A remonstrance of the most gratious King Iames I. King of Great Britaine, France, and Ireland, defender of the faith, &c. For the right of kings, and the independance of their crownes. Against an oration of the most illustrious Card. of Perron, pronounced in the chamber of the third estate. Ian. 15. 1615. Translated out of his Maiesties French copie.

The second Jnconuenience examined.

THE second Inconuenience like to growe, (as the Lord Cardinall see∣meth to be halfe afraid) if the Article of the third Estate might haue passed with appro∣bation, is couched in these words:

Lay-men shall by authoritie be strengthened with power, to iudge in matters of Religion; as also to deter∣mine the doctrine comprised in the said Article to haue requisite conformitie with Gods word: yea they shall haue it in their hands to compell Eccle∣siastics

by necessitie, to sweare, preach, and teach the opinion of the one side, as also by Sermons and publike writings to impugne the other.

This inconuenience hee aggrauateth with swel∣ling words, and breaketh out into these ve∣hement exclamations: O reproach, O scandall, O gate set open to a world of heresies. He there∣fore laboureth both by reasons, & by auto∣rities of holy Scripture, to make such vsur∣ped power of Laics, a fowle, shamefull, and odious practise. In the whole, his Lordship toyles himselfe in vaine, and maketh sup∣positions of castles in the aire. For in pre∣ferring this Article, the third Estate haue born themselues not as iudges or vmpires, but altogether as petitioners: requesting the said Article might be receiued into the number of the Parliament bookes, to bee presented vnto the King and his Counsell, vnto whome in all humilitie they referred the iudgement of the said Article; concei∣uing all good hope the Clergie and Nobi∣litie would be pleased to ioyne for the fur∣therance of their humble petition. They were not so ignorant of State-matters, or so

vnmindfull of their owne places and char∣ges, to beare themselues in hand, that a pe∣tition put vp and preferred by the third E∣state, can carrie the force of a Lawe or Sta∣tute, so long as the other two Orders with∣stand the same, and so long as the King himselfe holds backe his Royall consent. Besides, the said Article was not propoun∣ded as a point of religious doctrine; but for euer after to remaine and continue a fun∣damentall Lawe of the Commonwealth and State it selfe, the due care whereof was put into their hands, and committed to their trust. If the King had ratified the said Article with Royall consent, and had com∣manded the Clergie to put in execution the contents thereof; it had beene their du∣ty to see the Kings will and pleasure fulfil∣led, as they are subiects bound to giue him aide in all things, which may any way serue to procure the safetie of his life, and the tranquility of his Kingdome. Which if the Clergie had performed to the vttermost of their power, they had not shewed obedi∣ence as vnderlings, vnto the third Estate,

but vnto the King alone: by whome such commaund had beene imposed, vpon sug∣gestion of his faithfull subiects, made the more watchfull by the negligence of the Clergie; whom they perceiue to be linked with stricter bands vnto the Pope, then they are vnto their King. Here then the Cardinall fights with meere shadowes, and mooues a doubt whereof his aduersaries haue not so much as once thought in a dreame. But yet, according to his great dexteritie and nimblenesse of spirit, by this deuice he cunningly takes vpon him to giue the King a lesson with more libertie: making semblance to direct his masked O∣ration to the Deputies of the people, when he shooteth in effect, and pricketh at his King, the Princes also and Lords of his Counsell, whom the Cardinall compriseth vnder the name of Laics; whose iudgment (it is not vnlikely) was apprehended much better by the Clergy, then the iudgement of the third Estate. Now these are the men whom he tearmeth intruders into other mens charges, and such as open a gate for

I wot not how many legions of heresies, to rush into the Church. For if it be proper to the Clergie and their Head, to iudge in this cause of the Right of Kings; then the King himselfe, his Princes, and Nobilitie, are de∣barred and wiped of all iudgement in the same cause, no lesse then the representatiue body of the people.

Well then, the L▪ Cardinall showres downe like haile sundry places and testi∣monies of Scripture, where the people are commaunded to haue their Pastors in sin∣gular loue, and to beare them all respects of due obseruance. Be it so; yet are the said passages of Scripture no barre to the peo∣ple, for their vigilant circumspection, to preserue the life and Crown of their Prince, against all the wicked enterprises of men stirred vp by the Clergie, who haue their Head out of the Kingdom, and hold them∣selues to be none of the Kings subiects: a thing neuer spoken by the sacrificing Priests and Prelates, mentioned in the pas∣sages alleadged by the Lord Cardinall. He likewise produceth two Christian Empe∣rours,

Constantine and Valentinian by name; the first refusing to meddle with iudgement in Episcopall causes: the other forbearing to iudge of subtile Questions in Diuinity, with protestation, that Hee would neuer be so curious, to diue into the streames, or sound the bottome of so deepe matters. But who doth not knowe, that working and proui∣ding for the Kings indemnity and safetie, is neither Episcopall cause, nor matter of curi∣ous and subtile inquisition? The same an∣swer meets with all the rest of the places produced by the L. Cardinal out of the Fa∣thers. And that one for example, out of Gregory Nazianzenus, is not cited by the Cardinall with faire dealing. For Gregorie doth not boord the Emperour himselfe, but his Deputie or L. President, on this manner: For we also are in authoritie and place of a Ruler, we haue command aswell as your selfe: whereas the L. Cardinal with fowle play, turnes the place in these termes, We also are Emperours. Which words can beare no such interpretation, as well because he to whom the Bishop then spake, was not of Imperiall

dignitie; as also because if the Bishop him∣selfe, a Bishop of so small a citie as Nazian∣zum, had qualified himselfe Emperour, he should haue passed all the bounds of mo∣destie, and had shewed himselfe arrogant aboue measure. For as touching subiecti∣on due to Christian Emperours, hee free∣ly acknowledgeth a little before, that him∣selfe and his people are subiect vnto the su∣periour powers, yea bound to pay them tribute. The history of the same Gregories life doth testifie, that he was drawne by the Arrians before the Consuls iudgement seate, and from thence returned acquitted, without either stripes or any other kind of contu∣melious entreatie and vse: yet now at last vp starts a Prelate, who dares make this good Father vaunt himselfe to bee an Em∣perour. It is willingly granted, that Empe∣rours neuer challenged, neuer arrogated, to be Soueraigne Iudges in controuersies of doctrine and faith; neuertheles it is clea∣rer then the Sunnes light at high noone, that for moderation at Synods, for deter∣minations and orders established in Coun∣cils,

and for the discipline of the Church, they haue made a good and a full vse of their Imperiall authoritie. The 1. Council held at Constantinople, beares this title or inscription; The dedication of the holy Synode to the most religious Emperour Theodosius the Great, to whose will and pleasure they haue sub∣mitted these Canons by them addressed and esta∣blished in Council. And there they also be∣seech the Emperour, to confirme and ap∣prooue the said Canons. The like hath bin done by the Councill of Trullo, by whome the Canons of the fift and sixt Councils were put forth and published. This was not done, because Emperours tooke vpon them to bee infallible Iudges of doctrine; but onely that Emperours might see and iudge, whether Bishops (who feele the pricke of ambition as other men doe) did propound nothing in their Conuocations and Consultations, but most of all in their Determinations, to vndermine the Empe∣rours authoritie, to disturbe the tranquili∣tie of the Commonwealth, and to crosse the determinations of precedent Councils.

Now to take the cognizance of such mat∣ters out of the Kings hand or power; what is it but euen to transforme the King into a standing image, to wring and wrest him out of all care of himselfe and his Kingly charge, yea to bring him downe to this ba∣sest condition, to become onely an execu∣tioner, and (which I scorne to speake) the vnhappie hangman of the Clergies will, without any further cognizance, not so much as of matters which most neerely touch himselfe, and his Royall estate?

I graunt it is for Diuinitie Schooles, to iudge how farre the power of the Keyes doth stretch: I graunt againe, that Clerics both may, and ought also to display the co∣lours and ensignes of their censures against Princes, who violating their publike and solemne oath, do raise and make open war against Iesus Christ: I graunt yet againe, that in this case they need not admit Laics to be of their counsell, nor allowe them a∣ny scope or libertie of iudgement. Yet all this makes no barre to Clerics, for exten∣ding the power of their keies, many times

a whole degree further then they ought; and when they are pleased, to make vse of their said power, to depriue the people of their goods, or the Prince of his Crowne: all this doth not hinder Prince or people from taking care for the preseruation of their owne rights and estates, nor from re∣quiring Clerics to shewe their cards, and produce their Charts, and to make demon∣stration by Scripture, that such power as they assume and challenge, is giuen them from God. For to leaue the Pope absolute Iudge in the same cause wherein hee is a party, and (which is the strongest rampier and bulwarke, yea the most glorious and eminent point of his domination) to arme him with power to vnhorse Kings out of their feates; what is it else but euen to draw them into a state of despaire, for euery win∣ning the day, or preuailing in their honou∣rable and rightfull cause?

It is moreouer graunted, if a King shall commaund any thing directly contrary to Gods word, and tending to the subuer∣ting of the Church; that Clerics in this case

ought not onely to dispense with subiects for their obedience, but also expressely to forbid their obedience: For it is alwaies better to obey God then man. Howbeit in all other matters, whereby the glory and maiesty of God is not impeached or impai∣red, it is the duty of Clerics to plie the peo∣ple with wholesome exhortation to con∣stant obedience, and to auert by earnest disswasions the said people from tumultu∣ous reuolt and seditious insurrection. This practise vnder the Pagan Emperours, was held and followed by the auncient Christi∣ans; by whose godly zeale and patience in bearing the yoke, the Church in times past grew and flourished in her happy and plen∣tifull encrease, farre greater then Poperie shall euer purchase and attaine vnto by all her cunning deuises and sleights: as namely by degrading of Kings, by interdicting of Kingdomes, by apposted murders, and by Diabolicall traines of Gunne-powder-mines.

