Harry S. Truman: 1945 : containing the public messages, speeches, and statements of the president, April 12 to December 31, 1945.
Truman, Harry S., 1884-1972., United States. President (1945-1953 : Truman), United States. Office of the Federal Register.

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Page  III *)x PUBLIC PAPERS OF THE PRESIDENTS OF THE UNITED STATES Harry S. Truman Containing the Public Messages, Speeches, and Statements of the President APRIL IL TO DECEMBER 3I, I945 I945 UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT PRINTING OFFICE WASHINGTON: I961 B A T~~ 'BATE.S COLLEGE LE.STON. M, L E t*i- iSTO; I.

Page  IV PUBLISHED BY THE OFFICE OF THE FEDERAL REGISTER NATIONAL ARCHIVES AND RECORDS SERVICE GENERAL SERVICES ADMINISTRATION For sale by the Superintendent of Documents, U.S. Government Printing Office Washington 25, D.C. - Price $5.50 ^-*., I - - -Aah6c.. - - - - "M-4wp."RF.Vgwg T -

Page  V FOREWORD THE IMPORTANCE OF this series lies in the extraordinary character of the office of President of the United States. A President's written and spoken words can command national and international attention if he has within him the power to attract and hold that attention. It is partly through the use of this power that leadership arises, events are molded, and administrations take their shape. It is this power, quite as much as powers written into the Constitution, that gives to the papers of Presidents their peculiar and revealing importance. /v /^ v

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Page  VII PREFACE IN THIS VOLUME are gathered most of the public messages and statements of the President of the United States that were released by the White House during the period April i2-December 31, I945. Similar volumes covering the remaining years of President Truman's administration are under preparation. Annual volumes covering the administration of President Eisenhower are also available. Current plans call for the publication of volumes containing the public messages and statements of President Kennedy shortly after the beginning of each calendar year. This series was begun in I957 in response to a recommendation of the National Historical Publications Commission (44 U.S.C. 393). An extensive compilation of the messages and papers of the Presidents, covering the period I789 to i897, was assembled by James D. Richardson and published under congressional authority between i896 and i899. Since that time various private compilations were issued, but there was no uniform, systematic publication comparable to the Congressional Record or the United States Supreme Court Reports. Many Presidential papers could be found only in mimeographed White House releases or as reported in the press. The National Historical Publications Commission therefore recommended the establishment of an official series in which Presidential writings and utterances of a public nature could be made promptly available. The Commission's recommendation was incorporated in regulations of the Administrative Committee of the Federal Register issued under section 6 of the Federal Register Act (44 U.S.C. 306). The Committee's regulations, establishing the series and providing for the coverage of prior years, are reprinted at page 6I4 as "Appendix D." VII

Page  VIII Preface CONTENT AND ARRANGEMENT The text of this book is based on Presidential materials issued during the period April 12-December 3I, I945. A list of White House releases from which final selections were made is published at page 591 as "Appendix A." The full text of President Truman's news conferences is here published for the first time, since direct quotation of the President's replies usually was not authorized. Four meetings with special groupsnumbered in source materials as News Conferences 11, 13,36, and 39 -were not in fact news conferences and are not included in this volume. Proclamations, Executive orders, and similar documents required by law to be published in the Federal Register and Code of Federal Regulations are not repeated. Instead, they are listed by number and subject under the heading "Appendix B" at page 603. The President is required by statute to transmit numerous reports to Congress. Those transmitted during the period covered by this volume are listed at page 613 as "Appendix C." The items published in this volume are presented in chronological order, rather than being grouped in classes. Most needs for a classified arrangement are met by the subject index. For example, a reader interested in veto messages will find them listed in the index under the heading "veto messages." The dates shown at the end of item headings are White House release dates. In instances where the date of the document differs from the release date that fact is shown in brackets immediately following the heading. Other editorial devices, such as text notes, footnotes, and cross references, have been held to a minimum. Remarks or addresses were delivered in Washington, D.C., unless otherwise indicated. Similarly, statements, messages, and letters were issued from the White House in Washington unless otherwise indicated. VIII

Page  IX Preface Original source materials, where available, have been used to protect against substantive errors in transcription. In maintaining the integrity of the text, valuable assistance was furnished by Dr. Philip C. Brooks and Philip D. Lagerquist of the Truman Library. David D. Lloyd, former Administrative Assistant to President Truman, assisted in the selection and annotation of materials. The planning and publication of this series is under the direction of David C. Eberhart of the Office of the Federal Register. The editor of the present volume was Warren R. Reid, assisted by Mildred B. Berry and Dorothy M. Jacobson. Frank H. Mortimer of the Government Printing Office developed the typography and design. WAYNE C. GROVER Archivist of the United States JOHN L. MooRE Administrator of General Services October 7, I96I IX

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Page  XI CONTENTS Page FOREWORD V PREFACE..VII LIST OF ITEMS.......... XIII PUBLIC PAPERS OF HARRY S. TRUMAN. I Appendix A-White House Press Releases, I945 59I Appendix B-Presidential Documents Published in the Federal Register, 1945......... 603 Appendix C-Presidential Reports to the Congress, 1945.. 6I3 Appendix D-Rules Governing This Publication.614 INDEX........... 6I7 XI

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Page  XIII LIST OF ITEMS Page i Statement by the President After Taking the Oath of Office. April 12, I945 I 2 Address Before a Joint Session of the Congress. April i6, '945 I 3 Statement by the President Upon Signing Bill Extending the Lend-Lease Act. April 17, 1945 7 4 The President's News Conference of April 17, 1945 8. Letter From Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt 9 5 Address Broadcast to the Armed Forces. April 17, 1945 14 6 Statement by the President on the Death of Ernie Pyle. April i8, 1945 I5 7 Statement by the President on the Senate's Approval of the Water Utilization Treaty With Mexico. April i8, 1945 i6 8 The President's News Conference of April 20, 1945 i6.. Telegram From James M. Cox Requesting the Release of Leonard Reinsch From the President's Staff i6 9 Joint Statement With Allied Leaders Warning Against Mistreatment of Prisoners in Germany. April 23, 1945 19 io Address to the United Nations Conference in San Francisco. April 25, I945 20 ii Letter to Secretary Wallace Requesting a Study of the Patent Laws. April 26, 1945 24 12 Statement by the President Announcing the Junction of Anglo-American and Soviet Forces in Germany. April 27, 1945 25 XIII

Page  XIV List of Items Page 13 Letter to Edwin W. Pauley Appointing Him as the President's Personal Representative on the Reparations Commission. April 27, 1945 26 14 Statement by the President Announcing the Appointment of Dr. Isador Lubin to the Reparations Commission. April 27, 1945 27 15 The President's News Conference of April 27, I945 27 i6 The President's News Conference on the Rumor of German Surrender. April 28, 1945 27 17 Statement by the President Commending the Office of Price Administration. May I, 1945 28 i8 Letter to the Director, Office of War Mobilization and Reconversion, Concerning Key Personnel of the War Agencies. May i, 1945 29 19 Statement by the President Concerning the Termination of the Office of Civilian Defense. May 2, 1945 30 20 Statement by the President on the Surrender of German Forces in Italy. May 2, 1945 3I 21 Messages to Allied Commanders on the Surrender of German Forces in Italy. May 2, I945 32 22 The President's News Conference of May 2, 1945 32.. Letter Accepting Resignation of Frank C. Walker as Postmaster General 33. Statement by the President Announcing Designation of Justice Jackson as U.S. Chief of Counsel for the Prosecution of War Crimes 34 23 Veto of Bill Providing for the Deferment of Additional Agricultural Workers. May 3, 1945 40 24 Statement by the President Concerning Philippine Independence. May 5, 1945 41 XIV

Page  XV List of Items Page 25 Statement by the President on the Timing of the Announcement of the German Surrender. May 7, i945 43 26 The President's News Conference on V-E Day. May 8, I945 43 27 Broadcast to the American People Announcing the Surrender of Germany. May 8, I945 48 Proclamation 2651: Victory in Europe-Day of Prayer 49 28 Statement by the President Calling for Unconditional Surrender of Japan. May 8, I945 50 29 Messages to Allied Leaders and to General Eisenhower on the Surrender of Germany. May 8, I945 51 30 Statement by the President Upon Signing Bill Extending the Selective Training and Service Act of 1940. May 9, 1945 52 31 The President's News Conference of May 15, I945 52 Statement by the President Concerning Freedom of the Press in Germany 53 32 Statement by the President on German Reparations. May 15, I945 57 33 Statement by the President Following a Discussion With Foreign Minister Bidault of France. May I8, 1945 58 34 Remarks Before the Congress on Presenting the Medal of Honor to Sergeant Jake W. Lindsey. May 2I, I945 59 35 Letter to Heads of War Agencies on the Economic Situation in the Liberated Countries of Northwest Europe. May 22, 1945 6i 36 Letter Accepting Resignation of Francis Biddle as the Attorney General. May 23, I945 62 37 Letter Accepting Resignation of Frances Perkins as Secretary of Labor. May 23, 1945 63 xv

Page  XVI List of Items Page 38 Letter Accepting Resignation of Claude R. Wickard as Secretary of Agriculture. May 23, I945 64 39 Letter Accepting Resignation of Marvin Jones as War Food Administrator. May 23, I945 64 40 The President's News Conference of May 23, I945 65 41 Special Message to the Congress on the Organization of the Executive Branch. May 24, I945 69 42 Special Message to the Congress on Unemployment Compensation. May 28, 1945 72 43 Letter Accepting Resignation of Stephen T. Early as Secretary to the President. May 31, I945 76 44 The President's News Conference of June i, 1945 77 Statement by the President on Tax Evasion 77 Statement by the President Concerning Members of the Armed Forces Held as Prisoners of War 77 45 Special Message to the Congress on Winning the War With Japan. June i, I945 83 46 Letter Declining To Accept Resignation of Samuel I. Rosenman as Special Counsel to the President. June i, I945 99 47 Citation Accompanying Presentation of the Legion of Merit to Prince Abdul Ilah of Iraq. June i, I945 00oo 48 Letter to the Chairman, House Civil Service Committee, Concerning Reduction in Hours of Work. June i, I945 ioo 49 Statement by the President on the Continued Need for Food. June 2, 1945 1oi 50 Letter to the Speaker of the House of Representatives on the Defense Aid Program. June 4, 1945 I02 XVI

Page  XVII List of Items Page 51 Letter to the Chairman, House Rules Committee, Concerning the Committee on Fair Employment Practice. June 5, 1945 104 52 The President's News Conference of June 7, 1945 105 53 Letter to the Director, Office of Defense Transportation, Concerning Redeployment of the Armed Forces. June 7, 1945 113 54 Statement by the President on the Transportation Problem. June 7, 1945 II3 55 Letter to General William S. Knudsen on His Retirement From Active Duty. June 7, 1945 115 56 Statement by the President on the Forthcoming Visit of President Rios of Chile. June 8, 1945 Ii6 57 Citation Accompanying the Distinguished Service Medal Honoring General Edwin M. Watson. June 8,1945 ii6 58 Statement by the President on Paper Conservation. June 9, 1945 II7 59 Letter to the President of the Senate and to the Speaker of the House of Representatives on the Salaries of Members of Congress. June 12, 1945 117 60 The President's News Conference of June 13, 1945 ii8 Statement by the President Concerning the Office of War Information 119 Statement by the President Following the Return of Harry Hopkins and Joseph E. Davies From Moscow and London 120 6i Citation Accompanying Medal for Merit Honoring Rudolph Forster. June i6, 1945 127 62 Statement by the President on Driving Safety. June i8, 1945 128 XVII

Page  XVIII List of Items Page 63 Special Message to the Congress on the Succession to the Presidency. June i9, I945 i28 64 The President's News Conference at Olympia, Washington. June 21, I945 131 65 Statement by the President Upon Signing Bill Continuing Certain Subsidy Payments. June 23, i945 I37 66 Address in San Francisco at the Closing Session of the United Nations Conference. June 26, i945 I38 67 The President's News Conference at Independence, Missouri. June 27, I945 I44 Letter to Secretary Stettinius Concerning His Appointment as U.S. Representative to the United Nations I44 68 Remarks Upon Receiving an Honorary Degree From the University of Kansas City. June 28, I945 149 69 Address Before the Senate Urging Ratification of the Charter of the United Nations. July 2, 1945 153 70 Memorandum Reducing the Workweek of Federal Employees to 44 Hours. July 3, I945 155 71 Letter Accepting Resignation of Harry L. Hopkins as Special Assistant to the President. July 3, 1945 i56 72 Statement by the President: The Fourth of July. July 4, I945 I57 73 Statement by the President on the Death of John Curtin, Prime Minister of Australia. July 4, i945 i58 74 Statement by the President Commending the Work of the United National Clothing Collection. July 4, I945 I58 75 Joint Statement Following Discussions With Foreign Minister Sofianopoulos of Greece. July 5, 1945 159 XVIII

Page  XIX List of Items Page 76 The President's News Conference of July 5, I945 i6o.Letter Accepting the Resignation of Henry Morgenthau, Jr., Secretary of the Treasury I6I.Letter Accepting Resignation of Owen J. Roberts, Associate Justice of the Supreme Court 162 77 Statement by the President Announcing Establishment of Diplomatic Relations With the New Polish Government. July 5, I945 i66 78 Exchange of Messages With the Prime Minister of the Polish Provisional Government of National Unity. July 5, I945 i66 79 Memorandum to Federal Agencies on the Handling of Government Funds. July 6, 1945 I67 80 Veto of Bill Relating to Law Enforcement in the District of Columbia. July 9, I945 i68 8i Statement by the President: Bastille Day. July 13, I945 I70 82 Letter to Secretary Morgenthau Concerning the Appointment of Fred M. Vinson as His Successor. July I4, 1945 I70 83 Statement by the President on the Manpower Needs of the Western Railroads. July i6, I945 171 84 Special Message to the Congress on Amending the Surplus Property Act To Provide for a Single Administrator. July 17, 1945 I72 85 Letter to the President of the Senate and to the Speaker of the House of Representatives Transmitting Reports on Foreign War Relief Activities. July 17, 1945 173 86 Remarks at the Raising of the Flag Over the U.S. Group Control Council Headquarters in Berlin. July 20, I945 174 XIX

