euen to the sub∣uersion of whole states; whereby it came to passe, that one kingdome deuoured ano∣ther, and one people did subiugate many. As the Assyrians first, who erected the first Mo∣narchie vnder Ninus and Simeramis, the Parsians vnder Cyrus, the Macedonians vnder Alexander, and the Romans vnder the go∣uernement & Conquests of Iulius Caes••r. yet
all these haue had their alterations and haue indured the misery of Conquest, euen by such whom they reputed for barbarous and base people.
Ninthly, The generall care that was had of these worldly occasions, was the cause that Religion was scarce knowne, & not re∣garded: & therfore the Church then, excee∣ded not the number of some few families, being translated from one holy Man to anot∣ther, such as were Abraham, Lot, and Iob; vn∣to the time of the twelue Patriakes, when it began to spread into a holy generation; and after the afflictions of Egypt and the wildernesse it came to a flourishing and princely state, especially in the times of Da∣uid and Salomon Kings of Israell; but not long after in Reobohams time, tenne parts of twelue fell backe from Religion, and became Apostates; yea, and many times that little Iuda, that handfull of Gods people, being drunke with ease and prosperity, would for∣get God their mighty deliuerer, forget his Sabbath and his Sanctuary, and giue them∣selues to Idolatrous pleasures, with such ge∣nerall
appetite, as if God had giuen them li∣cence for wickednesse, no apparance or marke of Religion in Iuda.
Tenthly, The mercifull God willing to cure the infirmity of those times, commeth with his Iudgements, Famine, Sword and Pestilence, (not as in the old world to de∣stroy) but to correct the disobedience of his people; who no sooner relish the sweetnesse of his mercy, but wantonly returne to their former remisnesse, and sinne with greater appetite then before: yet for all this doth not God forget to be mercifull, but continu∣eth himselfe in his owne nature a God most mercifull, and most compassionate; who to demonstrate the infinite degree of his loue to his seruant Man, taketh from him the burthen some condition of the Law, which hee could not keepe, and giueth him a new couenant, the couenant of Grace the Gos∣pell of Peace. And thus mercifully he alte∣reth the tenor of our obligation, and to giue this worke of Gracefull authority, hee sen∣deth his onely begotten the Lord Christ, to satisfie the old, and to rat••fi•• the new Coue∣nant
both by his actiue and passiue righte∣ousnesse.
Eleuenthly, Heere was the greatest alte∣ration that euer was in the witnesse of time, for before this we were commanded, to doe and liue, else to die: but now to beleeue one∣ly and liue. Neuer was there a more large demonstration of Gods fauour; nor a like time, wherein Grace was so freely offered, or the gates of heauen so wide set open; as if God should reach his hand of mercy to earth, to inuite vs to his eternal inheritance, and (with the fayrest promises of Loue) to allure vs to a state of most absolute blessed∣nesse: yet notwithstanding all this Grace, and all these faire inuitements, so constant were the men of those times in their euills, that they refuse to indent with God, be the condition neuer so easie, or his promise ne∣uer so absolute: but they combine them∣selues with all indeauour to resist the Grace of God; they will not haue Grace though God giue it freely; they are all Moses no Christ, all Law no Gospell▪ so powerfull were they in their owne opinions, as if the Law
had beene an easie performance; And ther∣fore did they despise the work of Grace, cru∣cifying the Lord of Life, that brought it, and that bought it with the value of his life; a price inestimable, killing also the Apostles his faithfull witnesses, and persecuting the Saints, to whom God gaue Grace to appre∣hend this Mistery.
Twelfthly, Heere may a Christian man spend his holy meditations in considering the deprauednesse of Man, the grosse dulnes of his Nature, and how inclinable hee is to all euill. Contrariwise the infinite measure of Gods mercie; who notwithstanding our disobedience, will not vtterly destroy vs his creatures, but in a wonderfull degree of fa∣uour, yeelds himselfe to the weakenesse of our flesh, knowing that our nature hath a pronenesse to euill onely: And therefore hath he giuen free passage to the Gospell, making it fruitfully prosper in the blood of holy Martyrs, shed in the persecuting times of Tyrants and wicked-Emperors.
13. And in this passage of blood did Re∣ligion march vntill the time of Constantine
the Great, who intertaining the Christian Faith with good affection gaue it warrant for publike exercise, whereby it spred ouer all the knowne world with such admirable in∣crease, as God onely could giue to a cause so heauenly. And yet in the height of this prosperity, (according to the Nature of our flesh) the state of Christendome grew proud, with good successe, and wanting the opposition of heathen enemies, deuided themselues into heresies and factions, wher∣of insewed the greatest calamitie that could be in a Christian state, euery faction recei∣uing authority and greatnesse, according as they were fauoured or not by the Empe∣rours.
14. And this diuersity of fortune con∣tinued in Christendome for many yeares, yet so as Christianity might be well said to flourish, vntil the time that the Popes did ar∣rogate to their seate supremacy and vniuer∣sall power (or as the History of Florence re∣porteth it) vntill the time of Charles and Pip∣pin Kings of France, who in pollicie to secure to them and theirs the possession of the west
Empire, bound the Bishop of Rome (whose authority might helpe that practise) by fa∣uours and friendly entertainements to their faction. And therefore did the French pro∣nounce this sentence. That the Pope being the Vicar of Christ, ought not to bee iudged by men, but to Iudge all men and to deter∣mine euery difference. This sentence (whe∣ther by the Popes themselues, or by their fa∣uourites, the French Kings,) was assuredly the Ladder for the Popes ambition, and the cause whereof hath ensued so much euill to the state of the Catholike Church, as that Christendome yet is full of the markes of that misery.
15. Now the power of God that seeth the most secret practice on Earth, whose proui∣dence cannot bee preuented with pollicie, suffers the measure of this euill time to fill and ouerrunne with iniquity; so that a true Christian might haue thought of himselfe, as Elias, when he thought he was onely left of Gods people: yet in that height of ini∣quity, there wanted not many Obediahs, who hid the faithfull from the stroake of persecu∣tion;
neither wanted there some euen in this darkenesse of Time, who willingly offered their faith to the tryall of fire, and sealed the testimonie of their Religion, with the witnes of their blood.
FIRST, from this extremitie of euill time doth this following History take beginning, and here may be generally noted from the Obseruations of all times, that God doth neuer suffer the light of his truth to be vtterly extinct, though many times in that degree of aduersity, as that the eye of this world cannot see it. This is eui∣dent in the sacred Stories of the Bible, and also in the condition of these times whereof I write. When ignorance and Error like a double vaile did blinde the face of Truth: yet God whose eye of prouidence is euer open, seeth the enuie of euill men. And (in the time of his good pleasure) he taketh off
this double Vaile, and presents Truth na∣ked to the view of all men, as in the sequell of this History shall appeare most eui∣dent.
Secondly, Here hence also we may note the instability of earthly things; and how that Soueraignty, and Empire (the polli∣tique ends and the extremities of mens in∣deuours) are built vpon vncertainties, and most vnconstant turnings, the which false foundation, hath suddenly cast downe, what many yeares, much studie, and many mens labours had erected. Therefore is that prin∣ciple of Pollicie, not altogether without rea∣son, that Authority and Greatnesse of State re∣ceiueth strength by discords and Faction. For it is both the nature of things and the trauell of men to indeauour alterations, and to trans∣pose things from the present condition wherein they are, for from this cause all Em∣pires haue had their beginning strength, and death.
Thirdly, It is a Morall respect, that in our constructions we Iudge not properties by externall euidence only, for vertue and me∣rit
is not giuen by Suffrage, because it is of∣ten included in the farre inferior number, and is often banished to pouerty and con∣temptible fortune.
Fourthly, For as it is no proofe of truth to produce multiplicitie of witnesses, where there is a necessary relation to fauour. So vertues and morall deserts, are not Iudged by common examples or opinions, because both the one and other are not free and vo∣luntary, but forced on vs by the grosse and palpable flatteries of our infirmities.
Fifthly, It is also a morall institution that men should somewhat disgrace themselues in their owne dignities, not that their actions may indure disgrace, but that their owne o∣pinions exceede not in their owne estimati∣ons, which error doth often make the most fortunate most wretched; For if kingdomes, Empires, and the Catholike Church haue indured bad alterations. Let no man dare to secure himselfe in their vncertainties.
FIRST, there is not in this last age of the world any thing more admirable, or that better doth merit the memorie of writing, then the reformation of Christian Religion, reducing it to that purity of Do∣ctrine, wherein it was first deliuered. And this in a double respect deserueth euerla∣sting memorie. First, the worthinesse of the act it selfe, being the restoring of Religion to the purity of Doctrine, whereby so much good doth redound to the state of Christen∣dome
as that greater cannot. Religion be∣ing the key that doth open the passage to happinesse, and the Ladder by which wee ascend the presence of God and holy An∣gels, whereby we are interessed into Gods fauour, and without which it is impossible to please God. It is admirable also in respect of the manner and meanes, whereby this worke was wrought, being directed by the speciall power of Gods prouidence, to the admiration of al them that truly consider it.
Secondly, For the Act it selfe, all the lear∣ned in the world are in controuersie, whe∣ther (thereby) Religion was deformed, or reformed. To both which opinions many excellent learned men, diuersly adhered, whereby they deuide the vnity of Religion into these two diuersities; Protestants and Papists, either of these subdeuiding it selfe a∣gaine, into many seueralls; whereby the plaine and honest vnderstanding of men lesse learned are distract; To see Religion, (which in truth is but one) deuided into so many diuersities: now because the handling of this doth rather belong to argument,
then History; to a disputation, rather than to a relation of the occurrents of Time. I ther∣fore leaue that as impertinent to this busi∣nesse, and onely tie my selfe to relate the manner how Christian Religion was refor∣med: and (in speciall) how by the Crowne of England this was done; whereby that Na∣tion hath all other Kingdomes of the Earth, (in the highest degrees of honour and repu∣tation) much exceeded it being the first that with victory, dared to cast off that awfull and needlesse yoke of obedience to the seate of Rome.
Thirdly, The first occasion hereof was in the time of Martin Luther, who by his dili∣gence in preaching and writing had got great estimation in Germany, especially with the Duke of Saxonie, because in his teaching he opposed the vsurped authority of the Pope, and for detesting those grosse heresies, which by long continuance in the Church, had gotten a generall allowance, among (almost all men.) This Luther writ a booke, entituled, de captiuitate Babylonica so offensiue to the state of Papacie, as the Pope and all his
speciall fauourites, were therewith very much displeased. Whereupon King Henery the Eighth (whether of his owne accord, or by the perswasion of others, I know not) writ against Luther, and in speciall against that booke of his de Capt. Babil. in defence of the Popes Supremacie. The purpose of the Kings booke, beeing specially to conclude the doctrine of Pardons. Secondly, of the Popes Supremacie. Thirdly, of the Sacra∣ments of the Church: whether this was the Kings owne labour, or that he onely Fathe∣red it to giue it authority, is not certainely knowne, and diuersly beleeued. Many thinke it was not, and that his Fathering of it was onely a pollicie of state, both to gaine himselfe a reputation in learning, and that by this speciall demonstration, the Pope might be tyed to the Kings fauour, and assist him in his Warres against the French King: and they haue these reasons of likely-hood, that vpon the instant publishing the said Book, the Pope did not only fauour the Kings enterprise, but also gaue him many other witnesses of thankes, and among many this
aboue all, that (to his other titles of honour) he added this aboue all, that in remem∣brance of the Kings princely care for the State of the Catholike Religion, hee and his Successors for euer should be stiled Defendors of the most Catholike Faith.