The places of Scripture alledged in or∣der by the Cardinall, in fauour of those that

stand for the Popes claime of power and authoritie to depose Kings, are cited with no more sinceritie then the former:

They alleadge (these are his words) that Samuel de∣posed King Saul, or declared him to bee deposed, because hee had violated the lawes of the Iewes religion.

His Lordship auoucheth elsewhere, that Saul was deposed, because hee had sought prophanely to vsurpe the holy Priesthood. Both false, and contrary to the tenor of truth in the sacred historie. For Saul was neuer deposed, according to the sense of the word (I meane, depose) in the present question: to wit, as deposing is ta∣ken for despoyling the King of his Royall dignity, and reducing the King to the con∣dition of a priuate person: But Saul held the title of King, and continued in possession of his Kingdome, euen to his dying day. Yea, the Scripture styles him King, euen to the periodical and last day of his life, by the testimonie of Dauid himselfe, who both by Gods promise, and by precedent vnction, was then heire apparant as it were to the Crowne, in a manner then ready to gird

and adorne the temples of his head. For if Samuel, by Gods commaundement, had then actually remooued Saul from his Throne, doubtles the whole Church of Is∣rael had committed a grosse error, in ta∣king and honouring Saul for their King af∣ter such deposition: doubtlesse the Prophet Samuel himselfe, making known the Lords ordinance vnto the people, would haue enioyned them by strict prohibition, to call him no longer the King of Israel: doubtles Dauid would neuer haue held his hand from the throate of Saul, for this respect and consideration, because hee was the Lords annointed. For if Saul had lost his Kingly authoritie, from that instant when Samuel gaue him knowledge of his reiection; then Dauid, least otherwise the bodie of the Kingdome should want a Royal Head, was to beginne his Raigne, and to beare the Royall Scepter in the very same instant: which were to charge the holy Scriptures with vntruth, in as much as the sacred histo∣rie beginnes the computation of the yeers of Dauids raigne, from the day of Sauls

death. True it is, that in the 2. Sam. cap. 15. Saul was denounced by Gods owne sen∣tence, a man reiected, and as it were ex∣communicated out of the Kingdome, that he should not rule and raigne any longer as King ouer Israel; neuerthelesse the said sentence was not put in execution, before the day when God, executing vpon Saul an exemplarie iudgement, did strike him with death. From whence it is manifest and cleare, that when Dauid was annointed King by Samuel, that action was onely a promise, and a testimony of the choice, which God had made of Dauid for suc∣cession immediately after Saul; and not a present establishment, inuestment, or in∣stalment of Dauid in the Kingdome. Wee reade the like in 1. King. cap. 19. where God commaundeth Elias the Prophet, to annoint Hasael King of Syria. For can any man be so blind and ignorant in the sacred History, to beleeue the Prophets of Israel established, or sacred the Kings of Syria? For this cause, when Dauid was actually established in the Kingdom, he was anoin∣ted

the second time.

In the next place he brings in the Popes champions vsing these words;

Rehoboam was deposed by Ahiah the Prophet, from his Royall right ouer the tenne Tribes of Israel, because his father Salomon had played the Apostata, in fal∣ling from the Lawe of God.

This I say also, is more then the truth of the sacred historie doth affoard. For Ahiah neuer spake to Re∣hoboam (for ought we reade,) nor brought vnto him any message from the Lord. As for the passage quoted by the L. Cardinall out of Reg. 3. chap. 11. it hath not reference to the time of Rehoboams raigne, but ra∣ther indeed to Salomons time: nor doth it carrie the face of a iudicatory sentence for the Kings deposing, but rather of a Prophe∣ticall prediction. For how could Rehobo∣am, before he was made King, be depriued of the Kingdome? Last of all, but worst of all; to alleadge this passage for an example of a iust sentence in matter of deposing a King, is to approoue the disloyall treache∣ry of a seruant against his master, and the rebellion of Ieroboam branded in Scrip∣ture

with a marke of perpetuall infamy for his wickednesse and impietie.

He goes on with an other example of no more truth:

King Achab was deposed by Elias the Prophet, because he imbraced false reli∣gion, and worshipped false gods.

False too like the former; King Achab lost his Crowne and his life both together. The Scripture, that speaketh not according to mans fancy, but according to the truth, doth extend and number the yeeres of Achabs raigne, to the time of his death. Predictions of a Kings ruine, are no sentences of depositi∣on. Elias neuer gaue the subiects of A∣chab absolution from their oath of obedi∣ence; neuer gaue them the least inckling of any such absolution; neuer set vp, or placed any other King in Achabs Throne.

That of the L. Cardinall a little after, is no lesse vntrue:

That King Vzziah was dri∣uen from the conuersation of the people by Azari∣as the Priest, and thereby the administration of his Kingdome was left no longer in his power.

Not so: For when God had smitten Vzziah with leprosie in his forehead, he withdrew

himselfe, or went out into an house apart, for feare of infecting such as were whole by his contagious disease. The high Priest smote him not with any sentence of deposi∣tion, or denounced him suspended from the administration of his Kingdome. No: the dayes of his raigne are numbred in Scripture, to the day of his death. And whereas the Priest, according to the Lawe in the 13. of Leuit. iudged the King to be vncleane; he gaue sentence against him, not as against a criminall person, and thereby within the compasse of deposition; but as against a diseased body. For the Lawe in∣flicteth punishments, not vpon diseases, but vpon crimes. Hereupon, whereas it is re∣corded by Iosephus in his Antiquities, that Vzziah lead a priuate, and in a manner, a so∣litarie life; the said author doth not meane, that Vzziah was deposed, but onely that he disburdened himselfe of care to mannage the publike affaires.

The example of Mattathias, by whome the Iewes were stirred vp to rebell against Antiochus, is no better worth. For in that

example we finde no sentence of depositi∣on, but onely an heartning and commoti∣on of a people then grieuously afflicted and oppressed. He that makes himselfe the ring-leader of conspiracie against a King, doth not forthwith assume the person, or take vp the office and charge of a Iudge, in forme of lawe, and iuridically to depriue a King of his Regall rights, and Royall pre∣rogatiues. Mattathias was chiefe of that conspiracy, not in qualitie of Priest, but of cheiftaine, or leader in warre, and a man the best qualified of all the people. Things a∣cted by the suddaine violence of the base vulgar, must not stand for lawes, nor yet for proofes and arguments of ordinarie power, such as the Pope challengeth to himselfe, and appropriateth to his triple-Crowne.

These bee our solide answers: wee dis∣claime the light armour which the L. Car∣dinall is pleased to furnish vs withall, for∣sooth to recreate himselfe, in rebating the points of such weapons, as he hath vouch∣safed to put into our hands. Now it will be

worth our labour to beate by his thrusts, fetcht from the ordinary mission of the new Testament, from leprosie, stones, and locks of wool. A leach no doubt of admirable skil, one that for subiecting the Crownes of Kings vnto the Pope, is able to extract ar∣guments out of stones; yea, out of the le∣prosie, and the drie scab, onely forsooth be∣cause heresie is a kind of leprosie, and an heretike hath some affinitie with a leper. But may not his Quoniam, be as fitly apply∣ed to any contagious & inueterate vice of the minde beside heresie? His warning-peice therefore is discharged to purpose, whereby he notifies that hee pretendeth to handle nothing with resolution. For indeed vpon so weake arguments, a resolution is but ill-fauouredly and weakely groun∣ded.

His bulwarks thus beaten downe, let vs now viewe the strength of our owne. First, hee makes vs to fortifie on this manner:

They that are for the negatiue, doe alleadge the authoritie of S. Paul; Let euery soule bee subiect vnto the higher powers: For whosoeuer resisteth

the power, resisteth the ordinance of God. And likewise that of S. Peter, Submit your selues, whether it be vnto the King, as vnto the superi∣our, or vnto gouernours, &c. Vpon these passa∣ges, and the like, they inferre, that obedience is due to Kings by the Lawe of God, and not di∣spensable by any spirituall or temporall authori∣tie.

Thus he brings vs in with our first wea∣pon. But here the very cheife sinew and strength of our argument, he doth witting∣ly balke, and of purpose conceale. To wit, That all the Emperours of whom the said holy Apostles haue made any mention in their diuine Epistles, were professed ene∣mies to Christ, Pagans, Infidels, fearefull and bloody Tyrants: to whom notwith∣standing euery soule, and therefore the Bi∣shop of Rome for one, is commaunded to submit himselfe, and to professe subiection. Thus much Chrysostome hath expressely taught in his Hom. 23. vpon the Epistle to the Romanes; The Apostle giues this comman∣dement vnto all: euen to Priests also, and cloiste∣red Monkes, not onely to secular: be thou an A∣postle, an Euangelist, a Prophet, &c. Besides,

it is here worthy to be noted, that howsoe∣uer the Apostles rule is generall, and there∣fore bindeth all the faithfull in equal bands; yet is it particularly, directly, and of pur∣pose addressed to the Church of Rome by S. Paul, as by one who in the spirit of an A∣postle did foresee, that rebellion against Princes was to rise and spring from the city of Rome. Now in case the Head of that Church by warrant of any priuiledge, con∣tained in the most holy Register of Gods holy word, is exempted from the binding power of this generall precept or rule; did it not become his Lordship to shew by the booke, that it is a booke case, and to lay it forth before that honourable assembly, who no doubt expected & waited to heare when it might fal from his learned lips? But in stead of any such authenticall and cano∣nicall confirmation, hee flyeth to a sleight shift, and with a cauill is bold to affirme the foundation, laid by those of our side, doth no way touch the knot of the controuersie. Let vs heare him speake:

Jt is not in contro∣uersie, whether obedience bee due to Kings by

Gods Lawe, so long as they are Kings, or acknow∣ledged for Kings: but our point controuerted, is whether by Gods Lawe it bee required, that hee who hath beene once recognised and receiued for King by the bodie of Estates, can at any time bee taken and reputed as no King, that is to say, can doe no manner of act whereby hee may loose his right, and so cease to be saluted King.