Page  XX List of Items Page 87 Letter to David K. Niles, Administrative Assistant to the President. July 20, I945 I75 88 Letter Read by Secretary Vinson at the Humanitarian Award Dinner of the Variety Clubs of America. July 25, I945 176 89 Letter to Alben W. Barkley on the Eighth Anniversary of His Election as Majority Leader of the Senate. July 27, I945 I77 90 Veto of Bill Authorizing the Improvement of Certain Harbors. July 3I, 1945 178 9I Joint Report With Allied Leaders on the Potsdam Conference. August 2, 1945 179 92 Veto of Bill Conveying Certain Property to Norwich University. August 4, I945 I96 93 Statement by the President Announcing the Use of the A-Bomb at Hiroshima. August 6, 1945 I97 94 The President's News Conference of August 8, I945 200 95 Letter to the Chairman, War Production Board, on Measures To Speed Reconversion. August 9, I945 200 96 Letter to Edward R. Stettinius Appointing Him U.S. Representative on the Preparatory Commission of the United Nations. August 9, 1945 202 97 Radio Report to the American People on the Potsdam Conference. August 9, I945 203 98 Citation Accompanying the Distinguished Service Medal Presented to James F. Byrnes. August 13, I945 214 99 Statement by the President on the Ioth Anniversary of the Social Security Act. August I3, I945 215 XX

Page  XXI List of Items Page ioo100 The President's News Conference of August 14, 1945 2i6... Statement by the President Announcing the Surrender of Japan 216 ioi Statement by the President Announcing a Reduction in the Draft. August I4, 1945 2i8 102 Statement by the President Commending Federal Employees. August I4, 1945 219 103 Statement by the President: The Jewish New Year. August I5, 1945 220 104 Statement by the President Proposing Measures To Insure Industrial Peace in the Reconversion Period. August i6, 1945 220 105 Proclamation 2660: Victory in the East-Day of Prayer. August i6, 1945 223 o106 The President's News Conference of August i6, 1945 224 107 The President's News Conference of August 23, 1945 229... Memorandum Regarding Holidays To Be Observed by Federal Agencies 229 io8 Memorandum Concerning Veteran Preference in Federal Agencies. August 24, 1945 235 o109 Citation Accompanying the Legion of Merit Presented to President de Gaulle of France. August 24, 1945 236 iio Citation Accompanying the Legion of Merit Presented to Georges Bidault, Minister of Foreign Affairs of France. August 24, 1945 237 iII Statement by the President on the 25th Anniversary of the Women's Suffrage Amendment. August 25, 1945 237 112 Statement by the President Concerning Veterans Hospitals. August 25, 1945 238 XXI

Page  XXII List of Items Page 113 Joint Statement Following Discussions With President de Gaulle of France. August 25, 1945 239 114 Letter to the Chairmen of the Senate and House Committees on Military Affairs on Army Manpower Requirements. August 27, I945 239 iI5 Memorandum Concerning Reimbursement of War Contractors for Wages Paid for Work on August 15 and i6. August 28, 1945 242 ii6 The President's News Conference of August 29, 1945 243... Statement by the President Concerning Reports on the Pearl Harbor Disaster 243 II7 Letter to George E. Allen Concerning the Liquidation of War Agencies. August 30, 1945 245 ii8 The President's News Conference of August 30, 1945 246 119 Letter to Byron Price Requesting Him To Study Relations Between U.S. Forces of Occupation and the German Peopie. August 30, 1945 251 120 Statement by the President Upon Signing Order Concerning Government Information Programs. August 31, 1945 252 121 Statement by the President: Labor Day. September I, 1945 253 122 Radio Address to the American People After the Signing of the Terms of Unconditional Surrender by Japan. September I, 1945 254 123 Radio Address to the Members of the Armed Forces. September 2, 1945 258 124 Letter to the Speaker of the House of Representatives Transmitting Proposed Reductions in Appropriations for Civilian War Agencies. September 5, 1945 259 XXII

Page  XXIII List of Items Page 125 Citation Accompanying the Distinguished Service Medal Presented to Harry L. Hopkins. September 5, 1945 261 i26 Citation Accompanying the Distinguished Service Medal Presented to Howard Bruce. September 5, I945 262 i27 The President's News Conference of September 5, 1945 263 i28 Special Message to the Congress Presenting a 2i-Point Program for the Reconversion Period. September 6, I945 263 i29 The President's News Conference of September 6, I945 310 130 Letter to the Surgeon General Concerning Termination of the Nurses Training Program. September 8, i945 314 I31 Citation Accompanying the Congressional Medal of Honor Presented to General Jonathan M. Wainwright. September io, i945 314 132 The President's News Conference of September I2, 1945 315 133 Message to General Pershing on His 85th Birthday. September I3, I945 320 134 Letter to the Speaker of the House of Representatives Transmitting Proposed Reductions in Appropriations for the Navy. September I4, I945 320 135 Statement by the President on the European Relief and Rehabilitation Program. September I7, 1945 321 136 Statement by the President on the Liberation of Korea. September i8, I945 324 137 The President's News Conference of September i8, x945 325 138 Statement by the President Concerning Demobilization of the Armed Forces. September 19, I945 327 139 Letter Accepting Resignation of Henry L. Stimson as Secretary of War. September 20, I945 329 XXIII

Page  XXIV List of Items Page 140 Letter to General William J. Donovan on the Termination of the Office of Strategic Services. September 20, I945 330 141 Letter to Secretary Byrnes Concerning the Development of a Foreign Intelligence Program. September 20, I945 331 142 Citation Accompanying the Distinguished Service Medal Presented to Henry L. Stimson. September 21, 1945 332 143 Statement of Policy, Approved by the President, Relating to Post-War Japan. September 22, 1945 332 144 Letter to Henry J. Kaiser Calling Upon Him To Head the Second United National Clothing Collection Campaign. September 23, 1945 341 145 Message Approved by the President Concerning the Extent of General MacArthur's Authority in Japan. September 24, 1945 342 146 Letter to the Speaker of the House of Representatives Transmitting Proposed Reductions in Appropriations for the War Department. September 25, 1945 343 147 The President's News Conference of September 26, 1945 344 148 Telegram to the Governor of New York Concerning the St. Lawrence Seaway and Power Projects. September 27, '945 349 149 Veto of Bill for the Relief of the City of Council Bluffs, Iowa. September 27, 1945 35I 150 Proclamation 2667: Policy of the United States With Respect to the Natural Resources of the Subsoil and Sea Bed of the Continental Shelf. September 28,1945 352 151 Statement by the President on Announcing the Termination of the American Production Mission in China. September 29, I945 354 XXIV

Page  XXV List of Items Page I52 Letter to General Eisenhower Concerning Conditions Facing Displaced Persons in Germany. September 29, 1945 355 153 Letter to Harry L. Hopkins Concerning the Roosevelt National Memorial Committee. October i, i945 357 154 Radio Address Opening the 1945 National War Fund Campaign. October 2, 1945 358 155 Special Message to the Congress on the St. Lawrence Seaway. October 3, 1945 359 156 Special Message to the Congress on Atomic Energy. October 3, i945 362 157 The President's News Conference of October 3, I945 367... Statement by the President Concerning the Date for Proclaiming Philippine Independence 367 158 Statement by the President Concerning Government Operation of Petroleum Refineries Closed by Strikes. October 4, I945 372 159 Letter to the President of the Senate and to the Speaker of the House of Representatives Concerning Federal Assistance for Child Care Centers. October 4, I945 373 I6o Remarks at the Presentation of the Congressional Medal of Honor to Fourteen Members of the Navy and Marine Corps. October 5, 1945 375 I6I Citation Accompanying the Distinguished Service Medal Presented to Admiral Chester W. Nimitz. October 5, I945 376 162 Letter Accepting Resignation of J. A. Krug as Chairman of the War Production Board. October 5, I945 377 i63 Remarks at the Pemiscot County Fair, Caruthersville, Missouri. October 7, 1945 378 XXV

Page  XXVI List of Items Page 164 The President's News Conference at Tiptonville, Tennessee. October 8, i945 381 i65 Address and Remarks at the Dedication of the Kentucky Dam at Gilbertsville, Kentucky. October io, 1945 389 i66 Statement by the President on the 34th Anniversary of the Chinese Republic. October io, 1945 394 167 Remarks on Presenting the Congressional Medal of Honor to Fifteen Members of the Armed Forces. October 12, I945 395 I68 Letter to Representative Powell of New York Regarding the Refusal of Permission to His Wife for a Concert in Constitution Hall. October 12, 1945 396 169 Special Message to the Congress on Puerto Rico. October i6, 1945 396 170 Statement by the President Following the Visit of President Rios of Chile. October i6, 1945 398 171 Memorandum on the Community War Fund Campaign in the National Capital Area. October 17, 1945 398 172 The President's News Conference of October i8, 1945 399 173 Statement by the President on the Anniversary of the Founding of the Czechoslovak Republic. October 22, 1945 404 174 Address Before a Joint Session of the Congress on Universal Military Training. October 23, 1945 404 175 The President's News Conference of October 25, 1945 414... Statement by the President Following Discussions With President Osmenia of the Philippines 414 176 Letters to the High Commissioner to the Philippines and to the Heads of Federal Agencies Recommending Measures for the Assistance of the Philippines. October 26, 1945 42I xxVI

Page  XXVII List of Items Page 177 Address in New York City at the Commissioning of the U.S.S. Franklin D. Roosevelt. October 27, I945 428 I78 Address on Foreign Policy at the Navy Day Celebration in New York City. October 27, 1945 431 i79 Letter to Dr. Lyman J. Briggs on His Retirement as Director of the National Bureau of Standards. October 29, I945 438 I80 Radio Address to the American People on Wages and Prices in the Reconversion Period. October 30, I945 439 x8I The President's News Conference of October 31, 1945 450. Letter from General Dwight D. Eisenhower on Restoration of Civil Government in Germany 450 182 Statement by the President on Announcing the Mission to Japan of Ambassador Edwin W. Pauley, Personal Representative of the President on Reparations Matters. November I, 1945 457 183 Letter to Edgar F. Puryear on Receiving Report of the Review Committee on Deferment of Government Employees. November I, I945 458 184 Address at the Opening Session of the Labor-Management Conference. November 5, 1945 458 185 Letter to the Chairman, House Appropriations Committee, Concerning the Need for Additional Funds for Advance Planning of Public Works. November 7, I945 463 186 Special Message to the Congress on U.S. Participation in the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration. November 13, I945 464 i87 Statement by the President on the Problem of Jewish Refugees in Europe. November I3, I945 467 XXVII

Page  XXVIII List of Items Page i88 Letter to Prime Minister Attlee Concerning the Need for Resettlement of Jewish Refugees in Palestine. November 13, 1945 469 189 Letter to President Osmena of the Philippines Upon Approving a Bill of the Philippine Congress. November 14, I945 47I 190 Statement by the President on the Tenth Anniversary of the Philippine Commonwealth. November 15, 1945 471 191 The President's News Conference Following the Signing of a Joint Declaration on Atomic Energy. November 15, 1945 472... Joint Declaration on Atomic Energy With the Prime Ministers of Canada and the United Kingdom 472 192 Special Message to the Congress Recommending a Comprehensive Health Program. November 19, 1945 475 193 The President's News Conference of November 20, 1945 491... Statement by the President Announcing Changes in Army Command 491 194 Letter to General Hans Kramer Appointing Him U.S. Representative in Negotiations Between Colorado and Kansas for Division of Waters of Arkansas River. November 21, 1945 497 195 Statement by the President Concerning Government Operation of Transit Facilities in the District of Columbia. November 21, 1945 498 196 Citation Accompanying the Legion of Merit Awarded to Crown Prince Olav of Norway. November 23, 1945 499 197 Citation Accompanying the Distinguished Service Medal Awarded to Field Marshal Sir Henry M. Wilson. November 27, 1945 500 XXVIII

Page  XXIX List of Items Page I98 Citation Accompanying the Legion of Merit Awarded to Lieutenant General Sir Gordon N. Macready. November 27, 1945 501 199 Citation Accompanying the Legion of Merit Awarded to Air Marshal Douglas Colyer. November 27, 1945 502 200 Citation Accompanying the Legion of Merit Awarded to Fleet Admiral Sir James F. Somerville. November 27, I945 503 201 Letter Transmitting Report on the Occupation of Germany to the Secretaries of State, War, and Navy. November 28, 1945 503 202 The President's News Conference of November 29, I945 504... Statement by the President on the First Hundred Days of Reconversion 505 203 Letter to the President, Society for the Advancement of Management, Concerning Full Employment. November 30, I945 514 204 Special Message to the Congress on Labor-Management Relations. December 3, 945 516 205 Veto of Bill Granting Benefits to Enlisted Men for Foreign Service Between I898 and 1912. December 3, I945 522 206 Telegrams to Management and Labor Leaders Concerning Industrial Disputes Involving the General Motors Corporation and the U.S. Steel Corporation. December 3, I945 522 207 Statement by the President Upon Signing the Government Corporation Control Act. December 6, I945 524 208 The President's News Conference of December 7, I945 524 XXIX

Page  XXX List of Items Pass 209 Joint Statement With the Prime Ministers of Great Britain and Canada Concerning Removal of Wartime Trade Controls. December io, 1945 529 210 Statement by the President Concerning the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry (Palestine Commission). December I0, 1945 531 211ii The President's News Conference of December 12, 1945 533 212 Letter to Wilson Wyatt Appointing Him Housing Expediter. December 12, 1945 539 213 Citation Accompanying the Medal for Merit Awarded to Henry Morgenthau. December 12, 1945 540 214 Citation Accompanying the Medal for Merit Awarded to Ralph K. Davies. December 12, 1945 541 215 Citation Accompanying the Distinguished Service Medal Awarded to Admiral Ernest J. King. December 14, 1945 541 216 Statement by the President: United States Policy Toward China. December 15, 1945 543 217 Veto of Bill Raising the Rank of Chiefs and Assistant Chiefs of Naval Bureaus. December 17, 1945 546 218 Special Message to the Congress Recommending the Establishment of a Department of National Defense. December 19, 1945 546 219 Special Message to the Senate Transmitting Nominations of United States Representatives to the United Nations. December 19, 1945 56i 220 Statement by the President Upon Signing the Reorganization Act of 1945. December 20, 1945 562 221 The President's News Conference of December 20,1945 563 XXX

