Report on the Manchu Documents Stored at the Mongolian National Central Archives of History
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1. Introductory: Purpose of the Field Research
The present reporter, Junko Miyawaki-Okada, specializes in the history of Mongolic-speaking peoples of the 17th and 18th centuries, namely historical studies of the Khalkha Mongols, whose descendants make up the major part of the population of the modern state of Mongolia, and of the Jüün Ghar Oyirads, who are often called the Western Mongols.[1] She was dispatched by the Japan Foundation to Mongolia, which used to be called the Mongolian People's Republic up to 1992, from September 12 to November 10, 1998, to conduct field research of historical documents from the Manchu-Ch'ing times.
The main purpose of this research project was to find out what historical documents dating from the Manchu times were preserved at the National Central Library (Ulsyn Töv Nomyn San) and the National Central Archives of History (Ulsyn Tüükhiin Töv Arkhiv) in Ulaanbaatar, the capital city of Mongolia. As far as the National Central Library is concerned, we already have a catalogue of its Manchu books edited by Lha. Misig and published in 1959,[2] and a catalogue of its Mongolian books on history edited by D. Jadamba and published in 1963,[3] both printed in the series Studia Mongolica. As for the documents stored at the National Central Archives of History, however, no catalogue has been published so far, only their existence being inferred from reference made in Mongolian scholars' works.
Before the Mongolian democratization started at the end of 1989, neither the National Central Library nor the National Central Archives of History had allowed free access to their holdings to foreign scholar unless they were from communist countries. Such being the case, the present reporter was interested first of all in finding out the general situation, including actual procedures required for gaining access to the documents. As the length of her stay in Ulaanbaatar was limited to only two months, she decided to concentrate herself on Manchu documents before anything else, following the advice of her husband, Prof. Hidehiro Okada.
Let us explain why Miyawaki, a historian of the Mongols, gave priority to Manchu documents on her first field research. The primary reason was that none of the Japanese Mongolists, however few, who have looked for historical documents in libraries and archives in Ulaanbaatar since 1990, ever reported on the existence of Manchu documents.
The secondary reason was the fresh view of Manchu-Ch'ing history proposed by Prof. Okada in his recent publications.[4] According to him, the Ch'ing dynasty, which effectively formed the prototype of modern China, was not a Chinese-style imperial monarchy as conventionally regarded, but a polyethnic empire comprising five major member peoples, whose union was symbolized in the person of the Manchu emperor. In the Ch'ing Empire, the Manchus, the Mongols, the Chinese, the Tibetans and the Muslims of East Turkestan each had their own separate legal code. The Mongols, the Tibetans and the Muslims were allowed autonomy in principle, while the Manchus and the Chinese were directly, though separately, ruled by the emperor. Management of the empire as a whole was naturally in the sole hands of the Manchu ruling class, whose Tungusic speech was the primary official language in use throughout the Ch'ing territory.
It follows from such a view that Manchu must have been the main language used in written communication between the imperial throne in Peking and the office of the Manchu amban stationed at Ikh Khüree (now Ulaanbaatar).[5] Thus it became Miyawaki's top priority in her field research to find out how much of and in what condition those Manchu documents would be preserved.
To give her conclusion first, her anticipation proved right with the discovery of a considerably large number of Manchu documents, which were unknown outside Mongolia, stored at the National Central Archives of History in Ulaanbaatar.
Quoted below is the introduction to the catalogue of the documents from the Manchu amban's office at Ikh Khüree, which are collectively named Fond M-1, translated by the present reporter, with some omission wherever deemed fit, from the original Khalkha-Mongolian text in Cyrillic alphabet. This introduction will allow the reader a quick glance at how the documents used to be treated in the days of the People's Republic, at the same time serving as an interesting source of information on the view of history and the level of historical research in Mongolia in the communist period.
Incidentally, M stands for the Manchu-Ch'ing period, and 1 refers to the Manchu amban's office at Ikh Khüree, the administrative center for the Khalkha Mongols of that time. Likewise, other fonds are named M-2 for the office of the General of Uliyasutai, M-3 for the office of the Mongol General stationed at Uliyasutai, and so on up to M-221, according to the leagues, banners and other organizations of their origin. The 221 Manchu fonds contain 130,075 storage units (Mo. khadgalamjiin negj).[6] Mongolian documents are said to make up overwhelming majority in all the fonds other than M-1 and M-2.
