Abstract

Fourteen years ago, POD member Edward Vela drew attention to the role of emotion in learning. In particular he emphasized the need for faculty to express positive emotions in the classroom. Since then researchers continue to measure the effectiveness of positive emotion in student learning but the field of emotion in the classroom has expanded since Vela's essay. The purpose of this article is to not only update Vela's citations on emotion and learning but to provide a broader perspective on the topic and assist faculty developers. Ashkanasy's five level model frames the discussion.

Keywords: emotion, student learning, faculty development, emotional labor, emotion contagion

In 2000, the POD Network published a short piece by Edward Vela titled Emotion in the Classroomas part of its Teaching Excellence Essay Series. Vela expressed concern that the role of emotion in education was being ignored. He reviewed studies on positive emotion's role in learning, memory, problem solving and creative thinking (Isen, 1985, 1990, 1999; Baddeley, 1989; Bower, 1983; Teasdale & Russell, 1983). And he implored his colleagues to model positive emotions in the classroom: “attention to the emotional aspects of teaching and learning can reap great benefits” (p. 2). Since then researchers continue to uncover the effects of positive and negative emotions in student learning. They are a part of the learning process and, when aroused and brought to consciousness, can improve knowledge retention and recall (Brown, 2000; Forgas, 1995; Raelin & Raelin, 2011; Steidl et al., 2006). Nielson and Lorber (2009), for example, found that when students experience positive emotions, newly learned material is better recalled. And those experiencing negative emotions disengage from the learning process (Sanders, 2010). Others, however, assert that a range of emotions are involved in learning and, “it is not simply the case that the positive emotions are the good ones” (Kort et al., 2001). Inquiry based learning involving independent exploration of complex issues, for example, is challenging and often provokes negative emotions. The resulting stress and constructive friction can capture students’ attention and simulate them, but also require careful scaffolding from the instructor (Litmanen et al., 2012; Moneta & Csikszentmihalyi, 1999; Perkun, 2005; Vermunt & Verloop, 1999). As faculty seek to shape students’ emotional responses to a particular subject matter (e.g., helping students overcome mathphobia), they often engage in emotion displays of their own:. “These emotional responses are necessary components of teachers’ pedagogical content knowledge” (Rosiek & Beghetto, 2011, pg. 175).

But there is much more to know. For example, the role of emotional intelligence, among students and faculty, and the extent to which teaching involves emotional labor have also been explored in recent years. Considerable effort has been made (particularly in the K 12 arena) to spread the word, including symposiums on the role of emotion in student learning, emotional processes in the classroom, and teacher emotions by the American Educational Research Association, as well as edited volumes and special issues of academic journals (Rosiek & Beghetto, 2011). Faculty development in colleges and universities has much to gain. The aim of this article is to expand upon the sentiment and intention of Edward Vela's work. This article provides a review of the most important recent scholarship that can help college and university faculty understand and utilize emotion in the classroom to improve teaching effectiveness. Calls have been made to translate this research into curricula and faculty development for business (Bowen, 2014), engineering (Duse & Duse, 2009) and law (Juergens, 2005; Reilly, 2005). But there is value for all disciplines. Given that the study of emotion in educational settings has advanced so far, and yielded such consistent results, it is time to integrate current scholarly research into faculty development efforts.

An Introduction to Emotion and Emotion Theories

The number of theories and definitions of emotion are greater than can be addressed here. Their differences include the structure of emotion (whether emotions are discrete/categorical or continuous/circumplex), the role of consciousness, and a wide range of definitional and measurement issues. However, whether and when cognition comes into play is particularly relevant to understanding classroom dynamics.

Sometimes emotions seem to appear from nowhere, like reflexes without forethought. Theoretical work supports this view. Basic emotions, such as fear, anger, disgust, happiness, sadness and surprise (Ekman, 1992; Plutchik, 1980) are “generated by evolutionarily old brain systems upon the sensing of an ecologically valid stimulus” (Izard, 2007, p. 261). This research stream began with Charles Darwin (1872/1998) and re emerged in modern times (Ekman, 1972; Izard, 1971) through the study of similar facial expressions across humans and animals, and across cultures.