Page  XXXI List of Items Pal... Statement by the President Concerning the Authority of Fact-Finding Boards To Examine Books of the Employer 563 222 Letter to Senator Wagner and Representative Manasco Concerning the Full Employment Bill. December 20, 1945 569 223 Letter to Dr. Isaiah Bowman on Federal Assistance for Scientific Research. December 20, 1945 570 224 Letter to the Administrator, Federal Works Agency, Asking Him To Head a Conference on Traffic Safety. December 21, 1945 571 225 Statement and Directive by the President on Immigration to the United States of Certain Displaced Persons and Refugees in Europe. December 22, 1945 572 226 Memorandum of Disapproval of Bill Reducing Certain Appropriations and Contract Authorizations for Fiscal Year 1946. December 23, I945 579 227 Address at the Lighting of the National Community Christmas Tree on the White House Grounds. December 24, 1945 583 228 Letters to the Members of the Board of Directors on the Termination of the Smaller War Plants Corporation. December 27, 1945 585 229 Statement by the President Upon Signing Bill Extending the Second War Powers Act. December 28, 1945 588 230 Letter to the Chairman, National War Labor Board, on the Establishment of the National Wage Stabilization Board. December 31, 1945 589 XXXI

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Page  XXXIII Hary S. Truman I945

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Page  1 I Statement by the President After Taking the Oath of Office. April 12, I945 THE WORLD may be sure that we will prosecute the war on both fronts, east and west, with all the vigor we possess to a successful conclusion. NOTE: The oath of office was adminis- ence would be held in San Francisco on tered by Chief Justice Harlan F. Stone April 25 as President Roosevelt had at 7:09 p.m. in the Cabinet Room at the directed. White House. Shortly thereafter the The foregoing statement was released President announced through an as- at 8:Io p.m. sistant that the United Nations Confer2 Address Before a Joint Session of the Congress. April 6, 945 Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, Members of the Congress: It is with a heavy heart that I stand before you, my friends and colleagues, in the Congress of the United States. Only yesterday, we laid to rest the mortal remains of our beloved President, Franklin Delano Roosevelt. At a time like this, words are inadequate. The most eloquent tribute would be a reverent silence. Yet, in this decisive hour, when world events are moving so rapidly, our silence might be misunderstood and might give comfort to our enemies. In His infinite wisdom, Almighty God has seen fit to take from us a great man who loved, and was beloved by, all humanity. No man could possibly fill the tremendous void left by the passing of that noble soul. No words can ease the aching hearts of untold millions of every race, creed and color. The world knows it has lost a heroic champion of justice and freedom. Tragic fate has thrust upon us grave responsibilities. We must carry on. Our departed leader never looked backward. He looked forward I

Page  2 [~2] Apr. i6 Public Papers of the Presidents and moved forward. That is what he would want us to do. That is what America will do. So much blood has already been shed for the ideals which we cherish, and for which Franklin Delano Roosevelt lived and died, that we dare not permit even a momentary pause in the hard fight for victory. Today, the entire world is looking to America for enlightened leadership to peace and progress. Such a leadership requires vision, courage and tolerance. It can be provided only by a united nation deeply devoted to the highest ideals. With great humility I call upon all Americans to help me keep our nation united in defense of those ideals which have been so eloquently proclaimed by Franklin Roosevelt. I want in turn to assure my fellow Americans and all of those who love peace and liberty throughout the world that I will support and defend those ideals with all my strength and all my heart. That is my duty and I shall not shirk it. So that there can be no possible misunderstanding, both Germany and Japan can be certain, beyond any shadow of a doubt, that America will continue the fight for freedom until no vestige of resistance remains! We are deeply conscious of the fact that much hard fighting is still ahead of us. Having to pay such a heavy price to make complete victory certain, America will never become a party to any plan for partial victory! To settle for merely another temporary respite would surely jeopardize the future security of all the world. Our demand has been, and it remains-Unconditional Surrender! We will not traffic with the breakers of the peace on the terms of the peace. The responsibility for making of the peace-and it is a very grave responsibility-must rest with the defenders of the peace. We are not unconscious of the dictates of humanity. We do not wish to see unnecessary or unjustified suffering. But the laws of God and of man have been violated and the guilty must not go unpunished. Nothing shall shake our determination to punish the war criminals even though we must pursue them to the ends of the earth. 2

Page  3 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Apr. i6 [2] Lasting peace can never be secured if we permit our dangerous opponents to plot future wars with impunity at any mountain retreathowever distant. In this shrinking world, it is futile to seek safety behind geographical barriers. Real security will be found only in law and in justice. Here in America, we have labored long and hard to achieve a social order worthy of our great heritage. In our time, tremendous progress has been made toward a really democratic way of life. Let me assure the forward-looking people of America that there will be no relaxation in our efforts to improve the lot of the common people. In the difficult days ahead, unquestionably we shall face problems of staggering proportions. However, with the faith of our fathers in our hearts, we do not fear the future. On the battlefields, we have frequently faced overwhelming oddsand won! At home, Americans will not be less resolute! We shall never cease our struggle to preserve and maintain our American way of life. At this moment, America, along with her brave Allies, is paying again a heavy price for the defense of our freedom. With characteristic energy, we are assisting in the liberation of entire nations. Gradually, the shackles of slavery are being broken by the forces of freedom. All of us are praying for a speedy victory. Every day peace is delayed costs a terrible toll. The armies of liberation today are bringing to an end Hitler's ghastly threat to dominate the world. Tokyo rocks under the weight of our bombs. The grand strategy of the United Nations' war has been determineddue in no small measure to the vision of our departed Commander in Chief. We are now carrying out our part of that strategy under the able direction of Admiral Leahy, General Marshall, Admiral King, General Arnold, General Eisenhower, Admiral Nimitz and General MacArthur. I want the entire world to know that this direction must and will remain-unchanged and unhampered! Our debt to the heroic men and valiant women in the service of our 3

Page  4 [2] Apr. i6 Public Papers of the Presidents country can never be repaid. They have earned our undying gratitude. America will never forget their sacrifices. Because of these sacrifices, the dawn of justice and freedom throughout the world slowly casts its gleam across the horizon. Our forefathers came to our rugged shores in search of religious tolerance, political freedom and economic opportunity. For those fundamental rights, they risked their lives. We well know today that such rights can be preserved only by constant vigilance, the eternal price of liberty! Within an hour after I took the oath of office, I announced that the San Francisco Conference would proceed.1 We will face the problems of peace with the same courage that we have faced and mastered the problems of war. In the memory of those who have made the supreme sacrifice-in the memory of our fallen President-we shall not fail! It is not enough to yearn for peace. We must work, and if necessary, fight for it. The task of creating a sound international organization is complicated and difficult. Yet, without such organization, the rights of man on earth cannot be protected. Machinery for the just settlement of international differences must be found. Without such machinery, the entire world will have to remain an armed camp. The world will be doomed to deadly conflict, devoid of hope for real peace. Fortunately, people have retained hope for a durable peace. Thoughtful people have always had faith that ultimately justice must triumph. Past experience surely indicates that, without justice, an enduring peace becomes impossible. In bitter despair, some people have come to believe that wars are inevitable. With tragic fatalism, they insist that wars have always been, of necessity, and of necessity wars always will be. To such defeatism, men and women of good will must not and can not yield. The outlook for humanity is not so hopeless. During the dark hours of this horrible war, entire nations were kept going by something intangible-hope! When warned that abject sub' See note to Item 1. 4

Page  5 Harry S. Truman, I945 Apr. i6 [2] mission offered the only salvation against overwhelming power, hope showed the way to victory. Hope has become the secret weapon of the forces of liberation! Aggressors could not dominate the human mind. As long as hope remains, the spirit of man will never be crushed. But hope alone was not and is not sufficient to avert war. We must not only have hope but we must have faith enough to work with other peace-loving nations to maintain the peace. Hope was not enough to beat back the aggressors as long as the peace-loving nations were unwilling to come to each other's defense. The aggressors were beaten back only when the peace-loving nations united to defend themselves. If wars in the future are to be prevented the nations must be united in their determination to keep the peace under law. Nothing is more essential to the future peace of the world than continued cooperation of the nations which had to muster the force necessary to defeat the conspiracy of the Axis powers to dominate the world. While these great states have a special responsibility to enforce the peace, their responsibility is based upon the obligations resting upon all states, large and small, not to use force in international relations except in the defense of law. The responsibility of the great states is to serve and not to dominate the world. To build a foundation of enduring peace we must not only work in harmony with our friends abroad, but we must have the united support of our own people. Even the most experienced pilot cannot bring a ship safely into harbor, unless he has the full cooperation of the crew. For the benefit of all, every individual must do his duty. I appeal to every American, regardless of party, race, creed, or color, to support our efforts to build a strong and lasting United Nations Organization. You, the Members of the Congress, surely know how I feel. Only with your help can I hope to complete one of the greatest tasks ever assigned to a public servant. With Divine guidance, and your help, we 5

Page  6 [2] Apr. I6 Public Papers of the Presidents will find the new passage to a far better world, a kindly and friendly world, with just and lasting peace. With confidence, I am depending upon all of you. To destroy greedy tyrants with dreams of world domination, we cannot continue in successive generations to sacrifice our finest youth. In the name of human decency and civilization, a more rational method of deciding national differences must and will be found! America must assist suffering humanity back along the path of peaceful progress. This will require time and tolerance. We shall need also an abiding faith in the people, the kind of faith and courage which Franklin Delano Roosevelt always had! Today, America has become one of the most powerful forces for good on earth. We must keep it so. We have achieved a world leadership which does not depend solely upon our military and naval might. We have learned to fight with other nations in common defense of our freedom. We must now learn to live with other nations for our mutual good. We must learn to trade more with other nations so that there may be-for our mutual advantage-increased 'production, increased employment and better standards of living throughout the world. May we Americans all live up to our glorious heritage. In that way, America may well lead the world to peace and prosperity. At this moment, I have in my heart a prayer. As I have assumed my heavy duties, I humbly pray Almighty God, in the words of King Solomon: "Give therefore thy servant an understanding heart to judge thy people, that I may discern between good and bad; for who is able to judge this thy so great a people?" I ask only to be a good and faithful servant of my Lord and my people. NOTE: The President spoke in the House dress was broadcast over the major radio chamber shortly after I p.m. The ad- networks. 6

Page  7 Harry S. Truman, i945 Apr. I7 [3] 3 Statement by the President Upon Signing Bill Extending the Lend-Lease Act. April 17, 1945 THIS IS the third time that the Lend-Lease Act has been extended by the Congress-each time by overwhelming majorities. This mighty instrument for victory is one of the growing monuments to the boldness, imagination and effective statesmanship of Franklin Roosevelt. At a critical time in the history of this country, he saw the vital need for aiding those who were fighting against Axis aggression and oppression all over the world. The wisdom and effectiveness of that vision are being shown every day on the battlefronts all over the world. On the Western European front-the British, the French, the Dutch, the Belgians and other Allied forces have been equipped in part with lend-lease guns and other munitions; and, shoulder to shoulder with our men are fighting their way into the heart of Nazi Germany. In Italy-American, British, Polish, Brazilian and other Allied armed forces are joined in a common effort to speed final victory. On the eastern front-the Soviet forces, aided by lend-lease supplies, are striking blows which are breaking the back of Nazi military power. In the Far East-the Chinese, the British, the Australians, the New Zealanders, the Dutch and other fighting Allies, have joined with us in a combined attack which is now beating at the doors of Tokyo. Lend-lease has been an effective instrument to help assure a complete United Nations victory with the least cost in American and Allied lives. Lend-lease will be carried on until the unconditional surrender or complete defeat of Germany and Japan. NOTE: As enacted, the bill (H.R. 20I3) is Public Law 31, 79th Congress (59 Stat. 52). 7

Page  8 [4] Apr. I7 Public Papers of the Presidents 4 The President's News Conference of April I 7, I 945 THE PRESIDENT. [i.] The first thing I want to do to you is to read the rules. "News emanating from the President's conferences with the press will continue to be divided in categories already known to you, and in keeping with the practice of President Roosevelt's news meetings with the press. "These categories are: first, off the record, confidential announcements which are to be kept secret by the newspapermen attending the conferences and not passed on by them to outsiders. "Background-or not for attribution-information which may be given to the press for its guidance and use, the source of which cannot be published nor disclosed. In other words, it cannot be attributed to the President. "News information which may be attributed to the President, when it is given to the press by the President at his conferences, but which cannot be directly quoted. "Statements by the President cannot be directly quoted, unless he gives special permission." [2.] Now, I have asked Mr. Early and Mr. Hassett, Mr. Daniels and Judge Rosenman, and they have offered to stay and help me get things organized, for which I am very grateful. And my staff will stand the training with those gentlemen. I have asked Mr. Connelly to be my Confidential Secretary. Mr. Reinsch is going to help me with press and radio affairs. Q. Mr. President, can you give us that full name? THE PRESIDENT. Matthew J. Connelly. Q. How do you spell it? THE PRESIDENT. Leonard Reinsch. Connelly spells it the Irish way. [Laughter] Q. How does Mr. Reinsch spell his name? THE PRESIDENT. How is that? Q. Reinsch-how does he spell his name? 8

Page  9 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Apr. I7 [4] THE PRESIDENT. R-e-i-n-c-h-S-c-h-there's an S in there. I forgot the S. Q. Can we have something about where he is from? THE PRESIDENT. He has been a radio executive for Governor Cox. Mr. Connelly has been with me all the time. Mr. Reinsch was connected with the National Committee during the last campaign as the radio expert for the National Committee. So I got acquainted with him. And he is efficient, I will tell you that. And so is Mr. Connelly. So are all these other gentlemen. That is no reflection on anybody, you understand? [Laughter] [3.] I received a communication from Mrs. Roosevelt which I want to read to you. You will be given a mimeographed copy of it as you go out. This is dated April i6, I945. "My dear Mr. President: "There have been many thousands of letters, telegrams and cards sent to me and my children which have brought great comfort and consolation to all of us. This outpouring of affectionate thought has touched us all deeply and we wish it were possible to thank each and every one individually. "My children and I feel, in view of the fact that we are faced with the paper shortage and are asked not to use paper when it can be avoided, that all we can do is to express our appreciation collectively. We would therefore consider it a great favor if you would be kind enough to express our gratitude for us. "Sincerely, Eleanor Roosevelt." [4.] Now, there has been some question as to where I stand on various things, particularly Bretton Woods. And I am for it. We need an international monetary setup. And I would have supported that proposition had I stayed in the Senate, and I would have done everything I possibly could as Vice President to help the President get it through the Senate. I am for it all the way. I hope that is plain enough. Q. Does that include also the monetary fund-stabilization — THE PRESIDENT. It includes the program as sent to the Congress by the President. That is as plain as I can make it. 9