This an∣swer of the L. Cardinal is the rare deuise, e∣uasion, and starting hole of the Iesuites. In whose eares of delicate and tender touch, King-killing soundeth very harsh: but for∣sooth to vn-king a King first, and then to giue him the stabbe, that is a point of iust and true descant. For to kill a King, once vn-king'd by deposition, is not killing of a King. For the present I haue one of that Iesuiticall Order in prison, who hath face enough to speak this language of Ashdod, and to maintaine this doctrine of the Iesu∣ites Colledges. The L. Cardinal harps vp∣on the same string. He can like subiection and obedience to the King, whilest hee sit∣teth King: but his Holinesse must haue all power, and giue order withall, to hoyst him

out of his Royall seate. I therefore now an∣swer, that in very deed the former passages of S. Paul and S. Peter should come nothing neere the question, if the state of the que∣stion were such as he brings it, made and forged in his owne shop. But certes the state of the question is not, whether a King may doe some act, by reason whereof hee may fall from his right, or may not any longer be acknowledged for King. For all our contention is, concerning the Popes power to vn-authorize Princes: whereas in the question framed and fitted by the L. Card. not a word of the Pope. For were it graunted and agreed on both sides, that a King by election might fall from his King∣dome, yet still the knot of the question would hold, whether he can bee disposses∣sed of his Regall authority, by any power in the Pope; and whether the Pope hath such fulnesse of power, to strip a King of those Royall robes, rights, and reuenues of the Crowne, which were neuer giuen him by the Pope; as also by what authority of holy Scripture, the Pope is able to beare

out himselfe in this power, and to make it good.

But here the L. Cardinal stoutly saith in his owne defence by way of reioynder;

As one text hath, Let euery soule be subiect vnto the higher powers; in like manner an other text hath, Obey your Prelates, and be subiect vnto your Pa∣stors: for they watch ouer your soules, as men that shall giue an accompt for your soules.

This rea∣son is void of reason, and makes against himselfe. For may not Prelates be obeyed and honoured, without Kings be deposed? If Prelates preach the doctrine of the Go∣spell, will they in the pulpit stirre vp sub∣iects to rebell against Kings? Moreouer, whereas the vniuersal Church in these daies is diuided into so many discrepant parts, that now Prelates neither do nor can draw all one way; is it not exceeding hard, kee∣ping our obedience towards God, to ho∣nour them all at once with due obedience? Nay; is not here offered vnto me a dart out of the L. Cardinals armorie, to cast at him∣selfe? For as God chargeth all men with o∣bedience to Kings, and yet from that com∣maundement

of God, the Lord Cardinal would not haue it inferred, that Kings haue power to degrade Ecclesiasticall Prelates: euen so God giueth charge to obey Pre∣lates, yet doth it not followe from hence, that Prelates haue power to depose Kings. These two degrees of obedience agree well together, and are each of them boun∣ded with peculiar and proper limits.

But for so much as in this point, we haue on our side the whole auncient Church, which, albeit she liued and groned for ma∣ny ages together vnder heathen Empe∣rours, heretikes, and persecuters, did neuer so much as whisper a word about rebelling and falling from their Soueraigne Lords, and was neuer by any mortall creature fre¦ed from the oath of allegiance to the Em∣perour; the Cardinal is not vnwilling to graunt, that ancient Christians in those times were bound to performe such fideli∣ty & allegiance, for as much as the Church (the Cardinal for shame durst not say the Pope) then had not absolued them of their oath. No doubt a pleasant dreame, or a

merry conceit rather, to imagine the Bi∣shop of Rome was armed with power to take away the Empire of the world from Nero, or Claudius, or Domitianus; to whom it was not knowne, whether the ci∣tie of Rome had any Bishop at all. Is it not a master-iest, of a straine most ridiculous, to presuppose the Grand-masters and abso∣lute Lords of the whole world, had a sent so dull, that they were not able to smel out, and to nose things vnder their owne noses? that they saw so little with other mens eies and their owne, that within their capitall citie, they could not spie that Soueraigne armed with ordinary and lawfull authority to degrade, and to turne them out of their renowned Empire? Doubtlesse the said Emperours, vassals belike of the Popes Empire, are to be held excused for not ac∣knowledging and honouring the Pope in quality of their Lord, as became his vassals; because they did not know there was any such power in the world, as after-times haue magnified and adored vnder the qua∣litie of Pope. For the Bishops of Rome in

those times, were of no greater authoritie, power, and meanes, then some of the Bi∣shops are in these daies within my King∣domes.

But certes those Popes of that primitiue age, thought it not expedient in the said times to drawe their swords: they exerci∣sed their power in a more mild and soft kind of cariage toward those miserable Em∣perours, for three seuerall reasons alledged by the L. Cardinall.

The first: because the Bishops then durst not by their censures whet and prouoke those Emperous, for feare of plunging the Church in a Sea of persecutions. But if I be not cleane voide of common sense, this rea∣son serueth to charge not only the Bishops of Rome, but all the auncient professors of Christ besides, with deepe dissimulation and hypocrisie. For it is all one as if he had professed, that all their obedience to their Soueraignes, was but counterfeit, and ex∣torted, or wrung out of them by force: that all the submissiue supplications of the aun∣cient Fathers, the assured testimonies and

pledges of their allegiance, humilitie, and patience, were but certaine formes of dis∣guised speech, proceeding not freely from the suggestions of fidelity, but faintly and fainedly, or at least from the strong twit∣ches & violent convulsions of feare. Wher∣upon it followes, that all their torments and punishments, euen to the death, are wrongfully honoured with the title, and crowned with the crowne of Martyrdome; because their patience proceeded not from their owne free choice and election, but was taught by the force of necessitie, as by compulsion: and whereas they had not mutinously and rebelliously risen in arms, to asswage the scorching heat and burning flames of tyrannicall persecuters, it was not for want of will, but for lacke of power. Which false and forged imputation, the Fathers haue cleared themselues of in their writings. Tertullian in his Apologet: All places are full of Christians, the cities, isles, castles, burroughs, armies, &c. If we that are so infinite a power, and multitude of men, had broken from you into some remote nooke or corner of the

world, the cities no doubt had become naked and solitarie: there had beene a dreadfull and horri∣ble silence ouer the face of the whole Empire: the great Emperours had beene driuen to seeke out newe cities, and to discouer newe nations, ouer whom to beare Soueraigne sway and rule: there had remained more enemies to the State, then subiects and friends. Cyprian also against Demetrianus: None of vs all, howsoeuer wee are a people mighty and without number, haue made resistance against any of your vniust and wrongfull actions, executed with all violence; neither haue sought by rebellious armes, or by any other sinister practises, to crie quittance with you at any time for the righting of our selues. Certain it is, that vnder Iulianus, the whole Empire in a manner professed the Christian Religi∣on; yea, that his Leiftenants and great Commanders, as Iovinianus, and Valenti∣nianus by name, professed Christ. Which two Princes not long after attained to the Imperiall dignitie, but might haue solicited the Pope sooner to degrade Iulianus from the Imperiall Throne. For say that Iulians whole army had renounced the Christian

Religion: (as the L. Cardinall against all shew and appearance of truth would beare vs in hand, and contrary to the generall voice of the said whole army, making this profession with one consent when Iulian was dead, Wee are all Christians:) yet Italie then persisting in the faith of Christ, and the army of Iulian then lying quartered in Persia, the vtmost limit of the Empire to the East, the Bishop of Rome had fit op∣portunity to drawe the sword of his autho∣rity (if he had then any such sword hang∣ing at his Pontificall side) to make Iulian feele the sharpe edge of his weapon, and thereby to pull him downe from the state∣ly pearch of the Romane Empire. I say moreouer, that by this generall and sud∣daine profession of the whole Caesarian ar∣my, We are all Christians, it is clearely testifi∣ed, that if his army or souldiers were then addicted to Paganisme, it was wrought by compulsion, and cleane contrary to their setled perswasion before: and then it fol∣lowes, that with greater patience they would haue borne the deposing of Iulian,

then if hee had suffered them to vse the li∣bertie of their conscience. To bee short in the matter; S. Augustine makes all whole, and by his testimonie doth euince, that Iu∣lians army perseuered in the faith of Christ. The souldiers of Christ serued a heathen Empe∣rour: But when the cause of Christ was called in question, they acknowledged none but Christ in heauen: When the Emperour would haue them to serue, and to perfume his idols with frankincense, they gaue obedience to God, rather then to the Emperour. After which words, the very same words alledged by the L. Cardinall against himselfe doe followe: They did then distin∣guish betweene the Lord eternall, and the Lord temporall: neuerthelesse they were subiect vnto the Lord temporall, for the Lord eternall. It was therefore to pay God his duty of obedi∣ence, and not for feare to incense the Em∣perour, or to drawe persecution vpon the Church (as the L. Cardinall would make vs beleeue) that Christians of the Primitiue Church and Bishops by their censures, durst not anger and prouoke their Emperours. But his Lordship by his coloured preten∣ces

doth manifestly prouoke and stirre vp the people to rebellion, so soone as they knowe their owne strength to beare out a rebellious practise. Whereupon it followes, that in case their conspiracie shall take no good effect, all the blame and fault must lie, not in their disloyalty and treason, but in the badde choice of their times for the best aduantage, and in the want of taking a true sight of their owne weakenesse. Let stirring spirits be trained vp in such practi∣call precepts, let desperate wits be seasoned with such rules of discipline; and what need we, or how can we wonder they contriue powder—conspiracies, and practise the damnable art of parricides?