Another body of research rejects emotion as an automatic response to stimuli in favor of emotion being preceding by manipulation of information. So it would be assumed that the student or faculty member first appraises or evaluates stimuli (consciously or unconsciously) before emotion occurs. Theorists who assert that cognition is a necessary element of emotion include Lazarus and Folkman (1984), Frijda (1994), Roseman (1984) and Scherer (2005). Cognitive appraisal theories differ in the details of their appraisal systems. But their point can be illustrated by considering classroom scenarios in which the same event (e.g., receiving a low grade) may result in very different emotions in different students (e.g., anger or sadness), or why the same emotion (e.g., joy) can be brought on by very different classroom events. Similarly, faculty can relate to times when a student imagined the reward or benefits of achieving a particular goal. Anticipatory emotions may have triggered goal oriented behavior, and of course actual positive or negative emotion when the goal was met or missed. This is the essence of Hellriegel and Slocum's (2008) model of how cognition and emotions affect behavior in industry.

The tension between these two research streams is reconciled by Carroll Izard (2007) who distinguishes basic emotion “episodes” (which are automatic and short lived) from “emotion schemas” (which are emotions interacting with cognitive processes to influence mind and behavior). Appraisal processes provide the cognitive framework for the emotional component of the emotion schemas. Further, emotion schemas develop over time, from infanthood, and can be altered by experience.

For faculty developers, differences between theoretical streams need not be resolved. Each explains a different aspect of emotion and is applicable to processes in the classroom; “Emotion's potential multifacetedness suggests that any one approach to understanding ‘it’ will be just that – one approach” (Fineman, 2004, p. 721).

As for terminology, those provided by Barsade and Gibson (2007) are representative of current textbook and article findings. Emotions are focused on a specific target or cause, are generally realized by the perceiver of the emotion, are relatively intense and are short lived. After initial intensity, they can sometimes transform into a mood. Examples include love, anger, hate, fear, jealousy, happiness, sadness, grief, rage, aggravation, ecstasy, affection, joy, envy, and fright. Moods generally take the form of a global positive or negative feeling, tend to be diffuse (not focused on a specific cause), and often are not realized by the perceiver of the mood. They are of medium duration (from a few moments to as long as a few weeks or more). Examples include feeling good, bad, negative, positive, cheerful, down, pleasant, irritable, etc. A dispositional (trait) affect is an overall personality tendency to respond to situations in stable, predictable ways. It is a person's affective lens on the world.

Locating Emotion in the Classroom

To locate where and how emotions pervade the classroom, a conceptual model is useful. Ashkanasy (2003) provides a model of the five levels of emotion in organizations that is applicable here. We start by exploring further how and why emotions are generated within individuals, particularly in the classroom, and the role of cognition in the process. We also investigate intentional methods for evoking and shaping emotional responses in students to improve learning. The second level of the model draws our attention to differences between individuals. Research on differences in emotional intelligence and its relationship to student success and teaching effectiveness continues to grow and is fruitful. Emotional exchanges between individuals are examined at the third level. In particular, whether and how faculty engage in emotional labor in the classroom and its effects on them is discussed. The contagious nature of emotion, from faculty to student groups, and within student groups, is covered at the fourth level of the model. Finally, the organization wide level of analysis provides an opportunity to discuss emotional climates at our institutions and what they mean for our classrooms.

Level 1: Within Individual Phenomena

One of the most important roles of emotion within individuals is to allow effective decision making. The long standing myth that decisions are best made in the absence of emotion was debunked, in part, by the work of Antonio Damasio (1994). As a neuroscientist he explored the biology of emotion and discovered that people with brain damage to the neocortex and limbic systems (where emotions live) had an extremely hard time making good decisions, or even making decisions at all, even though their intelligence tests showed no change.