Page  10 [4] Apr. I7 Public Papers of the Presidents And I believe that's all. If you want to ask me anything, I will try to answer; and if I don't know, I will tell you. [5.] Q. Mr. President, in that same connection, would you say, just for the record, on reciprocal trade, has the President requestedTHE PRESIDENT. Yes. That was the other thing I wanted to mention. Q. - about the Export-Import Bank? THE PRESIDENT. I am for the reciprocal trade agreements program. Always have been for it. I think you will find in the record where I stood before, when it was up in the Senate before, and I haven't changed. [6.] Q. What about the Johnson Act repeal? THE PRESIDENT. You mean the Johnson Act now pending for repeal? Q. No, the Johnson Act which prohibits loans by private individuals to the defaulted governments. THE PRESIDENT. Well, that is a matter I will have to look into and study. I haven't given it any thought. I can't answer that question at this time. I will answer it for you later. [7.] Q. Mr. President, are you going ahead with the public power ambitions of your predecessor? THE PRESIDENT. Wherever it is possible and necessary, I am. Q. Mr. President, in that connection the term of TVA Chairman Lilienthal will be expiring in a few monthsTHE PRESIDENT. I am not discussing appointments this morning of any sort. I am-when it comes to me to meet that situation, I will meet it; and you will know about it. Q. Mr. President, could you tell us how you feel about the Missouri Valley Authority? THE PRESIDENT. I think I made a speech in New Orleans endorsing the Missouri Valley Authority. I advise you to read that speech. [8.] Q. Mr. President, probably as much as any group, the passing of President Roosevelt is very keenly felt by the Negroes in America, as they looked upon him as sort of a symbol of justice and equal opportunity. I wonder if you would comment on the things that they were so specifically interested in and felt they knew where the President IO

Page  11 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Apr. I7 [4] stood: on the fair employment practice, the right to vote without being hampered by poll taxes, and all that? THE PRESIDENT. I will give you some advice. All you need to do is to read the Senate record of one Harry S. Truman. [9.] Q. Mr. President, do you mind discussing a companion piece to the Missouri Valley Authority, about the St. Lawrence? Can you tell us anything about that? THE PRESIDENT. I don't want to discuss that this morning. [io.] Q. Mr. President, is there any possibility that you will go to the United Nations Conference at San Francisco near the end? THE PRESIDENT. There is not. Q. Will you send a message, Mr. President, to the San Francisco Conference? THE PRESIDENT. I shall probably welcome the delegates by an opening statement, when they arrive for their first meeting. Q. Over the radio? THE PRESIDENT. Yes. Q. Could you tell us, Mr. President, some of the considerations that led to your decision not to go to San Francisco? THE PRESIDENT. I have a competent delegation going to San Francisco to negotiate and represent the interests of the United States. I shall back them up from this desk right here-[nocking on it]-where I belong. [Ii.] Q. Do you expect to see Mr. Molotov before he goes acrossTHE PRESIDENT. Yes, I do. Q. -before he goes to San Francisco? THE PRESIDENT. Yes. He is going to stop by and pay his respects to the President of the United States. He should. Q. When do you expect him to arrive? [12.] Q. Can you tell us something about your visit with the American delegation this morning? THE PRESIDENT. I have told you-f have already told you exactly what I said to them. [13.] Q. Mr. President, will Mr. Byrnes go to San Francisco in any capacity? II

Page  12 [4] Apr. 17 Public Papers of the Presidents THE PRESIDENT. He will not. Mr. Byrnes is going back to South Carolina, and when I need his advice I shall send for him. Q. Have you any plans for Mr. Byrnes to take any public office? THE PRESIDENT. I have not. [I4.] Q. Mr. President, do you have a desire, as soon as possible, to meet the other Allied leaders-Marshal Stalin and Prime Minister Churchill? THE PRESIDENT. I should be very happy to meet them, and General Chiang Kai-shek also. And General de Gaulle; if he wants to see me I will be glad to see him. I would like to meet all of the Allied heads of governments. Q. Have you initiated any move towards that end, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. I have not. [i5.] Q. Mr. President, do you approve of the work of the Truman Committee? [Laughter] [i6.] THE PRESIDENT. There was another announcement I wanted to make. It was about these press conferences. Due to the fact that I have such a terrific burden to assume, I am going to have only one press conference a week. I shall have one in the morning and one in the afternoon-turnabout-week about. And I shall have that press conference on the days in the middle of the week as soon as I think I have something to say, or news to give out; and you will be notified in plenty of time so that you can come right down here Tuesday, Wednesday, or Thursday of each week; but I am not setting any specific day nor any specific hour, but to say that one will be in the morning and the next one will be in the afternoon. [I7.] Q. Mr. President, will Mrs. Truman have a press conference? THE PRESIDENT. Beg your pardon? Q. Will Mrs. Truman have a regular press conference? THE PRESIDENT. I would rather not answer that question at this time. Mrs. Roosevelt is having her last meeting with the ladies of the press on Thursday, and that question will be answered at a later date. [i8.] Q. Mr. President, there are published reports that your administration plans to lift the ban on horseracing. Can you comment on that? 12

Page  13 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Apr. 17 [4] Voices: Louder-louder. THE PRESIDENT. Say it again, so that they can hear it. [Laughter] Q. There are published reports that your administration plans to lift the ban on horseracing. Can you comment on that? THE PRESIDENT. I do not intend to lift the ban. [19.] Q. Mr. President, can you give us your views on the disposal of synthetic rubber plants? THE PRESIDENT. No, I cannot. That is not a matter for discussion here. It will be discussed at the proper time. [20.] Q. Mr. President, can you say anything about the Cabinet? THE PRESIDENT. No. Of course, I asked the Cabinet to remain. That is as much as I want to say. Q. Mr. President — Q. Mr. President, what is your feeling — THE PRESIDENT. Let this fellow have a chance back here. You're in the front row. [Laughter] [2I.] Q. Does that statement of yours on horseracing apply to the ban on the brownout and the curfew too? THE PRESIDENT. I think they have done a lot of good for the morale all over the country, and I have no intention of pushing Mr. Byrnes' office. Somebody over here? [Indicating another questioner] Q. Started to ask you if that applied after V-E Day? THE PRESIDENT. Let's wait for V-E Day to come, and I will take care of the situation at that time. Now, what was your question? I beg your pardon, the lady wants to ask a question. [Laughter] [22.] Q. Mr. President, there is a story out that Stalin had reached an agreement with the new Polish Government approved by the United States and Britain. Can you comment? THE PRESIDENT. I -don't want to discuss that at this conference. Now, what was your question? Q. It has been asked, sir. [Laughter] Q. Thank you, Mr. President. NOTE: President Truman's first news White House at Io:3o a.m. on Tuesday, conference was held in his office at the April 17, 1945. I3

Page  14 [5] Apr. I7 Public Papers of the Presidents 5 Address Broadcast to the Armed Forces. April I7, I945 To the Armed Forces of the United States throughout the world: After the tragic news of the death of our late Commander in Chief, it was my duty to speak promptly to the Congress, and the Armed Forces of the United States. Yesterday, I addressed the Congress. Now I speak to you. I am especially anxious to talk to you, for I know that all of you felt a tremendous shock, as we did at home, when our Commander in Chief fell. All of us have lost a great leader, a far-sighted statesman and a real friend of democracy. We have lost a hard-hitting chief and an old friend of the services. Our hearts are heavy. However, the cause which claimed Roosevelt, also claims us. He never faltered-nor will we! I have done, as you would do in the field when the Commander falls. My duties and responsibilities are clear. I have assumed them. These duties will be carried on in keeping with our American tradition. As a veteran of the first World War, I have seen death on the battlefield. When I fought in France with the 35th Division, I saw good officers and men fall, and be replaced. I know that this is also true of the officers and men of the other services, the Navy, the Marine Corps, the Coast Guard, and the Merchant Marine. I know the strain, the mud, the misery, the utter weariness of the soldier in the field. And I know too his courage, his stamina, his faith in his comrades, his country, and himself. We are depending upon each and every one of you. Yesterday I said to the Congress and I repeat it now: "Our debt to the heroic men and valiant women in the service of our country can never be repaid. They have earned our undying gratitude. America will never forget their sacrifices. Because of these sacrifices, the dawn of justice and freedom throughout the world slowly casts its gleam across the horizon." I4

Page  15 Harry S. Truman, I945 Apr. i8 [6] At this decisive hour in history, it is very difficult to express my feeling. Words will not convey what is in my heart. Yet, I recall the words of Lincoln, a man who had enough eloquence to speak for all America. To indicate my sentiments, and to describe my hope for the future, may I quote the immortal words of that great Commander in Chief: "With malice toward none; with charity for all; with firmness in the right, as God gives us to see the right, let us strive on to finish the work we are in; to bind up our nation's wounds; to care for him who shall have borne the battle, and for his widow, and his orphan-to do all which may achieve and cherish a just and lasting peace among ourselves, and with all nations." NOTE: The President spoke at Io p.m. Radio Service and was carried over the from the White House. His address major networks. was broadcast over the Armed Forces 6 Statement by the President on the Death of Ernie Pyle. April I8, 1945 THE NATION is quickly saddened again by the death of Ernie Pyle. No man in this war has so well told the story of the American fighting man as American fighting men wanted it told. More than any other man he became the spokesman of the ordinary American in arms doing so many extraordinary things. It was his genius that the mass and power of our military and naval forces never obscured the men who made them. He wrote about a people in arms as people still, but a people moving in a determination which did not need pretensions as a part of power. Nobody knows how many individuals in our forces and at home he helped with his writings. But all Americans understand now how wisely, how warm-heartedly, how honestly he served his country and his profession. He deserves the gratitude of all his countrymen. '5

Page  16 [7] Apr. i8 Public Papers of the Presidents 7 Statement by the President on the Senate's Approval of the Water Utilization Treaty With Mexico. April i 8, I945 IN VOTING its approval of the water treaty with Mexico, the Senate today gave unmistakable evidence that it stands firmly in support of the established policy of our Government to deal with our Good Neighbors on the basis of simple justice, equity, friendly understanding and practical cooperation. By this action of the Senate, the United States and Mexico join hands in a constructive, business-like program to apportion between them and develop to their mutual advantage the waters of the rivers that are in part common to them. NOTE: The treaty and supplementary fication the treaty entered into force protocol are printed in the U.S. Statutes November 8, I945. at Large (59 Stat. PI29). After rati8 The President's News Conference of April 20, I945 THE PRESIDENT. Well, I've got a telegram I will read to you. Is everybody in? Mr. Early: Yes, sir. [I.] THE PRESIDENT. This is dated Miami, Florida, April i9, addressed to me here. "Dear Mr. President: Some time ago, you made an appealVoices: Little slower-slow! Mr. Early: You will get copies of it later. THE PRESIDENT. I will read it to you first. Then I will see that you get copies. [Reading, not literally] "Dear Mr. President: Some time ago you made an appeal to me which I think I responded to at the moment in good spirit. Now I am going to make an appeal to you. Please let us have Leonard Reinsch back. When we gave our consent we were not sufficiently mindful of the tremendous tasks ahead of us in radio in connection with Television, Frequency Modulation and what not. i6

Page  17 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Apr. 20 [8] On special occasions for your personal uses his services could be availed of without embarrassment to us. It might not seem a patriotic impulse which prompts this message, and yet I am sure on reflection you will see it is justified. Kindest regards, James M. Cox." And he is my friend. I think he will do anything in the world for me, so as to make Leonard available to me for the radio jobs that he has always done. Leonard will be on call just as Jimmy Byrnes is for anything that I want. And I am going to comply with Governor Cox's request. [2.] And the reason I am calling you in to give this to you is because I called in Charlie Ross last night after this happened, and Charlie agreed to come with me after this San Francisco Conference, on May i5th. Then Charlie and I got sentimental, and called up our old schoolteacher in Independence last night, and I am afraid that there is a leak in Independence-[laughter]-and Charlie also called up his son. I didn't want you fellows to be scooped on it, so that's why I am doing this. Q. Did you say he called his old schoolteacherTHE PRESIDENT. He and I called her together. She is the only schoolteacher that is living, and so we called her up. We used to go to school together. I asked Mr. Pulitzer to give Charlie 2 years' leave, and Mr. Pulitzer very kindly complied with that; and I hope he won't do the same to me that has happened here. I hope not. He said he wouldn't. Q. What is the schoolteacher's name? THE PRESIDENT. Miss Tilly Brown. Matilda Brown. We always called her Tilly. Matilda-M-a-t-i-l-d-a-Brown. We always called her Tilly. Q. That is at Independence? THE PRESIDENT. At Independence. Q. How old is she, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. Well, I don't think she would object to her age being told-[laughter]-but I don't know. She is somewhere between 75 and 80. Q. Was that grade school? THE PRESIDENT. High school. She taught Charlie and me English. I7