Fond M-1 contains 8,921 storage units, and Fond M-2, 203 units. A storage unit contains within itself documents concerning the same affair, which may be wrapped together under a piece of cardboard in the case of accordion-folded documents (Ma. bukdari, Mo. ebkemel, Ch. chê-tzǔ). The number of documents in a storage unit may vary from a single document to as many as 80.
The catalogue itself lists the documents basically in the order of their chronological dates. In an entry, the serial number of the storage unit is followed by a short explanation of the affair it deals with written in modern Khalkha-Mongolian, along with the number of documents contained therein. It is impossible to tell which document are in Manchu from the description given in the catalogue, however, because a storage unit puts documents together regardless of languages they are written in. According to Ms. Delgermaa, archivist in charge of Manchu documents at the National Central Archives of History, about 60 per cent of the documents in Fond M-1 may be in Manchu, though they have never been actually counted.
2. The Introduction to the Catalogue of Fond M-1 by Javzandulam, 1983
The Fond of Documents Concerning the Office of the Manchu Amban Stationed at Khuree (1727-1911): Fond No.M-1, Document No.1 (First Volume), Ulaanbaatar 1986.
I. Origin of Fond M-1
An administrative center founded by the Ch'ing dynasty in North Mongolia[7] was the office of the Manchu amban stationed at Ikh Khüree. With the appointment of a Mongol amban in 1758, and that of a Manchu amban in 1761, the fond here in question was started.
The amban at Khüree bore the official title Jarli ɣ-iyar jaru ɣsan Küren-dür sa ɣuju kereg sidkekü sayid in Mongolian, [Kuren de tefi baita icihiyara amban in Manchu, and Chu-cha K'u-lun pan-shih ta-ch'ên in Chinese, all] meaning "the high official who manages affairs in residence at Khüree". The bilingual Manchu-Mongolian title appears engraved on the official seal used by the amban (Translator's note: Actually the Chinese title appears alongside with the other two). The title might be abbreviated into Khüree said, Kuren-i ambasa or Khüreenii saiduud. The name of the office itself was variously spelled Khüreenii saidyn gazar, Khüree saidyn yaam or Khüreend
suuj khereg shiitgegch saiduudyn yaam.
Two ambans, one Manchu and the other Mongol, were stationed at the Khüree office. At first the Mongol amban had greater power, whose office had priority. Soon he was superceded by the Manchu amban in power. The Mongol ambans at Khüree, whose terms in office varied in length, were appointed by the orders of the Manchu emperor from among the lords in the aimags ("tribes" in Mongolian) of the Tiishiyeti Khanate and the Chechen Khanate, who had high ranks at the Manchu imperial court.
The Khuree office had under its jurisdiction the shabis ("disciples" in Mongolian) of the Jebzundamba Khutughtu, the two aimags of the Tüshiyetü Khan and the Chechen Khan, the law-courts of the Manchu judges (Ma. beidesi, Mo. zargach) in residence at Khüree and Kiakhta, the 28 sentry posts along the border east of Kiakhta manned by the troops from the Tüshiyetü Khanate and the Chechen Khanate, the 11 relay stations along the northern route from Khüree to Kiakhta, the 14 relay stations along the southern route from Khuree to Lake Sair Nuur, and so on. In addition, a squad of Chinese troops called Shuvuan-hua or Shuan-hua (?) was under the command of the office.
The amban's official duties included solving problems reported to him for the shabis, relay stations and sentries in the aimags under his jurisdiction, reporting them on to the Court of Colonial Affairs (Ma. Tulergi golo be dasara jurgan, Mo.Γ adaɣadu mongɣol-un törö-yi jasaqu yabudal-un yamun, Ch. Li-fan Yüan), and taking necessary measures according to the situation the sentries and relay stations under his command were in. He was also responsible for governing the Chinese, who were active in the three regions in the eastern part of the Khalkha land, namely those of the two aimags and the shabis, through the judges in residence at Khüree and Kiakhta, and for negotiating with the Russian governor of Irkutsk for some of the problems concerning the Kiakhta trade and the border.