Just as emotion is needed for cognitive processes in decision making, cognition is very much a part of emotion creation within individuals. As suggested earlier, cognitive appraisal theories hold that emotions are generated after stimuli are evaluated or appraised. Thus it is not the classroom event that causes emotion, it is how the student or faculty member interprets it (Roseman & Smith, 2001; Chang, 2009). A student's perception of fairness or bias from the instructor and the instructor's perception of respectful or disrespectful behavior from a student evoke emotion in the classroom which will differ with the individuals involved. Over time, there is a cumulative effect. Weiss and Cropanzano (1996) developed affective events theory (AET) to frame the cumulative effects of emotion on job satisfaction that are easily applied here. Events in the classroom, as in the workplace, can be viewed as “uplifts” and “hassles” that cause emotional reactions within individual students and faculty members. Depending on personality and mood, both short term behavior and longer term feelings about the course or the job are affected (Brief & Weiss, 2002; Grandey et al., 2002). These theories offer useful ways for faculty developers to frame the connections between classroom events, emotional reactions and outcomes. They also lend themselves for role playing exercises. For instance, a brief scenario about a typical classroom can allow faculty to act out a scene whereby an instructor grants her students an extension on an upcoming exam or assignment. One person role plays a student who interprets the extension as a sign of compassion from the instructor while another plays a student who views it as an unfair advantage to fellow students who have been procrastinating. The same event creates an uplift for one student and a hassle for another, both of which may combine and accumulate with other events during the course that were viewed in a similar vein. Differences between students’ course satisfaction and academic performance are likely outcomes.

Given how much emotion affects behavior and the learning process, it is interesting to note recent work on the intentional provocation of emotion within individual students and shaping of students’ emotional responses to subject matter. The role of emotional images in student learning, for example, was explored by Berry et al. (2008). They conducted an experiment to measure the effects of emotional images on student retention of historical information. Emotional images were used as catalysts for student learning. Students exposed to emotional images to accompany historical content information scored higher on text recall than did other students. They found specifically that the emotional aspect of the images helped with memory. Further, students who scored as “close minded” on a personality test best improved scores to test recall, “strongly suggesting the emotional arousal helped them to remember content” (p. 445). Faculty developers might encourage their colleagues to explore use of images or other materials appropriate to the subject matter that evoke emotional responses. For example, one business professor covering leadership and teams had students read about the 1996 tragedy on Mt. Everest before watching a documentary where events are retold by survivors. Some students were moved to tears and all eagerly debated their perspectives on what went wrong on the mountain. With emotions engaged, the concepts of decision making biases (e.g., the sunk cost fallacy, recency effects, and overconfidence), as well as the importance of psychological safety in teams to challenge authority, were brought to life in a powerful way. Students will later recalled theories with greater clarity and conviction than had they been presented the same material without emotional content.

More often faculty attempts to influence emotional reactions to subject matter are more subtle. A common strategy is known as emotional scaffolding and involves using metaphors, visual representations, and narratives to evoke emotional responses to course material (Rosiek, 2003). The reason, as Rosiek and Beghetto (2011) remind us, is that “predicting how students might respond to academic content is, at best, difficult. Aspects of the curriculum that seem trivial to the teacher might ignite student interest and passion, and those that seem profoundly important can be met with boredom and disaffection” (p. 176). Emotional scaffolding is a strategy by which faculty develop scenarios, narratives, role playing exercises, and the like, that are specific to the content subject matter for the purpose of fostering emotional responses. Case studies include lesson plans from mathematics, economics, chemistry, and scientific inquiry. Here faculty are not intentionally provoking emotions where perhaps none would have existed, as suggested above. Instead, in anticipation of negative reactions to certain material (e.g., feelings of incompetence in the face of math problems or discomfort with uncertainty in the scientific process) they reframe the material in ways that will be more familiar or less intimidating (e.g., restating math problems in the context of a quinceañera for Hispanic students or drawing analogies between the basketball court and chemistry experiments).