After Iulian, his Lordship falles vpon Valentinian the younger, who maintai∣ning Arrianisme with great and open vio∣lence, might haue beene deposed by the Christians from his Empire, and yet (say we) they neuer dream'd of any such pra∣ctise. Here the L. Cardinal maketh answer:

The Christians mooued with respect vnto the fresh memory both of the brother and father, as

also vnto the weake estate of the sonnes young yeeres, abstained from all counsels and courses of sharper effect and operation.

To which answer I reply: these are but friuolous coniectures, deuised and framed to tickle his owne fan∣cie. For had Valentinianus the younger beene the sonne of an Arrian, and had then also attained to threescore yeeres of age, they would neuer haue borne themselues in other fashion then they did, towards their Emperour. Then the Cardinal goeth on: The people would not abandon the factious and seditious party, but were so firme or obstinate rather for the faction, that Valentinian for feare of the tumultu∣ous vproares was constrained to giue way, and was threatened by the souldiers, that except hee would adhere vnto the Catho∣likes, they would yeeld him no assistance, nor stand for his partie. Now this answer of the L. Cardinall makes nothing to the purpose, concerning the Popes power to pull downe Kings from their stately nest. Let vs take notice of his proper conse∣quence. Valentinian was afraid of the po∣pular

tumult at Milan: the Pope therefore hath power to curbe hereticall Kings by deposition. Now marke what distance is betweene Rome and Milan, what diffe∣rence betweene the people of Milan, and the Bishop of Rome; betweene a popular tumult, and a iudicatory sentence; between fact and right, things done by the people or souldiers of Milan, and things to bee done according to right and law by the Bishop of Rome; the same distance, the same diffe∣rence (if not farre greater) is betweene the L. Cardinals antecedent and his conse∣quent, betweene his reason, and the maine cause or argument which we haue in hand. The madde commotion of the people was not here so much to be regarded, as the sad instruction of the Pastor, of their good and godly Pastor S. Ambrose, so far from heart∣ning the people of Milan to rebell, that be∣ing Bishop of Milan, he offered himselfe to suffer Martyrdome: If the Emperour abuse his Imperiall authoritie, (for so Theodoret hath recited his words) to tyrannize thereby, here am I ready to suffer death. And what resistance

he made against his L. Emperour, was only by way of supplication in these tearmes: We beseech thee, O Augustus, as humble suppliants; we offer no resistance: we are not in feare, but we flie to supplication. Againe, If my patrimony be your marke, enter vpon my patrimonie: if my bo∣die, I will goe and meet my torments. Shall I bee drag'd to prison or to death? I will take delight in both. Item, in his Oration to Auxentius: J can afflict my soule with sorrowe, I can lament, J can send forth grieuous groanes: My weapons a∣gainst either of both, souldiers or Goths, are teares: A Priest hath none other weapons of de∣fence: I neither can resist, nor ought in any other manner to make resistance.

Iustinian Emperour in his old age fell into the heresie of the Aphthartodocites. Against Iustinian, though fewe they were that fauoured him in that heresie, the Bi∣shop of Rome neuer darted with violence any sentence of Excommunication, inter∣diction, or deposition.

The Ostrogot Kings in Italy, the Visi∣got in Spaine, the Vandal in Africa were all addicted to the Arrian impietie, and some

of them cruelly persecuted the true profes∣sors. The Visigot and Vandall were no neighbours to Italie. The Pope thereby had the lesse cause to feare the stings of those waspes, if they had been angred. The Pope for all that neuer had the humour to wrastle or iustle with any of the said Kings in the cause of deposing them from their Thrones. But especially the times when the Vandals in Affricke, and the Goths in Italy by Belisarius and Narses, professors of the Orthodoxe faith, were tyred with long warres, and at last were vtterly defeated in bloodie battels, are to be considered. Then were the times or neuer, for the Pope to vnsheath his weapons, and to vn-case his arrowes of deposition; then were the times to drawe them out of his quiuer, and to shoote at all such Arrian Heads: then were the times by dispensations to release their subiects of their oathes, by that perempto∣ry meanes to aide and strengthen the Ca∣tholike cause. But in that age the said wea∣pons were not knowne to haue been ham∣mered in the Pontificall forge.

Gregory I. made his boasts, that he was able to ruine the Lombards, (for many yeeres together sworne enemies to the Bi∣shops of Rome) their state present, and the hope of all their future prosperity. But hee telleth vs, that by the feare of God before his eyes and in his heart, he was bridled and restrained from any such intent, as elswhere we haue obserued: If J would haue medled with practising and procuring the death of the Lombards, the whole nation of the Lombards at this day had been robbed of their Kings, Dukes, Earles, they had beene reduced to the tearmes of extreame confusion. Hee might at least haue deposed their King, (if the credit of the L. Cardinals iudgement bee currant) with∣out polluting or stayning his owne consci∣ence.

What can we tearm this assertion of the L. Cardinall, but open charging the most auncient Bishops of Rome with crueltie, when they would not succour the Church of Christ oppressed by tyrants, whose op∣pression they had power to represse by de∣posing the oppressors. Is it credible, that Ie∣sus

Christ hath giuen a Commission to S. Peter and his successors for so many ages, without any power to execute their Com∣mission, or to make any vse thereof by pra∣ctise? Is it credible, that he hath giuen them a sword to be kept in the scabbard, without drawing once in a thousand yeeres? Is it credible, that in the times when Popes were most deboshed, abandoning them∣selues to all sorts of corrupt and vitious courses, as it testified by their own flaterers and best affected seruants; is it credible that in those times they beganne to vnderstand the vertue and strength of their Commissi∣on? For if either feare or lacke of power, was the cause of holding their hands, and voluntarie binding of themselues to the peace or good behauiour: wherefore is not some one Pope at least produced, who hath complained that he was hindered from ex∣ecuting the power that Christ had confer∣red vpon his Pontificall See? Wherefore is not some one of the auncient and holy Fa∣thers alledged, by whom the Pope hath bin aduised and exhorted to take courage, to

stand vpon the vigor and sinewes of his Pa¦pall Office, to vnsheath and vnease his bolts of thunder against vngodly Princes, and grieuous enemies to the Church? wherefore liuing vnder Christian and gra∣cious Emperours, haue they not made knowne the reasons, why they were hind∣red from drawing the pretended sword; least long custome of not vsing the sword so many ages, might make it so to rust in the scabbard, that when there should bee occasion to vse the said sword, it could not be drawne at all; and least so long custome of not vsing the same, should confirme prescription to their greater preiudice? If weakenes bee a iust let, how is it come to passe, that Popes haue enterprised to de∣pose Philip the Faire, Lewis the XII. and Elizabeth my predecessor of happy me∣morie; (to let passe others) in whom expe∣rience hath well prooued, how great ine∣qualitie was between their strengths? Yea, for the most part from thence growe most grieuous troubles and warres, which iustly recoyle and light vpon his owne head; as

happened to Gregory the VII. and Boni∣face the VIII. This no doubt is the reason, wherefore the Pope neuer sets in (for feare of such inconueniences) to blast a King with lightning and thunder of deposition, but when he perceiues the troubled waters of the Kingdome by some strong faction setled in his Estate; or when the King is confined, and bordered by some Prince more potent, who thirsteth after the prey, & is euer gaping for some occasion to picke a quarrell. The King standing in such estate, is it not as easie for the Pope to pull him downe, as it is for a man with one hand to thrust downe a tottering wall, when the groundsil is rotten, the studdes vnpind and nodding or bending towards the ground? But if the King shall beare down and break the faction within the Realme; if hee shall get withall the vpper hand of his enemies out of the Kingdome; then the holy Fa∣ther presents him with pardons neuer sued for, neuer asked; and in a fathers indul∣gence forsooth, giues him leaue stil to hold the Kingdome, that he was not able by all

his force to wrest and wring out of his hand, no more then the clubbe of Hercu∣les out of his fist. How many worthy Prin∣ces, incensed by the Pope, to conspire a∣gainst Soueraigne Lords their Masters, and by open rebellion to worke some change in their Estates, haue miscarried in the action, with losse of life, or honour, or both? For example; Rodulphus Duke of Sueuia was eg'd on by the Pope, against Henrie IIII. of that name, Emperour. How many massacres, how many desolati∣ons of cities and townes, how many bloo∣dy battels ensued thereupon? Let histories be searched, let iust accompts be taken, and beside sieges laid to cities, it wil appeare by true computation, that Henrie IIII. and Frederic the I. fought aboue threescore battels, in defence of their owne right a∣gainst enemies of the Empire, stirred vp to armes by the Popes of Rome. How much Christian blood was then split in these bloody battels, it passeth mans witte, penne, or tongue to expresse. And to giue a little touch vnto matters at home; doth

not his Holinesse vnderstand right well the weakenesse of Papists in my Kingdome? Doth not his Holinesse neuerthelesse ani∣mate my Papists to rebellion, and forbid my Papists to take the oath of allegiance? Doth not his Holinesse by this means draw (so much as in him lieth) persecution vpon the backes of my Papists as vpon rebells, and expose their life as it were vpon the o∣pen stall, to be sold at a very easie price? All these examples, either ioynt or seuerall, are manifest and euident proofes, that feare to drawe mischiefe and persecution vpon the Church, hath not barred the Popes from thundering against Emperours and Kings, whensoeuer they conceiued any hope, by their fulminations to aduance their great∣nesse.