Organizationally, this office had no subordinate sections, except for what was called Tamgyn gazar (Ma. Doron-i ba, literally "place of seal") in charge of the Khüree amban's seal and staffed by the Manchu judges of seal. The personnel of the amban's office included both Manchus and Mongols.
In the end of the nineteenth and the early twentieth century, it consisted of:
- Manchu amban, 1; secretaries, 4; interpreter, 1; bodyguards, 25;
- Mongol amban, 1; secretaries, 2, interpreter, 1, bodyguards, 18;
- Manchu inspector, 1; runners who deliver documents, help the inspector in a trial, and summon people, 2;
- Assistants to the Manchu amban, 12; runners, 36;
- 5. Manchu tax collectors, 3; runners, 3;
- Manchu scribes, 3;
- Senior Mongol official, 1; junior Mongol officials, 3;
- Official translator, 1;
- Official in charge of runners, 1; assistants, 4;
- Official in charge of bodyguards, 1; assistant bodyguards, 2;
- Heads of gatekeepers of the office, 3; bodyguards, 5;
- Watchmen of the arsenal, 6 families taking turns;
- Policemen, 10 families;
- Mongol scribes, 6; assistants, 12.
There were more than 170 officials all told. All fuels, transportation and food for the office were provided by the three regions, the Tüshiyetü Khanate, the Chechen Khanate and the shabis.
[Here omitted is a table of the Mongol ambans appointed to the Khüree office.]
In 1911, Mongol feudal lords took over the leadership of the struggle of herdsmen who resisted the increased Manchu oppression. They asked the Russian Empire for assistance with the aim of regaining national independence for the Mongol people, and the request was granted in the form of about 800 Russian troops sent into Khüree. On December 1, 1911, the declaration of a reestablished Mongol state was sent out by the collective Khalkha lords to all their leagues and banners, Russia, China and Tibet. The declaration was also sent to many of the banners in Inner Mongolia.
The Eighth Jebzundamba Khutughtu, now the supreme leader in Khüree, sent ultimatum to Amban Sando stationed at Khüree several times, demanding the latter to leave Mongolia. As the local Manchu-Chinese troops under his command were too weak to fight the Mongols, Sando asked the Russian consul for protection on December 1, 1911. The Manchu garrison troops were disarmed at once, and the last Manchu amban in Mongolia departed for home escorted by the Cossack troops through Kiakhta by way of the Siberian Railways. Thus ended the activities which had produced the documents contained in Fond M-1, with the total expulsion of the Manchu- Chinese officials from Khüree.
II. Stages in Cataloguing Fond M-1
Official documents were written mainly in Manchu and Mongolian at the amban's office at Khüree. Its documents addressed at the Mongol leagues, banners, shabis, relay stations and sentries were written in Mongolian, while those sent to the judges in residence at Khüree and Kiakhta, and such Manchu administrative organs as the Court of Colonial Affairs, were in Manchu. There was a rule that a document delivered to the office in Mongolian should be translated into Manchu. Fond M-1 at the National Central Archives of History is the collection of official papers produced by such activities at the amban's office.
As there had been no central archives in Mongolia before the People's Revolution, the documents in question were left stored at their original location, that is to say the old amban's office. After the predecessor of the present-day Academy of Sciences (Shinjlekh Ukhaany Akademi) was founded in 1921, the policy was initiated to bring together all archival materials in the country. The documents at the old amban's office at Khüree seem to have been moved at that time into the archival storehouse of the Institute of Historical Documents (Sudar Bichgiin Khüreelen), which was later to become the Academy of Sciences.
Systematic cataloguing of the documents now contained in Fond M-1 began in the mid-1960's. By that time they had been divided into four groups such as religion, economy, etc., for research purposes, but the grouping was not too precise. They were then rearranged and freshly catalogued according to their subjects.