Faculty do not need a workshop to tell them that individual students experience different emotions, sometimes unpredictably, in their classes. But it can be helpful to learn, scientifically, why emotions are a necessary part of good decision making by their students. It is also helpful to review theoretical models of how students, and faculty themselves, appraise classroom events before emotions are generated. These uplifts and hassles cumulatively affect student learning, student course evaluations, and teaching satisfaction. Once the value and importance of emotion within individual students is more fully appreciated, techniques and strategies for evoking them can be considered with enthusiasm.

Level 2: Differences Between Individuals

Ashkanasy's model graduates our focus from the emotional process within an individual to the emotional differences between people, be they students or faculty (2003). There are theoretical perspectives on how differences between students or between faculty lead to different emotional dynamics in the classroom (e.g., trait affect theory). Differences in emotional intelligence (EI) levels and their impact on student success and teaching effectiveness, however, is where much of the recent scholarship has focused.

The notion of emotional intelligence hit popular consciousness in the 1990s with the work of Salovey and Mayer (1990) and Goleman (1995). The speed and extent of its popularity among laypeople and business consultants spurred scrutiny and some controversy in academic circles (Druskat & Wolff, 2008). Debates continue about definitional issues (e.g., whether EI is a set of specific abilities or a broader mix of motivational and dispositional characteristics), appropriate measurement instruments (which depend on the definition and whether subjects self assess), and matters of mutability (that is, the extent to which EI can be taught). In educational settings (i.e., classroom research and teaching), Ashkanasy et al. (2009) assert that only the ability based approach of Salovey and Mayer should be used, except for comparison purposes. They also ascribe to its associated abilities test, the MSCEIT (Mayer, Salovey, Caruso Emotional Intelligence Test) (Mayer et al., 2002). According to Mayer and Salovey (1997), the components of EI are: (1) ability to perceive emotion, both in self and in others; (2) ability to assimilate emotion into cognitive processes underlying thought; (3) ability to understand emotion and its consequences; and (4) ability to manage and thereby to regulate emotion in self and others. The ability to influence others through emotion displays has been proposed as an additional component by Cote and Hideg (2011).

Most relevant for faculty development purposes are the empirical studies on how EI, and students’ emotion skills more generally, relate to student outcomes. Studies have shown that students with higher emotional intelligence scores also tend to be more successful academically (Holt, 2007; Nelson & Nelson, 2003, Parker et al., 2005; Vela, 2004; Walker, 2006, Zeidner et al., 2009). Some particular components of EI, such as emotional understanding, were found to predict academic success (along with cognitive abilities and certain personality characteristics) in Barchard's (2003) study of 150 undergraduate psychology students. Emotional control was among the first order factors that explained academic performance and retention in a study of nearly 6000 first year college students and high school seniors (Le et al., 2005). And emotional sharing was positively related to internship learning in a study of 167 college student interns (Liu et al., 2011). An often cited, but unpublished doctoral dissertation, by Walsh Portillo (2011) studied 111 students at a Florida state university and found that EI levels correlated with four measures of academic success, including GPA, attempted to completed credit hour ratio, grade in an Introduction to Business course, and students’ persistence or graduation one full term after intervention.

There is also empirical evidence that emotional intelligence can be taught. Ashkanasy and Dasborough (2003) used an undergraduate leadership course to determine that interest in, and knowledge of emotional intelligence predicted team performance. Similarly, Esmond Kiger, et al. (2006) learned from their accounting students that prior exposure to the concept of EI, in turn, affected EI levels. More recently, Sheehan, et al. (2009) found that the type of instruction (Classroom As Organization versus lecture) was associated with emotional competency development.