Fourthly, And herein appeared the greatnes of the Pope at that time, that the greatest Princes of Christendome, thought themselues highly rewarded, for their grea∣test trauells, if the Pope should but giue them, the allowance of his fauour, or demonstrate himselfe in any particular kindnesse (how small soeuer.) And this was a matter very considerable, in that pollitique Religion, to gaine such opinion of holines as made him reuerenced of the greatest Potentates. For by this he often made exchange, with great ad∣uantage, giuing them words for things, and receiuing the seruices of men, for thankes, indulgences, and pardons, which nothing benefited the Receiuers, but much inlarged his own priuate ends. Such reward had King Henery for writing against Luther, in which may be vnderstood the Popes secret practise,
for in giuing this honour to King Henry to be stiled Defendor of the Faith, hee thereby had a farther end then to honour the King, which was to binde him to his perpetuall seruice, which he thought he could not bet∣ter doe then by this obligation of honour, which indeed is the greatest that can be to a princely minde. The Pope knoweth that the King by accepting of this stile Defendor of the Faith, was bound in the tearmes of honour to defend that whereof hee had taken the protection, and so by consequence was hee bound to all the Popes occasions; he being in the cōmon opiniō of the world the vniuersal head of that faith, which the Kings Title did binde him to defend. And this (howsoeuer the successe did not answer to the purpose,) yet was it great pollicie in the Pope, especial∣ly considering the danger of the times, and that many eyes began with dislike to prie into the deformities of the Church.
Fifthly But who can contriue against God with successe, for the Pope in this case shot his euill arrow against heauen, which in a perpendiculer line, fell vpon his owne pate.
God retorting the euil against him that sent it, making him fast in his own snare & to fall in that pit which he had digged for another. This is Gods doing & it is wonderfull in our eyes. For this K. whom the Pope had thought to haue made the instrumēt of his greatnes, did God make the instrument of his fall▪ the Pope gaue him the name of Defendor; But God made the King to defend the Faith a∣gainst the Pope the enemie of Faith. For pol∣licie cannot preuent piety; and God con∣founds the wisedome of men, and can make their subtill practises many times hitt that marke they neuer aymed at; as in this parti∣cular, the Pope making particular choice of the King for his Champion, whom God (the contrary party) would imploy for the Popes destruction, giuing him inuincible spirit, to be the first Christian K▪ that durst put to his Princely hand to Ruine the walls of Babylon.
Sixthly, And if the Kings nature, and the circumstance of time were rightly conside∣red, it will appeare so admirable as God on∣ly could worke that alteration in the Kings minde, the King himselfe being so stiffe and
resolute, as none of his predecessors (I think) in this did equall him; especially in the tearme of honour and reputation: and then considering the King had written and pub∣lished his protestation to defend the Supre∣macy of the Pope, and the Religion then profest: it may seeme the greatest obligati∣on that could be to binde his princely Na∣ture, to continue his defence of that which before he had defended, especially in a mat∣ter of that consequence, the rather hauing declared himselfe to the witnesse of all men.
Seuenthly, Againe, if wee consider that Reply of Luthers to the Kings Booke, so full of heate and bitternesse, as that euery page (almost) hath prouocations, rather to ob∣durate the Kings heart, and to incense him to a more resolute obstinacie, then any waies to quallifie or reforme him: Luther scoffingly answering the Kings arguments, with words of such disgrace, as ill fitted the grauity of Luther to giue, or the Maiesty of so great a Prince (with any patience) to in∣dure. And doubtlesse this in Luther was a great ouersight and a misconceiuing, to
thinke to helpe his cause by traducing the Kings person; For the resolutions of great men are not moued by power, but by the perswasions of inferiours. And Luther in writing this booke against King Henery, doth rather expresse his zeale then his discre∣tion: For in all Controuerfies, the heate of words (especially in the grauer) is a want of that mode∣ration, and Iudgement, which onely giueth seeme∣linesse, and good forme to all our actions: yet notwithstanding all these backe occasions, which (in mans Iudgement) might seeme to hinder, this gracious worke, did God effect it, and that by his instrument, King He∣nery, whom both the Pope and Luther, had rather fitted for the contrary.
thought, in respect of the great and generall authority, which then Antichrist had: the reason is this, that where God doth place his omnipotent Spirit, that strength is then inuincible, but able to conuince all resi∣stance. For God (onely) can contract in the person of one man, Valour and victory to order and reforme the world.
Secondly, The Politique practise here is obserued in the Pope, who with demonstra∣tions of Loue without charge, could binde the seruice of Princes and great States vnto him. For as it is most needfull that the bo∣dies of great Authorities should haue strong and able supporters. So it is necessary in the wisedome of state, to gaine and continue that correspondencie, and indifferencie, which may support our estimation. In which care this politique forme is very necessary, that in disposing our gifts of fauour we giue least gifts to greatest men, but with most large circumstance: because that where there is any neerenesse of equality of state, it is not possible to make gifts valuable, but with Ceremonies.
Thirdly, In Luther may bee noted a mar∣uellous defect of pollicie, to labour a spiri∣tuall cause with such vntempered heate. For if Luthers spirit had had moderation, and that pollitique wisedome which was but ne∣cessary in his Religion and high attempts, he would haue made a difference betweene a principall and a second, the Pope and the King, and not haue prosecuted against them both with like seuerity. For Luther could not bee ignorant, that the onely meanes to finish the reformation he inten∣ded, was by the fauour and assistance of Christian Princes, which care in the cause and person of King Henry, Luther did not obserue.
Fourthly, It is a precept worthy of gene∣rall practise, that in all societies, men should be Communicable, and translate their offi∣ces of loue from one to another. For gifts and retributions, howsoeuer they are lesse worthy then our affections, yet are they our best witnesses, and doe the better, and more often remember vs: because they are more open, and euident to sense.
Fifthly, Againe, moderation of spirit which is our indifferent esteeming of our selues with others, doth comprehend the very excellence of all humanity, being the most noble degree in our nature, and the very next to the dignity of Grace. Neither is there any morall vertue, which doth more commend men to generall estimation, be∣cause it giueth desert to euery man that hath it, and doth often giue (from it selfe) dignities to such as want them.
THE first Act of the Kings De∣fence was in retyring himselfe from the Popes seruice for at that time, were all Christian Princes his seruants. This Act of the kings was that which many Emperors and great Poten∣tates desired might be done, yet neuer durst attempt to doe, or succesfully attemp∣ted it. Such as was the Emperour Frederick Barbarossa, who notwithstanding his great∣nesse both of power and spirit, yet failed he in his attempt, though he neuer pursued any thing with greater stomack. Also King Hen∣ry the Second of England, who fayling in
the fortunes of this businesse, yeelded him∣selfe (though valiant and princely) to such base conditions of pennance, as well may declare the greatnesse of the Pope that im∣posed them: but with this King Henry the Eight it may seeme, that God himselfe did conspire, to make the worke prosperous, and the king for being Gods instrument perpetually famous.
Secondly, The first occasion of difference betweene King Henry and the Pope, was the proceedings in the diuorse of Queene Kathe∣rine the kings first wife, who before had bene wife to Prince Arthur his Brother, wherein the Pope vsed such small regard to quiet the trouble of the kings Conscience, as thereby the king and the State were very much of∣fended, and then such as did not fauour the faction of the Pope, (for so I may call it) tooke the aduantage of time, and grew bold to lay open to the king the deformities of the present time, and the glory hee might purchase in restoring Religion to that puri∣ty, which now (in that holy profession) was altogether defaced.
Thirdly, Those occasions so moue the kings offence, that hee sommons his High Court of Parlyament at Westminster, laying before them his griefe, which was the ouer∣much power the Pope had in his kingdome, and the small respect that hee and his State had from the Pope: whereupon a Statute past by consent of the three estates, whereby the king was made supreme Head ouer the Church of England, aswell in ecclesiasticall as temporal matters, cutting off al manner of Papal authority from the crowne of England. And herein may appeare the greatnes of the king, and the reuerence of his Subiects, who framed themselues to the pleasure of the king, in a matter of much difficultie and be∣yond all expectation. And this was the be∣nefit of Maiesty, which begot in them such duty and awfull regard, which to a remisse and familiar Prince had not beene gran∣ted
Fourthly, This grant of the kings Supre∣macie was the first mortall wound the Church of Rome receiued, loosing at that time the best Crowne shee had in keeping,
whereby a president was giuen to all other Christian Princes, to free themselues from the Captiuity of that Babylon, with whose Fornications the whole Earth was made drunke. And this Act of the State of England was so well approued in the Iudgement of Christendome, as that many the best parts thereof, (in immitation of King Henry,) haue cast from them the bond of Papall au∣thority; yea, doubtlesse so desired it is of all States, as (might it bee done with security) their is no Prince or State, either Religious or politique, but doth so enuie the greatnesse of forraigne Supremacie, as gladly they would bee cleered thereof, finding many times to the great detriment of state, the in∣iury of this power, in interdictions and Pa∣pall curses, as if wee reade the diuisions of Italy we may in them most cleerely iudge, the inconuenience of the Popes vniuersall power, the abuse whereof is so common in those states, as that they are neuer obeyed, but when there wanteth temporall power to withstand them. And therefore did King Henry nobly performe his kingly Office,
and well defend the Catholike Faith, in de∣priuing the Pope of that power, wherewith the Christian Faith was offended,
FIRST, God doth what he list, by what meanes he list, so doth hee produce his miracles by causes naturally vnfitting, and so this miraculous alteration in the state of Christendome, was effected by the king his instrument, who both in Nature and o∣pinion, was thought vnlike for such Reli∣gious effects, being rather armed both by the Pope and Luther to oppose the enter∣prize. So doth God snare the engine ma∣ker; For the Wisedome of this World is but fol∣ly with God.
Secondly, To obserue a iust proportion of state is good in all degrees, but in a Soue∣raigne necessary, yet hee that exceeds his state, doth impaire his state, and by taking more then his owne, he doth loose his own.
FIRST, If we consider the trauells of men on earth, and the conti∣nuall passage of all their actions, we shall finde that euery particu∣lar man of Spirit, or that hath but more then common vnderstanding directeth himselfe and his whole trauell to one of these two ends; eyther to be Good, or to be Great, and according to his choice of these, hee doth frame the practise of his life, as if to good∣nesse then is his care good, and hee doth ex∣ercise those good meanes, that may leade him to his good end. For there is no way to
attaine good end, but by good meanes. But he that aymeth at greatnesse, the care of his life is much different, for to him there is no direct way of lawfulnesse or honestie to runne in, for he breaketh these limits, and trauells in euery by passage how vnlawfull∣soeuer: and therefore they of this nature allow, onely of this one principall, that whatsoeuer may direct them to their end, be it sinne, or shame they giue it allowance. Such was the resolution of that Tyrant, who making Empire his desired end, cared not to trauell thither in the steppes of his neerest blood, so deepe as (perhaps) to damne him∣selfe. And like vnto him are all such whose desires leade them to vnlawfull ends, who resoluing to obtaine their desires, resolue likewise vpon the practise of all vngodli∣nesse.
Secondly, And this practise of euill men is in common construction called Pollicie, whereby the name of Pollicie doth receiue much wrong by their grosse and sencelesse vnderstanding it, for Pollicie may bee either good or bad according to the end whereto 〈2 pages missing〉〈2 pages missing〉
out of these considerations. First, the liber∣ty that was recouered in the person of the Prince, he resuming that absolute autho∣rity to himselfe, which before was giuen to a stranger his enemy, whereby the King did adde to his owne greatnesse, and diminish the power of him that loued him not. And how important this is to the prosperity of a State, let the Iudgement of any sence iudge it. Againe, there is no State or Kingdome, vnder the awe of Popish Supremacie that can be said (truly) to be a free State, or the King thereof an absolute Prince, because that Kingdome is subiugate, and that King Subordinate to the power of another; where∣by the gouernement Monarchiall (which of all others is most excellent) cannot bee said to bee in that State, where the authority of the Prince is deuided, or rather tran∣slated into the person of another, as in the case of Popish Supremacie is most euident.
