An apologie for the oath of allegiance first set foorth without a name, and now acknowledged by the authour, the Right High and Mightie Prince, Iames, by the grace of God, King of Great Britaine, France and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. ; together with a premonition of His Maiesties, to all most mightie monarches, kings, free princes and states of Christendome.

THE ANSWERE to the Cardinals Letter.

AND now that I am to enter in∣to the fielde against him by re∣futing his Letter, I must first vse this protestation; That no de∣sire of vaine glory by matching with so learned a man, maketh mee to vndertake this taske; but onely the care & conscience I haue, that such smooth Circes charmes and guilded pilles, as full of exterior elo∣quence, as of in ward vntruthes, may not haue that publike passage through the world without an answere: whereby my reputation might vniustly be darkened, by such cloudy and foggy mists of vntruthes and false imputations, the hearts of vnstay∣ed and simple men be mis-led, & the trueth itselfe smothered.

But before I come to the particular an∣swere of this Letter, I must here desire the

world to wonder with me, at the commit∣ting of so grosse an errour by so learned a man: as that hee should haue pained him∣selfe to haue set downe so elaborate a letter, for the refutation of a quite mistaken que∣stion. For it appeareth, that our English Fu∣gitiues, of whose inward societie with him he so greatly vaunteth, haue so fast hamme∣red in his head the Oath of Supremacie, which hath euer bin so great a scarre vnto them, as he thinking by his letter to haue refuted the last Oath, hath in place thereof onely paid the Oath of Supremacie, which was most in his head: as a man that being earnestly caried in his thoughts vpon ano∣ther matter, then he is presently in doing, will often name the matter or person hee is thinking of, in place of the other thing he hath at that time in hand.

For, as the Oath of Supremacie was de∣uised for putting a difference betweene Pa∣pists, and them of our profession: so was this Oath, which he would seeme to im∣pugne, ordained for making a difference between the ciuilly obedient Papists, & the

peruerse disciples of the powder-Treason. Yet doth all his letter runne vpon an Inue∣ctiue against the Compulsion of Catho∣liques to deny the authoritie of Saint Peters Successors; and in place thereof to acknow∣ledge the Successors of King Henry the eight. For, in King Henry the eights time was the Oath of Supremacie first made: by him were Thomas Moore and Roffensis put to death, partly for refusing of it. From his time til novv haue al the Princes of this land pro∣fessing this Religion, successiuely in effect maintained the same and in that Oath only is contained the Kings absolute povver, to be iudge ouer all persons, asvvel Ciuil as Ec∣clesiastical; excluding al forraine povvers and Potentates to be iudges vvithin his Domini∣ons: vvheras this last made Oath containeth no such matter, onely medling vvith the ci∣uil obedience of subiects to their Soueraigne, in meere temporall causes.

And that it may the better appeare, that vvhereas by name he seemeth to condemne the last Oath; yet indeed his vvhole Letter runneth vpon nothing, but vpon the con∣demnation

of the Oath of Supremacie: I haue here thought good to set downe the saide Oath, leauing it then to the discretion of euery indifferent reader to iudge, whe∣ther hee doeth not in substance onely an∣swere to the Oath of Supremacie, but that he giueth the child a wrong name.

I A B. doe vtterly testifie and declare in my Conscience, that the Kings Highnesse is the onely Supreame Gouernour of this Realme, and all other his Highnesse Dominions and Counties, as well in all Spirituall or Ecclesiasti∣call things or causes, as Temporall: And that no forraine Prince, Person, Prelate, State or Po∣tentate, hath or ought to haue any Iurisdiction, Power, Superioritie, Preeminence or Authoritie Ecclesiasticall or Spirituall within this Realme. And therefore, I do vtterly renounce and forsake all forreine Iurisdictions, Powers, Superiorities and authorities; and do promise that from hence∣foorth I shall beare faith and true Allegiance to the Kings Highnesse, his Heires and law∣full Successors: and to my power shall assist and defend all iurisdictions, Priuiledges, Pre••mi∣nences and Authorities graunted or belonging to

the Kings Highnesse, his Heires and Succes∣sours, or vnited and annexed to the Imperiall Crowne of the Realme: So helpe mee God: and by the Contents of this booke.

And that the iniustice, as well as the er∣rour of his grosse mistaking in this point, may yet be more clearely discouered; I haue also thought good to insert here immediatly after the Oath of Supremacie, the contrary Conclusions to all the points and Articles, whereof this other late Oath doeth consist: whereby it may appeare, what vnreasonable and rebellious points hee would driue my Subiects vnto, by refusing the whole body of that Oath, as it is conceiued. For he that shall refuse to take this Oath, must of neces∣sitie hold all, or some of these propositions following.

That I, King IAMES, am not the lawfull [ 1] King of this Kingdome, and of all other my Dominions.

That the Pope by his owne authoritie [ 2] may depose me. If not by his owne autho∣ritie, yet by some other authoritie of the Church, or of the Sea of Rome. If not by

some other authoritie of the Church & Sea of Rome, yet by other meanes with others helpe, he may depose me.

[ 3] That the Pope may dispose of my King∣domes and Dominions.

[ 4] That the Pope may giue authoritie to some forren Prince to inuade my Domini∣ons.

[ 5] That the Pope may discharge my Sub∣iects of their Allegiance and Obedience to me.

[ 6] That the Pope may giue licence to one, or more of my Subiects to beare armes a∣gainst me.

[ 7] That the Pope may giue leaue to my Sub∣iects to offer violence to my Person, or to my Gouernement, or to some of my Subiects.

[ 8] That if the Pope shall by sentence excom∣municate or depose me, my Subiects are not to beare Faith and Allegiance to me.

[ 9] If the Pope shall by Sentence excommu∣nicate or depose mee, my Subiects are not bound to defend with all their power my Person and Crowne.

[ 10] If the Pope shall giue out any Sentence

of Excommunication or Depriuation against me, my Subiects by reason of that sentence are not bound to reueale all Conspiracies and Treasons against mee, which shal come to their hearing and knowledge.

That it is not hereticall and detestable to [ 11] hold, that Princes being excommunicated by the Pope, may be either deposed or killed by their Subiects, or any other.

That the Pope hath power to absolue my [ 12] Subiects from this Oath, or from some part thereof.

That this Oath is not administred to my [ 13] Subiects, by a full and lawfull authoritie.

That this Oath is to be taken with Equi∣uocation, [ 14] mental euasion, or secret reseruati∣on: and not with the heart and good will, sincerely in the true faith of a Christian man.

These are the true and naturall branches of the body of this Oath. The affirmatiue of all which negatiues, doe neither concerne in any case the Popes Supremacie in spiritual causes: nor yet were euer concluded, and de∣fined by any complete generall Councell to belong to the Popes authoritie; and their

owne schoole Doctors are at irreconciliable oddes and iarres about them.

And that the world may yet farther see ours and the whole States setting downe of this Oath, did not proceed from any new in∣uention of our owne, but as it is warranted by the word of GOD: so doeth it take the example from an Oath of Allegiance de∣creed a thousand yeeres agone, which a fa∣mous Councel then, together with diuers o∣ther Councels, were so farre from condem∣ning (as the Pope now hath done this Oath) as I haue thought good to set downe their owne words here in that purpose: whereby it may appeare that I craue nothing now of my Subiects in this Oath, which was not ex∣presly and carefully commanded then, by the Councels to be obeyed without excepti∣on of persons. Nay, not in the very particular point of equiuocation, which I in this Oath was so carefull to haue eschewed: but you shall here see the said Councels in their De∣crees, as carefull to prouide for the eschewing of the same; so as almost euery point of that Action, and this of ours shall be found to

haue relation and agreeance one with the o∣ther, saue only in this, that those ould Coun∣cels were carefull and strait in commanding the taking of the same: whereas by the con∣trary, he that novv vanteth himselfe to bee head of all Councels, is as carefull and strait in the prohibition of all men from the ta∣king of this Oath of Allegiance.

The vvordes of the Councell bee these. Heare our Sentence.

Whosoeuer of vs, or of all the people thorow∣out all Spaine, shall goe about by any meanes of conspiracie or practise, to violate the Oath of his fidelitie, which he hath taken for the preseruation of his Countrey, or of the Kings life; or who shall attempt to put violent hands vpon the King; or to depriue him of his kingly power; or that by tyrannicall presumption would vsurpe the Soueraigntie of the Kingdome: let him bee accursed in the sight of God the Father, and of his Angels; and let him be made and declared a stranger from the Catholike Church, which he hath prophaned by his periurie, & an aliant from the company of all Christian people; together with all the complices of his impietie: because it

behooueth all those that bee guiltie of the like of∣fence, to vnder-lie the like punishment. Which sentence is three seuerall times together, and almost in the same wordes, repeated in the same Canon. After this, the Synode desired, That this Sentence of theirs now this third time rehearsed, might be confirmed by the voyce and consent of all that were present. Then the whole Clergie and people answered, Whosoeuer shal ca∣ry himselfe presumptuously against this your de∣finitiue sentence, let them be Anathema marana∣tha, that is, let them be vtterly destroyed at the Lords comming, and let them and their complices haue their portion with Iudas Iscarioth. Amen.