Increasing calls to incorporate EI into university curricula, from first year seminars to disciplinary requirements, was noted by Abraham in 2006. His literature review of EI and university student outcomes found that all studies where students’ EI skills were actually measured concluded that EI skills should be incorporated into university education. Though concentrated in business courses, other academic disciplines cited in Abraham's review included computing studies, conflict management, counselor education, dentistry, engineering, health care management, law, and leadership education. He concluded, “as research has determined that university students need EI skills and ways of achieving this have been theorized, it is now necessary for educators to actually implement these changes into their educational programs” (p. 4).

The reasons are related not only to benefits derived during the student years, but because of benefits after graduation. Leadership effectiveness, for instance, has been repeatedly linked to EI (Dasborough et al., 2007; George, 2000; Kellett et al., 2006; Kerr et al., 2006; Palmer et al., 2000; Pescosolido, 2002; Pirola Merlo et al., 2002; Rosete & Cirarrochi, 2005; Wolff et al, 2002; Wong & Law, 2002), as has team performance (Ashkanasy & Dasborough, 2003; Chang et al., 2012); conflict resolution (Foo et al., 2004; Jordan and Troth, 2004), and other outcomes.

Engineering educators are singled out by Riemer (2003) as needing to facilitate emotional intelligence skills in their courses because the skill base required of graduates has expanded to include greater emotional awareness. He provides recommendations that center on integration of emotion skills across the engineering curricula, for the sake of both academic and career success. Riemer notes Goleman's earlier charge, in 1999, that engineering education was ignoring this skill set, that integration into the curricula was urgent, and that a first step was to educate the educators.

More recently, Assanova and McGuire (2009) explored the connection between EI and the entirety of a public university, including its mission statement, general education courses, mentoring and supervision, extracurricular activities, and overall environment. They encourage universities to support further research into the applicability of EI to the field of higher education, as well as organization of workshops, seminars and panels to focus on developing EI competencies in faculty and students. Their final recommendation is for public universities to develop comprehensive EI policies and guidelines that would be included in academic codes of conduct and the like, similar to how diversity concepts were introduced to colleges and universities years ago.

Faculty can also benefit from the research that links EI to teaching effectiveness in higher education. Haskett and Bean (2005), for example, compared 86 teaching award winners to a random sample of 200 non award winning faculty members at one university. They found a significant relationship between specific EI competencies and effective teaching. A positive relationship between teaching performance and faculty EI levels was also found by Jha and Singh (2012) based on a study of 250 medical and engineering professors. Hwang (2007) came to the same conclusion based on a study of 120 professors at the Institute of Technology in Taiwan. Considerably more scholarship on the topic, with consistent results, comes from primary and high school environments (Brackett & Katulak, 2007; Corcoran & Tormey, 2012; Mortiboys, 2012; Pugh, 2008; Saeidi & Nikou, 2012).

Setting out to improve emotional intelligence levels of our faculty is a daunting task, in part because of the resistance one might face. The easiest point of entry may be a review of studies that evidence the relationship between student EI levels and student outcomes. Once the foundation is established, faculty developers can conceptually link the emotion skills of instructors (e.g., their emotional self awareness, ability to regulate their own emotions in the classroom, capacity to understand student emotions, and skill at assimilating emotion into decision making) to student outcomes. To move beyond discussion and into experiential learning, an assignment created by Myers and Tucker (2005) can easily be adapted. It centers on faculty interviewing a colleague. Components of the assignment would include preparatory readings, identifying an anonymous faculty interviewee of their choosing, developing interview questions based on Weisinger's (1998) assessment scale, evoking examples of difficult exchanges with students during the interview, analyzing the interview data, and developing a case study. The case study would incorporate assigned readings and the writer's recommendations for how interactions between the interviewee and his/her students can be improved. If and when faculty are prepared to address their own emotion skills directly, faculty developers can borrow from Brown (2003) or Myers and Tucker (2005) for easy to use self assessment tools, ways to create EI self improvement plans, and related approaches to self reflection.