The first stage of cataloguing ran from 1966 to 1971, during which only the dangsas (documents bound in volumes) in the fond were classified into storage units. Those first dangsas numbered 2488, and were entered in the register in 1976. Their dates range from the fifth year of Nayiraltu Töb (Hūwaliyasu Töb/Yung-chêng, 1727) to the third year of Kebtü Yosun (GehunggeYoso/Hsüan-t'ung, 1911), lacking some years in between.
The second stage ran from 1971 to 1973, during which only the accordion-folded documents ranging in dates from the 53rd year of Engke Amuyulang (Elhe Taifin/K'ang-hsi, 1714) to the 25th year of Törö Gereltu (Doro Eldengge/Tao-kuang, 1845) were catalogued and 1789 of them were entered in the register. Also the accordion-folded documents ranging in dates from the 26th year of Törö Gereltu (1846) to the tenth year of Bürintü Jasayči (Yooningga Dasan/T'ung-chih, 1871) were catalogued, 995 in number, and the same ranging in dates from the eleventh year of Bürintü Jasaɣči (1872) to the third year of Kebtü Yosun (1911), 2563 in number.
The third stage took place in 1978, when 639 accordion-folded documents ranging in dates from the twentieth year of Tengri-yin Tedkügsen (Abkai Wehiyehe/Ch'ien-lung, 1736) to the third year of Kebtü Yosun (1911) were catalogued and registered at the archives. Not every year, however, is represented in between.
The fourth stage ran from 1982 to 1983, during which 369 accordion-folded documents ranging in dates from the first year of Tengri-yin Tedkügsen (1736) to the third year of Kebtü Yosun (1911) were catalogued and registered. To complete this last stage of systematic cataloguing, those incomplete accordion-folded documents, which either had no dates or had lost their first or last parts, were catalogued to form 177 storage units.
[Translator's note: The documents contained in Fond M-1, cataloguing of which has been done in the manner just described, are actually divided into three groups, each of which has separate serial numbers of storage units. The documents catalogued on Stages 1 and 2 are collectively numbered Storage Units 1 through 7735. The catalogues for those storage units are divided into the following four volumes: Vol.1 for Units 1 through 2488 dating from the years 1727 through 1911; Vol.2 for Units 2489 through 4418 from the years 1714 through 1850; Vol.3 for Units 4419 through 5505 from the years 1851 through 1874; Vol.4 for Units 5506 through 7735 from the years 1875 through 1911. Strangely, the numbers given in the text of the introduction quoted above far exceed 7735 when added up. Let us not go into this problem any further here. Those catalogued on Stage 3 are numbered Storage Units 1 through 639, while those from Stage 4, together with the fragmentary ones, are again numbered Storage Units 1 through 547. Such being the case, Fond M-1 must contain as many as 8921 storage units all told. Actually more undated Manchu documents seem to remain uncatalogued in a considerable number.]
III. Contents of the Documents in Fond M-1
The three storage units from the 53rd and 54th years of Engke Amuyulang (1714 & 1715) contain accordion-folded documents on the provision of guides, food and transportation for the Russian officials and their servants travelling to Peking, but no documents from any other years.
The 115 storage units including the dangsas from the fifth and seventh years of Nayiraltu Töb (1727 & 1729) and the accordion-folded documents from the sixth through thirteenth years of the same era (1728-1735) cover such topics as the demarcation of the border, the rules for mutual crossing of the border into a neighboring country, the mutual return of stray animals across the border, the accounting of expenditure on the construction of the Amur Bayasqulang Monastery, the procurement of supplies for the army fighting the Western Mongols (=Jüün Ghar Empire, translator's note), the founding of Torghuud and Öölöd banners, the punishment of those who have stolen animals and other valuables from the Chinese, the government fields and animals for breeding, the procurement of supplies for the Manchu troops, etc.
The dangsas from the third through 60th years of Tengri-yin Tedkügsen (1738-1795) and the accordion-folded documents from the first through 60th years of the same era (1736-1795) cover such topics as the replacement of Chinese troops with Khalkha troops at strategic points, the defense against surprise attacks by the Western Mongols, the repatriation of war prisoners and refugees to their home pastures, the restoration of relay stations and sentries, the inspection of credentials of Chinese merchants, the preparation of war supplies, the rewards to the troops who fought bravely and those who provided war supplies, the return of the Jebzundamba Khutughtu from Doloon Nuur to Khüree in the aftermath of peace with Galdantsering Khan (Translator's note: Actually the Jüün Ghar ruler in question never styled himself khan), the translation of the Tanjur scriptures into Mongolian, etc.