Page  18 [8] Apr. 20 Public Papers of the Presidents Q. Were you in the same class? THE PRESIDENT. Charlie and I graduated in the same high school class. Q. What was that year, sir? THE PRESIDENT. 1901oi. Do your own figuring. [Laughter] That covers everything, doesn't it? [3.] Oh, yes. I almost forgot something. Jonathan [Daniels] has agreed to stay with me. He is going to stay with me until Charlie comes. Does that take care of everything? I am appreciative of that, too, just as I am of all these things; and I am exceedingly happy to have these people on call when I need them. Q. When are you-when is Mr. Reinsch leaving? THE PRESIDENT. At his convenience. The telegram is specific. Q. Mr. Ross will come in about the i5th of May, sir? THE PRESIDENT. Yes. [4.] Q. Mr. President, what about the reports that Leslie Biffle will come down here? THE PRESIDENT. They have no foundation in fact. Q. Mr. President, THE PRESIDENT. Les is literally of much more use to me as Secretary to the Senate than he would be down here at the White House-much more use to the Senate. I don't want to cripple the Senate by taking Les Biffle away from them. What did you start to say? Q. I started to say, sir, that means that you didn't even ask for him to come down. The report is going around that you and Mr. Barkley were arguing over who was going to get Les. THE PRESIDENT. Oh, that is-no argument-[inaudible words]-only in fun. Don't quote that, though. There was never any thought on my part that Biffle be brought down here. Q. Nothing serious? THE PRESIDENT. No. I wouldn't say there was no kidding-[inaudible words]-Barkley, you know, and I like to rib each other. I was worrying him a little bit, and he was trying to worry me. Q. You'd say he was a good man in almost any job he worked? THE PRESIDENT. Biffle? They don't make them any better than Biffle. i8

Page  19 Harry S. Truman, 9945 Apr. 23 [9] And you can quote me on that. Q. Mr. Ross will be the Press Secretary? THE PRESIDENT. Press Secretary. Reporter: Thank you, sir. NOTE: President Truman's second news White House at II:45 a.m. on Friday, conference was held in his office at the April 20, I945. 9 Joint Statement With Allied Leaders Warning Against Mistreatment of Prisoners in Germany. April 23, 1945 THE GOVERNMENTS of the United Kingdom, United States of America and U.S.S.R., on behalf of all the United Nations at war with Germany, hereby issue a solemn warning to all commandants and guards in charge of Allied prisoners of war, internees or deported citizens of the United Nations in Germany and German occupied territory and to members of the Gestapo and all other persons of whatsoever service or rank in whose charge Allied prisoners of war, internees or deported citizens have been placed, whether in battle zones, on lines of communication or in rear areas. They declare that they will hold all such persons, no less than the German High Command and competent German military, naval and air authorities, individually responsible for the safety and welfare of all Allied prisoners of war, internees or deported citizens in their charge. Any person guilty of maltreating or allowing any Allied prisoners of war, internees or deported citizens to be maltreated, whether in battle zone, on lines of communication, in a camp, hospital, prison or elsewhere, will be ruthlessly pursued and brought to punishment. They give notice that they will regard this responsibility as binding in all circumstances and one which cannot be transferred to any other authorities or individuals whatsoever. NOTE: This statement was made public tions of German territory still in Gerat 6 p.m. The White House release man control. The leaflets bore facsimile accompanying the text states that Allied signatures of the President, Prime Minplanes began distributing the warning ister Churchill, and Marshal Stalin. in leaflet form at 6 p.m. over those por '9

Page  20 [Io] Apr. 25 Public Papers of the Presidents io Address to the United Nations Conference in San Francisco. April 25, 1945 [ Delivered from the White House by direct wire ] Delegates to the United Nations Conference on International Organization: The world has experienced a revival of an old faith in the everlasting moral force of justice. At no time in history has there been a more important Conference, or a more necessary meeting, than this one in San Francisco, which you are opening today. On behalf of the American people, I extend to you a most hearty welcome. President Roosevelt appointed an able delegation to represent the United States. I have complete confidence in its Chairman, Secretary of State Stettinius, and in his distinguished colleagues, former Secretary Cordell Hull, Senator Connally, Senator Vandenberg, Representative Bloom and Representative Eaton, Governor Stassen and Dean Gildersleeve. They have my confidence. They have my support. In the name of a great humanitarian-one who surely is with us today in spirit-I earnestly appeal to each and every one of you to rise above personal interests, and adhere to those lofty principles, which benefit all mankind. Franklin D. Roosevelt gave his life while trying to perpetuate these high ideals. This Conference owes its existence, in a large part, to the vision, foresight, and determination of Franklin Roosevelt. Each of you can remember other courageous champions, who also made the supreme sacrifice, serving under your flag. They gave their lives, so that others might live in security. They died to insure justice. We must work and live to guarantee justice-for all. You members of this Conference are to be the architects of the better world. In your hands rests our future. By your labors at this Conference, we shall know if suffering humanity is to achieve a just and lasting peace. Let us labor to achieve a peace which is really worthy of their great 20

Page  21 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Ar 5[o Apr. 25 [ IO ] sacrifice. We must make certain., by your work here, that another war will be impossible. We, who have lived through the torture and the tragedy of two world conflicts, must realize the magnitude of the problem before us. We do not need far-sighted vision to understand the trend in recent history. Its significance is all too clear. With ever-increasing brutality and destruction, modern warfare, if unchecked., would ultimately crush all civilization. We still have a choice between the alternatives: the continuation of international chaos —or the establishment of a world organization for the enforcement of peace. It is not the purpose of this Conference to draft a treaty of peace in the old sense of that term. It is not our assignment to settle specific questions of territories, boundaries, citizenship and reparations. This Conference will devote its energies and its labors exclusively to the single problem of setting up the essential organization to keep the peace. You are to write the fundamental charter. Our sole objective, at this decisive gathering, is to create the structure. We must provide the machinery, which will make future peace, not only possible, but certain. The construction of this delicate machine is far more complicated than drawing boundary lines on a map, or estimating fair reparations, or placing reasonable limits upon armaments. Your task must be completed first. We represent the overwhelming majority of all mankind. We speak for people, who have endured the most savage and devastating war ever inflicted upon innocent men, women and children. We hold a powerful mandate from our' people. They believe we will fulfill this obligation. We must prevent, if human mind, heart and hope can prevent it, the repetition of the disaster from which the entire world will suffer for years to come. If we should pay merely lip service to inspiring ideals, and later do violence to simple justice, we would draw down upon us the bitter wrath of generations yet unborn. We must not continue to sacrifice the flower of our youth merely 21

Page  22 [Io] Apr. 25 Public Papers of the Presidents to check madmen, those who in every age plan world domination. The sacrifices of our youth today must lead, through your efforts, to the building for tomorrow of a mighty combination of nations founded upon justice-on peace. Justice remains the greatest power on earth. To that tremendous power alone will we submit. Nine days ago, I told the Congress of the United States, and I now repeat it to you: "Nothing is more essential to the future peace of the world, than continued cooperation of the nations, which had to muster the force necessary to defeat the conspiracy of the axis powers to dominate the world. "While these great states have a special responsibility to enforce the peace, their responsibility is based upon the obligations resting upon all states, large and small, not to use force in international relations, except in the defense of law. The responsibility of the great states is to serve, and not dominate the peoples of the world." None of us doubt that with Divine guidance, friendly cooperation, and hard work, we shall find an adequate answer to the problem history has put before us. Realizing the scope of our task and the imperative need for success, we proceed with humility and determination. By harmonious cooperation, the United Nations repelled the onslaught of the greatest aggregation of military force that was ever assembled in the long history of aggression. Every nation now fighting for freedom is giving according to its ability and opportunity. We fully realize today that victory in war requires a mighty united effort. Certainly, victory in peace calls for, and must receive, an equal effort. Man has learned long ago, that it is impossible to live unto himself. This same basic principle applies today to nations. We were not isolated during the war. We dare not now become isolated in peace. All will concede that in order to have good neighbors, we must also be good neighbors. That applies in every field of human endeavor. For lasting security, men of good-will must unite and organize. 22

Page  23 Harry S. Truman, I945 Apr. 25 [ IO] Moreover, if our friendly policies should ever be considered by belligerent leaders as merely evidence of weakness, the organization we establish must be adequately prepared to meet any challenge. Differences between men, and between nations, will always remain. In fact, if held within reasonable limits, such disagreements are actually wholesome. All progress begins with differences of opinion and moves onward as the differences are adjusted through reason and mutual understanding. In recent years, our enemies have clearly demonstrated the disaster which follows when freedom of thought is no longer tolerated. Honest minds cannot long be regimented without protest. The essence of our problem here is to provide sensible machinery for the settlement of disputes among nations.- Without this, peace cannot exist. We can no longer permit any nation, or group of nations, to attempt to settle their arguments with bombs and bayonets. If we continue to abide by such decisions, we will be forced to accept the fundamental concept of our enemies, namely, that "Might makes right." To deny this premise, and we most certainly do deny it, we are obliged to provide the necessary means to refute it. Words are not enough. We must, once and for all, reverse the order, and prove by our acts conclusively, that Right Has Might. If we do not want to die together in war, we must learn to live together in peace. With firm faith in our hearts, to sustain us along the hard road to victory, we will find our way to a secure peace, for the ultimate benefit of all humanity. We must build a new world-a far better world-one in which the eternal dignity of man is respected. As we are about to undertake our heavy duties, we beseech our Almighty God to guide us in the building of a permanent monument to those who gave their lives that this moment might come. May He lead our steps in His own righteous path of peace. NOTE: The President spoke at 7:35 p.m. The address was broadcast over the major networks. 23

Page  24 [II] Apr. 26 Public Papers of the Presidents i i Letter to Secretary Wallace Requesting a Study of the Patent Laws. April 26, I945 [ Released April 26, 1945. Dated April 20, I945] My dear Mr. Secretary: Much has lately been said and written to suggest that the patent statutes do not in all respects serve the constitutional purpose to promote the progress of science and useful arts, and that patents have been misused to support unlawful monopolies in contravention of the purposes of the anti-trust laws. I believe the Congress would welcome such assistance as the executive branch of the government might be able to give in presenting the results of a full and objective study of the operation and effectiveness of the patent laws and their relation to the purposes of the anti-trust laws and to the post-war economy, together with specific proposals for such legislation as may seem to be appropriate. Thus far the several departments of the government have made no concerted effort to formulate a policy upon this subject. Will you please undertake such study and submit to me your report and recommendations respecting the legislative proposals you think I should lay before the Congress. In so doing will you please consult with the Attorney General, the Director of Economic Stabilization, the Director of the Office of Scientific Research and Development, and the Chairman of the National Patent Planning Commission. Very sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: On April 26, I945, a Department man. The study, completed in 1947, of Commerce release announced that was first published in i960, with minor Secretary Wallace had invited the offi- revisions, as Study No. 26 of the Subcials listed in the President's letter to committee on Patents, Trademarks, and serve as a committee to make a full and Copyrights of the Senate Committee on objective study of the patent system, and the Judiciary (Government Printing that the Director of Economic Stabili- Office, 1960). zation had consented to serve as chair 24

Page  25 Harry S. Truman, I945 Apr. 27 [I2] 12 Statement by the President Announcing the Junction of Anglo-American and Soviet Forces in Germany. April 27, I945 THE ANGLO-AMERICAN armies under the command of General Eisenhower have met the Soviet forces where they intended to meetin the heart of Nazi Germany. The enemy has been cut in two. This is not the hour of final victory in Europe, but the hour draws near, the hour for which all the American people, all the British peoples and all the Soviet people have toiled and prayed so long. The union of our arms in the heart of Germany has a meaning for the world which the world will not miss. It means, first, that the last faint, desperate hope of Hitler and his gangster government has been extinguished. The common front and the common cause of the powers allied in this war against tyranny and inhumanity have been demonstrated in fact as they have long been demonstrated in determination. Nothing can divide or weaken the common purpose of our veteran armies to pursue their victorious purpose to its final triumph in Germany. Second, the junction of our forces at this moment signalizes to ourselves and to the world that the collaboration of our nations in the cause of peace and freedom is an effective collaboration which can surmount the greatest difficulties of the most extensive campaign in military history and succeed. Nations which can plan and fight together shoulder to shoulder in the face of such obstacles of distance and of language and of communications as we have overcome, can live together and can work together in the common labor of the organization of the world for peace. Finally, this great triumph of Allied arms and Allied strategy is such a tribute to the courage and determination of Franklin Roosevelt as no words could ever speak, and that could be accomplished only by the persistence and the courage of the fighting soldiers and sailors of the Allied Nations. But, until our enemies are finally subdued in Europe and in the Pacific, there must be no relaxation of effort on the home front in sup 25

Page  26 [I2] Apr. 27 Public Papers of the Presidents port of our heroic soldiers and sailors as we all know there will be no pause on the battle fronts. NOTE: The President's statement was re- though not identical) statements were leased at i2 noon. Simultaneous (al- issued in London and in Paris. I3 Letter to Edwin W. Pauley Appointing Him as the President's Personal Representative on the Reparations Commission. April 27, I945 My dear Mr. Pauley: I hereby designate you to act as my personal representative, with the rank of Ambassador, to represent and assist me in exploring, developing and negotiating the formulae and methods for exacting reparations from the aggressor nations in the current war. In this matter, you will represent me in dealing with the other interested nations. At the Crimea Conference, it was agreed that Germany would be obliged to the greatest extent possible to make reparations in kind for the damage caused by her to the Allied countries. It was further agreed that a commission would be established to consider the question of the extent and methods for collecting such reparations. I wish you also to represent the United States and me personally as a member of that commission. In all matters within your jurisdiction you will report to me personally and directly. May I express my gratification at your willingness to assume this important but arduous mission. Very sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: A statement by Mr. Pauley concerning reparations was released by the White House on the same day. 26

Page  27 Harry S. Truman, 1945 A pr. 28 [ i6] I4 Statement by the President Announcing the Appointment of Dr. Isador Lubin to the Reparations Commission. April 27, I945 I WISH, also, to announce that I have asked Dr. Isador Lubin, Commissioner of Labor Statistics, to serve with and accompany Mr. Pauley as his associate. Dr. Lubin will be given the personal rank of Minister. I am very grateful to Dr. Lubin for accepting this post. I5 The President's News Conference of April 27, I945 [President Truman's third news conference was not recorded and no copy of the text has been found. [The Official Reporter's notes state that he was notified too late and that he came in on the President's last words. They also state that the conference was held about 4:I5 p.m., and that the President announced the appointment of Edwin W. Pauley as his Personal Representative on the Reparations Commission, with the rank of Ambassador, and of Dr. Isador Lubin as an Associate, with the rank of Minister.] i6 The President's News Conference on the Rumor of German Surrender. April 28, I945 THE PRESIDENT. Well, I was over here, as you can see, doing a little work, and this rumor got started. I had a call from San Francisco, and the State Department called me. I just got in touch with Admiral Leahy and had him call our Headquarters Commander in Chief in Europe, and there is no foundation for the rumor. That's all I have to say. Q. May we quote you? THE PRESIDENT. Yes. Q. Are you going to stand by? THE PRESIDENT. I'm going to finish this work. NOTE: President Truman's fourth news White House at IO p.m. on Saturday, conference was held in his office at the April 28, I945. 27