And in the fift a Councell, there it is de∣creed, That this Acte touching the Oath of Allegiance, shall bee repeated in euery Councell of the Bishops of Spaine. The Decree is in these wordes: In consideration that the mindes of men are easily inclined to euill and forgetfulnesse, therefore this most holy Sy∣node hath ordeined; and doeth enact, That in euery Councell of the Bishops of Spaine, the Decree of the generall b Councell which was made for the safetie of our Princes, shall be with

an audible voyce proclaimed & pronounced, af∣ter the conclusion of all other things in the Sy∣node: that so it being often sounded in their eares, at least by continuall remembrance, the mindes of wicked men being terrified might bee reformed, which by obliuion & facilitie [to euill] are brought to preuaricate.

And in the sixt a Councell, We doe protest before God, and all the orders of Angels, in the presence of the Prophets and Apostles, and all the company of Martyrs, and before all the Catholike Church, and assemblies of the Christians; That no man shall goe about to seeke the destruction of the King: No man shall touch the life of the Prince; No man shall depriue him of the King∣dome; No man by any tyrannicall presumption shall vsurpe to himselfe the soueraigntie of the Kingdome; No man by any Machination shall in his aduersitie associate to himselfe any packe of conspirators against him; And that if any of vs shalbe presumptuous by rashnesse in any of these cases, let him be strickē with the anatheme of God, and reputed as condemned in eternall iudgement without any hope of recouery.

And in the tenth b Councell (to omit di∣uers

others held also at Toledo) it is said; That if any religious man, euen from the Bishop to the lowest Order of the Church-men or Monkes, shall be found to haue violated the generall Oathes made for the preseruation of the Kings person, or of the nation and Countrey with a profane minde; forthwith let him be depriued of all dig∣nitie, and excluded from all place and honour. The occasion of the Decrees made for this Oath, was, That the Christians were suspe∣cted for want of fidelitie to their Kings; and did either equiuocate in taking their Oath, or make no conscience to keepe it, when they had giuen it: as may appeare by sundry speeches in the a Councell, saying, There is a generall report, that there is that perfidiousnes in the mindes of many poeple of diuerse Nations, that they make no conscience to keepe the Oath and fidelitie that they haue sworne vnto their Kings: but doe dissemble a profession of fidelitie in their mouthes, when they hold an impious per∣fidiousnes in their minds. And b againe, They sweare to their Kings, and yet doe they preuari∣cate in the fidelitie which they haue promised: Neither do they feare the volume of Gods iudge∣ment,

by the which the curse of God is brought vpon them, with great threatning of punish¦ments, which doe sweare lyingly in the Name of God. To the like effect spake they in the Councel of a Aquisgran: If any of the Bishops, or other Church-man of inferiour degree, hereaf∣ter thorow feare or couetousnes, or any other per∣swasion, shall make defection from our Lord the Orthodoxe Emperour Lodowicke, or shall vio∣late the Oath of fidelitie made vnto him, or shall with their peruerse intention adhere to his ene∣mies; let him by this Canonicall and Synodall sentence be depriued of whatsoeuer place hee is possessed of.

And now to come to a particular answere of his letter. First as concerning the sweete memory hee hath of his old acquaintance with the Arch-priest; it may indeed be plea∣sing for him to recount: but sure I am, his acquaintance with him and the rest of his societie, our Fugitiues (whereof he also van∣teth himselfe in his preface to the Reader in his booke of Controuersies) hath prooued sowre to vs and our State. For some of such Priests and Iesuits, as were the greatest Trai∣tours

and fomenters of the greatest conspi∣racies against the late Queen, gaue vp father Robert Bellarmine for one of their greatest authorities and oracles. And therefore I doe not enuie the great honor he can win, by his vaunt of his inward familiaritie with an o∣ther Princes traitours and fugitiues: whom vnto if he teach no better maners then hi∣therto he hath done, I thinke his fellowship are little beholding vnto him.

And for desiring him to remember him in his prayers at the altar of the Lord: if the Arch-priests prayers prooue no more profi∣table to his soule, then Bellarmines counsel is like to proue profitable, both to the soule and body of Blackwel (if he would follow it) the author of this letter might very wel be with∣out his prayers.

Now the first messenger that I can finde, which brought ioyfull newes of the Arch∣priest to Bellarmine, was he that brought the newes of the Arch-priests taking, and first appearance of Martyrdome. A great signe surely of the Cardinals mortification, that he was so reioyced to heare of the apprehen∣sion,

imprisonment and appearance of put∣ting to death of so old and deare a friend of his. But yet apparantly he should first haue bene sure, that he was onely to be punished for cause of Religion, before hee had so tri∣umphed vpon the expectation of his Mar∣tyrdome. For first, by what rule of charitie was it lawfull for him to iudge me a persecu∣tour, before proofe had bene made of it by the said Arch-priestes condemnation and death? What could hee know, that the said Arch-priest was not taken vpon suspicion of his guiltinesse in the Powder-Treason? What certaine information had he then re∣ceiued vpon the particulars, whereupon hee was to be accused? And last of all, by what inspiration could he foretell whereupon hee was to bee accused? For at that time there was yet nothing layed to his charge. And if charitie should not be suspicious, what war∣rant had he absolutely to condemne mee of vsing persecution and tyrannie, which could not be but emplied vpon me, if Blackwel was to be a Martyr? but surely it may iustly be said of Bellarmine in this case, that our Sauiour

CHRIST saith of all worldly and carnall men, who thinke it enough to loue their a friends and hate their enemies; the limits of the Cardinals charitie extending no far∣ther, then to them of his owne profession. For what euer he added in superfluous cha∣ritie to Blackwel, in reioycing in the specula∣tion of his future Martyrdome; he detracted as much vniustly and vncharitably from me, in accounting of me thereby as of a bloody Persecutour. And whereas this ioy of his was interrupted by the next messenger, that brought the newes of the said Arch-priest his failing in his constancie, by taking of this Oath; he needed neuer to haue bene trou∣bled, either with his former ioy or his second sorrow, both being alike falsly grounded. For as it was neuer my intention to lay any thing vnto the said Arch-priests charge, as I haue neuer done to any for cause of consci∣ence; so was Blackwels constancie neuer brangled by taking of this Oath; It being a thing which he euer thought lawfull before his apprehension, and whereunto hee per∣swaded all Catholikes to giue obedience;

like as after his apprehension, he neuer made doubt or stop in it; but at the first offering it vnto him, did freely take it, as a thing most lawfull; neither meanes of threatning or flatterie being euer vsed vnto him, as him∣selfe can yet beare witnesse.

And as for the temperature and modifi∣cation of this Oath; except that a reasonable and lawfull matter is there set downe in rea∣sonable & temperate words, agreeing there∣unto: I know not what he can meane, by quarelling it for that fault. For no temperat∣nes nor modifications in words therein, can iustly be called the Deuils craft, when the thing it selfe is so plaine, and so plainely in∣terpreted to all them that take it; as the one∣ly troublesome thing in it all, bee the words vsed in the end thereof, for eschewing aequi∣uocation and mentall reseruation. Which new Catholique doctrine, may farre iustlier bee called the Deuils craft, then any plaine and temperate words, in so plaine and cleare a matter. But what shal we say of these strange countrey clownes, whom of with the Satyre we may iustly complaine, that they blovv

both hote and cold out of one mouth? For Luther and our bolde and free speaking Writers are mightily railed vpon by them, as hot brained fellovves, and speakers by the Deuils instinct: and novv if vve speake mode∣rately and temperately of them, it must bee tearmed the Deuils craft. And therefore we may iustly complaine vvith CHRIST, that when we a mourne, they wil not lament: and when vve pipe, they vvill not dance. But nei∣ther Iohn Baptist his seueritie, nor CHRIST his meekenesse and lenitie can please them, vvho build but to their owne Monarchie vp∣on the ground of their ovvn Traditions; and not to CHRIST vpon the ground of his Word and infallible trueth.

But vvhat can bee meant by alleadging, that the craft of the Deuill herein, is onely vsed for subuersion of the Catholique faith, and euersion of S. Peters Primacie; had need bee commented anevv by Bellarmine him∣selfe. For in all this Letter of his, neuer one vvord is vsed, to proue that by any part of this Oath the primacy of S. Peter is any vvay medled vvith, except Master Bellarmine his

bare alledging; which without prouing it by more cleare demonstration, can neuer satis∣fie the conscience of any reasonable man. For (for ought that I know) heauen and earth are no farther asunder, then the professon of a temporall obedience to a temporall King, is different from any thing belonging to the Catholique faith, or Supremacie of S. Peter. For as for the Catholique faith; can there bee one word found in all that Oath, tending or sounding to matter of Religion? Doeth he that taketh it, promise there to be∣leeue, or not to beleeue any article of Reli∣gion? Or doeth he so much as name a true or a false Church there? And as for S. Peters Primacie; I know no Apostles name that is therein named, except the name of IAMES, it being my Christen name: though it please him not to deigne to name me in all the Let∣ter, albeit, the contents thereof concerne me in the highest degree. Neither is there any mention at all made therein, either disertis verbis, or by any other indirect meanes, ei∣ther of the Hierarchie of the Church, of S. Peters succession, of the Sea Apostolike, or of

any such matter: but that the Author of our Letter doeth brauely make mention of S. Peters succession, bringing it in comparison with the succession of Henry the eight. Of which vnapt and vnmannerly similitude, I wonder hee should not bee much ashamed. For as to King Henries successour (which he meaneth by mee) as I, I say, neuer did, nor will presume to create any article of fayth, or to bee Iudge thereof; but to submit my ex∣emplary obedience vnto them, in as great humilitie as the meanest of the land: so if the Pope could bee as well able to proue his either Person all or Doctrinall Succession from S. Peter, as I am able to proue my li∣neall descent from the Kings of England and Scotland; there had neuer been so long adoe, nor so much sturre kept about this question in Christendome; neither had a M. Bellar∣mine himselfe needed to haue bestowed so many sheetes of paper De summo Pontifice, in his great bookes of Controuersies: and when all is done, to conclude with a morall certitude, and a piè credēdum: bringing in the b Popes, that are parties in this cause, to bee

his witnesses: and yet their historicall narra∣tion must be no article of faith. And I am without vantrie sure, that I doe farre more neerely imitate the worthy actions of my Predecessors, then the Popes in our age can be well proued to be similes Petro, especially in cursing of Kings, and setting free their Subiects from their Allegiance vnto them.