Last of all; I referre the matter to the most possessed with preiudice, euen the very aduersaries, whether this doctrine, by which people are trained vp in subiection vnto Infidel or hereticall Kings, vntill the subiects be of sufficient strength to mate their Kings, to expell their Kings, and to

depose them from their Kingdomes, doth not incense the Turkish Emperours and o∣ther Infidel Princes, to roote out all the Christians that drawe in their yoke, as peo∣ple that waite onely for a fit occasion to re∣bell, and to take themselues ingaged for o∣bedience to their Lords, onely by con∣straint and seruile feare. Let vs therefore now conclude with Ozius, in that famous Epistle speaking to Constantius an Arrian hereticke: As hee that by secret practise or o∣pen violence would bereaue thee of thy Empire, should violate Gods ordinance: so be thou touched with feare, least, by vsurping authoritie ouer Church matters, thou tumble not headlong into some hainous crime. Where this holy Bishop hath not vouchsafed to insert and mention the L. Cardinals exception; to wit, the right of the Church alwaies excepted and saued, when she shall be of sufficient strength to shake off the yoke of Emperours. Neither speaks the same holy Bishop of priuate per∣sons alone, or men of some particular con∣dition and calling; but he setteth downe a generall rule for all degrees, neuer to im∣peach

Imperial Maiestie vpon any pretext whatsoeuer.

As his Lordships first reason drawn from weakenesse is exceeding weake: so is that which the L. Cardinall takes vp in the next place:

He telleth vs there is very great diffe∣rence betweene Pagan Emperours, and Christian Princes: Pagan Emperours who neuer did ho∣mage to Christ, who neuer were by their subiects receiued, with condition to acknowledge perpetu∣all subiection vnto the Empire of Christ; who ne∣uer were bound by oath and mutuall contract be∣tweene Prince and subiect. Christian Princes who slide backe by Apostasie, degenerate by Arria∣nisme, or fall away by Mahometisme.

Touching the latter of these two, (as his Lordshippe saith)

If they shall as it were take an oath, and make a vowe contrary to their first oath and vow made and taken when they were installed, and contrary to the condition vnder which they recei∣ued the Scepter of their Fathers; if they withall shall turne persecutors of the Catholike religion;

touching these I say, the L. Cardinal holds, that without question they may be remoo∣ued from their Kingdomes. He telleth vs

not by whome, but euery where he mea∣neth by the Pope. Touching Kings depo∣sed by the Pope vnder pretence of stupi∣dity, as Childeric; or of matrimoniall cau∣ses, as Philip I. or for collating of benefi∣ces, as Philip the Faire; not one word. By that point he easily glideth, and shuffles it vp in silence, for feare of distasting the Pope on the one side, or his auditors on the other.

Now in alledging this reason, his Lord∣ship makes all the world a witnesse, that in deposing of Kings, the Pope hath no eye of regard to the benefit and securitie of the Church. For such Princes as neuer suckt o∣ther milke then that of Infidelitie, and per∣secution of Religion, are no lesse noisome and pernicious vermin to the Church, then if they had sucked of the Churches breasts. And as for the greatnesse of the sinne or offence, it seemes to me there is very little difference in the matter. For a Prince that neuer did sweare any religious obedience to Iesus Christ, is bound no lesse to such o∣bedience, then if he had taken a solemne

oath. As the sonne that rebelliously stands vp against his father, is in equall degree of sinne, whether he hath sworn or not sworn obedience to his father: because hee is bound to such obedience, not by any vo∣luntarie contract or couenant, but by the law of Nature. The commaundement of God to kisse the Sonne, whom the Father hath confirmed and ratified King of Kings, doth equally bind all Kings, as wel Pagans as Christians. On the other side, who de∣nies, who doubts, that Constantius Empe∣rour at his first steppe or entrance into the Empire, did not sweare and bind himselfe by solemne vowe, to keepe the rules and to maintaine the precepts of the Orthodox faith, or that he did not receiue his fathers Empire vpon such condition? This not∣withstanding, the Bishop of Rome pulled not Constantius from his Imperial throne, but Constantius remooued the Bishop of Rome from his Papall See. And were it so, that an oath taken by a King at his conse∣cration, and after violated, is a sufficient cause for the Pope to depose an Apostate or

hereticall Prince; then by good conse∣quence the Pope may in like sort depose a King, who beeing neither dead in Aposta∣sie, nor sicke of heresie, doth neglect one∣ly the due administration of iustice to his loyall subiects. For his oath taken at con∣secration importeth likewise, that he shall minister iustice to his people. A point wherein the holy Father is held short by the L. Cardinall, who dares prescribe new lawes to the Pope, and presumes to limit his fulnesse of power, within certaine meeres and head-lands, extending the Popes pow∣er only to the deposing of Christian Kings, when they turne Apostats forsaking the Catholike faith; and not such Princes as ne∣uer breathed any thing but pure Paga∣nisme, and neuer serued vnder the colours of Iesus Christ. Meane while his Lordship forgets, that King Attabaliba was deposed by the Pope from his Kingdome of Peru, and the said Kingdome was conferred vp∣on the King of Spaine, though the said poore King of Peru, neuer forsook his hea∣then superstition; and though the turning

of him out of his terrestrial Kingdome was no way to conuert him vnto the faith of Christ. Yea his Lordship a little after tel∣leth vs himselfe, that Be the Turkes possession in the conquests that hee maketh ouer Christians neuer so auncient, yet by no long tract of time whatsoeuer, can he gaine so much as a thumbes breadth of prescription: that is to say, the Turke for all that is but a disseisor, one that vio∣lently and wilfully keeps an other man from his owne, and by good right may be dispossessed of the same: whereas notwith∣standing the Turkish Emperours neuer fa∣uoured nor sauoured Christianitie. Let vs runne ouer the examples of Kings whome the Pope hath dared and presumed to de∣pose; and hardly will any one be found, of whome it may be truely auouched, that he hath taken an oath contrary to his oath of subiection to Iesus Christ, or that hee hath wilfully cast himselfe into Apostaticall de∣fection.

And certes to any man that weighs the matter with due consideration, it will be found apparantly false, that Kings of France

haue been receiued of their subiects at any time, with condition to serue Iesus Christ. They were actually Kings before they came foorth to the solemnity of their sa∣cring, before they vsed any stipulation or promise to their subiects. For in heredita∣ry Kingdomes, (nothing more certain, no∣thing more vncontroulable) the Kings death instantly maketh liuery and seisin of the Royalty, to his next successor. Nor is it materiall to reply, that a King succeeding by right of inheritance, takes an oath in the person of his predecessor. For euery oath is personall, proper to the person by whom it is taken: and to God no liuing creature can sweare, that his owne sonne or his heire shall prooue an honest man. Well may the father, and with great solemnitie, promise that he will exhort his heire apparant with all his power and the best of his endea∣uours, to feare God and to practise pietie. If the fathers oath be agreeable to the du∣ties of godlines, the sonne is bound there∣by, whether he take an oath, or take none. On the other side, if the fathers oath come

from the puddles of impietie, the sonne is bound thereby to goe the contrarie way. If the fathers oath concerne things of indif∣ferent nature, and such as by the varietie or change of times, become either pernicious or impossible; then it is free for the Kings next successor and heire, prudently to fit and proportion his lawes vnto the times present, and to the best benefit of the Commonwealth.

When I call these things to mind with some attention, I am out of all doubt his Lordship is very much to seek, in the right sense and nature of his Kings oath taken at his Coronation, to defend the Church and to perseuere in the Catholike faith. For what is more vnlike and lesse credible then this conceit, that after Clouis had raigned 15. yeeres in the state of Paganisme, and then receiued holy Baptisme, he should become Christian vpon this condition, That in case hee should afterward revolt from the faith, it should then bee in the power of the Church, to turne him out of his Kingdome? But had any such con∣ditionall

stipulation beene made by Clo∣uis, in very good earnest and truth; yet would hee neuer haue intended, that his deposing should be the act of the Romane Bishop, but rather of those (whether Peeres, or people, or whole body of the State) by whom he had been aduanced to the King∣dome. Let vs heare the truth, and this is the truth: It is farre from the customarie vse in France, for their Kings to take any such oath, or to vse any such stipulation with their subiects. If any King or Prince wheresoeuer, doth vse an oath or solemne promise in these expresse tearmes, Let mee loose my Kingdome, or my life, be that day my last both for life and raigne, when I shall first reuolt from the Christian religion: by these words he calleth vpon God for vengeance, he v∣seth imprecation against his owne head: but he makes not his Crowne to stoope by this meanes, to any power in the Pope, or in the Church, or in the people.

And touching inscriptions vpon coines, of which point his Lordship speaketh by the way; verily the nature of the money or

coine (the stamping and minting whereof is one of the markes of the Prince his dig∣nity and Soueraignty) is not changed by bearing the letters of Christs name, on the reuerse or on the front. Such characters of Christs name, are aduertisements and in∣structions to the people, that in shewing and yeelding obedience vnto the King, they are obedient vnto Christ; and those Princes likewise, who are so well aduised to haue the most sacred names inscribed and printed in their coines, doe take and ac∣knowledge Iesus Christ for supreame King of Kings. The said holy characters are no representation or profession, that any Kings Crown dependeth vpon the Church, or can be taken away by the Pope. The L. Cardinal indeed so beareth vs in hand. But he inuerts the words of Iesus Christ, and wrings them out of the right ioynt. For Christ without all ambiguity and circum∣locution, by the image and inscription of the money, doth directly and expressely prooue Caesar to be free from subiection, and intirely Soueraigne. Now if such a su∣preme

and Soueraigne Prince, at any time shal bandie and combine against God, and thereby shall become a rebellious and per∣fidious Prince; doubtlesse for such disloy∣alty he shall deserue, that God would take from him all hope of life eternall: and yet hereby neither Pope nor people hath rea∣son to be puft vp, in their power to depriue him of his temporall Kingdome.

