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Introduction
The selection of Robben W. Fleming as ninth president of the University of Michigan proved to be one of those rare, fortuitous choices upon which hindsight could not improve. Fleming arrived upon campus amidst brushfires of student unrest which had swept across the nation, and nearly half of his years as President were heavily occupied with crisis management. The Free Speech movement on the Berkeley campus had challenged the entire management of universities, their purposes, and their relationships with government, and had brought under its umbrella a variety of dissident groups. The idea of "participatory democracy" was heady wine to students who felt aggrieved by any perceived injustices, and all were willing to rally to the support of dissension in any form. The Vietnam War had become extremely unpopular with college-age youth, as well as others, and anti-war sentiment provoked strong emotional response from large numbers of students, whether or not the particular complaint was relevant to the university. There were persistent efforts throughout the country to force universities to "take a stand" on a wide variety of political issues, and these efforts came into direct conflict with a basic notion that universities, as institutions, were the place where all viewpoints were entitled to be heard. A small number of true revolutionaries were preaching a nihilistic doctrine that all existing social institutions, particularly universities, had to be completely destroyed, not merely reformed, before true social justice could be achieved. All these groups were to be found in Ann Arbor.
Fleming brought to that traumatic period a background and a training which proved invaluable. He was well known as a labor arbitrator — and thus experienced in matters of union-management confrontation. He was an able scholar, having taught at Illinois and Wisconsin. He was an experienced administrator, with service in the federal government, service as executive director of the Armour Automation Commission, a former president of the National Academy of Arbitrators, and most immediately as Chancellor at the University of Wisconsin. He came with a reputation that he could sustain goodwill, even among those whose interests suffered by his decisions, and his three years at Wisconsin had demonstrated that he could protect the right of students to dissent without loss of control, and was masterful in his ability to persuade divergent elements that it was both possible and necessary to