But now we come to his strongest argu∣ment; which is, That he would alledge vp∣on me a Panick terrour, as if I were possessed with a needlesse feare. For, saith the Cardi∣nall, from the beginning of the Churches first infancie, euen to this day, where was it euer heard, that euer a Pope either commanded to be killed, or allowed the slaughter of any Prince whatsoeuer, whether he were an Hereticke, an Ethnike or Persecutor? But first, wherefore doth he here wilfully, and of purpose omit the rest of the points mentioned in that Oath, for deposing, degrading, stirring vp of arms or rebelling against them, vvhich are as vvell mentioned in tha•• Oath, as the killing of them? as being all of one consequence a∣gainst a King, no Subiect being so scrupu∣lous,

as that hee will attempt the one, and leaue the other vnperformed if he can. And yet surely I cannot blame him for passing it ouer, since he could not otherwise haue es∣chewed the direct belying of himselfe in tearmes, which hee now doeth but in sub∣stance and effect. For a as for the Popes de∣posing and degrading of Kings, hee maketh so braue vaunts and bragges of it in his for∣mer bookes, as he could neuer with ciuil ho∣nesty haue denied it here.

But to returne to the Popes allowing of killing of Kings, I know not with what face hee can sent so stout a deniall vpon it against his owne knowledge. How many Empe∣rors did the Pope raise warre against in their owne bowels? Who as they were ouercome in battaile, were subiect to haue bene killed therein; which I hope the Pope could not but haue allowed, when hee was so farre in∣raged at b Henry the fift for giuing buriall to his fathers dead corps, after the e Pope had stirred him vp to rebell against his father, and procured his ruine. But leauing these old Histories to Bellarmines owne bookes

that doe most authentically cite them, as I haue already said; let vs turne our eyes vpon our owne time, and therein remember what a Panegyrik a oration was made by the Pope, in praise and approbation of the Frier and his fact, that murthered king Henry the third of France who was so farre from either being Heretike, Ethnike or Persecutor in their ac∣count, that the said Popes owne wordes in that oration are, That a true Frier hath killed a counterfeit Frier. And besides that vehe∣ment oration and congratulation for that fact; how neere it scaped, that the said Frier was not canonized for that glorious acte, is better knowen to Bellarmine and his follow∣ers, then to vs here.

But sure I am, if some Cardinals had not beene more wise and circumspect in that er∣rand, then the Pope himselfe was, the Popes owne Kalender of his Saints would haue suf∣ficiently proued Bellarmine a liar in this case. And to draw yet nerer vnto our selues; how many practises and attempts were made a∣gainst the late Queenes life, which were di∣rectly enioyned to those Traitours by their

Confessors, and plainely authorized by the Popes allowance? For verification whereof there needes no more proofe, then that ne∣uer Pope either then or since, called any Church-man in question for medling in those treasonable conspiracies; nay, the Car∣dinals owne S. Sanderus mentioned in his letter could well verifie this trueth, if he were aliue; and who will looke his bookes, will find them filled with no other doctrine then this. And what difference there is betweene the killing or allowing the slaughter of Kings, and the stirring vp and approbation of practises to kil them; I remit to Bellarmines owne iudgement. It may then very clearely appeare, how strangely this Authours pas∣sion hath made him forget himselfe, by im∣plicating himselfe in so strong a contradicti∣on against his owne knowledge and consci∣ence, against the witnesse of his former bookes, and against the practise of our owne times. But who can wonder at this contra∣diction of himselfe in this point, when his owne great Volumes are so filled with con∣tradictions? which when either he, or any o∣ther

shall euer be able to reconcile, I wil then beleeue that he may easily reconcile this im∣pudent strong deniall of his in his letter, of a∣ny Popes medling against Kings, with his owne former bookes, as I haue alreadie said.

And that I may not seeme to imitate him in affirming boldly that which I no wayes proue; I will therefore send the Reader to looke for witnesses of his contradictions, in such places heere mentioned in his owne booke. In his booke, of a Iustification, there he affirmeth, That for the vncertaintie of our owne proper righteousnes, and for auoiding of vaine glory, it is most sure and safe, to repose our whole confidence in the alone mercie and goodnes of God; b Which proposition of his, is directly contrary to the discourse, and cur∣rent of all his fiue bookes de Iustificatione, wherein the same is conteined.

God doeth not encline a man to euill, neither c naturally or morally.

Presently after he affirmeth the contrary, That God doeth not encline to euill naturally, but d morally.

All the Fathers teach constantly, That

eBishops do succeede the Apostles, and Priestes the seuentie disciples.

Elsevvhere he affirmeth the contrary, That f Bishops do not properly succeed the Apostles.

That g Iudas did not beleeue

Contrary, That h Iudas was iust and cer∣tainely good.

The keeping of the i Law according to the sub∣stance of the worke, doeth require that the Com∣mandement be so kept, that sinne be not commit∣ted, and the man bee not guiltie for hauing not kept the Commandement.

Contrary,k It is to bee knowen, that it is not all one, to doe a good morall worke, and to keepe the Commandement according to the substance of the worke. For the Commandement may be kept according to the substance of the worke, e∣uen with sinne; as if one should restore to his friend the thing committed to him of trust, to the end that theeues might afterward take it from him.

lPeter did not loose that faith, whereby the heart beleeueth vnto iustification.

Contrary,m Peters sinne was deadly.

nAntichrist shall bee a Magician, and after

the maner of other Magicians shall secretly wor∣ship the Deuill.

oContrary, He shall not admit of idolatrie: he shall hate idoles, and reedifie the Temple.

By the words of p Consecration the true and solemne oblation is made.

Contrary, The sacrifice doeth not consist in the words: but in the q oblation of the thing it selfe.

rThat the ende of the world cannot bee knowen.

sContrary, After the death of Antichrist, there shall bee but fiue and fourtie daies till the ende of the world.

tThat the tenne Kings shall burne the scar∣let Whoore, that is Rome.

uContrary, Antichrist shall hate Rome, and fight against it, and burne it.

xThe name of vniuersall Bishop may be vn∣derstood two wayes; one way, that hee which is said to be vniuersal Bishop, may be thought to be the onely Bishop of all Christian cities; so that all others are not indeed Bishops, but only Vicars to him, who is called vniuersal Bishop: in which sense, the Pope is not vniuersall Bishop.

Contrary, All ordinary y iurisdiction of Bi∣shops doeth descend immediatly from the Pope; and is in him, and from him is deriued to others. Which few places I haue onely selected a∣mongst many the like, that the discret and iudicious Reader may discerne ex vngue Le∣onem. For when euer hee is pressed with a weightie obiection, he neuer careth, nor re∣membreth how his solution and answere to that, may make him gainesay his owne doctrine in some other places, so it serue him for a shift to put off the present storme withall.

But now to returne to our matter againe: Since Popes, saith hee, haue neuer at any time medled against Kings, wherefore, I pray you, should onely the King of England bee afraid of that, whereof neuer Christian King is, or was a∣fraid? Was neuer Chistian Emperour or King afraid of the Popes? How then were these miserable Emperours tost and turmoi∣led, and in the end vtterly ruined by the Popes: for proofe whereof I haue already ci∣ted Bellarmines owne bookes? Was not the a Emperour afraid, who b waited bare∣footed

in the frost and snow three dayes at the Popes gate, before hee could get entrie? Was not the c Emperour also afraide,d who was driuen to lie agroofe on his belly, and suffer another Pope to tread vpon his necke? And was not another e Emperour afraide, f who was constrained in like manner to in∣dure a third Pope to beat off from his head the Imperiall Crowne with his foote? Was not g Philip afraid, being made Emperour a∣gainst Pope Innocentius the thirds good li∣king, when he brake out into these wordes, Either the Pope shal take the Crowne from Phi∣lip, or Philip shal take the Miter from the Pope? whereupon the Pope stirred vp Ottho against him, who caused him to be slaine; and pre∣sently went to Rome, and was crowned Em∣perour by the Pope, though afterward the Pope h deposed him too. Was not the Em∣perour i Fredericke afraide, when Innocentius the fourth excommunicated him, depriued him of his crowne, absolued Princes of their Oath of fidelitie to him, and in Apulia cor∣rupted one to giue him poison? whereof the Emperour recouering, hee hired his bastard