The L. Cardinal saith besides:

The cham∣pions of the Popes power to depose Kings, doe expound that commandement of S. Paul, where∣by euery soule is made subiect vnto the superiour powers, to be a prouisionall precept or caution ac∣commodated to the times; and to stand in force, on∣ly vntill the Church was growne in strength vnto such a scantling, that it might be in the power of the faithfull, without shaking the pillars of Chri∣stian state, to stand in the breach, and cautelously to prouide that none but Christian Princes might be receiued: according to the Law in Deut. Thou shalt make thee a King frō among thy brethren.

The reason whereupon they ground is this:

Because Paul saith, It is a shame for Christians to bee iudged vnder vniust Infidels, in matters

or busines, which they had one against an other. For which inconuenience, Iustinian after prouided by Lawe; when he ordained that no Infidell nor heretike might be admitted to the administration of iustice in the Commonwealth.

In which words of the Cardinall, the word Receiued, is to be obserued especially and aboue the rest. For by chopping in that word, he doth nimbly and with a trick of legier-de-main, transforme or change the very state of the question. For the que∣stion or issue of the cause, is not about re∣ceiuing, establishing, or choosing a Prince; (as in those Nations where the Kingdome goes by election) but about doing homage to the Prince, when God hath setled him in the Kingdome, and hath cast it vpon a Prince by hereditary succession. For that which is written, Thou shalt make thee a King, doth no way concerne and touch the people of France in these dayes: because the making of their King hath not of long time been tyed to their election. The pas∣sage therefore in Deuteron▪ makes nothing to the purpose; no more then doth Iustini∣ans

law. For it is our free and voluntary confession, that a Christian Prince is to haue speciall care of the Laws, and to pro∣uide that no vnbeleeuer be made Lord Cheife-Iustice of the Land, that no Infidell be put in trust with administration of iu∣stice to the people. But here the issue doth not direct vs to speake of Delegates, of sub∣ordinate Magistrates, and such as are in Commission from the Prince, but of the supreame Prince himselfe, the Soueraigne Magistrate ordained by nature, and confir∣med by succession. Our question is, whe∣ther such a Prince can be vnthroned by the Pope, by whom he was not placed in the Throne; and whether the Pope can de∣spoile such a Prince, of that Royaltie which was neuer giuen him by the Pope, vnder any pretended colour and imputation of heresie, of stupiditie, or infringing the pri∣uiledges of Monasteries, or transgressing the lawes and lines of holy matrimonie.

Now that Saint Pauls commandement which bindeth euery soule in the bands of subiection vnto the higher powers, is no

precept giuen by way of prouiso, and onely to serue the times, but a standing and a perpetuall rule, it is hereby more then ma∣nifest. S. Paul hath grounded this com∣mandement vpon certaine reasons, not on∣ly constant and permanent by their pro∣per nature, but likewise necessary for euery state, condition, and revolution of the times. His reasons; Because all powers are or∣dained of God: because resisting of powers is resi∣sting the ordinance of God: because the Magi∣strate beares the sword to execute iustice: because obedience and subiection to the Magistrate is ne∣cessary, not onely for feare of his wrath, or feare of punishment, but also for conscience sake. It is therefore a case grounded vpon consci∣ence, it is not a law deuised by humane wisedome; it is not fashionable to the qua∣lities of the times. Apostolicall instructions for the right informing of manners, are not changeable according to times and sea∣sons. To vse the L. Cardinals language, and to followe his fancie in the matter, is to make way for two pestiferous mischeifes: First, let it be free and lawfull for Christi∣ans,

to hold the commanding rules of God for prouisionall cautions, and what fol∣lowes? Men are lead into the broad way of impietie, and the whole Scripture is wi∣ped of all authority. Then againe, for the other mischeife: The glorious triumphs of most blessed Martyrs in their vnspeakeable torments and sufferings, by the L. Cardi∣nalls position shall be iudged vnworthy to weare the title and Crown of Martyrdom. How so? Because (according to his new fi∣ction) they haue giuen place to the vio∣lence and fury of heathen Magistrates, not in obedience to the necessary and certaine commaundement of God, but rather to a prouisionall direction, accommodated to the humours of the times. And therefore the L. Cardinall hath vsed none other clay wherewith to dawbe ouer his deuise, but plaine falsification of holy Scripture. For he makes the Apostle say to the Corinthi∣ans, It is a shame for Christians to be iudged vnder vnbeleeuing Magistrates: whereas in that whole context of Paul, there is no such matter. For when the Apostle saith, I speake

it euen to your shame; hee doth not say it is a shame for a beleeuer to be iudged vnder an Infidel, but he makes thē ashamed of their vngodly course, and vnchristian practise, that in suing and impleading one an other, they laid their actions of contention in the Courts of vnbeleeuing Iudges. The shame was not in bearing that yoke which God had charged their necks withall, but in de∣uouring and eating vp one an other with writs of habeas corpus, and with other proces∣ses; as also in vncouering the shame, in lay∣ing open the shamefull parts and prankes played by Christians, before Infidels, to the great scandall of the Church. Here I say the L. Cardinall is taken in a tricke of manifest falsification. If therefore a King when hee falls to play the heretike, deser∣ueth to be deposed; why shall not a Cardi∣nall when hee falls to play the iuggler with holy Scripture, deserue to be disrobed?

Meane while the indifferent Reader is to consider, how greatly this doctrine is preiudiciall, and how full of danger, to Christians liuing vnder heretical or Pagan

Princes. For make it once knowne to the Emperour of Turkes, let him once get ne∣uer so little a smacke of this doctrine; that Christians liuing vnder his Empire do take Gods commaundement, for obedience to Princes whom they count Infidels, to bee onely a prouisionall precept for a time, and wait euery houre for all occasions to shake off the yoke of his bondage; doubtlesse he will neuer spare with all speed to roote the whole stocke, with all the armes and bran∣ches of Christians, out of his dominions. Adde hereunto the L. Cardinalls former determination; that possession kept neuer so long by the Turk in his Conquests ouer Christians, gaines him not by so long tract of time one inch of prescription; and it wil appeare, that his Lordship puts the Tur∣kish Emperour in mind, and by his instru∣ction leades the said Emperour as it were by the hand, to haue no manner of affiance in his Christian subiects; and withall to af∣flict his poore Christians with all sorts of most grieuous and cruell torments. In this regard the poore Christians of Graecia and

Syria, must needes be very little beholden to his Lordship. As for my selfe, and my Popish subiects, to whome I am no lesse then an heretike forsooth; am not I by this doctrine of the Cardinall, pricked and whetted against my naturall inclination, to turne clemencie into rigour; seeing that by his doctrine my subiects are made to be∣leeue, they owe me subiection onely by way of prouiso, and with waiting the occasi∣on to worke my vtter destruction and final ruine? the rather, because Turkes, miscre∣ants, and heretikes are mashalled by the Cardinall in the same ranke; and heretikes are counted worse, yea more iustly depose∣able, then Turkes and Infidels, as irreligi∣ous breakers and violaters of their oath? Who seeth not here how great indignitie is offered to me a Christian King? paralleld with Infidels, reputed worse then a Turke, taken for an vsurper of my Kingdomes, reckoned a Prince, to whom subiects owe a forced obedience by way of prouision, vntill they shall haue meanes to shake off the yoke, and to bare my temples of the

Crowne, which neuer can be pulled from the sacred Head, but with losse of the head it selfe?

Touching the warres vndertaken by the French, English, and Germaines, in their expedition for Ierusalem, it appeares by the issue and euent of the said warres, that God approoued them not for honourable. That expedition was a deuise and inuention of the Pope, whereby he might come to be in∣feoffed in the Kingdoms of Christian Prin∣ces. For then al such of the French, English, or Germaines, as vndertooke the Croisade, became the Popes meere vassals. Then all robbers by the high way side, adulterers, cut-throats, and base bankerupts, were ex∣empted from the Secular and Ciuil power, their causes were sped in Consistorian Courts, so soone as they had gotten the Crosse on their cassocks or coat-armours, and had vowed to serue in the expedition for the Leuant. Then for the Popes plea∣sure and at his commaundement, whole countryes were emptied of their Nobles and common souldiers. Then they made

long marches into the Leuant. For what purpose? Onely to die vpon the points of the Saracens pikes, or by the edge of their barbarous courtelasses, battle-axes, fauchi∣ons, and other weapons, without any be∣nefit and aduantage to themselues or o∣thers. Then the Nobles were driuen to sell their goodly Mannors, and auncient de∣maines to the Church-men, at vnder prises and low rates; the very roote from which a great part of the Church and Church∣mens reuenewes hath sprung and growne to so great height. Then, to bee short, his most bountifull Holinesse gaue to any of the riffe-raffe-ranke, that would vndertake this expedition into the Holy land, a free and full pardon for all his sinnes, besides a degree of glory aboue the vulgar in the Celestiall Paradise. Military vertue, I con∣fesse, is commendable and honourable; prouided it be employed for iustice, and that generous noblenesse of valiant spirits be not vnder a colour and shadow of piety, fetcht ouer with some casts or deuises of I∣talian cunning.