The dangsas and accordion-folded documents from the first through 25th years of Sayisiyaltai Irügeltü (Saicungga Fengšen/Chia-ch'ing, 1796-1820) cover such topics as the change of reign style upon the enthronement of a new emperor, the celebration of the emperor's birthday by distributing presents to officials according to their ranks, honoring them with imperial messages and not using torture, the drilling of troops, the hogs and roe deer (Ma. gio, Mo. zür) paid to the Manchu emperor as tax in kind, the tribute of the nine white (yösön tsagaan), the military suppression of an anti-Manchu uprising by the Miao people in the Kweichow Province, the prohibition of Chinese merchants' marrying Mongol wives, the arrest and interrogation of criminals who attempted to assassinate the emperor, etc.
From the first through thirtieth years of Törö Gereltü (1821-1850), there are dangsas and accordion-folded documents covering such topics as the lists of Chinese shops and merchants, the reexamination of and consultation on the treaty on the trade between the Russians and the Dai- khuan (?), the bestowal of a golden seal on the Jebzundamba Khutughtu by the Manchu emperor, the drilling of troops, the survey of herds of taxable animals and of those consecrated with seter (Translator's note: Ti. tshe thar; five-colored ribbons to mark lifelong freedom from work and slaughter), the presents exchanged between the Khüree amban and the Irkutsk governor, the expenditure and provision for the Khüree office, etc.
The dangsas from the first through third years of Tügemel Elbegtü (Gubci Elgiyengge
/Hsien-fêng, 1851-1853) and the accordion-folded documents from the first through eleventh years of the same era (1851-1861) cover such topics as the appointment of men for shift duty, the provision of supplies for relay stations and sentries, the collection of customs from Chinese merchants, the decision on the days for putting away and bringing out the seal, the sacrifice to the holy mountain, the inspection and enumeration of herds consecrated with seter, etc.
From the first through thirteenth years of Bürintü Jasaɣči (1862-1874), there are dangsas and accordion-folded documents covering such topics as the exchanges between the Manchu amban's office and many other places, the expenditure and provision of the office, the dispute over pastures between the Khalkhas and the Barghus, the inspection of the relay stations along the two routes from Khüree and the sentries on the both sides of Kiakhta, the provision of escort by the sentries for Russian scholars and merchants crossing the border, the collection of rent and customs, the interest in silver, etc.
The dangsas from the first through 21st years of Badaraɣultu Törö (Badarangga Doro /Kuang-hsü, 1875-1895) and the accordion-folded documents from the first through 34th years of the same era (1875-1908) cover such topics as the police patrol of the fifteen blocks and Chinese merchants' shops, the succession of titles and court ranks, the judicial decisions, the imposition of fines, the impoverished people's inablility to pay taxes at many banners, the severe punishment on those who smoke opium (Mo. khar tamkhi, literally "black tobacco"), the appointment and deposition of high lamas, the inspection of herds consecrated with seter, the drilling of troops, the report on the search for Muslim thieves, the provision of supplies for sentries and relay stations, the appointment of janggins (arrow commanders), fundes (deputy arrow commanders) and soldiers, the provision of food to messengers at relay stations, etc.
From the first through third years of Kebtu Yosun (1909-1911), there are dangsas and accordion-folded documents covering such topics as the imposition of customs on the merchants and Chinese farmers who carried in tea leaves and other merchandise of Russian merchants under contract with Mongols, the arrest of and punishment on fugitives, thieves, robbers and their accomplices, the conferment of official ranks, etc.
3. How to Gain Access to the Mongolian National Central Archives of History
By now both the National Central Archives of History and the National Central Library in Ulaanbaatar have basically adopted a policy to admit foreign scholars for study of their holdings. Yet it goes without saying that one is required to have official recommendation from somebody who has a standing with Mongolian national organs.