Level 3: Interpersonal Exchanges

Following within person processes and between person differences, Ashkanasy's model moves next to emotional effects from dyadic exchanges, such as between professor and student. Here it is useful to distinguish between emotion work, emotion regulation, and emotional labor. As described by England and Farkas (1986), faculty engage in emotion work when they attempt to understand students and empathize with their feelings. When faculty try to increase, maintain or decrease some part of their emotional display in reaction to the student, it is called emotion regulation (Gross, 1999). When emotions are amplified or faked to comply with organizational demands (i.e., display rules) or for organizational gain it is known as emotional labor (Hochschild, 1983). The distinction between emotional labor and emotion work rests on whether the act is done freely, for personal, non compensated benefit or is done for some form of material or psychological compensation (Callahan & McCollum, 2002, p. 282).

The gap between what the professor feels and displays to the student creates emotional dissonance. The result is either surface acting (hiding inner feelings in response to display rules) or deep acting (trying to modify inner feelings to be consistent with display rules). Studies from other professions have associated surface acting with a range of ill effects, including emotional exhaustion, psychological strain and psychosomatic complaints (Pugliesi, 1999; Brotheridge & Grandey, 2003; Brotheridge & Lee, 2002; Holman et al., 2002; Grandey, 2003; Grandey et al., 2005; Beal et al., 2006; Hulsheger & Schewe, 2011). Deep acting, on the other hand, requires altering how one appraises an event or stimuli in order to change the resulting emotion.

Empirical studies on teaching (in secondary and higher education settings) have confirmed that teachers engage in emotion regulation strategies, such as surface and deep acting (Bellas, 1999; Chang, 2009; Coupland et al., 2008; Fried, 2011; Harlow, 2003; Mahoney et al., 2011; Miller, 2002; Naring et al., 2011; Philipp & Schupbach, 2010; Regan et al., 2012Sutton, 2004; Yin et al., 2013) because they believe it makes them more effective and/or it conforms to their idealized image of a teacher (Sutton, 2004). Some strategies are more effective than others (Fried, 2011). In a longitudinal study (Philipp and Schupbach, 2010), teachers who engaged in deep acting felt less exhausted after a year compared to those who engaged in more surface acting, and were less likely to experience burnout (Chang, 2009). But in two other studies (Mahoney et al., 2011; Yin et al., 2013), only expression of naturally felt emotion positively influenced teaching satisfaction. Surface and deep acting did not. According to Philipp and Schupback (2010), more dedicated teachers generally do not engage in either type of acting, perhaps because “happy workers” feel less compelled to put up any type of act. As for the type of emotions being displayed, teachers have more confidence communicating positive emotions than negative ones (Sutton, 2004). Surface and deep acting of negative emotions is more common among experienced teachers than beginning teachers (Naring et al., 2011). In addition, researchers have explored emotion regulation strategies among online instructors (Regan et al., 2012), emotional labor during campus crises (Miller, 2002); the effect of race on emotion management (Harlow, 2003), and differences in emotion display between faculty and administrators (Coupland et al., 2008).

Faculty may benefit from discussions on whether they engage in emotional labor or not. Teaching cannot be emotionally labored according to Oplatka (2009). Though her work is in the context of K 12 education, the structure of her argument is worthy of consideration in higher education. She does not debate whether the teacher may pretend to be disappointed or surprised by a student's question, or whether she may appear enthusiastic so her students will be excited about learning even when she feels tired or down. But Oplatka makes a distinction between the, “emotional labor in for profit organizations and the moral, ethical aspects inherent in teaching as an emotional practice” (p. 66). If teachers manage emotions with the intention of improving their school's rating, or to keep parents supporting the school, or to make students good ambassadors in the school's marketing, it would be unethical and thus is not asked of them. Such is the world of for profit organizations where people engage in emotional deception for personal reward or organizational profitability. “As long as the teacher regulates and manages emotions for the benefit of the pupils rather than the school or him/herself, (it) is on par with the moral and ethical principles of teaching” (p. 67) and thus is not emotional labor.