Sixthly, Againe, to inherit by succession of blood, (which is of very speciall conside∣ration) is by this forraigne Supremacie
much indangered: because where this power is granted there is also giuen to the Pope the power to alter, and dispose of Kings and Kingdomes at his pleasure, and to tran∣slate the inheritance of States according as hee shall please to fauour or dis-fauour the true owners, whereof many times hath en∣sued much misery, and many calamities; So that I verily thinke there is no part of Chri∣stendome, that hath not had a wofull expe∣rience in this great misery. That were the Prince or the cause neuer so Iust, and holy, or the Pope and his wicked life neuer so ap∣parantly euill, yet by this vniuersall power, hee had power giuen him to alter the State, and to translate Succession at his pleasure: pretending a Religious good, but intending eyther the aduancement of his base kin∣dred, or else some other enuious and euill end. And how dangerous this may bee to a Kingdome let any Iudgement determine. Lastly, this inconuenience doth follow of Popish Supremacie, the practise of so many Treasons, wherewith the name of Christen∣dome is much spotted; For he that is resol∣ued 〈2 pages missing〉〈2 pages missing〉
the sufficiencie of other mens writings to this purpose: This onely Argument, that whereas by the testimonie of holy Scripture wee are taught to know that man of sinne, whom the spirit of God calleth Antichrist by this speciall sensible signe of pride, in that he being but man, shall presume to exalt him∣selfe aboue all that is called God. Now that Kings and Princes of the Earth, are (by the sentence of Scripture) called Gods, it is most euident, in that place where he saith, I haue said yee are Gods: that is, neerest to my selfe in your dignitie of place, representing my power and my Maiesty, in the highest degree vpon Earth. Then whosoeuer shall exalt himselfe aboue these degrees of Maiesty, must of necessity be he whom the Spirit of God calleth that man of sinne that Anti∣christ, because his sinne is like the sinne of the Diuels in the Creation; for as they did, so doth he contend for the highest Suprema∣cie: and (Nymrod-like) he buildeth himselfe aloft aboue the reach of Earth, reaching his ambition, beyond the limits of mortality, euen aboue all that is called God.
Eighthly, And therefore great reason had the King, and so haue all the Kings of the Earth, to cast off all friendly intertaine∣ment with him, that would exalt himselfe a∣boue all flesh, nay, aboue all that is called God: and I am verily perswaded, that this one respect of pride is that marke where∣by shee is best knowne to bee that Babylon, with whose Fornications the whole Earth hath bene poysoned, yet in these latter times hath shee got more vgly visors to maske in Blood and Treason; two such deformities, as would be very apparant in the face of Reli∣gion. And God no doubt hath set these markes in her fore-head (as he marked Cain) that all his beloued in the world, might know her at the first blush, and auoide the filth of her Fornications. For where those e∣uills are; God is not in the honour of his ser∣uice, but in his Iustice and angry Maiesty.
FIRST, the worke of Gods prouidence is most worthy of consideration, leading (by va∣riable turnings) the passage of all transitory things to that end, whereto God hath decreed them. In which worke howsoeuer, God doth neuer change the purpose of his will, yet the euents (many times) seeme very admirable to our v••der∣standings by reason of their change and va∣rieties. For all things in this world are in continuall motion, being moued as shall please the hand of prouidence, euery thing being like the mouing Sea, sometimes flow∣ing, sometimes in their ebb againe, some∣times
vp, sometimes downe, according as shall please that power that moues them. And from this mouing cause is deriued that variety in the state of Earth which men (fal∣sly) call Fortune, the often change whereof to a Christian Iudgement is not strange, be∣cause he considereth the power that God hath ouer all his creatures, and how inclina∣ble they be to alteration.
Secondly, And for particular instances: Though Religion before these times had in∣dured an euill change, changing the truth for many superstitious Ceremonies, yet so venerable was the name of Religion to the people of those times, as (notwithstanding their misconceiuing the truth thereof) they gaue such large demonstrations of loue and zeale to that profession, and the Professors as no people at any time did euer exceed them; inriching the state of Religion, both with honourable regard, and with very am∣ple possessions. Insomuch as the Church then might rather seeme a Triumphant, then a Church Militant; So high was it exalted in the degrees of worldly prosperity: yet for
all this flourish, God commeth with his rod of correction, and (finding euill in the great∣nesse thereof) he alters their present Con∣dition, that as they had forsaken the truth of his seruice, So hee would bereaue them their earthly honour, wherewith the true name of their false Religion was gorgeously decked.
Thirdly, The first cause then of this alte∣ration was God himselfe, who, when hee seeth the vessell of mens iniquity full, he fil∣leth his violl with wrath, to reforme and cor∣rect, what euill men had before deformed, and being most Iealous of his honour, hee commeth with more then common corre∣ctions, to reforme the truth of his seruice. For so did God at this time, his angry hand reaching destruction, beyond the liues of those euill men, euen to their lands, houses and possessions, making King Henry vtterly extirpe these abused Monasteries, as the Israelites did the Cananites, for their mon∣strous and heathenish sinnes. And therefore no doubt did God make particular choise of King Henry for his instrument, fitting him
with extraordinary spirit, that he might the better mannage this great businesse, where∣to God had ordained him, and wherein God did wonderfully assist him.
Fourthly, But what might moue the King in respect of himselfe, many men many waies coniecture. Some, by the spoyle of these houses that he might inrich himselfe, and relieue the occasions of his Warres, which then did much distresse him▪ But howsoeuer, this hath credit with him that writeth this Storie at large, yet in that opi∣nion I doe not beleeue him. For it is not likely that any Christian Prince in the world, would for any respect of spoyle, de∣stroy the estates of so many (at that time re∣puted) Religious and Godly men. Others thinke the King did this out of Stomacke, the Pope being then in full opposition with the King, for taking Supremacie from him in the Church of England, that had but lately giuen to him & his Successors for euer the title of Defendor of the Faith; the King ima∣gining he could not secure to his posterity, the continuance of his Supremacie, where his
enemy (the Pope) was so strong both by the number and by the worth of these Religious houses: and therefore it is thought the King did suppresse them in Pollicy, making that his owne strength which he found to strength his enemy. And this howsoeuer hath a likely-hood, being neere the Kings dispo∣sition, yet I verily thinke the King would not for any pollitique regard, haue brought a generall destruction vpon that State which then was held Religious. But rather vnder∣standing by his Visitors the great disorder and vngodlinesse of men and women (in those places) professing Religion, did (in the care of conscience) scatter their assemblies, ruine their houses, and iustly seaze that to his vse which they with so much impietie had abused.
Fifthly, Vpon this consideration, did the King outtrude the Rabble of Monkes, Nunnes, and Fryers, and seaze their possessions, fin∣ding that their large allowance of wealth and easie life, was cause of their wanton and wicked trade of liuing, and that prayer, and the exercise of true Deuotion (whereto they
were dedicate, was not that whereunto they imployed the large beneuolence of their Benefactors. They vsing (onely) the formes of some superstitious prayers, and a formality in their attire, wherein they ob∣serued a precise order, being in the maine carriage of their liues of all people most dis∣orderly. To reforme which was not onely necessary for the truth of holy Religion, but very conuenient for the better gouerne∣ment of the Common-Wealth, the State re∣ceiuing great detriment by allowing so largely to those lazie and vnprofitable mem∣bers, and the Church great scandalls, by their vngodly and heathenish liues. To re∣forme this then, was an Act in the King very gratious, tending directly for the good of both states, whereby he gaue proofe, that God, and not the Pope, made speciall choice of him and his Successors, to defend the most True, Ancient, and Apostolike Faith.
Sixthly, Yet here it may be doubted, whe∣ther the King did better in the vtter extirpa∣tion of these men, their order, and houses,
or if he had reformed onely the abuse, and left their places and possessions to others of better life, and professing the truth of holy Religion, whereby the euil might haue bene taken away onely, leauing their mainte∣nance to be imployed in holy and Religious vses, especially considering that the want in the Protestants Religion is the want of main∣tenance, whereby many well deseruing Schollers liue in the penurie of life vnsup∣ported, which by this meanes might abun∣dantly haue bene supplied.
Seuenthly, To this doubt many in their seuerall opinions diuersly answer, some that the standing still of their houses in the for∣mer condition of a corporation was dange∣rous, least vpon euery alteration of the Prince, the dispossessed might againe reen∣ter, whereby the latter condition, might proue worse then the former. And this rea∣son were good, if there might not haue bene assurance to haue secured them, from all danger of repossessing, (the which no doubt) might haue bene done, if the prouidence of the State had regarded it.
Eighthly, Others thinke the King, too seuere in this his manner of correction, sup∣posing it had beene enough for him to cor∣rect but not to destroy, to reforme the a∣buse, not vtterly to haue subuerted both the abusers and the places abused: and that his conuerting their wealth to his owne priuate benefit, was an argument that he did this; not in zeale to reforme their abuses, but ra∣ther to interest himselfe into that abun∣dance of wealth they then possessed; follow∣ing herein the example of Cardinall VVolsey, who in the yeare 1525: obtained license to suppresse certaine Religious houses, to fur∣nish him towards the building of his two Colledges at Oxford and Ipswich, the which Colledges beeing founded vpon this false ground, neuer had the good fortune to bee finished but perished in their Birth.
Ninthly, And I verily beleeue, that how∣soeuer the King had a further respect then to inherit their wealth, yet was there both that and many other by occasions, strong inducements to moue him to this seuerity in punishing. And herein the King may be 〈2 pages missing〉〈2 pages missing〉
was and is in the person of the Pope, an am∣bitious desire of vniuersality of Empire, with vniuersall neglect and hatred.
Thirdly, Vngodly practise hath not al∣waies euill successe, if we respect the present but if wee respect euents further of, they are euer euill and certaine in their destru∣ction.
Fourthly, to dissemble our intents, with faire pretence is a principle in pollicie, which I commend not, but remember onely. For though no man bee bound at all times and in euery cause to declare himselfe in direct euidence; yet doth it much ad∣uance the honour of a Prince to be square in all, without difference or dispropor∣tion.
Fifthly, In a generall cause, it is necessary to be generally respectiue, and not to con∣ferre that vpon one, which (with satisfacti∣on) may be giuen to manie. Therefore was it good Pollicie in the King to distribute the possessions of the Abbeyes he supprest, to many of principall authority in the State: For it is wisedome to satisfie their offence
FIRST, there is nothing in the Earth more certaine then the vncertainty of al earthly things. For Man (one of the best of Gods Creatures, in respect of the excellen∣cie of his reasonable soule) doth so often times change the condition of his life, as if he were not of that excellencie, nor had not that power of Iudgement and vnderstan∣ding which he hath. And this is Gods worke in the depth of his wisedome, to whom one∣ly all things are certaine, and with whom there is no shadow of change. God reser∣uing to himselfe the secrets of those things
whereof his will is we shall be ignorant, im∣parting onely so much to vs his creatures, as may serue for the worke of his seruice, he himselfe still guiding vs by his hand of prouidence, to those ends, whereto his de∣cree hath ordained vs. And by this doth God giue vs a demonstration of his power, and our weakenesse, of his power in being most certaine in all those things, which to vs are casuall▪ and of our weakenesse, because we are like the ayre, we breath carryed whi∣thersoeuer it shall please the winde to moue vs.
Secondly, The truth of this may appeare (in the Kings particular) who notwithstan∣ding the greatnes of his spirit, and the hono∣rable attempt he had made in the cause of Religion, whereby he had runne himselfe so farre in the trauells of that businesse, as that he could not well retyre, without dishono∣rable shame, the expectation of Christen∣dome seeming to depend much vpon the Kings continuance in that course: yet euen then did the King surcease from that Religi∣ous worke, which with so much honorable
successe he had begun. Where it may seeme strange, that a Prince of his greatnesse, hauing the aduise of an honorable and wise councell, should lay vpon his name the im∣putation of weakenesse, not to goe forward with that whereto his honour was so much ingaged.