Sonne Manfredus to poyson him; wherof he died. What did k Alexander the third write to the Soldan? That if he would liue quietly, he should by some sleight murther the l Em∣perour; and to that ende sent him the Em∣perours picture. And did not m Alexander the sixt take of the Turke Baiazetes two hundred thousand crownes to kill his bro∣ther Gemen; or as some call him, Si••imus, whom hee held captiue at Rome? Did hee not accept of the conditions to poyson the man, and had his pay? Was not our n Hen∣ry the second afraide after the slaughter of Thomas Becket; that besides his going bare∣footed in Pilgrimage, was whipped vp and downe the Chapter-house like a schoole∣boy, and glad to escape so too? Had not this French King his great Grandfather King Iohn reason to bee afraid, when the o Pope gaue away his kingdome of Nauarre to the King of Spaine, whereof he yet posses∣seth the best halfe? Had not this King, his Successour reason to be afraid, when he was forced to begge so submissiuely the relaxati∣on of his Excommunication, as hee was con∣tent

likewise to suffer his Ambassadour to be whipped at Rome for penance? And had not the late Queene reason to looke to her∣selfe, when she was excommunicated by Pi∣us Quintus, her Subiects loosed from their fi∣delity and allegiance toward her, her King∣dome of Ireland giuen to the King of Spaine, and that famous fugitiue diuine, honoured with the like degree of a red hat as Bellar∣mine is, was not ashamed to publish in print an a Apologie for Stanlies Treason, maintai∣ning, that by reason of her excommunicati∣on and heresie, it was not onely lawfull for any of her Subiects, but euen they were bound in conscience to depriue her of any strength, which lay in their power to doe? And whether it were armies, townes, or for∣tresses of hers which they had in their hands they were obliged to put them in the King of Spaine her enemies hands, shee no more being the right owner of any thing? But al∣beit it be true, that wise men are mooued by the examples of others dangers to vse pro∣uidence and caution, according to the olde prouerbe, Tum tua res agitur, paries cùm proxi∣mus

ardet: yet was I much neerlie summo∣ned to vse this caution, by the practise of it in mine owne person.

First, by the sending forth of these Bulles, whereof I made mention already, for debar∣ring me from entrie vnto this Crowne, and Kingdome. And next after my entry, and full possession thereof, by the horrible Pow∣der-Treason, which should haue bereft both me and mine, both of crowne and lif••. And howsoeuer the Pope wil seeme to cleare him∣selfe of any allowance of the sayd Powder-Treason; yet can it not be denyed, that his principall ministers here, and his chiefe Man∣cipia the Iesuites, were the plaine practisers thereof: for which the principall of them hath died confessing it, and other haue fled the Countrey for the crime; yea, some of them gone into Italy: and yet neither these that fled out of this countrey for it, nor yet Baldwine, who though he then remained in the Lowe-countreyes, was of counsell in it, were euer called to account for it by the Pope: much lesse punished for medling in so scandalous and enormous businesse. And

now what needs so great wonder and ex∣clamation, that the onely King of England fea∣reth: And what other Christian King doeth, or euer did feare, but he? As if by the force of his rhetoricke he could make me and my good Subiects to mistrust our senses, denie the Sunne to shine at midday, and not with the serpent to stop our eares to his charming, but to the plaine and visible veritie it selfe. And yet for all this wonder, hee can neuer proue me to be troubled with such a Panick terrour. Haue I euer importuned the Pope with any request for my securitie? Or haue I either troubled other Christian Princes my friends & allies, to intreat for me at the Popes hand? Or yet haue I begged from them a∣ny aide or assistance for my farther securitie? No. All this wondred-at feare of mine, stret∣cheth no further, then wisely to make di¦stinction betweene the sheepe and goats in my owne pasture. For since, what euer the Popes part hath bene in the Powder-treason; yet certaine it is, that all these caitife mon∣sters did to their death maintaine, that one∣ly zeale of Religion mooued them to that

horrible attempt: yea, some of them at their death, would not craue pardon at GOD or King for their offence: exhorting other of their followers to the like constancie. Had not wee then, and our Parliament great rea∣son, by this Oath to set a marke of distincti∣on betweene good Subiects and bad? Yea, between Papists, though peraduenture zea∣lous in their Religion, yet otherwise ciuilly honest and good subiects, and such terrible firebrands of hell, as would maintaine the like maximes, which these powder-men did? Nay, could there bee a more gracious part in a King, suppose I say it, toward subiects of a contrary Religion, then by making them to take this Oath, to publish their honest fide∣litie in temporall things to mee their Soue∣raigne, and thereby to wipe off that imputa∣tion and great slander which was laid vpon the whole professors of that Religion, by the furious enterprise of these Powder-men?

And wheras for illustration of this strong argument of his, hee hath brought in for a similitude the hystorie of a Iulian the Aposta∣ta his dealing with the Christians, when as

he straited them, either to commit idolatrie, or to come within the compasse of treason: I would wish the authour to remember, that although a similitude may bee permitted claudicare vno pede; yet this was a very ill chosen similitude, which is lame both of feet and hands, and euery member of the body. For I shall in few words prooue, that it agreeth in no one point, saue one, with our purpose, which is, that Iulian was an Em∣perour, and I a King. First, Iulian was an A∣postata, one that had renounced the whole Christian faith, which hee had once profes∣sed, and became an Ethnike againe, or ra∣ther an Atheist: whereas I am a Christian, who neuer changed that Religion, that I dranke in with my milke: nor euer, I thanke God, was ashamed of my profession. Iu∣lian dealt against Christians onely for the profession of Christes cause: I deale in this cause with my Subiects, onely to make a di∣stinction betweene true Subiects, and false hearted traitours. Iulians end was the ouer∣throw of the Christians: my onely end is, to maintaine Christianitie in a peaceable go∣uernement.

Iulians drift was to make them commit idolatrie: my purpose is to make my Subiects to make open profession of their naturall Alleagiance, and ciuill obedi∣ence. Iulians meanes whereby hee went a∣bout it, was by craft, and insnaring them be∣fore they were aware: my course in this is plaine, cleare, and void of all obscuritie: ne∣uer refusing leaue to any that are required to take this Oath, to studie it at leisure, and gi∣uing them all the interpretation of it they can craue. But the greatest dissimilitude of all, is in this: that Iulian pressed them to com∣mit idolatrie to idoles and images: but as well I, as all the Subiects of my profession are so farre from guilt in this point, as wee are counted heretiques by you, because we will not commit idolatrie. So as, in the maine point of all, is the greatest contrarietie. For, Iulian persecuted the Christians because they would not commit idolatrie; and yee count me a persecutour, because I will not admit idolatrie. So as to conclude this point, this olde sentence may well be applied to Bellar∣mine, in vsing so vnapt a similitude,

Perdere quos vult Iupiter, hos dementat.

And therefore his vncharitable conclusi∣on doeth not rightly follow: That it seemeth vnto him, that some such thing should be sub∣tilly or fraudulently included in this Oath; as if no man can detest treason against the King, or professe ciuill subiection, except hee re∣nounce the Primacie of the Apostolike Sea. But how hee hath suckt this apprehension out at his fingers ends, I cannot imagine: for sure I am, as I haue oft said, hee neuer goeth about to proue it: and to answere an impro∣bable imagination, is to fight against a va∣nishing shadow. It cannot bee denied in∣deed, that many seruants of CHRIST, as wel Priests, as others, haue endured constant∣ly all sorts of torments, and death, for the profession of CHRIST: and therefore to all such his examples, as he bringeth in for veri∣fying the same, I neede not to giue him any other answere, saue onely to remember him, that he playeth the part of a sophister in all these his examples of the constancie of Mar∣tyrs: euer taking Controuersum pro confesso, as if this our case were of the same nature.

But yet that the Reader may the better discouer, not onely how vnaptly his simili∣tudes are applied, but likewise how disho∣nestly hee vseth himselfe in all his citations: I haue thought good to set downe the very places themselues cited by him, together with a short deduction of the true state of those particular cases: whereby, how little these examples can touch our case; nay, by the contrary, how rightly their true sense may bee vsed, as our owne weapons to be throwen backe vpon him that alleadgeth them, shall easily appeare. And first, for a Eleazar: If the Arch-priest his ground of refusing the Oath, were as good as Eleazars was, to forbeare to eate the swines flesh, it might not vnfitly be applyed by the Cardi∣nall to his purpose. For as Eleazar was a principall Scribe, so is he a principall Priest: As Eleazars example had a great force in it, to animate the yonger Scribes to keepe the Law, or in his colourable eating it, to haue taught them to dissemble: so hath the Arch-priests, either to make the inferiour Priests to take the Oath, or to refuse it: but the ground

failing, the building cannot stand. For what exampl•• is there in all the Scripture, in which disobedi••nce to the Oath of the King, or want of allegiance is allowed? If the Cardi∣nal would remember, that when the Church maketh a law (suppose to forbid flesh on cer∣taine dayes) hee that refuseth to obey it, in∣curreth the iust censure of the Church: If a man then ought to die rather then to break the least of Gods Ceremoniall Lawes, and to pine and starue his bodie, rather then to violate the Church his positiue Law: will he not giue leaue to a man to redeeme his soule from sinne, and to keepe his body from pu∣nishment, by keeping a Kings politique law, and by giuing good example in his person, raise vp a good opinion in me of like Allegi∣ance in the inferiours of his Order? This ap∣plication, as I take it, would haue better fit∣ted this example.

But let me remember the Cardinall of an∣othera Oath inioyned by a King to his peo∣ple, whereby hee indaungered his owne life, and hazarded the safety of the whole army, when hee made the people sweare in the

morning not to taste of any meate vntill night: which Oath he exacted so strictly, that his eldest sonne, and heiere appa••ant Io∣nathan for breaking of it, by tasting a little hony of the top of his rod, though he heard not when the King gaue that Oath, had wel nigh died for it. And shall an Oath giuen vpon so vrgent an occasion as this was, for the apparant safety of me and my posterity, forbidding my people to drinke so deepely in the bitter cup of Antichristian fornicati∣ons, but that they may keepe so much ho∣ny in their hearts, as may argue them still es∣poused to me their Soueraigne in the maine knot of true allegiance; shall this law, I say, by him be condemned to hell for a stratagem of Satan? I say no more, but GODS lot in the Oath of Sauls, and Bellarmines verdict vpon this Oath of ours, seeme not to be cast out of one lap.