In the case of the present reporter, she was fortunate enough to obtain a written permission from the archives to work there, thanks to the help of Dr. Mönkhtsetseg, local co-researcher on her project and Associate Professor at the Department of Japanology, Mongolian National University, who had managed to have her superior, Dean of the School of Foreign Service, issue an official recommendation addressed to the archives. Dr. Mönkhtsetseg, a close friend of the present reporter since more than ten years ago, speaks fluent Japanese and received her degree from her university with a dissertation titled "Japanese studies of Mongolian history" in 1996.
Otherwise, such a recommendation may be obtainable from the directors of branch institutes of the Mongolian Academy of Sciences, or Dr. Sh. Bira, Secretary General of the International Association for Mongol Studies.
Even native Mongolian scholars appear to have to go through rather complicated procedures before their admission to the National Central Archives of History, which used to be attached to the Ministry of Internal Affairs. In the case of the present reporter, she was required to submit in advance a declaration of purpose of her study written in Mongolian, and was denied access to any documents, or even catalogues, in fields not specified in the prior declaration. The catalogues are typewritten copies bound in separate volumes by the fonds. A set of such fond catalogues are kept in a locker in the reading room, and only the archivist in charge of the room is privileged to look into a catalogue of the fond catalogues. She allows you perusal of a catalogue one by one, if she judges that its subject conforms to the stated purpose of your study.
Several sets of the catalogues in typewritten copies seem to be in existence, including one for use of the archivists themselves and another in the director's office of the archives in a separate building.
A foreigner is charged US$50 a year in using the archives. There was no reduction in the $50 fee for the present reporter who used it only for two months. It is said that the $50 fee has very recently become good only for half a year. Xerox copies cost about US$1.30 a sheet for Mongol citizens and foreigners alike, which is exorbitantly high considering the local cost of living. Mongol scholars almost never order Xerox copies, just reading and copying by hand in their notebooks.
Under such conditions that can hardly be said friendly to users, the small reading room, accommodating only 12 desks and 18 chairs and open 9:30 a.m. to 5:30 p.m., with a noontime recess 1:00 to 2:00 p.m., Monday through Friday, is always occupied by some ten scholars and other men reading, who are very friendly nevertheless once you yourself become a familiar sight there. The only woman archivist in charge of the reading room is a strict stickler to rules, though not too punctual when it comes to keeping office hours.
Both the Director of the National Central Archives of History and his superior, the General Director of National Archives who oversees many archives, are in their thirties. The situation is the result of an overall personnel change after the Democratic Union's rise to power that swept old directors away. The new directors, who lack either knowledge or experience, appear to face many difficult problems in running their jobs.
As far as the present reporter was concerned, her research project succeeded in making a great progress to an unforeseen degree this time, thanks to the fact that Ms. Delgermaa, archivist in charge of Manchu documents at the National Central Archives of History, was a cousin of Dr. Tsolmon, close woman friend of Dr Monkhtsetseg, co-researcher of the present reporter. Miyawaki herself had known Dr. Tsolmon very well in advance, for the latter was a rare specialist in the life of Galdan Khan, the Jüün Ghar hero, and thus in the same field as she was. Also it helped to build a close working relationship among the four that they were all women in their forties.
The present reporter has brought back from Ulaanbaatar in handwritten and Xerox copies of some documents written in Manchu and Mongolian. They are only a very tiny fraction of what is preserved there, where one could spend years and years of work before getting anywhere. Under such circumstances she decided instead to encourage native Mongolian scholars to learn how to communicate internationally, and accordingly asked Ms. Delgermaa, who had been most helpful to her research project, to contribute a paper to the present periodical, Saksaha.
Ms. Delgermaa at present happens to be the only archivist in charge of Manchu documents at the Mongolian National Central Archives of History. As far as she knows, the present reporter has been the very first foreigner to come from a non-communist country and study Manchu documents there. Only another woman, a Russian linguist specializing in Manchu, is said to have once visited the archives before the Mongolian democratization.
When Dr. Mönkhtsetseg was an undergraduate at the Mongolian National University, the students majoring in Mongolian literature and history used to have an optional course of study of either Mongolian in the old alphabet, Tibetan or Manchu. The School of Mongolian Studies at the university offers a course on the Manchu alphabet even today.