Thirdly, But if we consider the time, and the difference of opinions in those great men, to whom the King did shew himselfe most gracious, it will then appeare, the businesse went forward, or not, accor∣ding to the affection of the Kings Fa∣uourites.
Fourthly, As in the time of Cardinall VVolsey, a man so great in the fauour of his Prince, as that our English Chronicles cannot match him, who in the time of his prospe∣rity, did so possesse the King, as that the King may be said to saile with no winde but the Cardinalls, the king being but the bo∣dy to his soule, he mouing it according to the pleasure of his owne appetite, and ther∣fore at this time was the king all Cardinall, putting himselfe in Print to defend the Su∣premacie
of Popes. But this time did end with the Cardinals fortunes, who being puft vp and high swolne with the spirit of ambiti∣on, runne himselfe into strange contempts, against the Maiesty of his Prince: who fin∣ding him so Cardinallike in pride, and vaine glory stript him of those honours which before he so lauishly had giuen him, translating his fauour vpon Thomas Cranmer Arch-Bishop of Canterburie, whom the king finding Religious, honest, and learned, gaue his opinion good authority.
Fifthly, And at this time the Protestants Religion, began to haue the fauour of the Kings protection: yet by reason of the peaceable Nature of this Man, and because of many other important considerations of inconuenience; the cause of Religion went not with that prosperity forward, as other∣wise it might. For howsoeuer we may iustly conceiue of this learned man, that he wan∣ted neither spirit nor power, to trauell in the most important affaires of State, the which hee hath well declared by his resolute and learned proceedings, in the Kings diuorse:
yet considering in what termes the State then stood, and the particular condition of his State, it will appeare that a necessary pro∣uidence of his own security, did inforce him to a violent patience, and to silence and suppresse his zealous spirit, which otherwise would haue ventured vpon much more ha∣zard.
Sixthly, For at this time Cranmer contrarie to the lawes then inforce, was married, and did liue with his wife to the great hazard of his life: and this was one respect why hee suffered so much the practise of his ene∣mies, keeping good correspondence, and indifferent fauour, least his Mariage should be called in question, whereby both his state and life had beene exposed, into a danger most eminent.
Seuenthly, And if any man obiect that these regards of Cranmer proceeded from his feare of temporall losse, and that he fainted in the maine execution of his Christian Office. I answer, that no feare but a Chri∣stian prouidence was the cause of this wari∣nesse; For he might well know, that if hee
proceeded in the difference of Religion by violent and forcible meanes; he should then haue had the whole power of the contrary faction bent against him: and being (by rea∣son of his marriage) within the danger of law, it could not be auoided but the seueri∣tie of the law should haue proceeded against him.
Eighthly, Yet notwithstanding when the necessarie care of Religion did require him, there was no respect could binde him from his earnest indeauours, as may wel appeare, by this most resolute opposing against the Statute of the sixe Articles. So that Cran∣mer (in true estimation) hath well deserued, and worthily acquitted himselfe of all im∣putation; yet by reason of these occasions, hee could not doe that, which the opportunity of the Kings fauour did offer him.
Ninthly, Vpon this aduantage Stephen Gardiner builds his strength, who by obser∣uance, and cunning insinuation, shifting himselfe into the Kings fauour, got great au∣thority in the State, and according to the
nature of his working spirit, troubles the waters of peace of fish for Romish Religi∣on, whereto in his heart he was much incli∣ned. And this man, (not like Cranmer but Matchiuellike) grounded in the secrets of Pol∣licie, seemes what he is not, and is content to proportion himselfe to the fashions of the time, with purpose to alter that fashion. And this howsoeuer it were a thing very disho∣nest especially in the office of a Bishop, yet was it a very pollitique Regard, and that miste whereby he wrought all his inchant∣ments, for by his obseruance hee continued in the Kings fauour, and by that fauour, he erected the whole frame of his Policies.
Tenthly, And from this cause had the sixe Articles beginning. Articles so bloodie, as the letters in them, cannot number the blood which was shed in England for them, whereby may appeare the greatnesse of Ste∣phen Gardiners wit, that could make the King sayle with a contrary winde, and destroy that cause which before he had protected: and this was, notwithstanding Cranmer his oppo∣site had then great fauour with the king, and
the highest authority and place in the king∣dome.
Eleuenthly, Another of the Kings Fauou∣rites in those times of difference, was Sir Thomas More then Lord Chancellor of Eng∣land. A gentleman (in respect of his natu∣ral ornaments) worthy of much honour, for besides the beauty of his learning, which in great personages is very deseruing; he had so good a moderation and temper in all his actions, as no aduersity could deiect him, neither any prosperity make him lesse in the vse of regard, and ciuill humanity. And notwithstanding hee was diuers from me in that profession which I hold for truth, yet because I write the truth of Historie, it were very vnworthy in me to obscure, the deser∣uings of any man, into which error many o∣thers, and especially such as haue recorded the passage of those times, haue vnaduisedly falne, traducing the persons of men for their opinions sake, and making them altogether euill, that in many commendable things were excellent. And because that all good things are from God, (who giueth them ac∣cording
to the pleasure of his will) it were therefore much iniury to obscure the good∣nesse of God, wheresoeuer it shall please him to place it, and this I write in fauour of truth, which may be well said to be the life, and true mouing soule of all Historie.
Twelfthly, This Sir Thomas Moore how∣soeuer he was an enemy to the truth of the Gospell, yet if we compare him with Stephen Gardiner, the comparison will make Sir Thomas Moore lesse euill, the other being so monstrous in his wicked practises; for the one made conscience to equiuocate and dis∣semble himselfe, of which the other made no reckoning. Sir Thomas vtterly refusing the oath of Supremacie, because in conscience he thought he might not take it; Gardiner had the like witnesse of his conscience yet did take it, and therefore Stephen by dissem∣bling saued his life, which the other (by plaine expressing himselfe lost. So that both these, though they conspire one end, yet in themselues are they very diuerse, the one with a manly resolution, and with the witnes of his blood profest himselfe and his resolu∣tion,
the other by swearing and for swearing to banne and disclaime that, which (in his purpose) was the marke whereto hee shot himselfe and his euill pollicies: the one en∣ding all opposition in his owne voluntary death: the other by subtilty continuing his euill life, that life being the death of many the deare Children of God.
13. Another highly in the Kings fauour, and most worthy of high fauour, was the Lord Cromwell, a man so resolute in the worke he had begunne, as neuer any did pursue a holy businesse with better Spirit, who not∣withstanding the greatnesse of his enemies, who after the fashion of all Courts, enuie such most, vnto whom the Prince is most gratious, and then most, when the degrees of honour are deriued vpon any of meane beginning: yet so could this man rule the prosperity of his fortunes, as neither in ge∣nerall opinion, was he thought proudly to delight them, nor yet not to vnderstand what those honours were, which the Kings fauour had giuen him. So aduised was he in the passage of his honourable life, as that
use (which seeth the least aduantage) could neuer finde iust occasion (though occasions were sought) to scandalize his reputation, in the generall opinion of good men. And howsoeuer God did suffer the euill of his e∣nemies to preuaile ouer his life, yet neuer to the death of his honourable remembrance, to whose Godly care, all the louers of Reli∣gion in Christendome are beholding, espe∣cially the English Nation, he being a prin∣cipall instrument, whereby the King was moued to reforme Religion.
14. In this mans time the Religious then liuing had great hope of prosperity in their holy cause, aswell in respect of his diligence to that end directed, as also of the Kings in∣clinable nature, which did seeme to con∣sent with the honourable desires of the Lord Cromwell, intertaining him in all fauou∣rable regard, giuing him names, and places of high honour, whereby his godly cares went the better forward hauing the strength of the Kings authority, which he applyed to no other end, but that God might receiue honour, in restoring the truth of his seruice,
and that the king might not receiue disho∣nour in abādoning the protection of faith, whereof God by the sentence of his enemie had made him defēdor. And this good cause, did this good man prosecute, with the best strēgth of his indeauor, not regarding his life more then God that gaue it, nor the honours of his life, more then the honors of his king, from whose boūty his honors were deriued.
15. Thus we see the diuersity in the king, whereby he grew remisse in following this holy care, which was because of the diuersi∣tie of opinions in those men, whom the king most trusted in the state, he suffering himself to be driuen against the currant of his owne streames, by the violence of other mens per∣swasions.
16. And here is offered a large conside∣ration of the Kings Nature, who notwith∣standing his great spirit, and his many other honourable deseruings, he had this infirmi∣tie. That he would be induced to doe those things, which were much disagreeing in themselues, and to goe forward and back∣ward in one course, and suffer himselfe to be
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moued, whether the violence of other mens affections would carrie him, sometime for, sometimes against Religion: and by this he gaue an open demonstration of the weake∣nesse of his nature For there is no alterati∣on in a State that is not dangerous, and then is the danger most, when the greate ones (great in authority and neere in the fauour of the Prince) deuide themselues. For dif∣ference, if it be not compounded by the aw∣full Maiesty of the Prince, it will growe to faction, & by consequence to open breach. And though the Prince so gouerne, that they dare not come to open difference, yet will they worke by conspiracie, and secret practise the confusion of each other. For where faction is, there can be no assurance, & men wil seek to assure themselues though it be by the fall of others; And this euill is best preuented by the prouidence of the Prince; who when hee seeth deformity in the body of the State, and that of necessity there must bee alteration, to make such choice of instruments, as best loue the cure, least otherwise in steade of physicke they ad∣minister
poyson, and so not cure, but de∣stroy the body diseased.
17. And this was the Kings error (who though his purpose to reforme was good, yet the course he tooke was not good, ma∣king ill choice of particulers to whose trust he commended that businesse, some of them being Protestants, some Papists; so that the King may bee said to build with one hand, and to cast downe with another, to reforme Religion and to deforme it againe. And therefore this aduice I dare giue the best Prince in the world. Let those you loue best, and trust most, be one in themselues and one with their Soueraigne, and worke not vpon the foundation Truth by contrarie meanes, for hee that so buil∣deth, buildeth Babel, that is, confusion, and not the walles of Ierusalem.
FIRST, to intertaine and beginne a Re∣ligious worke, is both an honourable and a holy attempt, but to finish it is more, because it is possible, that vnworthy men may vndertake and retire: But Pietie, is not Pietie, if not constant. For no vertue is rewarded but perseuerance.
Secondly, To faint in the prosecution of a Religious cause, is of all cowherdice the most shamefull and recreant, because in all such quarrells. God is our Generall, and doth arme his souldiers in compleate secu∣rity.
Thirdly, A Prince that hath many about his person, cannot but must haue much diffe∣rence in their quallities: his pollitique parte is to obserue, and iudge the difference, and to distinguish them to such seruice in the State, as may make them emulous to exceede, and not enuious to extirpe the
prosperities of one another.
Fourthly, It hath beene thought good Pollicie, that in a Senate or Counsell of State, it were good to haue men of opposite Iudge∣ment, because it doth prouoke both facti∣ons, from exact declaration of their best in∣deauours. This, in a state meerely pollitique may haue pretence, but in a Religious State it hath none; because it is impossible to goe to one God, in one truth, by contrarie steppes.
Fifthly, It were dishonourable and dange∣rous for a Prince, that hath his state free, and in quiet to dissemble or to deuide himselfe to contrarieties, because hee that doth not declare himselfe certaine to one, doth remaine suspected of all, and doth giue a generall hope to generall varieties.