Now to his example of a Basil, which is (as hee sayeth) so fit for his purpose. First, I must obserue, that if the Cardinall would leaue a common and ordinary tricke of his in all his Citations, which is, to take what

makes for him, and leaue out what makes a∣gainst him; and cite the Authours sense, as well as his Sentence, wee should not bee so much troubled with answering the ancients which he alleadgeth. To instance it in this very place: if he had continued his allegati∣on one line further, hee should haue found this place out of Theodoret, of more force to haue moued Blackwel to take the Oath, then to haue disswaded him from it. For in the very next words it followeth, Imperatoris qui∣dem amicitiam magni se péndere, cum pietate; quâ remotâ, perniciosam esse dicere. But that it may appeare, whether of vs haue greatest right to this place, I will in few wordes shew the Authours drift.

The Emperour Valens being an Arrian, at the perswasion of his wife, when hee had depriued all the Churches of their Pastours, came to Caesarea, where a S. Basill was then Bishop, who, as the History reporteth, was accounted the Light of the world. Before he came, he sent his b deputy to worke it, that S. Basill should hold fellowship with Eudoxius (which c Eudoxius was Bishop of Constan∣tinople,

and the principall of the Arrian fa∣ction) or if he would not, that he should put him to banishment. Now when the Empe∣rours Deputie came to Cesarea, hee sent for Basil, intreated him honourably, spake plea∣singly vnto him, desired he would giue way to the time, neither that hee would hazard the good of so many Churches tenui exqui∣sitione dogmatis: promised him the Emperours fauour, and himselfe to be mediatour for his good. But S. Basill answered, These intising speeches were fit to be vsed to children, that vse to gape after such things: but for them that were throughly instructed in Gods word, they could neuer suffer any syllable thereof to be corrupted. Nay, if need required, they would for the main∣tenance thereof, refuse no kinde of death. In∣deed the loue of the Emperour ought to be great∣ly esteemed with pietie; but pietie taken away, it was pernicious.

This is the truth of the history. Now com∣pare the case of Basill with the Arch-priests: Basill was solicited to become an Arrian: the Arch-priest not once touched for any article of faith. Basill would haue obeyed

the Emperour, but that the word of GOD for bade him: this man is willed to obey, be∣cause the word of GOD commandeth him. Basill highly esteemed the Emperours fa∣uour, if it might haue stood with pietie: the Archpriest is exhorted to reiect it, though it stand with true godlinesse in deed, to em∣brace it. But that hee may lay load vpon the Arch-priest, it is not sufficient to exhort him to courage and constancie by Eleazars and Basils examples; but hee must be vtterty cast downe with the comparing his fall to S. Pe∣ters, and Marcellinus: which two mens cases were the most feareful, considering their per∣sons and places, that are to be found, or read of either in all the books of diuine Scripture, or the volumes of Ecclesiasticall histories; the one denying the onely true God, the o∣ther our Lord & Sauiour IESVS CHRIST: the one sacrificing to idols, with the profane heathen: the other forswearing his Lord and Master, with the hard-hearted Iewes. Vn∣lesse the Cardinall would driue the Arch∣priest to some horrour of conscience, and pit of despaire, I know not what hee can

meane by this comparison. For sure I am, all that are not intoxicated with their cup, cannot but woonder to heare of an Oath of Allegiance to a naturall Soueraigne, to bee likened to an Apostats denying of God, and forswearing of his Sauiour.

But to let passe the Disdiapason of the ca∣ses (as his ill-fauoured coupling S. Peter the head of their Church, with an apostate Pope) I maruaile he would remember this example of a Marcellinus, since his brother Cardinall Baronius, and the late edition of the Coun∣cels by b Binnius seeme to call the credite of the whole history into question, saying, That it might plainely be refuted, and that it is proba∣bly to be shewed, that the story is but obreptitious, but that he would not swarue from the com∣mon receiued opinion.

And if a man might haue leaue to conie∣cture; so would his Cardinalship too, if it were not for one or two sentences in that Councell of Sinuessa, which serued for his purpose: namely that, Prima sedes à nemine iudicatur: And, Iudica causam tuam: nostrâ sententià non condemnaberis. But to what

purpose a great Councel (as he termes it) of three hundred Bishops and others, should meete together, who before they met, knew they could doe nothing; when they were there, did nothing, but like Cuckowes, sing ouer and ouer the same song: that Prima sedes à nemine iudicatur: and so after three dayes sitting (a long time indeed for a great and graue Councell) brake so bluntly vp: and yet, that there should be seuenty two witnesses brought against him, and that they should subscribe his excommunicati∣on, and that at his owne mouth he tooke the Anathema maranatha: how these vntoward contradictions shal be made to agree, I must send the Cardinall to Venice, to Padre Paulo, who in his a Apologie against the Cardi∣nals oppositions, hath handled them very learnedly.

But from one Pope, let vs passe to another: (for, what a principall article of faith and re∣ligion this Oath is, I haue alreadie suffici∣ently proued.) Why he called S. b Gregory our Apostle, I know not, vnlesse perhaps it be, for that he sent c Augustine the Monke,

and others with him into England, to cōuert vs to the faith of Christ, wherein I wish the Popes his successours would follow his pat∣terne. For albeit he sent them by diuine re∣uelation (as he said) into England vnto King Ethelbert; yet when they came, they exerci∣sed no part of their function, but by the Kings leaue and permission. So did King d Lucius send to Eleutherius his predecessor, and hee sent him diuers Bishops, who were all placed by the Kings authoritie. These conuerted men to the faith, and taught them to obey the King. And if the Popes in these dayes would but insist in these steps of their forefathers, then would they not inter∣taine Princes fugitiues abroad, nor send them home, not onely without my leaue, but directly against the lawes, with plots of treason and doctrine of rebellion, to drawe Subiects from their obedience to mee their naturall King: nor be so cruell to their owne Mancipia, as returning them with these wares, put either a State in iealousie of them; or them in hazard of their owne liues. Now to our Apostle (since the Cardinall will haue

him so called) I perswade my selfe I should doe a good seruice to the Church in this my labour, if I could but reape this one fruit of it, to moue the Cardinal to deale faithfully with the Fathers, and neuer to alledge their opini∣ons against their owne purpose. For, this let∣ter of Gregorius was written to Iohn Bishop of a Palermo in Sicily, to whom he granted v∣sum pallij, to be worne in such times, & in such order as the Priests in the Ile of Sicily, and his predecessours were wont to vse: and withall giueth him a caueat: that the reuerence to the Apostolike Sea, be not disturbed by the presump∣tion of any: for then the state of the members doth remaine sound, when the head of the Faith is not bruised by any iniury, and the authoritie of the Canons alwayes remaine safe and sound.

Now let vs examine the words. The epistle was written to a Bishop, especially to grant him the vse of the Pall; a ceremony and mat∣ter indifferent. As it appeareth, the Bishop- of Rome tooke it well at his hands, that hee would not presume to take it vpon him with∣out leaue from the Apostolique Sea, giuing him that admonition which foloweth in the

words alledged out of him: which doctrine we are so far frō impugning, that we altoge∣ther approue & allow of the same, that what∣soeuer ceremonie for order is thought meet by the Christian Magistrat, and the Church, the same ought inuiolably to bee kept: and where the head & gouernour in matters of that nature are not obeyed, the members of that Church must needs run to hellish con∣fusion. But that Gregory by that terme, caput fidei, held himselfe the head of our faith, and the head of all Religion, cannot stand with the course of his doctrine and writings. For first, whē an a other would haue had this stile to be called Vniuersalis Episcopus, hee sayd, b I doe confidently auouch, that whosoeuer calleth himselfe, or desireth to be called Vniuersall Bi∣shop, in this aduancing of himselfe, is the fore∣runner of the Antichrist. Which notwithstan∣ding was a stile far inferiour to that of Caput fidei. And when it was offered to himselfe, the wordes of S. Gregorie be these, refusing that title: c None of my predecessors [Bishops of Rome,] euer consented to vse this pro∣phane name [of vniuersall Bishop.] None of

my predecessors euer tooke vpon him this name of singularity, neither consented to vse it, We the Bishops of Rome, do not seek, nor yet accept this glorious title, being offered vnto vs. And now, I pray you, would he that refused to be called vniuersall Bishop, be stiled Caput fidei, vnles it were in that sense, as I haue expressed? which sense if he will not admit, giue mee leaue to say that of Gregorie, which himselfe saith of a Lyra, Minus cautè locutus est: or which hee elswhere saith of Chrysostome, b Locutus est per excessum. To redeeme therefore our Apostle out of his hands, & to let him remain ours, & not his in this case; it is very true that he saith in that sense he spake it. Whē ye go about to disturbe, diminish, or take away the authori∣tie or Supremacie of the Church, which re∣steth on the head of the King, within his do∣minions, ye cut off the head & chiefe gouer∣nor therof, & disturb the state & members of the whole body. And for a conclusiō of this point, I pray him to think, that we are so well perswaded of the good minde of our Apo∣stle S. Gregory to vs, that we desire no other thing to bee suggested to the Pope and his

Cardinals, then our Apostle S. Gregory desi∣red a Sabinian to suggest vnto the Emperour and the State in his time. His words be these: One thing there is, of which I would haue you shortly to suggest to your most noble Lord and Master: That if I his seruant would haue had my hand in slaying of the Lombards, at this day the nation of the Lombards had neither had king, nor dukes, nor earles, and had bin diuided asunder in vtter confusion: but because I feare God, I dread to haue my hand in the blood of any man.