While it may come as little surprise to faculty that their colleagues use different strategies for regulating emotions in the classroom, discovering differences in their intentions can provide fruitful ground for discussions of emotional labor. The same is true for exploring perceptions of whether and when their institutions have display rules, meaning, is there a shared understanding of which emotional displays are acceptable, which are not, and why. Faculty developers who want to address emotional labor in their own institutions more directly can do so relatively easily with the Discrete Emotions Emotional Labor Scale (DEELS; Glomb & Tews, 2004). The 42 item questionnaire takes only a few minutes to complete and covers three dimensions of emotional labor: positive or negative genuine affective expression, positive or negative faking expression, and positive or negative suppression of expression. Faculty can be asked to complete the questionnaire only once, or perhaps twice in a semester. The quantitative results are easily combined, particularly if conducted electronically, and provide direct evidence of emotion regulation strategies among and between participants. If a few demographic questions are added (e.g., gender, years of teaching experience, rank, discipline), much more can be discovered about whether different constituencies within the faculty are regulating emotions with students differently and why.

Level 4: Group level Phenomenon

At the group level of analysis, it is important for faculty to understand the phenomenon of emotional contagion, between themselves and students, and within student groups. Emotional contagion is the process by which people, faculty or students, influence the emotions of others by displaying their own emotions and behaviors, consciously or unconsciously (Schoenewolf, 1990). Early research explored the way people mimic facial, vocal and postural expressions, the varying abilities people have to infect others and their varying levels of susceptibility (Hatfield et al., 1992, 1994). More recently, classrooms, particularly in courses related to organizations and leadership, have become research laboratories to advance the field.

Barsade (2002), for example, conducted a scientific study of emotional contagion among 94 undergraduate students. There was a robust finding of group contagion of emotion from one (planted) individual to other students, at the group and individual level. Contagion of positive emotion was as powerful as contagion of negative emotion. The energy level behind the emotion expressed did not affect the contagion outcome. He also found that positive emotional contagion significantly affected group cooperation, conflict levels, and task performance. Further, emotional contagion influenced subsequent group dynamics, at both the individual and group level. Sy et al. (2005) likewise studied 89 undergraduate students at two mid west universities and found that positive moods of leaders were contagious to students, at the group and individual level. Also, groups with leaders in a positive mood exhibited more coordination and expended less effort than did groups with leaders in a negative mood.

These findings can help faculty understand the likelihood that their emotions and moods are contagious in the classroom and that one student's emotion may be contagious to others in the class as well. Again, the impact on classroom learning, by which student emotion affects group cooperation, coordination, conflict and task performance is particularly important.

In a study of 156 Japanese undergraduates, Kimura and Daibo (2008) found that emotional contagion is strongest when the person expressing emotion is more than an acquaintance, suggesting that small school faculty may find more contagion in their classrooms than others.

The emotional responses of students to their instructors have been empirically linked to other educational outcomes. Snyder et al. (2002) found that hope, for instance, is linked to college grade point average and graduation rates. And the emotions of enjoyment and pride are linked to midterm exam scores (Pekrun et al., 2006). Professors influence students’ feelings of enjoyment, pride and hope through the immediacy, competence and clarity of their communication behaviors according to a study of more than 750 students across three universities (Titsworth et al., 2013).

Faculty developers can demonstrate emotional contagion with their colleagues directly if they choose. Schaefer and Palanski (2013) created an in class activity for students that was fairly easy to adapt and administer. In short, two small faculty groups would complete a brief assessment questionnaire of their emotional states before engaging in a group puzzle solving activity. Unbeknownst to them, their group leader will have been prompted to demonstrate either positive or negative emotion towards the group during the activity. When the activity is completed, participants do the brief assessment again before debriefing. Results will likely show that the leaders’ displayed emotions were contagious to the group, even if participants suspected leaders were not completely authentic. Group discussion can address the fact that if even inauthentic emotions are contagious, authentic emotions would have been even more so. They can further explore the effects of leader emotion on group performance and other classroom outcomes.