Unfortunately there are no Mongolian specialists in Manchu studies now. Even at the time when Dr. Mönkhtsetseg herself was on the staff of the Institute of History, Academy of Sciences, up to 1990, only three people, including herself, knew how to read Manchu. Only very recently some people have become aware of the importance of studying Mongolia in the days of the Ch'ing Empire, but the general public still cannot be said to be too interested in the subject.
Ms. Delgermaa says that she was greatly disappointed by the total lack of public reaction to the oldest Manchu document in her archives, which she had published in a newspaper after the start of the Mongolian democratization. She seems to speak Russian, but no English.
The present report is concluded in the ardent hope that, by publicizing the historical documents existing in Ulaanbaatar, it will make Mongolia more readily accessible for all of the scholars in the outside world.
Her works on the subject include: Junko Miyawaki, "How legends developed about the First
Jebtsundamba: in reference to the Khalkha Mongol submission to the Manchus in the seventeenth century",
Memoirs of the Research Department of the Toyo Bunko, Tokyo, No.52, 1994, pp.45-67; Junko Miyawaki, "The birth of the Oyirad khanship", Central Asiatic Journal, 41 (1997), 1, pp.38-75.
Lha. Misig, Ulayan bayatur qota-daki ulus-un nom-un sang-un manju nom-un kömürgen-dü bayi y-amanju nom-un yarčay (Studia Mongolica, Tomus I, Fasciculus 29), Shinjlekh Ukhaan, Deed Bolbosrolyn
Khüreelengiin Erdem Shinjilgeenii Khevleliin Gazar, Ulaanbaatar, 1959.
D. Jadamba, Ulsyn Niitiin Nomyin Sand bui tüükhiin ba tüükhend kholbogdokh bichmel mongol
nomyn garchig (Studia Mongolica, Tomus IV, Fasciculus 12), Shinjlekh Ukhaany Akademiin Khevlel,
Ulaanbaatar, 1963.
Hidehiro Okada, Kōtei tachi no Chūgoku (China under Emperors), Hara Shobo, Tokyo, 1998, pp.199- 202; "China as a successor state to the Mongol Empire", The Mongol Empire & its Legacy, edited by Reuven Amitai-Preiss & David O. Morgan, EJ.Brill, Leiden, 1999, pp. 260-272.
Ikh means "great" in Mongolian, while khüree, originally meaning "an enclosure, encircled space", was later applied to a nomads' camp or a roving monastery. The Ikh Khüree, which was to become the city of
Ulaanbaatar, was a name designating the great roving monastery that followed the Jebzundamba Khutughtu, a high lama of the Tibetan Buddhism in Mongolia. Urga, the Russian name for Ikh Khüree,is a corruption of Mongolian örgöö, a respectful way of referring to a ger, tent-like Mongolian house. The Chinese name K'u-lun is simply a transcription of Manchu kuren, which in turn is a word borrowed from Mongolian khüree
The titles of the 221 M fonds and the number of storage units in each, and those of the 235 A fonds from the autonomy period of Mongolia under Bogd Khaan, are given in Japanese translation in: Tatsuo Nakami,"Mongoru monjo shiryo to aruhifu (On archival sources and archives in Mongolia)", Gengo Bunka Sesshoku ni kansuru Kenkyui (Studies of Linguistic and Cultural Contacts), No.6, pp.249-274, Institute for the Study of Languages and Cultures of Asia and Africa, Tokyo University of Foreign Studies, 1993.
The name Outer Mongolia, which is commonly adopted in China and the Western World, is never used by the Mongolian nationals themselves, either in the days of the former Mongolian People's Republic or the modern state of Mongolia, and by the Russians. The name in question became a geographical term only after the Khalkha Mongols declared themselves independent from the Manchu Ch'ing dynasty in December 1911. The Manchu-Chinese term tulergi Monggo/wai-fan Mêng-ku, literally "the Mongols on the outside", had applied not only to the inhabitants of so-called Outer Mongolia, but also of Inner Mongolia.