Page  28 [I71 May i Public Papers of the Presidents 17 Statement by the President Commending the Office of Price Administration. May I, I945 I WANT TO SAY a word of deserved commendation for an organization which has been subjected to much criticism in recent weeks. I refer to the OPA. Probably no other government agency comes into such intimate contact with every citizen during wartime. Our price control and rationing machinery enters into every home and affects directly the daily life of the housewife and her family. Naturally, things must be done which displease many people. No businessman, no farmer, no merchant likes to be told how much he can charge for his wares. No housewife likes to be told that she may have only a limited supply of meat, or sugar, or canned goods with which to feed her family. As the war proceeds toward a victorious climax, shortages become more acute. The requirements of our military and naval forces are great. We must supplement the economic resources of our fighting allies, such as Britain, Russia, China and France, who have suffered great devastation in this war. We must do our part in helping to prevent anarchy, riot and pestilence in the areas liberated from Axis domination. These requirements place a greater and greater strain on our resources. I suppose that OPA, like the rest of us, has made a few mistakes. But when we look at the whole record, I think that our price control and stabilization program has been one of the most remarkable achievements of this war. Had it not been for OPA and the stabilization program we should have had run-away inflation. In other countries, run-away inflation has sown the seeds of tyranny and disorder. In this country, we have kept inflation under control. OPA has helped to make it possible for our fighting men to come home to a stable and prosperous economy. Our price control and stabilization program could not have been successful without a good law and good administration. Congress has given us a good law and I hope Congress will extend that law for at least another year. 28

Page  29 Harry S. Truman, i945 May I [ i8] OPA has been well administered by Mr. Chester Bowles. Its thousands of employees and hundreds of thousands of volunteer workers in local price and rationing boards have worked faithfully for long hours doing difficult jobs. Many able men from business and other walks of life have patriotically contributed their services to OPA, often at distinct financial sacrifice. Irresponsible criticism should not be permitted to break down the confidence of the people in an essential wartime program and a hardworking wartime agency. i8 Letter to the Director, Office of War Mobilization and Reconversion, Concerning Key Personnel of the War Agencies. May I, 1945 Dear Fred: As V-E Day approaches, many of our wartime agencies will face a most critical personnel problem. Under the impact of war, these agencies have recruited many splendid executives from private life. In every grade and rank today the government is served by splendid personnel. These men and women have rendered faithful, patriotic and effective service for the country in meeting the critical problems of war on the home front. These agencies cannot afford to relax their efforts or to disband their trained staffs after V-E Day. We still have a tremendous job ahead in bringing the entire war to a victorious conclusion. Beyond that, we must reconvert our domestic economy to the production of peacetime goods and services. The tasks which lie ahead are no less important, no less urgent, no less vital to the future stability of our free institutions than the tasks which are behind us. In the months ahead, our government simply cannot afford to lose the services of its key personnel. Through you, I am calling upon these men and women to stick to their posts until the battle is won and the ship of state is safe in the harbor again. I want you to write to the head of each one of our important home front agencies and ask 29

Page  30 [ i8] May I Public Papers of the Presidents him to canvass his key personnel, informing him of my request that these key workers stay on the job. I want the head of each agency, insofar as possible, to secure a pledge from these essential employees that they will not go home on V-E Day, but will stay and help to finish the task. When the heads of the agencies have done this, I should like for them to report to you as to their success. These patriotic citizens who have devoted themselves unstintingly to the nation's welfare in time of war have earned the lasting gratitude of the American people. They have helped to pay that debt which every citizen in the Democracy owes to his country and its institutions. But that debt is unpaid at least until we have finished the war and solved those urgent problems which war leaves in its aftermath. I reiterate with all the emphasis at my command that the nation cannot yet allow any man to leave his post of duty. Sincerely yours, HARRy S. TRUMAN [The Honorable Fred M. Vinson, Director, Office of War Mobilization and Reconversion] i9 Statement by the President Concerning the Termination of the Office of Civilian Defense. May 2, 1945 THIS CHANGE does not in any respect lessen the need for volunteer efforts in our states and communities. State and local governments are fully aware of their continuing responsibilities, and I am sure that we can depend upon their knowledge and the patriotism of the millions of volunteers to continue the war jobs in which the whole nation has had to be trained. Protection volunteers, such as auxiliary firemen and policemen, working with state and local governments have done a magnificent job through their defense councils in organizing to protect the nation against the threat of enemy action, sabotage, and other war hazards. Civilian War Services volunteers have likewise rendered invaluable assistance. The millions of volunteer workers throughout the nation, giving 30

Page  31 Harry S. Truman, i945 May 2 [20] freely of their time, have been basic to the strength of our democracy. I know they will willingly continue to serve. Under General Haskell's able direction the OCD has provided needed assistance to the defense councils and volunteers in carrying on their important work in advancing the war effort on the home front. NOTE: This statement was made public cient operation of community volunteer as part of a White House release stating forces made possible the decision that that the President had that day written Federal supervision of civilian defense to the Congress announcing the forth- was no longer needed. coming termination of the Office of The Office of Civilian Defense was Civilian Defense and withdrawing its terminated by Executive Order 9562, proposed budget for the next fiscal year. effective June 30, 1945 (3 CFR, I942 -The release further stated that develop- I948 Comp., p. 388). ments in the European war and the effi20 Statement by the President on the Surrender of German Forces in Italy. May 2, 1945 THE ALLIED ARMIES in Italy have won the unconditional surrender of German forces on the first European soil to which, from the West, we carried our arms and our determination. The collapse of military tyranny in Italy, however, is no victory in Italy alone, but a part of the general triumph we are expectantly awaiting on the whole continent of Europe. Only folly and chaos can now delay the general capitulation of the everywhere defeated German armies. I have dispatched congratulatory messages to the Allied and American officers who led our forces to complete defeat of the Germans in Italy. They deserve our praise for the victory. We have right to be proud of the success of our armies..Let Japan as well as Germany understand the meaning of these events. Unless they are lost in fanaticism or determined upon suicide, they must recognize the meaning of the increasing, swifter-moving power now ready for the capitulation or the destruction of the sorecently arrogant enemies of mankind. 3I

Page  32 [2I] May 2 Public Papers of the Presidents 21 Messages to Allied Commanders on the Surrender of German Forces in Italy. May 2, I945 To Field Marshal Alexander: On this momentous occasion of the surrender of the German Armed Forces in Italy, I convey to you from the President and the people of the United States congratulations on the signal success of the Allied Armies, Navies and Air Forces under your command, gained only by persistent heroic effort through many months of a most difficult campaign. I send also to you personally our appreciation of the high order of your leadership which conducted our Armies to their complete victory. HARRY S. TRUMAN To General Mark Clark: On the occasion of the final brilliant victory of the Allied Armies in Italy, in imposing unconditional surrender upon the enemy, I wish to convey to the American forces under your command, and to you personally, the appreciation and gratitude of the President and of the people of the United States. No praise is adequate for the heroic achievements and magnificent courage of every individual under your command during this long and trying campaign. America is proud of the essential contribution made by your American Armies to the final Allied victory in Italy. Our thanks for your gallant leadership and the deathless valor of your men. HARRY S. TRUMAN 22 The President's News Conference of May 2, 1945 THE PRESIDENT. First, I want to read you a couple of letters, which will be distributed as you go out, so if I get a little too fast for you, why[i.] [Reading, not literally]: "My dear Mr. President: I hereby 32

Page  33 Harry S. Truman, I945 May 2 [22] tender you my resignation as Postmaster General,' to become effective at a time that best meets with your convenience. "I have in the stage of preparation a report of my stewardship, together with certain suggestions concerning a reorganization of the Postal Department. This report will be completed within thirty days. If agreeable to you, Mr. President, I would like to have the resignation made effective at that time. "The mantle of a great President has fallen upon you. Statesman and humanitarian, Franklin D. Roosevelt had a heart which beat with true compassion for all who suffered or bore heavy burdens. The Nation, so sorely bereft of his leadership, has found unity as well as strength and courage in the pledge of faith which you gave to all the world in the address to the Congress in joint session this afternoon. "Franklin D. Roosevelt now takes his place with the great men of the ages. May his noble spirit guide and inspire you as you take up the fight for the ideals in defense of which he gave all of his strength, his very life. "It remains for me only to add that I have full confidence in your leadership. Although I relinquish public office, I am yours to command if ever I can be of service to you in the heavy tasks which lie ahead." And this is my reply. [2.] [Reading, not literally]: "Dear Frank: I have learned in a very short time that the President of the United States all too often has to act in ways that please others and which are very different from the personal wishes and feelings of the President himself. Full realization of this is brought home to me very forcibly by your request that I accept your resignation as Postmaster General. "It goes without saying that your request is reluctantly and grudgingly granted, effective as of the close of business on June 30, I945. I must warn you, however, that I confidently expect to take advantage of your offer to return to me whenever there is need of your services in the future. ' Frank C. Walker served from September 11, 1940, through June 30, 1945. 33

Page  34 [22] May 2 Public Papers of the Presidents "We sever only the official ties between us. The warm friendship and close association which has been ours through many years goes on as before. "The splendid service you have rendered your Country, and your Government, will long be remembered by a grateful people. I count myself one of them, and thank you for your statement of confidence in my Administration." [3.] I am sending down to the Senate the nomination of Robert E. Hannegan, of Missouri, to be Postmaster General, effective July i, '945. Q. Sending it down tomorrow, probably? THE PRESIDENT. It will go to Mr. Biffle this afternoon, who will present it to the Senate tomorrow. [4.] I nominate Mr. David E. Lilienthal, of Wisconsin, to be a member of the Board of Directors of the Tennessee Valley Authority, for the term expiring 9 years after May i8, 1945. That will go down at the same time as Mr. Hannegan's does. [5.1 I issued an Executive order today, appointing Mr. Justice Jackson to be the representative of the United States-I will just read you this, this statement which I am issuing, which you will also receive as you go out, in mimeographed form. [Reading, not literally]: "At my request, Mr. Justice Robert H. Jackson, in addition to his duties as Justice of the Supreme Court, has accepted designation as Chief of Counsel for the United States in preparing and prosecuting charges of atrocities and war crimes against such of the leaders of the European Axis powers, and their principal agents and accessories, as the United States may agree with any of the United Nations to bring to trial before an international military tribunal. "Pursuant to the Moscow Declaration of- November i, I943, all war criminals, against whom there is a sufficient proof of personal participation in specific atrocities, are to be returned to the countries where their crimes were committed, to be judged and punished by those countries themselves. These cases are not involved in this assignment. "There are left, however, the cases of other war criminals-partic 34

Page  35 Harry S. Truman, i945 May 2 [22] ularly the major war criminals and their principal agents and accessories, whose offenses have no particular geographical localization. "I hope and expect that an international military tribunal will soon be organized to try this second category of war criminals. It will be Justice Jackson's responsibility to represent the United States in preparing and presenting the case against these criminals before such military tribunal. "Justice Jackson has assembled a staff from within the War, Navy, and other departments concerned, which has already begun work, so that there will be no delay on the part of the United States. It is desirable that preparation begin at once, even though details of the military court are not yet determined. "I have just signed an Executive order designating Justice Jackson to this post. He and his staff will examine the evidence already gathered and being gathered by the United Nations War Crimes Commission in London and by the various allied armies and other agencies; he will arrange for assembling the necessary additional evidence. He will begin preparation for the trial. "It is our objective to establish as soon as possible an international military tribunal; to provide a trial procedure which will be expeditious in nature and which will permit no evasion or delay-but one which is in keeping with our tradition of fairness towards those accused of crime. Steps to carry this out are actively under way. "Arguments in the Supreme Court for the current term will conclude this week, and the Court has ordered adjournment on May 28th. It is hoped that the trial of these war crimes cases will have been completed next October when the Court reconvenes." I am ready for questions! [Laughter] [6.] Q. Mr. President, have the negotiations which the State Department just told us about, being carried on by the Swedish Government and the German Government-have they broken down completely? THE PRESIDENT. I can't answer that. [7.] Q. Mr. President, with reference here to Mr. Hannegan, your understanding is he will continue as chairman of-National Chairman? 35

Page  36 [221 May:z Public Papers of the Presidents THE PRESIDENT. Yes. [8.] Q. Mr. President, when you were Vice President, a CIO delegation asked you to help in revising the Little Steel formula. You told them, somewhat firmly, that you were against upsetting any formula that would put us into a spiral of inflation. Can you elaborate on that? THE PRESIDENT. My position on that hasn't changed a bit. Well, after all, the reason for all these war agencies which have been establishedthat is, price control and wage control-and agreements which we have had with industry and with union labor have been with the one object in view: to prevent wild inflation. I am just as strong for that now as I was when I was Vice President. [9.] Q. Mr. President, we heard today that you might go up to address a joint session of Congress on V-E Day. Is there anything to that? THE PRESIDENT. I haven't made any program of that nature. Haven't had it in mind. [Io.] Q. Mr. President, have you sent a new message to Mr. Stalin regarding the Polish problem? THE PRESIDENT. No, not any new one. Q. Well, in the last-since Mr. Molotov came here, sir? THE PRESIDENT. I have been in communication with Mr. Stalin since Mr. Molotov came here.1 [II.] Q. Mr. President, do you favor the Morgenthau plan designed to use Germany as an agricultural country? THE PRESIDENT. I don't know anything about the Morgenthau plan. I haven't studied it at all, so I can't answer you. [I2.] Q. Mr. President, did you mean to put a period at the end of that sentence, or were you hoping for a questionTHE PRESIDENT. No, I wasn't hoping for a question. Q. -- referring to your communication with Mr. Stalin? 1 A White House release of April 23 announced that the President had twice received V. M. Molotov, Vice Chairman, Council of People's Commissars and People's Commissar for Foreign Affairs, USSR, during his short stay in Washington. The release also stated that the Secretary of State had conferred with Mr. Molotov and with Anthony Eden, Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs of the United Kingdom, on the Polish situation and on matters connected with the San Francisco Conference. The release further stated that discussion of the Polish situation would be continued by the three foreign secretaries at San Francisco. 36