And thus hauing answered to S. Gregory, I come to another Pope, his Apostle, S. Leo. And that hee may see, I haue not in the for∣mer citations, quarelled him like a Sophister for contentiō sake, but for finding out of the trueth, I do grant, that the authorities out of b Leo, are rightly alleadged all three, the wordes truely set downe, together with his true intent and purpose: but withall, let mee tell him, and I appeale vnto his owne consci∣ence whether I speake not truely, that what Tullie said to c Hortensius, when hee did im∣moderately praise eloquence, that he would haue lift her vp to Heauen, that himselfe

might haue gone vp with her; So his S. Leo lift vp S. Peter with praises to the sky, that he being his a heire, might haue gone vp with him. For his S. Leo was a great Orator, who by the power of his eloquence redeemed Rome from fire, when both b Attilas and Gen∣sericus would haue burnt it.

Some fruits of this rhetorick he bestowed vpon S. Peter, saying, The Lord c did take Pe∣ter into the fellowship of the indiuisible vnitie: which words being coupled to the sentence alleadged by the Cardinall (That hee hath no part in the diuine Mysterie, that dare depart from the soliditie of Peter) should haue giuen him, I thinke, such a scarre, as hee should ne∣uer haue dared to haue taken any aduātage by the words immediatly preceding, for the benefit of the Church of Rome, and the head therof; since those which immediatly folow, are so much derogatory to the diuine Ma∣iestie. And againe, My d writings be strengthe∣ned by the authoritie and merit of my Lord most blessed S. Peter. We e beseech you to keepe the things decreed by vs through the inspiration of God, and the Apostle most blessed S. Peter. If

a any thing be well done, or decreed by vs; If any thing be obtained of Gods mercy by daily praiers, it is to be ascribed to S. Peters works and merits, whose power doth liue, & authority excell in his owne Sea. He b was so plentifully watered of the very fountaine of all graces, that whereas he re∣ceiued many things alone, yet nothing passeth ouer to any other, but hee was partaker of it. And in a word, he was so desirous to extoll S. Peter, That a messenger from him was an c embassage from S. Peter:d any thing done in his presence, was in S. Peters presence. Neither did he vse all this Rhetoricke without purpose: for at that time the Patriarch of Constantino∣ple cōtended with him for Primacie. And in the Councell of e Chalcedon, the Bishops sixe hundred and more, gaue equall authority to the Patriarch of that Sea, and would not ad∣mit any priuiledge to the Sea of Rome a∣boue him; but went against him. And yet he that gaue so much to Peter, tooke nothing from Caesar; but gaue him both his Titles and due, giuing the power of calling a Councell to the Emperour; as it may appeare by these one or two places following of many. If it

may please your a godlinesse to vouchsafe at our supplication to condescend, that you wil command a Councell of Bishops to bee holden within Italy. and writing vnto the Bishop of Constanti∣nople. Because the most clement b Emperor, care∣full of the peace of the Church, will haue a Coun∣cell to be holden; albeit it euidently appeare, the matter to be handled doeth in no case stand in need of a Councell. And againe, Albeit c my oc∣casions wil not permit me to be present vpon the day of the Councell of Bishops, which your godli∣nesse hath appointed. So as by this it may well appeare, that he that gaue so much to Peter, gaue also to Caesar his due and prerogatiue. But yet he playeth not faire play in this, that euen in all these his wrong applied argu∣ments and examples, he produceth no other witnesses, but the parties themselues; bring∣ing euer the Popes sentences for approbation of their owne authoritie.

Now indeed for one word of his in the middest of his examples, I cannot but greatly cōmend him; that is, that Martyrs ought to indure all sorts of tortures and death, before they suffer one syllable to be corrupted of the

Law of God. Which lesson, if hee and all the rest of his owne profession would apply to themselues, then would not the Sacrament be administred sub vnâ specie, directly con∣trary to Christes institution, the practise of the Apostles and of the whole Primitiue Church for many hundred yeeres: then would not the priuate Masses bee in place of the Lordes Supper: then would not the words of the a Canon of the Masse be oppo∣sed to the words of S. Paul and S. Luke, as our Aduersary himselfe confesseth, and can∣not reconcile them: nor then would not so many hundreths other traditions of men be set vp in their Church, not only as equall, but euen preferred to the word of God. But sure in this point I fear I haue mistaken him: for I thinke he doth not meane by his Diui∣na Dogmata, the word of the God of heauen, but onely the Canons and Lawes of his Do∣minus Deus Papa: otherwise all his Primacie of the Apostolike Sea would not be so much sticken vpon, hauing so slender ground in the word of God.

And for the great feare he hath, that the

suddennes of the apprehension, the bitternes of the persecution, the weaknesse of his age, and other such infirmities might haue bene the cause of the Arch-priests fall; in this, I haue already sufficiently answered him; ha∣uing declared, as the trueth is, and as the said Blackwel himselfe wil yet testifie, that he took this Oath freely of himselfe, without any in∣ducement therunto, either Precebus or Minis.

But amongst all his citations, he must not forget holy Sanderus and his Vi••ibilis Monar∣chia, whose person and actions I did already a little touch. And surely who will with vn∣partiall eyes read his bookes, they may well thinke, that he hath deserued wel of his Eng∣lish Roman-Church; but they can neuer thinke, but that he deserued very ill of his English Soueraigne and State. Witnesse his owne books; whereout I haue made choice to set downe here these few sentences fol∣lowing, as flowers pickt out of so worthy a garland. a Elisabeth Queene of England, doth exercise the Priestly act of teaching and preaching the Gospel in England, with no lesse authority then Christ himself, or Moses euer did.

The supremacy of a a woman in Church matters, is from no other, then from the Deuill. And of all things in generall, thus he speaketh, The b King that wil not inthrall himselfe to the Popes authority, he ought not to be tolerated; but his Subiects ought to giue all diligence, that another may be chosen in his place assoone as may be. A King that is an c Heretike, ought to be remoued from the kingdome that he holdeth ouer Christi∣ans; and the Bishops ought to endeuour to set vp another, assoone as possibly they can. Wee doe constantly d affirme, that all Christian Kings are so far vnder Bishops and Priestes in all matters appertaining to faith, that if they shall continue in a falt against Christian Religion after one or two admonitions, obstinately, for that cause they may and ought to be deposed by the Bishops from their temporal authority they hold ouer Christiās. e Bishops are set ouer temporall kingdomes, if those kingdomes do submit themselues to the faith of Christ. We doe iustly f affirme, that all Se¦cular power, whether Regall, or any other is, of Men. The g anoynting which is powred vpon the head of the King by the Priest, doeth declare that he is inferiour to the Priest. It is altogether

against the will of a CHRIST, that Christian Kings should haue supremacie in the Church.

And whereas for the crowne and conclu∣sion of all his examples, he reckoneth his two English martyrs, Moore and Roffensis, who died for that one most weighty head of do∣ctrine, as he alleadgeth, refusing the Oath of Supremacie; I must tel him, that he hath not bene well informed in some materiall points, which doe very neerly concerne his two said martyrs. For it is cleare and apparantly to be prooued by diuers Records, that they were both of them committed to the Tower a∣bout a yeere before either of them was called in question vpon their liues, for the Popes Su∣premacie; And that partly for their back∣wardnesse in the point of the establishment of the Kings succession, wherunto the whole Realme had subscribed, and partly for that one of them, to wit, Fisher, had had his hand in the matter of the holy b mayd of Kent, he being for his concealement of that false pro∣phets abuse, found guiltie of misprision of treason. And as these were the principall causes of their imprisonment (the King re∣sting

secure of his Supremacie, as the Realme stood then affected, but especially troubled for setling the crowne vpon the issue of his se∣cond marriage) so was it easily to be concei∣ued, that being thereupon discontented, their humors were therby made apt to draw them by degrees, to further opposition a∣gainst the King and his authoritie, as indeed it fell out. For in the time of their being in prison, the Kings lawfull authoritie in cases Ecclesiasticall being published and promul∣ged, as wel by a generall decree of the Clergie in their Synode, as by an Act of Parliament made thereupon; they behaued themselues so peeuishly therein, as the old coales of the Kings anger being thereby raked vp of new, they were againe brought in question; as wel for this one most weighty head of doctrine of the Pope his supremacy, as for the matter of the Kings marriage and succession, as by the confession of one of themselues, euen Thomas Moore, is euident. For being condem∣ned, he vsed these wordes at the barre before the Lords, Non ignoro cur me morti adiudicaue∣ritis; videlicet ob id, quod nunquam voluerim

assentiri in negotio matrimonij Regis. That is, I am not ignorant why you haue adiudged me to death: to wit, for that I would neuer consent in the busines of the new marriage of the King. By which his owne confession it is plaine, that this great martyr himselfe tooke the cause of his owne death, to be only for his being re∣fractary to the King in this said matter of Marriage and succession; which is but a very fleshly cause of martyrdome, as I conceiue.