Sixthly, The errour and vice is grea∣ter in retyring from vertuous procee∣dings, then the vertue is to vndertake them. For wee are tempted by all rea∣son to vndertake them, but by none to leaue them.
Seuenthly, Hee that composeth him∣selfe of contrarieties, doth weare a mon∣strous Shape; for humanitie and ciuill So∣cietie is bound to the Rules of vertue, as Pietie and Religion to the Rules of GOD.
FIRST, the originall cause of this euill was pretended to be a remedy, against the many Sects of Religion, which then began to multiply, when Religion was in restoring; the State whereof being vnset∣led, gaue occasion that many busie Spirits, according to their seuerall Iudgements, would diuersly determine, what was the true forme of Gods Seruice, and what was not, whereof it came to passe, that many idle and grosse opinions, had many that would stifly adheare to this or that, according as their blinde iudgements did direct them. For it hath euer beene and euer will be, the nature
of the worst vnderstanding people, to desire innouation, and euer to affect that most, which hath most singularity, euer opposing the iudgement of the learned, and the pow∣er of lawfull authority; and this is a naturall Antipathy betweene the base and the Noble, the foolish and the wise, the bad and the bet∣ter sort of people.
Secondly, To cure this disease in the State of England, was very needfull, but the care they applyed was both vnlawfull, and very preiudiciall, laying such salue to the soare, as made the wound wider, and the griefe much more sensible. For if wee remember the whole storie of King Henries Life, there is not any other Act that euer passed the con∣sent of a Parliament, so dishonourable to the King, and of like offence to the Catholike Faith, as was this of the sixe Articles, especi∣ally then when the King had set his Princely hand to the worke of reformation; where∣by he did (in a manner) disclaiming his for∣mer proceedings, pulling downe the holy frame, which with so much labour hee had formerly erected.
Thirdly, Yet so strong is the power of per∣swasion, especially in them wee trust, as that oftentimes wee suffer our selues to be led to those ends, that greatly disaduantage vs. And this is well seene in this Act of the Kings, which in truth did altogether tend to the pleasure of euill men about him, and not to his honour, nor the good of his King∣domes; he being thus perswaded by Stephen Gardiner pretending thereby a prouident good, but intending fire, blood, and persecu∣tion to the cause of Religion, and to the holy Professors thereof.
Fourthly, For these Articles (whereto the King did inioyne his Subiects to confirme them) were all of them contrary to the Ca∣tholike Faith of the Protestants Religion, be∣ing no better then the Ladders whereby the Bishops of Rome, haue ascended the stepps of reputation, and worldly greatnesse; some of them being for his gaine, others for his re∣gard, all of them the limmes of Pollicie, and none of them proportionable to the rule of the Catholike Religion. And therefore was Stephen Gardiner much deceiued, when hee
thought to square out Truth, by false Rules; making these Articles to iudge who was in the Catholike Faith, yet these themselues not Catholike, but rather worldly inuentions and trickes of Pollicie.
[ 1] The first, auowing Transubstantiation, a doctrine as new as the name, and but of late yeares inuented.
[ 2] The second, denied the Sacrament to be exhibited in both kinds to Lay-men, contra∣rie both to the commandement of Christ at the first institution, as also contrary to the practise of the Primitiue Church for many hundreds of yeares.
[ 3] The third, that Priests ought not to mar∣rie, contrary to Saint Paules opinion, the practise of the Church, and the iudgement of holy Scripture.
[ 4] The fourth, that vowes ought to be kept, and this hath onely a respect to a pollitique end, being that foundation whereupon is builded their monasteries▪ and the wicked rabble of lazie Fryers, and Nunnes.
[ 5] The fifth, that priuate Masses were neces∣sarie, and agreeable to Gods Word: an in∣uention
to get money onely, and ridiculous to the iudgement of all learning.
The sixth, of the necessity of auriculer [ 6] confession. A Pollitique deuise whereby the Pope hath vnderstanding in all states, making his Priests intelligences, and binding the consciences of Christians, to that slauerie, from which God hath made them free. And these were those Articles, which were made the Tryers of Christian Religion, whereto euery man was to giue his consent, or else to haue the iudgement of law as fel∣lons, being adiudged (by the sentence of the Church) Heretickes, cast out from the fa∣uour of God, and from the society of the Catholike Church.
Fifthly, By this then may appeare the e∣uill that redounds to a state when the Coun∣sell of a Prince is deuided, not conspiring one but diuers ends, especially then; when the Prince puts off the power of his Maie∣stie, and suffers himselfe to be led by the ea∣sie perswasions of them neere him by his fa∣uour. For if the King had had as much the spirit of Diuinitie, as he had of Maiestie,
he would neuer haue had both a Cranmer, and a Garidiner, a Cromwell and a Moore, to or∣der him in the affaires of his Church and kingdome. But according as he had bene re∣solued in Religion he would only haue made choice of such for his counsell, as had con∣spired one and the same end with him their Soueraigne, neither is it good in the wise∣dome of state, to entertaine them neere vs in loue and place, whom we finde to farre from vs in the opinion of Truth, because there is no obligation, can make such men assured, that worke to bring vs to a course against our purpose, giuing vs the reines onely so farre as may leade vs to their desired ends.
Sixthly, If this man and his euil practise had not preuailed more with the King then the better perswasion of the Lord Cranmer and Cromwell, the reformation of Religion had not beene letted in so hopefull a procee∣ding, neither had the King and Parlyament passed any such Act so bloodie, as was this of the sixe Articles: whereby the King did blurre the honour of that reputation he had formerly gotten, and retyred himselfe in the
pursuite of that enterprize, which worthily had made him very famous. And this doth proue the greatnesse of his euill wit, that made this alteration in the Kings Nature, and doubtlesse if God had giuen this man grace to haue loued honestie and truth; he had many other quallities of good com∣mendation, which would haue bene most flourishing in a man of holy life, as his lear∣ning, wit, and spirit, whereby he was well fit∣ted to trauell in State businesse, but misap∣plying those to vngodly ends, they were the defects and blemishes in the person that so had them, and very pestilent to the State where such men haue authority.
Seuenthly, And if we remember the time of these sixe Articles, we shall finde it plenti∣full in the Records of Holy Martyrs, that shed their blood in opposition of that false do∣ctrine, neither wanted they some likewise at that time that suffered death in defence of the Popes Supremacie. So that the Reli∣gion then profest in England, was neither that of the Protestant, nor this of the Papist, for at that time one and the same Law, did
denounce Iudgement against the maintai∣ners of both kindes, condemning the Prote∣stant for not subscribing to the sixe Articles, and the Papist for not allowing the Kings Supremacie. And therefore good cause had he of admiration, who seeing at this time in England three Protestants and three Papists to die at one time, and in one place, and by the sentence of one Law, for their consci∣ence, admireth thus: Deus bone, quomodo hic viuunt gentes, hîc suspenduntur Papistae, illic comburuntur Antepapistae. Iesus saith hee) how doe men liue here, for there hangs the Papist, and heere burnes the Protestant for Religion.
Eighthly, And this came to passe because the Kings counsell, were deuided into parts, one halfe Protestants, the other Papists. The Protestants maintaining the Act for the kings Supremacie. The Papists that of the sixe Ar∣ticles, either partie executing the iudgemēt of the Lawe, according as in their seuerall opinions they were affected: whereof insu∣ed the greatest calamitie that could be in a Christian State, no man making conscience of Religion in either profession that esca∣ped
punishment, onely such were free and vnder protection, who either did dissemble, or conforme them to the fashion of the time. And this had not bene if the Prince and his Lords had conspired one end, for take vnity away, you take Truth with it, and disagreements doe most assuredly presage losse if not destruction.
Ninthly, But God who denied to his seruāt Dauid the building of his Temple, because his hands had bene in blood, and did re∣serue the honour of that worke for Salomon his Sonne, a Prince of peace; So in this work of reformation. God would not King Hen∣rie to effect it, because he had bene in blood, and Warre, as was Dauid Salomons Father, but he reserues it for King Edward, a true Sa∣lomon in the wisedome and iustice of Salo∣mon; And this Prince did God ordaine to restore the truth of his seruice. King Henrie his Father (as did Salomons Father) preparing onely matter for this heauenly worke, which his Princely Sonne and not himselfe was to finish.
Tenthly, And howsoeuer King Henry did
not go forward to this worke with that con∣stancie, as the worthinesse of the cause de∣serued: being letted by the enuie of euill Ministers, yet hath he well deserued honou∣rable remembrance, hauing done more than any other Prince in Christendome be∣fore him euer did. And if wee consider the kings Nature (being most resolute and stiffe in any businesse he vndertooke) there neuer was any of his Predecessors better fitted to en∣ter into such a businesse of stomacke as hee was, neither can it be said truely of the king that he failed in this enterprise, for he per∣formed all he vndertooke, and would haue done more if either his own opinion, or the counsell of his friend, had further directed him. And therefore hath he done honoura∣bly, in doing more than before was done, and in doing all he had vndertaken, wherein he exceeded the expectation that all men had of him, it being a matter thought im∣possible, to preuaile (in this) against the Pope, at this time a power so absolute, as that both kings and Emperours, had before fai¦led in the like attempt.
Eleuenthly, And therefore I verily be∣lieue that God by his extraordinary power was with King Henrie, making him (in this) inuincible and powerfull to preuaile in iust opposition, he looking downe with his eyes of iudgement, vpon the pride and open wic∣kednesse of Papacie, and hating that the or∣der of his seruice should be so corrupted, in∣cites and assists the king, to reforme what the iniquity of others had deformed, so grosse and sencelesse was the Liturgie of the Church in those blacke daies of ignorance and blinde superstition, as would grieue any true Catholike Christian to consider, and shame the better sort of Papists themselues to remember. And therefore it is reason we ac∣knowledge our dutifull thankes to God for altering this state of misery, into a conditi∣on most happie and prosperous: and that we honour their remembrance, whom God did vse as fit instruments to this holy and most Religious worke.
FIRST, It doth not conclude, but it doth argue against Pietie and the Truth of Religion, where there is seuerity in execution. For as God is both most iust and most mercifull; So all Ecclesiasticall prose∣cutions must haue temper, and indifferent mixture.
Secondly, Calamities, Death, and persecuti∣ons cannot effect that in the Catholike Church, which they commonly effect in Pollitique States; to the one they are a cause of decay and ruine; to the other of inlarge∣ment, for there is difference in the forme of Gods generall prouidence, and of the par∣ticular care of his Church.
Thirdly, To ordaine or decree Articles, Canons, or Statutes to iudge and binde the conscience, it is necessary to be directed by spirituall instruction. For though authori∣ty be in euery Prince, yet iudgement is not.
Fourthly, It is dangerous for a Prince to commit the forming of spirituall constituti∣ons, to disagreeing mindes; for diuersity of opinions (when it goeth by suffrage) doth vtterly destroy the sincerity of al cōclusions.
Fifthly, It hath bene and is the Pollitique practise of the Romane State, to support the bodie of her greatnesse with most terrible persecutions, the effect doth iudge the cause, and that pollicie is found wicked, in the daily fall and lessening, of that antichri∣stian Empire.
Sixthly, Tolleration of Religion, is (in some States) reputed a necessarie pollicie, but a Religious Prince that doth loue God more then State, can neuer tollerate that pollicie, for God doth hate all conniuencie, and hee is lame in truth, that halteth be∣tweene two opinions.
Seuenthly, It is necessary wisedome for a Prince, to make difference betweene obedi∣ent and disobedient subiects, in the case of Religion, yet is there a great difference to be had in punishing disobedient opinions, and disobedient facts.
Eighthly, It doth much respect a mans particuler happinesse, to auoide singulari∣tie, and not easily to bee drawne from the common opinion: because, (naturally) we haue a liking of our selues, and a dislike of others.