Page  37 Harry S. Truman, I945 May 2 [22] THE PRESIDENT. I had a period at the end of the sentence-intended to have. [I3.] Q. Mr. President, did you have lunch today with the new Ambassador from the Argentine? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, I did. I had a very pleasant visit with him, and he and his wife are coming to call on us tomorrow or the next day. [I4.] Q. Mr. President, it may not be a part of the addenda-whatever it's called-in connection with Justice Jackson, but there is before Congress-before the people-the question of war criminals who may evade or try to evade by escaping to neutral countries, or some other form. Have you anything particular to say about policy, in that respect? THE PRESIDENT. Well, most of the neutral countries, I think, are on record as against protecting any war criminals, and I think we will succeed in getting all of the rest of the neutral countries into the same frame of mind. At least I hope so. Q. Mr. President, that would be your desire? THE PRESIDENT. Yes. Q. Mr. President, can you tell us whether Admiral Doenitz is on the list of war criminals? THE PRESIDENT. No sir, I can't. [I5.] Q. Mr. President, do you have any views on tax reductions after V-E Day? THE PRESIDENT. I am discussing tax problems with the Secretary of the Treasury now, and I would prefer to discuss that in the press conference particularly devoted to taxes. [i6.] Q. Mr. President, this morning you made public a number of cuts that you are recommending in general. Would you give us any sort of figure on how much you expect to lop off altogether? THE PRESIDENT. No, I didn't total it. It is somewhere in the neighborhood of 7 or 8 billion.' Q. It is now, and I thought maybe there are additional cuts. 1 On May 2 the White House announced that the President had sent letters to Congress recommending (1) a reduction in ship construction funds of more than $7 billion, and (2) a reduction of more than $80 million in the 1946 budget estimates for eight war agencies. A third release stated that the President had informed Congress that the Office of Civilian Defense would be terminated and that he had withdrawn its proposed budget of $369,000 for the next fiscal year. 37

Page  38 [.22] May 2 Public Papers of the Presidents THE PRESIDENT. Well, there will be additional cuts, but they are still under consideration, and that will be done circumspectly, so I don't want now to prophesy. [I7.] Q. Mr. President, is there any change in Army operation of Montgomery Ward contemplated? THE PRESIDENT. None whatever. The policy on Montgomery Ward will be followed as it has been started. [i8.] Q. Mr. President, can you say anything on your attitude toward the full employment bill of Senator Murray? THE PRESIDENT. I would-I am not familiar with Senator Murray's full employment bill, but I am for full employment, and shall do everything in my power to create full employment as soon as hostilities end and we start back on the civil program. [iv.] Q. Mr. President, in this 7 or 8 billion reduction in budget, has that been in any way translated into the numbers of civilian employees of the Government who will be dropped? THE PRESIDENT. No. These are anticipated expenditures-on ship construction, and things of that sort. Q. It does imply, sirTHE PRESIDENT. It does imply, of courseQ. — obvious reductions? THE PRESIDENT. -it will imply some reductions. Studies are being made to meet that situation. [20.] Q. The State Department recapitulation of the peace negotiations ends on the note that the Swedish Count Bernadotte came back from Germany yesterday, after having delivered the last message to Himmler and had no reply. Has there been a reply since yesterday? THE PRESIDENT. There has not been a reply. The release of the State Department stands just as it is. [21.] Q. Mr. President, would you care to comment on the death of Adolf Hitler reported, or Mussolini' THE PRESIDENT. Well, of course, the two principal war criminals will not have to come to trial; and I am very happy they are out of the way. Q. Well, does that mean, sir, that we know officially that Hitler is dead? 38

Page  39 Harry S. Truman, i945 May 2 [22] THE PRESIDENT. Yes. Q. Do we know how he died, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. No, we do not. Q. Mr. President, I didn't quite get that. Is it official? This is confirmation that Hitler is dead? THE PRESIDENT. We have the best —on the best authority possible to obtain at this time that Hitler is dead. But how he died we are notwe are not familiar with the details as yet. Q. Could you name the authority, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. I would rather not. Q. Mr. President, do you mean that the-you are convinced that authority you give is the best possible, but it is-but that it is true? THE PRESIDENT. Yes. [22.] Q. Mr. President, do you care to comment at all on the situation in Germany today; that is, would you care to make any extension of your remarks on the surrender of the German army in Italy? THE PRESIDENT. No, I would not. Q. Mr. President, do you contemplate a radio broadcast imminently? THE PRESIDENT. No, I do not. Q. Mr. President, there have been reports late-later today, following the Italian announcement, that other groups of Germans are on the point of surrendering in the Dutch pockets? THE PRESIDENT. I hope that is true. I don't know that it is. [23.] Q. Mr. President, is there anything you can give us in the way of background, regarding last Saturday's situation and announcement? THE PRESIDENT. What was that? [Laughter] Q. I think that was the oneTHE PRESIDENT. I can't give you anything further on it, I am sorry to say. Reporter: Thank you, Mr. President. NOTE: President Truman's fifth news White House at 4:02 p.m. on Wednesconference was held in his office at the day, May 2, I945. 39

Page  40 [23] May 3 Public Papers of the Presidents 23 Veto of Bill Providing for the Deferment of Additional Agricultural Workers. May 3, I945 To the House of Representatives: I return herewith, without my approval, H.J. Res. xo6, "To amend section 5(k) of the Selective Training and Service Act of I940, as amended, with respect to the deferment of registrants engaged in Agricultural occupations or endeavors essential to the war effort." The joint resolution would amend section 5(k) of the Selective Training and Service Act of I940, as amended, which provides for the deferment of registrants determined to be necessary to and regularly engaged in an agricultural occupation or endeavor essential to the war effort. The indicated purpose of the amendment is to cause the deferment of larger numbers of registrants engaged in agricultural production. In time of war it is the paramount obligation of every citizen to serve his country to the best of his ability. Under our democratic system male citizens are selected for service in the armed forces pursuant to an Act of Congress which prescribes a fair and impartial method of selection. It is the essence of that act, the Selective Service and Training Act of I940, that no one shall be placed in a favored position, and thus safeguarded from the hazards of war, because of his economic, occupational or other status. The sole test under the law is whether the individual can better serve his country in the armed forces or in an essential activity in support of the war effort. The Congress, when it passed the Selective Training and Service Act of I940, wisely provided that no deferment from service in the armed forces should be made in the case of any individual "except upon the basis of the status of such individual, and no such deferment shall be made of individuals by occupation groups * * *." This provision is the foundation stone of our selective service system under which over io million men have been selected for the colors to make the greatest military force in the history of this nation. I do not believe that it was the real intent of Congress that agri. cultural workers should be given blanket deferment as a group, or that 40

Page  41 Harry S. Truman, '945 May 5 [24] Congress intended to enact legislation formulating the national policy that agricultural employment was more essential than any other type of employment, including service in the armed forces of the United States in the protection of our country. Nevertheless, the legislation now passed by the Congress and presented for my approval would appear to have that result and to constitute a departure from the sound principle hereinbefore stated on which we have erected our military manpower mobilization system. It would apparently provide that, in determining an individual deferment, the relative essentiality of the agricultural occupation cannot be gauged against an industrial occupation or against military service itself. Thus in practical effect it would single out one special class of our citizens, the agricultural group, and put it on a plane above both industrial occupation and military service. Enactment of such a law would not only be an injustice to the millions already inducted into our armed forces and those yet to be inducted. It would do violence to the basic principle embodied in Section 5(e) (i) of the Selective Training and Service Act which prohibits deferment by occupational groups or groups of individuals, a principle which was incorporated into the present law because of the deferment scandals of the last war, particularly in shipyards. The resolution would also limit the authority now vested in the President by Section 5(I) to make final determination of all questions of exemption or deferment under the Act, and would deprive him of the right to determine the relative essentiality of the needs of agriculture and the armed forces. In my opinion no group should have any special privileges, and, therefore, I am returning the joint resolution without my approval. HARRY S. TRUMAN 24 Statement by the President Concerning Philippine Independence. May 5, I945 I HAVE HAD several discussions with President Osmenia on the subject of Philippine independence. These discussions were started by President Roosevelt. 4I

Page  42 [24] May 5 Public Papers of the Presidents As a result of the discussions I have had with the President of the Philippines, I am prepared to endorse and carry through to their conclusion the policies laid down by President Roosevelt respecting the Islands and the independence of the Filipino people. The date of independence will be advanced as soon as practicable in pursuance of the policy outlined by Congress in S.J. Resolution 93. The Filipino people whose heroic and loyal stand in this war has won the affection and admiration of the American people, will be fully assisted by the United States in the great problem of rehabilitation and reconstruction which lies ahead. In view of the special relationship between the United States and the Philippines as created by S.J. Resolution 93, I believe that suitable reciprocal trade between the two countries should continue for such time, after independence, as may be necessary to provide the new Republic with a fair opportunity to secure its economic freedom and independence-a permanent blessing for the patriotic people of the Philippines. To assist me in the attainment of these objectives and with concurrence of President Osmenfa, I am asking Senator Millard Tydings, of Maryland, Chairman of the Filipino Rehabilitation Commission, to proceed to Manila as my special envoy to examine conditions there and report his recommendations to me. I have also designated the following to accompany Senator Tydings and to assist him in the accomplishment of this mission: Vice Admiral W. T. Tarrant, United States Navy; Brigadier General Frank E. Lowe, United States Army; Colonel Julian Baumann, United States Army; George E. Ijams, Veterans Administration; E. D. Hester, Interior Department; J. Weldon Jones, Bureau of the Budget; Ben D. Dorfman, United States Tariff Commission; Daniel S. Brierley, United States Maritime Commission; and C. H. Matthiessen, Consultant, War Production Board. It will be my constant endeavor to be of assistance to the Philippines. I will be only too happy to see to it that the close friendship between 42

Page  43 Harry S. Truman, 1945 May 8 [26] our two peoples, developed through many years of fruitful association, is maintained and strengthened. I hope to be able to accept the invitation of President Osmenfa to visit Manila at the inauguration of the Philippine Republic. NOTE: S.J. Res. 93 is Public Law 380, 78th Congress (58 Stat. 625). 25 Statement by the President on the Timing of the Announcement of the German Surrender. May 7, I945 I HAVE AGREED with the London and Moscow governments that I will make no announcement with reference to surrender of the enemy forces in Europe or elsewhere until a simultaneous statement can be made by the three governments. Until then, there is nothing I can or will say to you. NOTE: Later in the day a White House less unforeseen developments caused a release stated that on the basis of reports change in plans a press conference received the President "confidently ex- would be called at 8:30 a.m. at which pects to make an announcement to the time the press and radio would be given nation by radio at 9 o'clock tomorrow in confidence the text of the President's morning." The release added that un- radio remarks. 26 The President's News Conference on V-E Day. May 8, I945 THE PRESIDENT. Well, I want to start off by reading you a little statement here. I want you to understand, at the very beginning, that this press conference is held with the understanding that any and all information given you here is for release at 9 a.m. this morning, eastern war time. There should be no indication of the news given here, or speculation about it, either in the press or on the radio before 9 o'clock this morning. The radio-my radio remarks, and telegrams of congratulation to the Allied military leaders, are for release at the same time. Mr. Daniels has copies of my remarks, available for you in the lobby as you go out, and also one or two releases here. 43

Page  44 [26] May 8 Public Papers of the Presidents [i.] Now, for your benefit, because you won't get a chance to listen over the radio, I am going to read you the proclamation, and the principal remarks. It won't take but 7 minutes, so you needn't be uneasy. You have plenty of time. [Laughter] "This is a solemn but glorious hour. General Eisenhower informs me that the forces of Germany have surrendered to the United Nations. The flags of freedom fly all over Europe." It's celebrating my birthday, too-today, too. Voices: Happy birthday, Mr. President! [Laughter] THE PRESIDENT. "For this victory, we join in offering our thanks to the Providence which has guided and sustained us through the dark days of adversity. Our rejoicing is sobered and subdued by a supreme consciousness of the terrible price we have paid to rid the world of Hitler and his evil band. Let us not forget, my fellow Americans, the sorrow and the heartache which today abide in the homes of so many of our neighbors-neighbors whose most priceless possession has been rendered as a sacrifice to redeem our liberty. "We can repay the debt which we owe to our God, to our dead, and to our children, only by work, by ceaseless devotion to the responsibilities which lie ahead of us. If I could give you a single watchword for the coming months, that word is work, work, and more work. We must work to finish the war. Our victory is only half over." [2.] Now, we have got another little release here, which doesn't go into the speech, but it informs the Japanese what they can expect. We are going to be in a position where we can turn the greatest war machine in the history of the world loose on the Japanese; and I am informed by the Chiefs of Staff, by the Secretary of State, and the Secretary of the Navy, that Japan is going to have a terrible time from now on. This release here, I will read it. "The Japanese people have felt the weight of our land, air, and naval attacks. So long as their leaders and the armed forces continue the war, the striking power and intensity of our blows will steadily increase, and will bring utter destruction to Japan's industrial war production, to its shipping, and to everything that supports its military activity. "The longer the war lasts, the greater will be the suffering and hard 44

Page  45 Harry S. Truman, 1945 May 8 [26] ships which the people of Japan will undergo-all in vain. Our blows will not cease until the Japanese military and naval forces lay down their arms in unconditional surrender. "Just what does the unconditional surrender of the armed forces mean for the Japanese people? "It means the end of the war. "It means the termination of the influence of the military leaders who brought Japan to the present brink of disaster. "It means provision for the return of soldiers and sailors to their families, their farms, and their jobs. "And it means not prolonging the present agony and suffering of the Japanese in the vain hope of victory. "Unconditional surrender does not mean the extermination or enslavement of the Japanese people." Now, you will have copies of that when you go out. Mr. Daniels: Mr. President, will you point out that that is marked immediate release, but that it is for 9 o'clock? THE PRESIDENT. That is for 9 o'clock. It is marked immediate release, but it was to be released after the proclamation this morning. But I thought it was so important that we released it at the same time; and while this release is marked immediate release, it wants to be released at 9 o'clock, after the other release. [3.] [Continues reading his address]: "The West is free, but the East is still in bondage to the treacherous tyranny of the Japanese. When the last Japanese division has surrendered unconditionally, then only will our fighting job be done. "We must work to bind up the wounds of a suffering world-to build an abiding peace, a peace rooted in justice and in law." You remember, it has been emphasized here all the time that we want a peace of justice and law. That's what we are trying to get, at San Francisco-what we are going to get-the framework for a peace in justice and law. We have got terrific problems facing us. While we have been prepared for this thing for several days, I think ever since last Saturday night, if I remember correctly-[laughter]-we have had other things to think about, besides this formal proclamation which we 45 Eewlston Public Library Lewiston, Maine