And as for Roffensis his fellow Martyr (who could haue bene content to haue ta∣ken the Oath of the Kings Supremacy, with a certaine modification, which Moore refu∣sed) as his imprisonment was neither onely, nor principally for the cause of Supremacy, so died he but a halting and a singular Martyr or witnes for that most waightie head of do∣ctrine; the whole Church of England going at that time, in one current and streame as it were against him in that argument, diuerse of them being of farre greater reputation for learning and sound iudgement, then euer he was. So as in this point we may wel arme our selues with the Cardinals own reason, where

hee giueth amongst other notes of the true Church, Vniuersalitie for one, we hauing the generall and Catholike conclusion of the whole Church of England, on our side in this case, as appeareth by their booke set out by the whole Conuocation of England, called, The institution of a Christian man; the same matter being likewise very learnedly hand∣led by diuers particular learned men of our Church, as by Steuen Gardiner in his booke de vera obedientia, with a preface of Bishop Boners adioyned to it, De summo & absoluto Regis Imperio, published by M Bekinsaw, De vera differentia Regiae Potestatis & Ecclesi∣asticae, Bishop Tonstals Sermon, Bishop Long∣lands Sermon, the letter of Tonstall to Cardi∣nall Poole, and diuers other both in English and Latine. And if the bitternesse of Fishers discontentment had not bene fed with his daily ambitious expectation of the Cardinals hat, which came so neere as Calis before hee lost his head to fil it with, I haue great reason to doubt, if he would haue constantly perse∣uered in induring his martyrdome for that one most waightie head of doctrine.

And surely these two captaines and ring∣leaders to martyrdome were but ill folowed by the rest of their countrymen: for I can ne∣uer reade of any after them, being of any great account, and that not many, that euer sealed that weighty head of doctrine with their blood in England. So as the true causes of their first falling in trouble (wherof I haue already made mention) being rightly consi∣dered vpon the one part; and vpon the other the scant number of witnesses, that with their blood sealed it; (a point so greatly accounted of by our Cardinal) there can but smal glory redound therby to our English nation, these onely two, Enoch and Elias, seruing for wit∣nesses against our Antichristian doctrine.

And I am sure the Supremacie of Kings may, and will euer be better maintained by the word of God (which must euer bee the true rule to discerne al weighty heads of do∣ctrine by) to be the true and proper office of Christian Kings in their owne dominions, then he wil be euer able to maintaine his an∣nihilating Kings, & their authorities, toge∣ther with his base & vnreuerend speeches of

them wherewith both his former great Vo∣lumes, and his late Bookes against Venice are filled. In the old Testament, Kings were di∣rectly a Gouernours ouer the Church within their Dominions; b purged their corruptions; reformed their abuses, brought the c Arke to her resting place, the King d dancing before it; e built the Temple; f dedicated the same, assisting in their owne persons to the sancti∣fication thereof; g made the booke of the Law new-sound, to be read to the people; h renewed the couenant betweene God and his people; brused the brasen Serpent in pie∣ces, which was set vp by the expresse cōman∣dement of God, and was a figure of Christ; destroyed i all Idols, and false gods; made k a publike reformation, by a Commission of Secular men and Priests mixed for that pur∣pose; deposed l the hie Priest, and set vp ano∣ther in his place: and generally, ordered e∣uery thing belonging to the Church-go∣uerment, their Titles and Prerogatiues gi∣uen them by God, agreeing to these their actions. They are called the m Sonnes of the most High, nay, Gods n themselues; The o Lords

anoynted; Sitting p in Gods throne; His q ser∣uants; The Angels r of God; According to his s hearts desire; The light t of Israel; The u nursing fathers of the Church, with innumerable such stiles of honor, wherwith the old Testament is filled; wherof our aduersary can pretend no ignorance. And as to the new Testament, Euery soule is commaunded to be subiect vnto them, euen for x conscience sake. All men y must bee prayed for; but especially Kings, and those that are in Authority, that vnder them we may lead a godly, peaceable and an honest life.

The a Magistrate is the minister of God to doe vengeance on him that doth euill, & reward him that doeth well. Ye must obey all higher powers, but b especially Princes, and those that are supere∣minent. Giue euery man his due, feare c to whom feare belongeth, and honour to whome honour. Giue d vnto Caesar what is Caesars, and to God what is Gods. e Regnum meum non est huius mundi. f Quis me constituit Iudicem super vos? g Reges gentium dominantur eorum, vos autem non sic. If these examples, sentences, titles, and prerogatiues, and innumerable other in the old and new Testament, do not warrant

Christian Kings, within their owne domini∣ons, to gouerne the Church, as well as the rest of their people, in being Custod es vtrius{que} Tabulae, not by making new articles of faith, (which is the Popes office, as I saide before) but by cōmanding obedience to be giuen to the word of God, by reforming the religion according to his prescribed will, by assisting the spiritual power with the temporal sword, by reforming of corruptions, by procuring due obedience to the Church, by iudging and cutting off all friuolous questions and Schismes, as a Constantine did; and finally, by making decorum to bee obserued in euery thing, & establishing orders to be obserued in al indifferent things for that purpose, which is the only intent of our Oath of Supremacy: If this Office of a King, I say, doe not agree with the power giuen him by Gods word, let any indifferent man voyd of passion, iudge. But how these honourable offices, styles, and prerogatiues giuen by God to Kings in the old & new Testament, as I haue now cited, can agree with the braue stiles and titles that Bellarmine giueth thē, I can hardly conceiue.

1. That Kings are rather slaues then Lords.

2. That they are not only subiects to Popes, to Bishops, to Priests, but euen to Deacons.

3. That an Emperour must content himselfe to drinke, not onely after a Bishop, but after a Bishops Chaplen.

4. That Kings haue not their authority nor office immediatly from God, nor his Lawe, but onely from the Law of Nations.

5. That Popes haue degraded many Empe¦rours, but neuer Emperour degraded the Pope; nay, euen Bishops, that are but the Popes vas∣sals, may depose Kings, and abrogate their lawes.

6. That Church-men are so farre aboue Kings, as the soule is aboue the body.

7. That Kings may be deposed by their peo∣ple, for diuers respects.

8. But Popes can by no meanes bee deposed: for no flesh hath power to iudge of them.

9. That obedience due to the Pope, is for con∣science sake.

10. But the obedience due to Kings, is onely for certaine respects of order and policie.

11. That these very Church-men that are borne, and inhabite in Soueraigne Princes coun∣treys,

are notwithstanding not their Subiects, and cannot be iudged by them, although they may iudge them.

12. And, that the obedience that Churchmen giue to Princes, euen in the meanest and meere temporall things, is not by way of any necessary subiection, but onely out of discretion, and for ob∣seruation of good order and custome.

These contrarieties betweene the booke of God, and Bellarmines books, haue I heere set in opposition ech to other, Vt ex contrarijs iuxta se positis, veritas magis elucescere possit. And thus farre I dare boldly affirme, that whosoeuer will indifferently weigh these ir∣reconciliable contradictions here set downe, wil easily confesse, that CHRIST is no more contrary to Beliall, light to darkenesse, and heauen to hell, then Bellarmines estimation of Kings, is to Gods.

Now as to the conclusion of his letter, which is onely filled with strong and pithy exhortations, to perswade and confirme Blackwell to the patient and constant indu∣ring of Martyrdome, I haue nothing to an∣swere, saue by way of regrate; that so many

good sentences drawen out of the Scripture, so well and so handsomely packed vp toge∣ther should bee so ill and vntruely applied. But an euill cause is neuer the better for so good a cloake; and an ill matter neuer a∣mended by good words: And therefore I may iustly turne ouer that craft of the deuill vpon himselfe, in vsing so holy-like an ex∣hortation to so euill a purpose. Only I could haue wished him, that hee had a little better obserued his decorum herein, in not letting slip two or three prophane wordes amongst so many godly mortified Scripture senten∣ces. For in all the Scripture, especially in the new Testament, I neuer read of Pontifex Maximus. And the Pope must be content in that stile to succeed according to the Lawe and institution of Numa Pompilius, and not to S. Peter, who neuer heard nor dreamed of such an office.

And for his Caput fidei, which I remem∣bred before, the Apostles (I am sure) neuer gaue that stile to any, but to CHRIST. So as these stiles, wherof some were neuer found in Scripture, and some were neuer applied

but to CHRIST in that sense, as he applieth it, had bene better to haue beene left out of so holy and mortified a letter.

To conclude then this present discourse, I heartily wish all indifferent readers of the Breues and Letter, not to iudge by the speci∣ousnes of the words, but by the weight of the matter; not looking to that which is strong∣ly alledged, but iudiciously to consider what is iustly prooued; And for all my own good and naturall Subiects, that their hearts may remaine established in the trueth; that these forraine inticements may not seduce them from their natall and naturall duetie; and that all, aswell strangers, as naturall Subiects, to whose eyes this discourse shall come, may wisely and vnpartially iudge of the Veritie, as it is nakedly here set downe, for clearing these mists and cloudes of calumnies, which were iniustly heaped vpon mee; for which ende onely I heartily pray the courteous Reader to be perswaded, that I tooke occasion to publish this discourse.