Ninthly, To a ciuill happinesse, is re∣quired to be able to beare all fortunes, and not to contemne them. For it is not possi∣ble for Fortune with her infinite occasions, to subduce the greatnesse of a vertuous minde.
Tenthly, A vertuous disposition cannot be supprest by opposition, for there is no∣thing can strength Patience but exercise.
FIRST, the importance of this difference betweene the King of England and the Pope, was such as that all Christendome, had earnest expectation what would be the issue of so strange an opposition; it being thought very dangerous in the King, to oppose him∣selfe against a power so generall, as the Pope then was, and in a quarrell wherein no Prince in Christendome would assist him. And doubtlesse in respect of State practise, the attempt was very hazerdous, and of lit∣tle hope to bring it to that honourable end, as (by the fauour of God) hee did wherein
the King did exceede the expectation of all men saue himself, and erected the Trophyes of his honour higher, then any one before him durst reach. And therefore this dan∣gerous (but honourable attempt, was not by the prouidence of State, or by any earthly wisedome but by the power of heauen, God leading him thorough many dangers, and vnlikelihoods, to an end most holy and ho∣nourable, whereby God would seeme to make the worke his owne, and to denie to Pollicie, and the vaine contriuements of men, the honour thereof, who (commonly) proud themselues to much in their owne opinion of wisedome, which with God is found ligh∣ter, than vanitie and follie it selfe.
Secondly, For the Kings particular, it may appeare how much hee did hazard the peace, and fortunes of his kingdome, in gi∣uing aduantage to them that loued him not, to combine with his great enemie the Pope, who with all diligence sought to make the King odious to all other Princes, sowing the seedes of enuie in the hearts of all men, a∣gainst this practise of the Kings, cursing him
from the fauour of God, and traducing him with all dishonor, his euill practise could de∣uise. And this in those times was great disad∣uantage; because the greater parte of the Kings Subiects thought they were in consci∣ence bound, to obey the Popes Censure, whereby the Kings strength (being deuided in it selfe) became weake, & by this meanes was the kingdome made fit for forraigne in∣uasion. For this is generall in the practise of all states, that where wee purpose Warre, there we must haue faction, for faction is the first part of Conquest; because there is no opposition more resolute, then that which is neerest to it selfe; and therefore of all Warre the ciuill is most dangerous, being led by the greatest furie of hate, and the continuall offer of occasions.
Thirdly, Againe the seuerall Kingdomes of Christendome at this time were come to that equality of power, as made them enui∣ously regard one another; not as in the time of the Romane Emperors, subordinate to one absolute Prince of all, neither as in the time before them, when as that which is
now but one, was many seuerall king∣domes. So equall was the partage to Chri∣stian Princes at this time, and euery State had need to feare the greatnes of his neigh∣bour, and to take the least aduantage to lesson him in his reputation and strength, especially then, when the power of any one, became extraordinarie; or their reputation in Armes so fortunate, as might threaten their Neighbour Nations.
Fourthly, This was the care of those times, and in particular a matter most con∣siderable, betweene those two famous king∣domes of England and France, which Nati∣ons (what by reason of the King of Englands claime to the Crowne of France, as also be∣ing both of them prouoked with enuious honour, to exceede each other in the ho∣nour, of armes;) there hath often bene emu∣lation, and difference, betweene these neighbour Nations, neuer (almost) conclu∣ding peace, but for pollicie, sometimes ma∣king Sessation from Warre, that they might againe beginne with greater violence: and therefore would they euer combine them∣selues
with such, when the enemies had most reason to feare, as England would con∣federate with Spaine, and France with Scot∣land, the neighbours of each other, being most enuious one of another. The wisedome of State trusting them best, who liue furthest from vs, because they are least able to hurt vs. The King then may be thought by making the Pope his enemie, not onely to giue great aduantage to his enemie the French, but al∣so to deuide himselfe from the loue of all Christian Princes, the Spanyards and all other his confederates, for all these were deuided from him by his diuision, no Prince daring to support him against the sentence of the Pope. And therefore the King was ruled by a greater power then that of Pollicie, by the power of God, which made him both vsefull and very excellently fit to finish this holy businesse.
Fifthly, Againe, in respect of the Pope, this businesse is very considerable, as that which for the length of many yeares, did most importune him, being the first steppe of his discent, from the honour of his vniuer∣sall
power, which to himselfe he had appro∣priate. For he could not but foresee the dan∣ger, whereinto he fell, if the Kings attempt succeeded, who sought to degrade him from his vsurped authority: and hee might thinke that other Princes hauing this presi∣dent, might happily attempt as much as King Henry had done, especially considering the controuersie was for regallity, which of all earthly things is most desired, especially by them who haue loftie place, and whose spirits are most free and generous. And this needed speciall preuention in the Pope, considering the enuie his greatnesse had pro∣cured him, and the generall dislike was had of his too much authority, which hee vsed not for the peace of the Catholike Church, but vnto many vngodly ends, whereto the Popes many times aspired.
Sixthly, And therefore did it much im∣port the Pope, to make vp the breach King Henrie had made, and to calme those trou∣bled Seas, that threaten wracke and desola∣tion to his highest authorities. to And surely there wanted not any diligence the Pope
could vse, make vp this Rent the king had made, yet was it done with such respect to the Popes greatnes, as that the king should rather in his obedience seeke it, then the Pope out of any demonstration of feare offer it, so respectfull was this man of earthly Ma∣iesty, and honour, as hee forgot the vse of piety and humblenesse, quallities that (of necessity) are tyed to the persons of all that truly be Religious.
Seuenthly, In these respects it did much respect the Pope to continue a friendly inter∣tainement with England, and not to loose a Member whereof the whole bodie had such vse, which had supported him many times against the power of his greatest enemies, especially in the time of such a Prince, who had published his loue in print, not onely to defend the Pope, but also the lawfullnesse of his vniuersall power, which vniuersally was disliked. King Henrie offering himselfe with his two friends Mars & Mercurie, the Word, and the sword, to defend him against all op∣position. And therefore the Pope to loose such a friend, such a king, and such a defence,
by his too much neglect, and scorne to sa∣tisfie the trouble of that Kings Conscience, may be thought in his iudgement foolish, in his life wicked, and in his downefale worthi∣ly punished, and that God willed it, the king wrought it, and the Pope in despight suffered it, to the Glory of God, the kings honour, and the confusion of Antichrist.
Eighthly, From this ouersight of the Popes, this may be obserued: that authority and greatnesse in an euill person, ruines it selfe with his owne weight; neither can the great∣nesse of power stand safe, where it is not sup∣ported by the strength of iustice, and honest proceeding, And that (as Byas saith) pro∣motions declare best what a man is. So it is true, that where authority is so absolute, that there is liberty without checke. Then doe men giue best demonstrations of their Na∣tures, and most apparently discouer their af∣fections, and to what ends they are most in∣clined. For by the worke we may iudge the workeman, by the fruit of the Tree, and by the life, the truth, and holy faith of euerie man.
Ninthly, Againe, vpon this proud and ambitious Bishop, may bee obserued, how God confounds him in his owne practise, he contriueth to make the King of England his fast friend, & his prop, wherupon to support his vnspeakeable pride; but God he deter∣mines otherwise of that King; and leades him to a worke more holy, honest, and ho∣nourable. The Pope in pollicie intitles him Defendor of the Catholike Faith, because hee writ in defence of his vsurped Supremacie, But God maketh him and his (in deeds) to defend the true faith, and to denie that Su∣premacie. So that what the Pope would haue, God will not haue, hee commandeth, God countermandeth, he deuiseth, God dispo∣seth and maketh the King shoote right, whom the Pope made to leuell wrong. But before all may bee obserued the Popes false vnderstanding iudgement, in this case (in respect of Piety and conscience) how much he was led from the truth of Religion, and from the witnesse of Truth (Gods Word) to maintaine his vniuersall power, which his predecessors had by state practise gotten.
For it cannot be but in this, their iudgements were exceedingly blinded, they hauing no example of any Church at any time for their imitation. When the Law was giuen, God gaue it Moses, to giue Aaron & the people, & not Aron to giue Moses & the people, & in e∣uery cause both of state & Religion Aron the Priest was obedient to Moses the Prince, hee receiuing the dignity of his office from Mo∣ses, vnto whom God gaue power to giue it.
Tenthly, The like order was in the Iewish Church, where the Prince might iudge the Priest, and not the Priest the Prince; and so in the practise of all times, and in all places, vntill that CHARLES the Great, breathed the spirit of Ambition where it is, and where it hath for many yeares disturbed the peace of Christendome: yet with such euidence was this error laid open, to the vniuersall eye of the world, by the diligence of Martin Lu∣ther and others, as the Pope could not but vnderstand it: yet against the witnesse of his owne conscience, did he still stifly defend it, and this was a pollitique regard, least the world vnderstanding him to faile in a mat∣ter
so important, might thereupon call in question the truth of that opinion, (which in truth) is the state and strength of that Re∣ligion. That in precept and doctrine the Pope can∣not erre, if then he had yeelded to haue er∣red in this, he denied the truth of his foun∣dation, without which his greatnesse cannot stand.
Eleuenthly, And therefore (after the fa∣shion of antient heretickes) he would not yeeld to the perswasion of truth, because he would not haue his iudgement contradi∣cted, and shamed (by recantation to ac∣knowledge himselfe to haue done amisse:) And this is onely the pride and Stomacke of the too much authority of these Bishops, that respect greatnesse more then goodnes, the world more then God, falshood than truth, desiring darkenesse to obscure the ma∣nie deformities, wherewith they haue defa∣ced the name of Christian Religion.
Twelfthly, By this wee may learne to di∣stinguish the good and euill, the holy and prophane by their end, whereto they princi∣pally aspire; for good men make goodnesse
their onely end whereto they reach, but euil men make it onely their pretence, and like the Lapwing, flie most where there Nest is not, and such hath bene the care of the Ro∣mane Church, intituling their Bishops, ser∣uants of Gods seruants, yet arrogate princi∣pallity ouer the highest of Gods Creatures; They professe humility and Christian obe∣dience, but practise a tyrannie vnsupporta∣ble. They call Christian Princes their belo∣ued sonnes, but make them slaues, and ser∣uants to their vngodly wills. And from them hath the world learned dissimulation & cun∣ning practise; for wee see that many men forme themselues very precisely, in the habit of all Christian duties outwardly to gaine a reputation, and the honour of high place, which (when they haue obtained) they cast off that face of holines, and discouer them∣selues in their true inuentions, such was (and still is) the practise of Popes, who by the formes of holinesse, haue got a reputation in the world, which at length came to the growth, that it became like Nabuchadnezzars Tree, to couer the whole earth, and to spread
it ouer all principality; & then in the height of that prosperity, they cast off their vizard, and discouer themselues to be but Pope, and not Pastors, casting from them the Word, that they may with more dexterity vse the sword, with which (like Theeues) they Rob Christian Princes of that Regality, which God gaue them.
13. And therefore King Henries procee∣dings were very considerable, whereof it be∣houed the Pope to be verie regardfull, as did threaten the ruine of that frame, which the pride and pollicie of his predecessors had erected: & the rather because the king began at the top of his dignities, to throw downe his Supremacie, which had ouertopped the most soueraigne of al Christian power what∣soeuer. And herein the King may seeme to vnderstand well what he had to doe, for by striking the roote he was sure to perish the branches; and the best way to ruine a house, is to vndermine the foundation, & in Warre the victory is sure, when the enemie hath lost that power wherein his chiefe strength consisted: and so the body of Popery must 〈2 pages missing〉〈2 pages missing〉
17. For these respects the Christian world stood mute at the Kings businesse, no man daring to set to his helping hand, so much danger their iudgements could see in at∣tempting it, as that all could bee content to be spectators, but no actor like King Henry, euery man hauing earnest expectation, what would be the issue of so strange and hazer∣dous an enterprize.