Now let vs obserue the wisedome of the L. Cardinall through this whole dis∣course. His Lordship is pleased in his Ora∣tion, to cite certaine few passages of Scrip∣ture, culls and picks them out for the most gracefull in shewe: leaues out of his list whole troupes of honourable witnesses, vpon whose testimonie, the Popes them∣selues and their principall adherents doe build his power to depose Kings, and to giue order for all Temporall causes. Take a sight of their best and most honourable witnesses. Peter said to Christ, See here two swords; and Christ answered, It is sufficient. Christ said to Peter, Put vp thy sword into thy sheath. God said to Ieremie, I haue establi∣shed thee ouer Nations and Kingdomes. Paul said to the Corinthians, The spirituall man discerneth all things. Christ said to his Apo∣stles, Whatsoeuer yee shall loose vpon earth: by which words the Pope hath power forsooth to loose the oath of allegiance. Moses said, In the beginning God created the heauen and the earth. Vpon these passages, Pope Boniface 8. grapling and tugging with Philip the

Faire, doth build his Temporall power. O∣ther Popes and Papists auouch the like au∣thorities. Christ said of himself, All things are giuen to me of my Father, and all power is gi∣uen vnto me in heauen and in earth. The De∣uils said, If thou cast vs out, send vs into this herd of swine. Christ said to his Disciples, Yee shall finde the colt of an asse bound, loose it and bring it vnto me. By these places the aduer∣saries prooue, that Christ disposed of Tem∣porall matters; and inferre thereupon, why not Christs Vicar as well as Christ himselfe. The places and testimonies now following are very expresse: In stead of thy fathers shall be thy children: thou shalt make them Princes through all the earth. Item, Iesus Christ not onely commaunded Peter to feed his lambs; but said also to Peter, Arise, kill, and eat: the pleasant glosse, the rare inuention of the L. Cardinall Baronius. Christ said to the peo∣ple, If I were lift vp from the earth, I wil draw all things vnto me. Who lets, what hinders this place from fitting the Pope? Paul said to the Corinthians, Know ye not that we shall iudge the Angels? how much more then the things

that pertaine vnto this life? A little after, Haue not wee power to eate? These are the chiefe passages, on which as vpon maine arches, the roofe of Papall Monarchie, concerning Temporall causes, hath rested for three or foure ages past. And yet his Lordship durst not repose any confidence in their firme standing to beare vp the said roofe of Tem∣porall Monarchie, for feare of making his auditors to burst with laughter. A wise part without question, if his Lordship had not defiled his lips before, with a more ridicu∣lous argument drawne from the leprosie and drie scab.

Let vs now by way of comparison be∣hold Iesus Christ paying tribute vnto Cae∣sar, and the Pope making Caesar to pay him tribute: Iesus Christ perswading the Iewes to pay tribute vnto an heathen Emperour, and the Pope dispensing with subiects for their obedience to Christian Emperours: Iesus Christ refusing to arbitrate a contro∣uersie of inheritance partable betweene two priuate parties, and the Pope thrusting in himselfe without warrant or Commissi∣on

to be absolute Iudge in the deposing of Kings: Iesus Christ professing that his Kingdome is not of this world, and the Pope establishing himselfe in a terrene Empire. In like manner the Apostles forsa∣king all their goods to followe Christ, and the Pope robbing Christians of their goods; the Apostles persecuted by Pagan Emperours, and the Pope now setting his foote on the very throate of Christian Em∣perours, then proudly treading Imperiall Crownes vnder his feete. By this compa∣rison, the L. Cardinals allegation of Scrip∣ture in fauour of his Master the Pope, is but a kind of puppet-play, to make Iesus Christ a mocking stocke, rather then to sa∣tisfie his auditors with any sound precepts and wholesome instructions. Hereof hee seemeth to giue some inckling himselfe. For after he hath beene plentifull in citing authorities of Scripture, and of newe Do∣ctors, which make for the Popes power to depose Kings; at last he comes in with a faire and open confession, that neither by diuine Oracles, nor by honourable anti∣quitie,

this controuersie hath beene yet de∣termined: and so pulls downe in a word with one hand, the frame of worke that he had built and set vp before with an other: discouering withal the reluctation and pri∣uie checkes of his owne conscience.

There yet remaineth one obiection, the knot whereof the L. Cardinall in a man∣ner sweateth to vntie. His words be these:

The champions for the negatiue flie to the analo∣gie of other proceedings and practises in the Chruch. They affirme that priuate persons, ma∣sters or owners of goods and possessions among the common people, are not depriued of their goods for heresie; and consequently that Princes much more should not for the same crime bee depriued of their estates.

For answer to this reason, he brings in the defendants of deposition, speaking after this manner:

In the Kingdom of France the strict execution of lawes decreed in Court against heretickes, is fauourably suspended and stopped, for the preseruation of peace and publike tranquilitie.

He saith elsewhere,

Con∣niuence is vsed towards these heretikes in regard of their multitude, because a notable part of the

French Nation and State is made all of heretikes.

I suppose that out of speciall charitie, hee would haue those heretikes of his own ma∣king, forewarned what courteous vse and intreaty they are to expect; when hee affir∣meth that execution of the lawes is but su∣spended. For indeed suspensions hold but for a time. But in a cause of that nature and importance, I dare promise my selfe, that my most honoured Brother the King of France, will make vse of other counsell: will rather seek the amitie of his neighbour Princes, and the peace of his Kingdom: will beare in minde the great and faithfull ser∣uice of those, who in matter of religion dis∣sent from his Maiestie, as of the onely men that haue preserued and saued the Crowne for the King his Father, of most glorious memorie. I am perswaded my Brother of France will beleeue, that his liege people pretended by the L. Cardinall to be here∣tikes, are not halfe so bad as my Romane Catholike subiects, who by secret practises vnder-mine my life, serue a forraine Soue∣raigne, are discharged by his Bulls of their

obedience due to me their naturall Soue∣raigne, are bound (by the maximes and rules published and maintained in fauour of the Pope, before this full and famous as∣sembly of the Estate at Paris; if the said maximes be of any weight and authoritie) to hold me for no lawfull King, are there taught and instructed that Pauls comman∣dement concerning subiection vnto the higher powers, aduerse to their professed religion, is onely a prouisionall precept, framed to the times, and watching for the opportunitie to shake off the yoake. All which notwithstanding, I deale with such Romane-Catholiks by the rules and waies of Princely clemencie; their hainous and pernicious error, in effect no lesse then the capitall crime of high treason, I vse to call some disease or distemper of the mind. Last of all, I beleeue my said Brother of France will set downe in his tables, as in record, how little he standeth ingaged to the Lord Cardinal in this behalfe. For those of the reformed Religion professe and proclaim, that next vnder God, they owe their pre∣seruation

and safetie to the wisedome and benignity of their Kings. But now comes the Cardinall, and hee seekes to steale this perswasion out of their hearts: Hee tells them in open Parliament, and without any going about bushes, that all their welfare and securitie standeth in their multitude, and in the feare which others conceiue to trouble the State, by the strict execution of lawes against heretikes.

He addeth moreouer, that Jn case a third sect should peepe out and growe vp in France, the professors thereof should suffer confiscation of their goods, with losse of life it selfe: as hath been practised at Geneua against Seruetus, and in England against Arrians. My answer is this, That punishments for heretikes, duely and according to law conuicted, are set downe by decrees of the ciuil Magistrate, bearing rule in the countrey where the said here∣tikes inhabite, and not by any ordinances of the Pope. I say withall, the L. Cardinal hath no reason to match and parallell the Reformed Churches with Seruetus and the Arrians. For those heretikes were power∣fully

conuicted by Gods word, and lawful∣ly condemned by the auncient Generall Councils, where they were permitted and admitted to plead their owne cause in per∣son. But as for the truth professed by me, and those of the reformed religion, it was neuer yet hissed out of the Schooles, nor cast out of any Councill, (like some Parlia∣ment bills) where both sides haue been heard with like indifferencie. Yea, what Councill soeuer hath beene offered vnto vs in these latter times, it hath been proposed with certaine presuppositions: as, That his Holinesse (beeing a partie in the cause, and consequently to come vnder iudgement as it were to the barre vpon his triall) shall be the Iudge of Assize with Commission of oyer and determiner: it shall be celebrated in a citie of no safe accesse, without safe conduct or conuoy to come or goe at plea∣sure, and without danger: it shall be as∣sembled of such persons with free suffrage and voice, as vphold this rule, (which they haue alreadie put in practise against Iohn Hus and Hierom of Prage) that faith giuen,

and oath taken to an heretike, must not be obserued.

Now then to resume our former matter; If the Pope hitherto hath neuer presumed, for pretended heresie to confiscate by sen∣tence, either the lands or the goods of pri∣uate persons, or common people of the French Nation, wherfore should he dare to dispossesse Kings of their Royall Thrones? wherefore takes he more vpon him ouer Kings, then ouer priuate persons? where∣fore shal the sacred heads of Kings be more churlishly, vnciuilly, and rigorously hand∣led, then the hoods of the meanest people? Here the L. Cardinal in stead of a direct an∣swer, breakes out of the lists, alleadging cleane from the purpose examples of here∣tikes punished, not by the Pope, but by the ciuill Magistrate of the Countrey. But Bel∣larmine speakes to the point with a more free and open heart: he is absolute and re∣solute in this opinion, that his Holinesse hath plenarie power to dispose all Tempo∣rall estates and matters in the whole world: I am confident (saith Bellarmine) and I speake

it with assurance, that our Lord Iesus Christ in the dayes of his mortalitie, had power to dispose of all Temporall things; yea, to strippe Soueraign Kings and absolute Lords of their Kingdomes and Seignories: and without all doubt hath gran∣ted and left euen the same power vnto his Vicar, to make vse thereof whensoeuer he shall thinke it necessary for the saluation of soules. And so his Lordship speaketh without exception of a∣ny thing at all. For who doth not knowe, that Iesus Christ had power to dispose no lesse of priuate mens possessions, then of whole Realmes and Kingdomes at his pleasure, if it had been his pleasure to dis∣play the ensignes of his power? The same fulnesse of power is likewise in the Pope. In good time: belike his Holinesse is the sole heire of Christ, in whole and in part. The last Lateran Council fineth a Laic that speaketh blasphemie, for the first offence (if he be a gentleman) at 25. ducats, and at 50. for the second. It presupposeth and ta∣keth it for graunted, that the Church may rifle and ransacke the purses of priuate men, and cast lots for their goods. The