Notes

• A great mista∣king of the state of the Question and case in hand.
• The difference betweene the Oath of Su∣premacie, and this of Alle∣giance.
• Touching the pretended Councel of Lateran. See Plat. In vita Innocen. III.
• The Oath of Allegiance confirmed by the authoritie of ancient Councels.
• The ancient Councels prouided for Equiuocation
• The diffe∣rence between the ancient Councels, and the Pope counselling of the Catho∣likes.
• Concil. Toletan. 4 can 47. Ann. 633.
• a

  Concil. Tole∣tan. 5. Can. 7. anno. 636.
• b

  Synod. Tole∣tan 4. vniuer∣salis, & magna Synodus dicta, Syn. T••l 5. ca. 2.
• a

  Concil. To∣let. 6. Can. 18 Anno 638.
• b

  Concil. Tolet. 10 Can. 2. Aera. 694.
• a

  Concil. Tole∣tan. 4. cap. 74.
• b

  Concil. To∣let 4. cap 74.
• a

  Concil. A. quisgran sub Ludou. Pio, & Greg. 4. Can. 12. anno 836.
• Campian and Hart. See the conference in the Tower.
• The Cardi∣nals charitie.
• a

  Mat. 5.43.
• a

  Matth. 11.17
• No decision of any point of Religion in the Oath of Allegiance.
• a

  Bellar. de Rom. Pont. lib. 4. cap. 6. Ibid. lib. 2. ca 12
• b

  Idem. ibidem lib. 2. cap. 14.
• The Cardi∣nals weigh∣iest Argu∣ment.
• a

  Bellar. de Rom. Pont. lib. 5. cap. 8. & lib. 3. cap. 16.
• b

  Gotfrid. Vi∣te••b. Helmod. Cuspinian.
• e

  Pascal. 2.
• a

  See the O∣ration of Six∣tus Quintus, made in the Consistory vpon the death of Hen∣ry the 3.
• a

  Bellar de Iu∣stif. lib. 5. cap. 7.
• b

  Contrary to all his fiue bookes de Iu∣stificatione.
• c

  Bellar. de a∣mis. gra. & s••at. pecca. lib. 2. cap. 13.
• d

  Ibidem paulò pòst.
• e

  Bellar. de cle∣icis, lib. 1. cap. ••4.
• f

  Bellar. de P••nt. lib. 4 cap. ••5.
• g

  Bellar. de ••ont. lib. 1. cap. ••2.
• h

  B••llar. de ••ustif. lib. 3. cap. 14.
• i

  Bellar. de gra & lib. arbit. lib. 5. cap. 5.
• k

  Eodem lib. ••ap. 9.
• l

  Bell. de Pont. lib. 4. cap. 3.
• m

  Bell. de Iust. ••ib. 3. cap. 14.
• n

  Bell. de Rom. Pontif. lib. 3. ••ap. 14.
• o

  Ibid. ex sen∣••ent. Hypol. & ••yril. & cap. 12. eiusdem ••ibri.
• p

  Bellar. lib. 1. ••e missa. cap. 27
• q

  Bellar. de ••ss lib. 2. cap. 2.
• r

  Bellar. de inim. Christ. ••••b. 4. cap. 5.
• s

  Bellarm. de Pont. lib. 3. cap. 17.
• t

  Bellarm. de ••on. lib 3. cap. 3.
• u

  Bellarm. ibid.
• x

  Bellarm. de Pont. lib. 2. cap. 31.
• y

  Bellar. de Pon∣tif. lib. 2 cap. 24.
• a

  Henry 4.
• b

  Abbas Vrspergen. Lamb. Scaffin. Anno 1077. Plat. in vit. Greg. 7.
• c

  Frederick Babarossa.
• d

  Naucler. ge∣ner 4••. Iacob. Bergom. in Sup∣plem chron. Al∣sons. Ciacon. in vit. Alex. 3.
• e

  Henry. 6.
• f

  R H••ueden in Rich. 1. Ranulph in Polychronico. lib. 7.
• g

  Abbaes Vrsper. ad Ann. 1191. Nauc. gen. 40. Cuspin. in Phi∣lippo.
• h

  Abbas Vrsper
• i

  Matth Paris in Henr. 3. Petrus de Vi∣neis Epist. lib. 1. & 2. & Cuspin. in Freder. 2.
• k

  Vita ••rederi∣ci Germaincè conscriptae.
• l

  Frederick Barbarossa.
• m

  Paul Iouius Histor. lib. 2. Cuspinian. in Baiazet. 11. Guicciard. lib. 2.
• n

  Houeden pag. 308. Matth. Parls. in Henric. II. Walsinga. in Hypodig. Neu∣striae Ioan. Capgraue.
• o

  Gometius de rebus gest. Fran. Ximenij Archi∣epis. Tolet lib. 5.
• a

  Card. Al∣lens Answere to Stan. let. Anno. 1587.
• a

  Nazianze∣nus in Iulian. inuectiuâ primâ.
• The dispro∣portion of the Cardinals similitude.
• a

  2. Maccha∣bees cap. 6. vers•• 18.
• An answere to the Cardinal•• example of Eleazar.
• a

  1. Sam. 14.15.
• a

  Theodorit. lib. 4 cap. 19. An answere to the Card. example of S. Basil
• a

  Theodorit. lib 4. cap. 19.
• b

  Modestus as Nazianzen vp∣on the death of Basil cal∣leth him in his oration.
• c

  Looke cap. 12. eiusdem libr.
• The Cardi. as∣similating of the Arch pr. case to S. Pe∣ters, and Mar∣cellinus, consi∣dered·
• a

  Looke Pla∣tina in vita Marcellini.
• b

  Concil. Tom. 1. pag. 222. Looke Baro∣nius. Ann. 302. num. 96.
• See Tom. 1. Concil. in Act. Concil. Sinues. san.
• a

  Apol. Pat. Paul aduersus opposit. Card. Bellar.
• An answere to the place alledged out of S. Gregory.
• b

  Greg. lib. 11. cap. 42.
• c

  Beda Ecclesi. Hist. gen. Ang. lib. 1. cap. 25.
• d

  Beda Ecclesi∣ast. Hist. gen. Ang. iib. 1. cap. 4
• a

  Greg. lib. 11. cap. 42.
• a

  Iohn of Constantinople. See Greg. lib. 4. Epist. 32.
• b

  Lib. 6. Epist. 30.
• c

  Greg. lib. 4. Epist. 32. & 36.
• a

  Bellar. de Rom. Pont. lib. 2. cap. 10.
• b

  Idem. lib. 2. de Missa cap. 10.
• a

  Greg. lib. 7. Epist. 1.
• An answere to the authoritie out of Leo.
• b

  Leo trimus in die ass••m••. su••e ad Pontif. s••rmone 3. Leo Epist 89. ad Epist. Vien. Idem ibid. cap. 2
• c

  Cicero in Hor.
• a

  For so he calleth him∣selfe in serm. 1. in die assum.
• b

  Ex••reuiario Romano.
• c

  Epist. 89.
• d

  Epist. 52.
• e

  Epist. 89.
• a

  In serm. 2. in die anniuer. assum. suae.
• b

  Ser. 3. in die anni. assump. suae.
• c

  Epist. 24.
• d

  Epist. 4.
• e

  Concil. Ch••l∣ced. Act. 16. & c••n. 28.
• a

  Epist. 9. Theodosio.
• b

  Epist. 16. Flauiano.
• c

  Epist. 17. Theodosio.
• a

  Bellar. de sa∣cra Eucharist. lib 4. cap. 14.
• Some of San∣ders his wor∣thy sayings remembred.
• a

  Sand. de vi∣sib. monar. lib. 6. cap. 4.
• a

  Sand. de clau. Dauid lib. 6. cap. 1.
• b

  Sand. de vi∣sib. Monar. lib. 2. cap. 4.
• c

  Ibidem.
• d

  Ibidem.
• e

  Ibid••m.
• f

  Sand. de clau. Dauid. lib. 5. cap. 2.
• g

  Ibidem.
• a

  Sand. de c••a. Dauid lib. 5. cap. 4.
• The Cardi∣nals paice of Martyrs weighed.
• b

  Called Eli∣zabeth Barton. See the Act of Parlia∣ment.
• Histor. aliquot Mar••num no∣stri seculi, Ann. 1550.
• The Supre∣macy of Kings sufficiently warranted by the Scriptures.
• a

  2. Chron. 19.4.
• b

  2. Sam. 5.6.
• c

  1. Chron. 13.12.
• d

  2. Sam. 6.16.
• e

  1. Chron. 28.6
• f

  2. Chron. 6.
• g

  2. King. 22.11.
• h

  Nehe. 9.38. Dauid. Salomon.
• 2. King. 18.4.
• i

  1· Kings 15.12.
• k

  2. Chron. ••7.8.
• l

  1 Kings 2.27.
• m

  2. Sam. 7.14.
• n

  Psal. 82.6. & Exod. 22.8.
• o

  1. Sam. 24.1••
• p

  2. Chro. 9.8
• q

  2. Chron. 6.15.
• r

  2. Sam. 14.20
• s

  1. Sam. 13.14
• t

  2. Sam. 21.17
• u

  Isa. 49.23.
• x

  Rom. 13.5.
• y

  1. Tim. 2.2.
• a

  Rom. 13.4
• b

  1. Pet. 2.13.
• c

  Rom. 13.7.
• d

  Matth. 22.21.
• e

  Iohn 18.36.
• f

  Luke 12 14
• g

  Luke 22.25.
• a

  Euseb. lib. 3. de vita Con∣staetini.
• 1. De la••cis. cap. 7.
• 2. De Pont. lib. 1. cap. 7.
• 3. Ibidem.
• 4. Ibidem, & de cler. cap. 28.
• 5. De P. nt. lib 3. cap. 16.
• De Rom. Pont lib 5. cap. 8.
• 6. De laicis. cap 8.
• 7. De Pont. lib 5. cap. 18.
• 8. De Pont. lib. 2. cap. 26.
• 9. De Pont. lib. 4 cap. 15.
• 10 De Clericis cap. 28.
• 11. Ibidem.
• 12. Ibidem.