18. It is also very considerable, that the French King had at this time aduantage offered him, against the King of England. The King being now in the heate of so great a businesse, deuided from his confederate the Pope, vnassisted by any forraigne state, and in the danger of domesticke troubles, whereby he was vnfurnished of a great part of his former strength: And considering al∣so the honour the Kings of England had got, by the conquest of France, & the strong emulation of those two Neighbour Nati∣ons; being both of them enuious of one a∣nothers reputation, and greatnesse: the En∣glish being euer fortunate in those French quarrells, and the French most desirous to
suppresse the growing reputation of the En∣glish. And therefore it may seeme, at this time was offered an occasion to the French, to recouer their reputation in Armes, and to repossesse those places, which the English then held in France; yet for all these occa∣sions, so fortunate was the King and his people, as no mis-fortune at that time did disaduantage our Nation. God protecting it against the euill, and beyond the expecta∣tion of all men.
19. And lastly, the King sending his Em∣bassadours to all Christian Princes, to giue them satisfaction; for that he had done, was a care very Princely and Christian, for by this he preuented, the many slanderous con∣structions that otherwise would haue censu∣red him; he himselfe by his Embassadours, declaring the true purpose of his enterprize. And this was a demonstration, that the king reputed such whom he desired to satisfie as his kingly Brethren, and that all of them be∣ing powers, immediately vnder God, in their owne Christian Kingdomes, it was rea∣son he should giue them a Christian satisfa∣ction,
that he proceeded not in these diff∣rences, without the perswasion of Learned, and Religious iudgement, neither was it euill order in the King to haue first effected what he ment, and then to satisfie opinion. For if hee had sent for their aduise before hee had attempted it, he had then lost the honour of the enterprise, and had either tied himselfe to the pleasures of other men, or else haue opposed against them all, the first had bene dishonorable; the other very dangerous.
FIRST, it may seeme strange to him that shall reade this Hi∣storie, to consider the state of Religion, in this last time of King Henries Reigne: Religion lying then as it were in equall ballance, inclinable to be sweighed, according as shall please the next succeding Prince to fauour it. For as yet Re∣ligion was not reformed, but onely a prepa∣ration made for reformation; the King ha∣uing taken from the Pope his Supremacie, and his vniuersall authority, but not the number of his idle ceremonies, insomuch as
the Pope may be said to haue his head then broken, in loosing his authority, but his taile yet vnperisht, reteining still the number of his fabulous obseruances. And if I were de∣manded what was the Religion then pro∣fest in England, I could not giue it name, be∣ing no better then a Farrago, or a Religion compounded of many diuers; the State be∣ing yet vnsetled, and but mouing to a re∣formation, for both that of the Papist and this of the Protestant indured like extre∣mities.
Secondly, And the reason was, because the lawes then in force, were occasioned by men diuers in opinion, yet neere in the greatnesse of place, either part persecuting or prosecuting according to their seuerall affections. So that men zealous in any pro∣fession of Religion, were in danger of Law, and such (onely) secure that made their conscience yeeld to generall practise, and opinion, whereby the best and most conscionable, had least fauour in the iudge∣ment of those lawes, & whereby the Com∣mon-Wealth did often lose her most vsefull
members, to the detriment of State, and a∣gainst all aduice both of pollicie and pietie.
Thirdly, For that the King was of himselfe otherwise inclined, may appeare both by the testimonie of them, neere his person, as also by the witnesse of his owne words, as in particuler to Bruno, Embassadour from Iohn Fredericke Duke of Saxonie, to whom implo∣ring his aide against the Emperour; hee an∣swered, that if the quarrell betweene him, and the Emperor, were onely for Religion, he should then stand to it stoutly, and hee would in that quarrell take his part.
Fourthly, It may appeare also by the kings dislike of such men as had withheld his for∣wardnesse to reforme, as in speciall Stephen Gardiner, whom the king now found to con∣triue against him, and to haue haled him on to those ends he most disliked. And ther∣fore the King (before his death) did with∣draw his fauour from him. And howsoe∣uer he forgaue him the forfeit of his life, yet did hee for euer after discountenance him, causing his name to bee rased out of the number of Executors, to whose trust hee had
commend the execution of his last will. Be∣sides the repentance and sorrow, the King made for the Lord Cromwells death, whom he had found so faithfull and fit for this bu∣sinesse as neuer any Prince was better furni∣shed: the King finding the want of so choice an instrument, would often (in griefe of words) say, hee wanted his Cromwell in so needfull a businesse as he had vndertaken.
Fifthly, And therefore assuredly the king had good affection to reforme the enormi∣ous abuses of the Church, and to haue pur∣ged it from all Idolatrous seruice. But God reseruing that for the honour of Prince Ed∣ward, the next Defendor, accepted of the Kings good purpose. And that God who gaue him will to desire well, and his sonne the honour to finish well, gaue them both (we trust) his grace to die well, & to breath their soules into his hands of mercie. And in these tearmes did the king leaue the state to the next Defendor his Princely Sonne, a state full of storme and great businesse, ha∣uing entred so farre into an honourable passage, as that the Prince, who was to inhe∣rit
his Fathers cares, could not in the termes of honour but second the most honourable attempt of his Father.
Sixthly, It may bee demanded now whe∣ther King Henrie (according to his new stile) did defend the Catholike Faith or not, and in what particulars he best defended it. For it may be obiected, that the King not hauing reformed Religion, but only in some few par∣ticulars hath not merited the honour of his stile, because the Catholike Faith was not so defended in his time, and in his kingdome, but it indured much affliction. To this I an∣swer, that howsoeuer the king did faile in the maine execution of his office, yet cōsidering the greatnes of his attempt, he hath wel de∣serued euerlasting memorie, & to be recor∣ded the first Christian king Defendor of the Faith, & the first that with honour & victory, dated to oppose himself against the spiritual power of the Popes, & if we consider the dan∣ger of his attempt, we shall finde it an act of great spirit & consequence, and such as may worthily compare with the deeds of antient Romanes, which were of most admiration and wonder.
Seuenthly, And in these two particulars hath he principally defended the Catholike Faith. First, in taking from the enemie of Faith, authority and greatnes (by the act of Supremacie) for this (as I haue said) was the first step to the Popes downefall; and there∣fore by disinabling the enemie of Faith hee did wel defend it. Secondly, in dissoluing the wicked assemblies of euill men professing re∣ligion, the Fryers & Monkes, he therein per∣formed the dutie of his Christian office, be∣cause these men did not onely by their euill life, disgrace the Christian profession, but like drones idle themselues, yet prodigally spending the fatte of other mens labours: a double inconuenience to a Christian state. First, in maintaining such numbers of vnpro∣fitable men. Secondly, in the euill wasting of that which might wel haue serued, the ne∣cessities of many profitable vses.
Eigthly, And therefore though king Henrie went forward in this holy busines but slowly, yet laid he the passage open for his son, and disarmed the enemie of his greatest strength whereby the next Defendor K. Edward might
the better take from this Thiefe the spoyles of Christian Princes, wherewith he had made himselfe appeare most glorious. And so did that princely Edward, to the glory of his God, and the perpetuall honor of his prince∣ly name.
Ninthly, Now if I should compare these two Defendors, the Father K. Henrie, and the Son K. Edward together, and determine, whe∣ther of them hath better merited, the ho∣nour of their new stile, I shall rather giue the palme to K. Edward, because to finish a good, is more & more deseruing then to begin it. For though king Henrie did deserue well in acting his princely part of great Maiesty, yet did king Edward deserue better, continuing the Sceane to the last period, euer acting one and the same part, and not diuers as did king Henrie his Father.
Tenthly, Againe, if wee respect greatnesse in their actions, the Father hath the greater preheminence; but if goodnes, the son hath the greater; the Father exceeding his Son, in respect of Maiesty, and bold attempting; but the Son his Father, in zealous prosecuting a
holy cause begun. So that betweene these two, the Father and the Son, was shared both greatnes & goodnes; both of them hauing, both these in reasonable proportion, and ei∣ther exceeding other in his particular. King Henry the Father he taketh from the Pope the Idol of false religion, authority & wealth, by denying his Supremacie, and by suppressing of Monasteries, these being his two legges, whereupon he did support the body of his greatnes. The Pope wanting these supporters (Idol-like) falls to the ground where the king there leaueth him. But king Edward with better zeale entring Gods House, and fin∣ding this Idol bodie, and idle body in the Church of England, casteth out that body from the Church, which his Father left woun∣ded in the Church, cleansing the holy San∣ctuary, which by false seruice had bene long prophaned▪ This holy Edward (in respect of his youth and great place) admirable for his wisedome & holy life. And therfore did king Henry deserue well, and somewhat defended the Catholike Faith. But king Edward deserued better and defended it best.
FIRST, It is no note of the Catholike Church, neither of piety, to inflict ad∣uersity, disgrace, and death: but of the contrarie, For God doth giue to his owne these little demonstrations, to remember them his iudgements, and to make them the better relish eternall felicities.
Secondly, God in the worke of his iudge∣ments, doth indifferently vse the seruice of good and badd instruments, but in his mer∣cies he doth euer imploy his best: for Mer∣cie is his most excellent attribute, and doth reioyce against Iudgement.
Thirdly, It hath bene the most generall and the most Pollitique practise of our times, to disioyne a Prince, from his power, and by Faction to make a Fraction in his state, for a faction doth euer destroy one parte, if not both.
Fourthly, It is a Court error, and (almost)
common in all States, that men with gene∣rall acclamation, applaude both the loue and hatred of the Prince, wheresoeuer hee shall place them; but a wise Prince will sus∣pect all such assentations, because they in∣tend but to please, and not to profit.
Fifthly, He that would continue himselfe in generall estimation must bee both actiue and passiue. For he that can suffer well is a∣ble to confound Enuie.
Sixthly, The same degrees of vertue are not giuen to all men alike, but to all men there is giuen a possibility of hauing ver∣tues in some degree, because to euery man is giuen an vnderstanding soule, which may apprehend it.
FIRST, these two mighty Prin∣ces, King Henry of England and the Emperour Frederick Barba∣rossa, were most notable in these last Ages, for the greatnesse of their Spirits, and for the boldnesse of their attempting, both of them attempting one fortune, but with great difference of succesfull fortune; and both of them attempting with such re∣solute stoutnesse, as that in themselues they are of neere comparison, though in their fortunes they were not comparable. The
Emperour hee attempts against Pope Alexan∣der, The King against Pope Clement, in this they conspire, but the Emperour failed in his enterprize, wherein the King got the gar∣land, and triumphed, and in this they agree not. The Emperour he quarrells the Pope for Soueraignety, and because he thought it in∣dignity and dishonour, to this imperiall place, to be crowned and confirmed by the Popes allowance. King Henry his quarrel was for Supremacie, thinking it dishonour to his kingly dignity, to be second to any man in his own dominions, and in this they ve∣ry neerely consent.
Secondly, Againe, the King he intends a further care then this businesse of State, the reformation of Christian Religion, the which he found to be much corrupted. The Emperour had not this good intention, but trauells principally to reobtaine the Soue∣raigne liberty of his place, which by the power of the Popes was taken from him, and in this they agree not. Againe, the Emperour neuer fainted in himselfe▪ but continued his princely courage to the last, though the dis∣aduantage
aduantage of fortune, made him faile in his great attempting, and though most basely he did humble himselfe at the Pope his ene∣mies feete, yet was he forced to this by ex∣tremities, & not by any deiection or weake∣nesse of his former haughty spirit. But the King though he had the Conquest, and preuailed against the Pope in all hee vnder∣tooke, yet fainted he in the hope of his grea∣test businesse, not reforming Religion but in parte, which he might haue done at his own pleasure, being prouoked thereto by the perswasion of prosperous fortune. But this failing in the King, was not caused by the weakenesse of his courage, but by the weake∣nesse of his Nature being easily ruled by the perswasion of his neere fauourites, and ther∣fore in this they were vnequall.