Level 5: Organization wide Phenomenon

The organizational level of analysis is, “the least researched facet of emotions in organizations to date, but arguably with the greatest potential” (Ashkanasy & Cooper, 2008, p. 11). For faculty it is an opportunity to explore the emotional climate of their institutions, which is distinct from organizational culture. Emotional climate is the “the present social environment in the organization as perceived by the members of the organization” (Yurtsever &De Rivera, 2010, p. 502). Organizational culture, on the other hand, is more stable over time as administrators, faculty, and students come and go. Another distinction is that climate can vary across departments (or schools) of an institution while culture does not (Ashkanasy & Nicholson, 2003). Scholars are looking at ways to measure emotional climate in institutions by separating it into eight emotional processes: security, insecurity, confidence, depression, anger, love, fear and trust (Yurtsever & De Rivera, 2010). The descriptions and nuances of these eight processes can facilitate productive discussion with faculty about the emotional climates of their institutions and effects on their teaching. Recent work by Sekerka and Fredrickson (2008) and Hartel (2008) focus on how to build positive emotional climates. Emotionally intelligent management from college and university administrators (e.g., department chairs, deans, presidents) was explored by Mohamadkhani in 2012. His study of 351 faculty across 10 campuses in Iran identified specific factors of emotional intelligence among administrators that were linked to faculty effectiveness, such as the department head's ability to control his/her emotions as well as expression of happiness and satisfaction with faculty.

Conclusion

Fourteen years ago, POD member Edward Vela drew attention to the role of emotion in learning. In particular he emphasized the need for faculty to express positive emotions in the classroom. Since then researchers continue to measure the effectiveness of positive emotion in student learning but the field of emotion in the classroom has expanded since Vela's essay. The purpose of this article is to not only update Vela's citations on emotion and learning but to provide a broader perspective on the topic to assist faculty developers. Ashkanasy's five level model frames the discussion.

Within individual students emotion is required for good decision making. Cognition often plays a role in the front end of emotion as well. Appraisals of events in the classroom shape emotional responses, affect learning, drive behavior, and accumulate for longer term satisfaction levels. For these reasons, faculty deploy various strategies (e.g., emotional scaffolding) to influence the appraisal process and emotional responses so that learning is maximized.

Differences in students’ emotion skills (e.g., emotional intelligence) are related to their academic success and post graduation demands. Likewise, differences in faculty members’ emotion skills are related to teaching effectiveness. Evidence strongly suggests that emotion skills can be taught, to students and faculty. There are increasing calls to endeavor to do so within specific disciplines and across entire universities.

Emotion dynamics in the classroom can take a toll on faculty. There is no doubt that for most, if not all, teaching is emotion work and teachers engage in emotion regulation for a variety of reasons. Whether or not they are engaged in emotional labor and, if so, whether they are suffering from the effects of surface acting or deep acting, is an important issue to explore within our individual institutions.

Whatever emotions are present in a given moment in the classroom, faculty should be aware of their contagious nature. Emotional contagion was emphasized in Vela's essay. He asserted that, “emotion is the prime mover in human behavior and thus should be dealt with explicitly in our classroom… (we should) model positive affect and in that way “infect” our students” (p. 3). More recent research has shown that the contagious effect is not only from faculty to students, but across student groups as well. It is strongest when there is a perceived personal connection between the contagion and those being infected.

Emotion dynamics in the classroom may also be affected by the emotional climate of the college or university. Administrative leaders undoubtedly contribute to that climate. This is the least researched area of our model, but one that can generate fruitful discussion nonetheless.

The greatest connection between this article and Vela's essay is the desire for faculty developers to be familiar with this field and to use its current scholarship in their work to improve teaching effectiveness and well being amongst their faculty.

References

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