Councill of Trent diggeth as deepe for the same veine of gold and siluer. It ordaines; That Emperours, Kings, Dukes, Princes, and Lords of cities, castles, and territories holding of the Church, in case they shall assigne any place within their limits or liberties for the duell be∣tween two Christians, shal be depriued of the said citie, castle, or place, where such duell shall be per∣formed, they holding the said place of the Church by any kind of tenure: that all other Estates held in fee where the like offence shall be committed, shall foorthwith fall and become forfeited to their immediate and next Lords: that all goods, possessions, and estates, as well of the combatants themselues, as of their seconds shall be confiscate. This Council doth necessarily presuppose, it lieth in the hand and power of the Church, to dispose of all the lands and e∣states, held in fee throughout all Christen∣dome; (because the Church forsooth can take from one, and giue vnto an other all estates held in fee whatsoeuer, as well such as hold of the Church, as of secular Lords) and to make ordinances for the confiscati∣on of all priuate persons goods. By this Ca∣non

the Kingdome of Naples hath need to looke well vnto it selfe. For one duell it may fal into the Exchecker of the Romane Church: because that Kingdome payeth a Reliefe to the Church, as a Royaltie or Seignorie that holdeth in fee of the said Church. And in France there is not one Lordship, not one Mannor, not one farme which the Pope by this means cannot shift ouer to a new Lord. His Lordship there∣fore had carried himselfe and the cause much better, if in stead of seeking such idle shifts, he had by a more large assertion maintained the Popes power to dispose of priuate mens possessions, with no lesse right and authoritie then of Kingdomes. For what colour of reason can be giuen, for making the Pope Lord of the whole, and not of the parts? for making him Lord of the forrest in grosse, and not of the trees in parcell? for making him Lord of the whole house, and not of the parlour or the dining chamber?

His Lordship alleadgeth yet an other reason, but of no better weight:

Betweene

the power of priuate owners ouer their goods, and the power of Kings ouer their estates, there is no little difference. For the goods of priuate persons are ordained for their owners, and Princes for the benefit of their Common-wealths.

Heare me now answer. If this Cardinal-reason hath any force to inferre, that a King may lawfully be depriued of his Kingdome for heresie, but a priuate person cannot for the same crime bee turned out of his mansion house; then it shall follow by the same rea∣son, that a Father for the same cause may be depriued of all power ouer his children, but a priuate owner cannot be depriued of his goods in the like case: because goods are ordained for the benefit and comfort of their owners, but fathers are ordained for the good and benefit of their children. But most certaine it is, that Kings represen∣ting the image of God in earth and Gods place, haue a better and closer seat in their chaires of Estate, then any priuate persons haue in the saddle of their inheritances and patrimonies, which are daily seene for sleight causes, to flit and to fall into the

hands of newe Lords. Whereas a Prince beeing the Head, cannot be loosed in the proper ioynt, nor dismounted; like a can∣non when the carriage thereof is vnlockt, without a sore shaking and a most grie∣uous dislocation of all the members, yea without subuerting the whole bodie of the State, whereby priuate persons without number are inwrapped together in the same ruine: euen as the lower shrubs and other brush-wood are crushed in peices al∣together by the fall of a great oake. But suppose his Lordships reason were some∣what ponderous and solide withall, yet a King (which would not be forgotten) is in∣dowed not onely with the Kingdome, but also with auncient desmenes and Crowne∣lands, for which none can be so simple to say, the King was ordained and created King; which neuerthelesse he looseth when he looseth his Crowne. Admit againe this reason were of some pith, to make mighty Kings more easily deposeable then priuate persons from their patrimonies; yet all this makes nothing for the deriuing and fetch∣ing

of deposition from the Popes Consisto∣rie. What hee neuer conferred, by what right or power can hee claime to take a∣way?

But see here no doubt a sharpe and sub∣tile difference put by the L. Cardinall be∣tweene a Kingdome, and the goods of pri∣uate persons.

Goods, as his Lordship saith, are without life: they can be constrained by no force, by no example, by no inducement of their owners to loose eternall life: Subiects by their Princes may.

Now I am of this contrary be∣leefe, That an hereticall owner, or master of a family, hath greater power and means withall, to seduce his owne seruants and children, then a Prince hath to peruert his owne subiects; and yet for the contagion of heresie, and for corrupt religion, chil∣dren are not remooued from their parents, nor seruants are taken away from their masters. Histories abound with examples of most flourishing Churches, vnder a Prince of contrary religion. And if things without life or soule are with lesse danger left in an heretikes hands; why then shall

not an hereticall King with more facilitie and lesse danger keep his Crown, his Roy∣all charge, his lands, his customes, his im∣posts? &c. For will any man, except he bee out of his wits, affirme these things to haue any life or soule? Or why shall it be coun∣ted follie, to leaue a sword in the hand of a mad Bedlam? Is not a sword also without life and soule? For my part, I should ra∣ther be of this minde; that possession of things without reason, is more dangerous and pernicious in the hands of an euill Ma∣ster, then the possession of things indued with life and reason. For things without life lacke both reason and iudgement, how to exempt and free themselues from being instruments in euill and wicked actions, from beeing emploied to vngodly and ab∣hominable vses. I will not deny, that an hereticall Prince is a plague, a pernicious and mortal sicknes to the soules of his sub∣iects. But a breach made by one mischiefe, must not be filled vp with a greater incon∣uenience. An errour must not be shocked and shouldered with disloialtie, nor heresie

with periurie, nor impietie with sedition and armed rebellion against God and the King. God, who vseth to try and to schoole his Church, will neuer forsake his Church: nor hath need to protect his Church by a∣ny proditorious and prodigious practises of perfidious Christians. For hee makes his Church to be like the burning bush. In the middest of the fire and flames of persecuti∣ons, he will prouide that she shall not bee consumed, because he standeth in the midst of his Church. And suppose there may bee some iust cause for the French, to play the rebels against their King; yet will it not fol∣low, that such rebellious motions are to be raised by the bellowes of the Romane Bi∣shop, to whose Pastorall charge and office it is nothing proper, to intermeddle in the ciuill affaires of forraine Kingdomes.

Here is the summe and substance of the L. Cardinals whole discourse, touching his pretence of the second inconuenience. Which discourse he hath closed with a re∣markeable confession: to wit, that neither by the authoritie of holy Scripture, nor by

the testimony and verdict of the Primitiue Church, there hath beene any full decision of this question. In regard whereof he fal∣leth into admiration, that Lay-people haue gone so farre in audaciousnesse, as to la∣bour that a doubtfull doctrine might for e∣uer passe currant, and be taken for a newe article of faith.

What a shame, what a reproach is this? how full of scandall?

for so his Lordship is pleased to cry out.

This breakes into the se∣ueralls and inclosures of the Church: this lets in whole herds of heresies to grase in her green and sweet pastures.

On the other side, without a∣ny such Rhetoricall outcries, I simply af∣firme: It is a reproach, a scandall, a crime of rebellion, for a subiect hauing his full charge and loade of benefits, in the newe spring of his Kings tender age, his King-fa∣thers blood yet reeking, and vpon the point of an addresse for a double match with Spaine; in so honourable an assembly, to seek the thraldome of his Kings Crown, to play the captious in cauilling about cau∣ses of his Kings deposing, to giue his for∣mer life the lie with shame enough in his

olde age, and to make himselfe a common by-word, vnder the name of a Problematicall Martyr; one that offers himselfe to fagot and fire for a point of doctrine but proble∣matically handled, that is, distrustfully and onely by way of doubtfull and questiona∣ble discourse: yea for a point of doctrine, in which the French (as he pretendeth) are permitted to thwart and crosse his Holines in iudgement, prouided they speake in it as in a point not certaine and necessary, but onely doubtfull and probable.

Notes

• Pag. 86.
• Pag. 61.
• Pag. 62.
• Orat. ad ci∣ues timore perculsos.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• Vide Cano∣nes Grae∣cos à Tilio editos.
• Pag. 66.
• 1. Sam. 23. 20. & 24. 15. & 2.
• Sam. 2. 5.
• 1. Sam. 26. 11.
• 1. Sam. 16. 13.
• 2. Sam. 2. 4▪
• 1. K••••. 12.
• 1. Kin. 19.
• Pag. 68.
• 2. Chro. 26.
• Antiq. l. 9. cap. 11.
• Pag. 69.
• Pag. 67.
• Pag. 66.
• Pag. 69.
• Pag. 71.
• Tert. Apol. cap. 37.
• Hesterni su∣mus, & om∣nia vestra impleuimus.
• Cypr. cont. Demetr.
• Socr. lib. 3. cap. 19.
• Theod. lib. 4▪ cap. 1.
• Sozom. lib. 6. cap. 1.
• August••n Psal. 124.
• Pag. 81.
• Pag. 82.
• Epist. lib. 5.
• Epist. 33.
• Epist. lib. 5.
• In Apol. pro iuram. fidel.
• His owne words. lib. 7. Epist. 1.
• Apud A. than. in E∣pist. ad soli∣tar. vitam agentes.
• The 2. reas.
• Pag. 77.
• Psal. 2.
• Pag. 77.
• Pag. 76.
• 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
• See the Bull of Innoc. 3. at the end of the Later. Conc.
• Ier. 1.
• 1. Cor. 2.
• Extauag. Vnam San∣ctam.
• Psal. 45.
• Ioh. 12.
• Pag. 85.
• Pag. 84.
• Note by the way that here the Church of Rome is cal∣led a sect.
• Contr. Bar∣claium. cap. 27.
• Sess. 9.
• Sess. 25 cap. 19.