Thirdly, In respect of the Popes their ene∣mies, they were both alike handled, both of them being by both their enemies interdict and deposed from their gouernements, but yet with vnequall successe. For Pope Alexan∣der, did curse more effectually and to better purpose then Pope Clement. The Emperour
being constrained by his interdictions, and bannings to surcease his forward Armes, and with great humility to reconcile and submit himselfe. But King Henries Pope was not so happie in his curses, For hee did banne, and curse the King, as much as any other Pope in the world could doe, yet was it fruitlesse, and to no purpose; the King not thriuing worse but the better, for this bitter banning Shemei, who like Balam the banning Prophet, offer sacrifice to curse with holy pretence, and for good prosperity.
Fourthly, Lastly in their ends, were they most vnlike, for the Emperour was continu∣ally followed with euil fortune, being forced many times to many great extremities, and many dishonourable fallings. First, was hee disarmed by the power of the Popes Cen∣sure, his owne people forsaking him in his best hope, and in a time of most importance, then was hee constrained by ineuitable ne∣cessity, to submit himselfe to the Pope, and to implore his fauour, and either to receiue the Crowne and the dignity of his place, at the curtesie of his enemie, or else to bee de∣priued
of all soueraigne State. Againe, the indignities wherewith the Pope did vse the Emperor, to whom when the Emperour made his humble submission, the Pope in scorne of his debased Maiesty, set his foot on the Emperours neck, with his misapply∣ed phrase of Scripture. Super Aspidem, &c. the which how grieuous it must needs bee to a person of such Maiesty and spirit; let any man that hath spirit iudge it. Lastly, his end was vnfortunate, the naturall course of his life being preuented by violent and sudden death. But the Kings fortunes were for the most part prosperous, and much vnequall to the Emperor; for he did not only shunne these dangerous fortunes, but most braue∣ly acquitted himself of all dishonourable re∣tiring; finishing whatsoeuer hee attempted, with such ease and prosperity, as if no resi∣stance had bene made against him. In res∣pect then of themselues, and of their noble and haughty spirits, were these Princes of most equall and fit comparison, in respect also of their attempts they did both conspire one; But in their fortunes they were much
disagreeing. The King finishing that with victory and successe, wherein the Emperour euer failed. And yet this praise may be gi∣uen the Emperour, that if the Kings fortunes had bene giuen him, it is most certaine hee would haue vsed them to greater aduan∣tage; the king being satisfied with that title which could not haue satisfied the great am∣bition of the Emperour.
What Time is.
The Iudge∣ment of Phi∣losophy.
Gen. 1. 1.
The Creati∣on of Man.
All things gi∣uen to Man.
The world diuided by Religion.
One God one Truth.
The reason of Multipli∣citie of Re∣ligions.
The first schisme.
Gen. 4. 3.
Gen. 4. 8. Caine the Father of Scisme.
The first al∣teration of Time.
Time the worse for time.
Gen. 6. 13.
The first de∣sire of Em∣pire.
The foure Monarchies.
The state of the Church in the old world.
Gods Iudge∣ments doe correct and not destroy.
God altereth the t••n••r of our Obliga∣tion.
The happie alteration of time.
How God doth inuite men to their Saluation.
Religion did liue in death▪
The cause of scisme in Christian Religion.
The Practi∣ses of the French.
Diuine.
Pollitique.
Morall.
The refor∣mation of Religion.
Christian Religion de∣uided into Protestants and Papists.
How Religi∣on was refor∣med.
England the first that with victory did oppose the Pope.
The first oc∣casion of the alteration of Religion.
Luthers Booke de Captiuitate Babyl.
K. Henery the Eighth against Lu∣ther.
The purpose of the Kings Booke.
The greatnes of the Pope at those times.
The Popes pollicie.
The Popes secret pur∣pose in sti∣ling the K. Defendour of the Faith.
The Popes purpose dis∣appointed by prouidence.
God moueth the King a∣gainst his naturall disposition.
Luthers bit∣ter writing.
Luthers mis∣conceiuing.
Luthers zeale with∣out discretiō.
Diuine.
Politique.
Morall.
The first Act of the Kings Defence.
Frederick Barbarossa.
Henry the Second.
The first oc∣casion of dif∣ference be∣tweene King Henry and the Pope.
The King first made supreame Head.
Anno regni. 26.
An Argu∣ment of the Kings great∣nesse.
The benefit of Maiestie.
The incon∣uenience of Papall au∣thoritie.
Diuine.
Pollitique.
Goodness and greatnes the two ends whereto all men intend.
Richard the Third of En∣gland.
The gouern∣ment Mo∣narchiall the best.
An inconue∣nience of Po∣pish Supre∣macie.
Pretend and intend.
The practise of many Treas••ns.
Pride the most sensible signe of An∣tichrist.
Psalme.
The sinne of the Diuels in the Creation Nymrods sinne Supre∣macie.
God neuer altereth his purpose.
Vicessitudo rerum.
The variety of Fortunes.
The regard that was gi∣uen to the Pop: Church.
The first cause of alte∣ration of Re∣ligion.
God most iealous of his honour.
The King well fitted for this busi∣nesse.
What might moue the K. in respect of himselfe.
Master Fox in the Act and Mon••.
The Popes strength.
The cause mouing the King to the subersion of the Abbeye••▪
The outrru∣ding of Fry∣ers, &c.
The suppres∣sing of Ab∣beyes good to the Church and Com∣mon-Wealth
A doubt.
Answer 1.
Cardinall Wolsey, an euill presi∣dent.
Pollitique.
Morall.
The weake∣nesse of the Kings reso∣lution.
The King ruled by per∣swasion and not by Iudge∣ment.
Cardinall Wolsey.
Thomas Cranmer.
D. Cranmer.
Stephen Gardiner.
Gardiner a great Politi∣tian.
The sixe Ar∣ticles.
Sir Thomas Moore.
The excellēt ornaments in Nature in Sir Thomas Moore.
The error of such as write Historie.
Truth the life of all History.
Moore an euemie to the Protestant Religion.
The vnequal comparison betweene Moore and Gardiner.
Lord Crom∣well.
In modera∣tion.
England be∣holding to the labours of the Lord Cromwell.
In this time Religion did proceed well.
His constan∣cie in one course.
Diuersity of opinions cause of the Kings vn∣constancie.
The Kings infirmitie.
Euery alte∣ration in a state is dan∣gerous.
The Kings error.
Diuine.
Pollitique.
Morall.
The cause pretended of the sixe Ar∣ticles.
The cause of manie grosse and sencelesse o∣pinions.
The nature of the Vulgar
An euil cure
Sixe Arti∣cles.
The power of perswasion.
The sixe Ar∣ticles what they were.
The euil that redounds to a State when the Counsell are diuided.
The care of State.
Gardiner the meanes to hinder the King from reformation.
Gardiners wit.
Gardiners gifts.
The Religiō at this time in England, was neither the Protestāt nor the Papist
Three Pro∣testants and three Papists die at one time and in one place for their Consci∣ence.
Acts and Mon pag. 1375.
The Kings Counsell, the one halfe Protestants the other Papists.
The miserie of these times
Tolle vnum, tolle verum.
2 Sam. 7. 5.
God would not that K. Henry but that King Edward should finish this refor∣mation.
King Henry deserued well in doing more then was done be∣fore him by any other.
The King exceeded ex∣pectation.
God assisted the King.
The Kings desert.
Diuine.
Pollitique.
Morall.
The difficul∣tie in the Kings at∣tempt.
This opposi∣tion was or∣dered by the power of God.
The wise∣dome of pol∣licie is foo∣lishnesse with God.
The King gaue aduan∣tage to his enemies.
The Popes Curses vpon King Henry
The power of the Popes censure.
Faction the first part of Conquest.
A second Reason.
The equall partage of Christen∣dome to ma∣ny Princes.
The care of those times
England and France in continuall faction.
A pollitique regard.
England with Spaine, France with Scotland cō∣federates.
The aduan∣tage the French had of the En∣glish, by rea∣son of this po∣pish quarrell.
God and not pollicie orde∣red the king.
Considerati∣ons in respect of the Pope.
The Pope degraded of authority.
The Kings example dā∣gerous for the Pope.
The Pope en∣uied of Chri∣stian Prin∣ces.
The Popes diligence.
The respect the Pope had to the disho∣norable yeal∣ding.
How it did import the Pope to con∣tinue friend∣ly intertaine∣ment with the King.
The Pope lost the King by his too much neg∣lect & pride.
Authority in an euill per∣son ruines it selfe.
A saying of Byas.
How to iudge men.
God confoun∣deth the Popes pollicie
God and the Pope vtterly disagree.
Papall supre∣premacie gotten by state practise
Charles the Great father of the Popes ambition.
Luther.
Areason of the Popes ob∣stinacie.
A principall of Papistrie.
The fashion of antient Heretickes.
The pride of the Pope.
To know how to distinguish good and euil by their ends
The Pope in∣tituleth him∣selfe the ser∣uant of Gods seruants but insulteth ouer Empe∣rors.
Dissimulati∣on commonly in.
The Popes greatnesse like Nebu∣chadnezzars Tree couered the whole Earth.
When great dissemblers dare discouer themselues.
The Kings proceedings very impor∣tant.
The Kings orderly pro∣ceeding.
The bodie of Popery must needs fall when Supre∣macie the head was cut off.
The Christi∣an Princes stood mute at the Kings businesse.
The French had at this time aduan∣tage of the English by reason of the Pope.
England and France en∣uious of one anothers glo∣ri••.
The King fortunate.
The Kings care to satis∣fie the Prin∣ces of Chri∣stendome.
The reason thereof.
A pollitique discretion.
Religion at this time but in reforming
The Pope had his head broken.
Diuers law∣makers, di∣uers lawes.
The euill gouernement of the state at this time.
The King himselfe o∣therwise in∣clined.
D. of Saxony
Master Fox Act. and Mon. pag. 1478.
The Kings dislike of Gardiner
The repen∣tance & sor∣row the King made for the Lord Crom∣well,
The Kings affection.
How the K. left the state.
Whether the King defen∣ded the faith or not.
Obiection.
The King the first Christian King Defen∣dor of the Faith.
The King defended the Faith in two particulars.
A double in∣conuenience to a Christi∣an state.
The King made way for his Sonne.
King Ed∣ward finished what his Fa∣ther had at∣tempted.
A compari∣son betweene King Henry and King Edward.
To finish a good is more then to begin it.
In respect of greatnes K. Henry was more excel∣lent, in re∣spect of good∣nesse King Edward.
King Henry did wound Idolatry, but King Ed∣ward de∣stroyed it.
Diuine.
Pollitique.
Morall.
The King & the Emperor famous for their bold Attempts.
The Empe∣rour against Pope Alex∣ander, the King against Pope ••lemēt They both quarrell the Pope for So∣ueraigntie.
The King intended re∣formation, the Empe∣rour did not.
The Empe∣rour more forward least fortunate.
The Kings weakenesse was the weakenesse of Nature not of Courage.
The two Popes their enemies neerely agree
They both curse, but with vne∣quall suc∣cesse.
These ban∣ning Pope•• like Shemei and Balam.
The Princes agree not in their ends.
The Empe∣rors bad for∣tunes.
The indigni∣ties where∣with the Pope did vse the Emperor.
The Popes insulting pride.
The Empe∣rors end vn∣fortunate.
The King very fortu∣nate.
In respect of themselues the two Princes were equalls, in respect of their for∣tunes they disagree.
The Empe∣rours praise.