Page  46 [26] May 8 Public Papers of the Presidents are issuing this morning. We are facing a situation that we can either go the whole way and make the world the happiest place it has ever been in which to live, or we can go the wrong way and spoil the whole thing. So we are thinking all the time of the problems which we have to face. [Continues reading his address]: "We can build such a peace only by hard, toilsome, painstaking work-by understanding and working with our Allies in peace as we have worked with them in war. "The job ahead is no less important, no less urgent, no less difficult than the task which now happily is done. "I call upon every American to stick to his post until the last battle is won. Until that day, let no man abandon his post or slacken his efforts." [4.] Now, I want to read to you the formal proclamation. "A Proclamation-The Allied armies, through sacrifice and devotion and with God's help, have wrung from Germany a final and unconditional surrender. The western world has been freed of the evil forces which for five years and longer have imprisoned the bodies and broken the lives of millions upon millions of free-born men. They have violated their churches, destroyed their homes, corrupted their children, and murdered their loved ones. Our Armies of Liberation have restored freedom to these suffering peoples, whose spirit and will the oppressors could never enslave. "Much remains to be done. The victory won in the West must now be won in the East." I want that emphasized time after time, that we are only half through. "The whole world must be cleansed of the evil from which half the world has been freed. United, the peace-loving nations have demonstrated in the West that their arms are stronger by far than the might of dictators or the tyranny of military cliques that once called us soft and weak." I would like to know what the Germans think about that now. [Laughter] 46

Page  47 Harry S. Truman, 1945Ma8[6 May 8 [26] "The power of our peoples to defend themselves against all enemies will be proved in the Pacific war as it has been proved in Europe. "For the triumph of spirit and of arms which we have won, and for its promise to peoples everywhere who join us in the love of freedom, it is fitting that we, as a nation, give thanks to Almighty God, who has strengthened us and given us the victory. "Now, therefore, I, Harry S. Truman, President of the United States of America, do hereby appoint Sunday, May 13, 1945, to be a day of prayer." And it's exceedingly fitting that that is Mother's Day, too. "I call upon the people of the United States, whatever their faith, to unite in offering joyful thanks to God for the victory we have won and to pray that He will support us to the end of our present struggle and guide us into the way of peace. "I also call upon my countrymen to dedicate this day of prayer to the memory of those who have given their lives to make possible our victory. "In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States of America to be affixed." [B.] And I have sent messages to Prime Minister Churchill, Marshal Stalin, and General Eisenhower and General de Gaulle. This is the message to-to General Eisenhower, and I will let you read the rest of them from the release which will be given you. I want you to read every one of them. Mr. Daniels: Mr. President-the time is getting late, Mr. President. THE PRESIDENT. I'll just read the one [to General Eisenhower]: "In recognition of the unconditional surrender-unconditional and abject surrender of the Nazi barbarians, please accept the fervent congratulations and appreciation of myself, and of the American people, for the heroic achievements of your Allied Army, Navy., and Air Forces. By their sacrifices, skill, and courage they have saved and exalted the cause of freedom throughout the world. All of us owe you, and to your men of many nations, a debt beyond appraisal for their high contribution to the conquest of Naziism. 47

Page  48 [26] May 8 Public Papers of the Presidents "I send also my personal appreciation of the superb leadership shown by you and your commanders in directing the valiant legions of our own country, and of our Allies, to this historic victory. "Please transmit this message to the appropriate officers of your command, and publish it to all Allied forces in your theaters of operation." And in the message to Marshal Stalin, we asked him to do the same thing for the Russian commanders and Russian troops. Reporter: Thank you, Mr. President. NOTE: President Truman's sixth news Cabinet, Mrs. Truman and Margaret conference was held in his office at the Truman, high United States and British White House at 8:35 a.m. on Tuesday, Army and Navy officials, and Senate May 8, 1945. The White House Offi- and Congressional leaders were grouped cial Reporter noted that members of the in chairs around the President's desk. 27 Broadcast to the American People Announcing the Surrender of Germany. May 8, I945 [ Delivered from the Radio Room at the White House at 9 a.m.] THIS IS a solemn but a glorious hour. I only wish that Franklin D. Roosevelt had lived to witness this day. General Eisenhower informs me that the forces of Germany have surrendered to the United Nations. The flags of freedom fly over all Europe. For this victory, we join in offering our thanks to the Providence which has guided and sustained us through the dark days of adversity. Our rejoicing is sobered and subdued by a supreme consciousness of the terrible price we have paid to rid the world of Hitler and his evil band. Let us not forget, my fellow Americans, the sorrow and the heartache which today abide in the homes of so many of our neighbors-neighbors whose most priceless possession has been rendered as a sacrifice to redeem our liberty. We can repay the debt which we owe to our God, to our dead and to our children only by work-by ceaseless devotion to the responsibilities which lie ahead of us. If I could give you a single watchword for the coming months, that word is-work, work, and more work. We must work to finish the war. Our victory is but half-won. The West is free, but the East is still in bondage to the treacherous tyranny 48

Page  49 Harry S. Truman, 1945 May 8 [27] of the Japanese. When the last Japanese division has surrendered unconditionally, then only will our fighting job be done. We must work to bind up the wounds of a suffering world-to build an abiding peace, a peace rooted in justice and in law. We can build such a peace only by hard, toilsome, painstaking work-by understanding and working with our allies in peace as we have in war. The job ahead is no less important, no less urgent, no less difficult than the task which now happily is done. I call upon every American to stick to his post until the last battle is won. Until that day, let no man abandon his post or slacken his efforts. And now, I want to read to you my formal proclamation of this occasion: "A Proclamation-The Allied armies, through sacrifice and devotion and with God's help, have wrung from Germany a final and unconditional surrender. The western world has been freed of the evil forces which for five years and longer have imprisoned the bodies and broken the lives of millions upon millions of free-born men. They have violated their churches, destroyed their homes, corrupted their children, and murdered their loved ones. Our Armies of Liberation have restored freedom to these suffering peoples, whose spirit and will the oppressors could never enslave. "Much remains to be done. The victory won in the West must now be won in the East. The whole world must be cleansed of the evil from which half the world has been freed. United, the peace-loving nations have demonstrated in the West that their arms are stronger by far than the might of the dictators or the tyranny of military cliques that once called us soft and weak. The power of our peoples to defend themselves against all enemies will be proved in the Pacific war as it has -been proved in Europe. "For the triumph of spirit and of arms which we have won, and for its promise to the peoples everywhere who join us in the love of free*dom, it is fitting that we, as a nation, give thanks to Almighty God, who has strengthened us and given us the victory. "Now, therefore, I, Harry S. Truman, President of the United States of America, do hereby appoint Sunday, May I3, 1945, to be a day of prayer. 49

Page  50 [27] May 8 Public Papers of the Presidents "f call upon the people of the United States, whatever their faith, to unite in offering joyful thanks to God for the victory we have won, and to pray that He will support us to the end of our present struggle and guide us into the ways of peace. "I also call upon my countrymen to dedicate this day of prayer to the memory of those who have given their lives to make possible our victory. "In Witness Whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States of America to be affixed." 28 Statement by the President Calling for Unconditional Surrender of Japan. May 8, I945 NAZI GERMANY has been defeated. The Japanese people have felt the weight of our land, air and naval attacks. So long as their leaders and the armed forces continue the war the striking power and intensity of our blows will steadily increase and will bring utter destruction to Japan's industrial war production, to its shipping, and to everything that supports its military activity. The longer the war lasts, the greater will be the suffering and hardships which the people of Japan will undergo-all in vain. Our blows will not cease until the Japanese military and naval forces lay down their arms in unconditional surrender. Just what does the unconditional surrender of the armed forces mean for the Japanese people? It means the end of the war. It means the termination of the influence of the military leaders who have brought Japan to the present brink of disaster. It means provision for the return of soldiers and sailors to their families, their farms, their jobs. It means not prolonging the present agony and suffering of the Japanese in the vain hope of victory. Unconditional surrender does not mean the extermination or enslavement of the Japanese people. 50

Page  51 Harry S. Truman, i945 May 8 [29] 29 Messages to Allied Leaders and to General Eisenhower on the Surrender of Germany. May 8, I945 To Prime Minister Churchill: With the unconditional surrender of all the armies of Nazidom and the liberation of the oppressed people of Europe from the evils of barbarism, I wish to express to you, and through you to Britain's heroic Army, Navy and Air Forces, our congratulations on their achievements. The Government of the United States is deeply appreciative of the splendid contribution of all the British Empire forces and of the British people to this magnificent victory. With warm affection, we hail our comrades-in-arms across the Atlantic. HARRY S. TRUMAN To Marshal Stalin: Now that the Nazi armies of aggression have been forced by the coordinated efforts of Soviet-Anglo-American forces to an unconditional surrender, I wish to express to you and through you to your heroic Army the appreciation and congratulations of the United States Government on its splendid contribution to the cause of civilization and liberty. You have demonstrated in all your campaigns what it is possible to accomplish when a free people under superlative leadership and with unfailing courage rise against the forces of barbarism. HARRY S. TRUMAN To General Eisenhower: In recognition of the unconditional and abject surrender of the Nazi barbarians, please accept the fervent congratulations and appreciation of myself and of the American people for the heroic achievements of your Allied Army, Navy and Air Forces. By their sacrifices, skill and courage they have saved and exalted the cause of freedom throughout the world. All of us owe to you and to your men of many nations a debt beyond appraisal for their high contribution to the conquest of Naziism. I send also my personal appreciation of the superb leadership shown 5I

Page  52 [29] May 8 Public Papers of the Presidents by you and your commanders in directing the valiant legions of our own country and of our allies to this historic victory. Please transmit this message to the appropriate officers of your command and publish it to all allied forces in your theaters of operation. HARRY S. TRUMAN To General de Gaulle: The Nazi forces of barbarian aggression having now been driven into an unconditional surrender by our allied armies, this is an appropriate time to send through you America's congratulations to the people of France on their permanent liberation from the oppression they have endured with high courage for so long. I wish also to send to you this expression of our appreciation of the contribution made by valiant soldiers of France to our Allied victory. HARRY S. TRUMAN 30 Statement by the President Upon Signing Bill Extending the Selective Training and Service Act of 1940. May 9, 1945 I AM reluctantly giving my approval to this legislation. I do not wish this approval to be interpreted as expressing my concurrence in Section 2 of the Bill, which places added restrictions on the War and Navy Departments in their management of the fighting forces. I sign the legislation only because the immediate extension of the Selective Service Act is of compelling necessity in the continuance of military operations against Japan. NOTE: As enacted, the bill extending the 1940 is Public Law 54, 79th Congress Selective Training and Service Act of (59 Stat. i66). 3i The President's News Conference of May I5, 1945 THE PRESIDENT. I am very sure that the first thing you are principally interested in is the free press in Germany. I would like to read a little 52

Page  53 Harry S. Truman, 1945 May i5 [3II statement here, and if you want to ask me some questions about it, I will try to answer them. Q. Will you read slowly, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. I will read it very slowly. [I.] "General Eisenhower has advised me that he has issued no policy or order dealing with the importation of publications into Germany. The General has expressed the personal opinion that a free press and a free flow of information and ideas should prevail in Germany in a manner consistent with military security. "General Eisenhower has emphasized, however, that there can be no restoration of a free German press in Germany until the elimination of Nazi and militarist influence has been completed. We are not going to lose the peace by giving license to racialist Pan-Germans, Nazis and militarists, so that they can misuse democratic rights in order to attack Democracy as Hitler did." Now I agree with General Eisenhower on that. And if you want to ask me some questions, why fire away. Q. Mr. President, is that any reversal of the position taken last week byTHE PRESIDENT. Yes, it is. Q. — Elmer Davis? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, it is. Mr. Davis was in Europe, in conference with SHAEF on the lower level, and Mr. Davis thought he had reached a policy with them on this. After that was released, I got in touch with General Eisenhower himself, and he informed me of just what I told you. Mr. Davis acted in good faith. Mr. Davis thought he was outlining the policy which had been agreed on. Apparently, from General Eisenhower's statement, there had been no policy agreed on, and it has not yet been agreed on. But as you see, General Eisenhower is for a free press in Germany, when the time arrives to give it to them. Mr. Davis was acting in good faith, be sure and get that. [2.] Q. Mr. President, speaking of the military situation, as mentioned in the statement, have you decided what our position is going to be on the handling of the German general staff, and the militarist influences in Germany? 53

Page  54 [31 ] May i5 Public Papers of the Presidents THE PRESIDENT. No, I haven't. That is in the hands of Mr. JacksonMr. Justice Jackson, I should say. [3.1 Q. Mr. President, at your first press conference you said you would give us your views on the repeal of the Johnson Act. THE PRESIDENT. On that repeal, I will read you a statement of President Roosevelt's as to why it is necessary, if you like. "At present, our foreign investment programs-" this is direct quotes from the statement issued by President Roosevelt"At present our foreign investment programs are impeded by legislation which restricts loans to those countries which are in default on loans arising out of the First World War. For both the International Bank and the Export-Import Bank to operate effectively, as well as to achieve an adequate flow of private investment, it is essential that these restrictions be removed." That is just as true as it can be. I never was for the Johnson Act in the first place. Q. Mr. President, is that his Message to CongressTHE PRESIDENT. I think this-let's see-yes, in the Budget Message to Congress of January 3, i945-just the recent Budget Message, the one which we are in now. [4.] Q. Do you plan any early meeting with either Prime Minister Churchill and/or Marshal Stalin? THE PRESIDENT. Well, Mr. Eden was in to see me yesterday to discuss that question and our hope that there will be a possibility for the three of us to meet and discuss the coming peace program around the table. I can't say anything about the date, or how soon that will be. It depends on business right here. As you know, I am a very busy person. Q. Mr. President, is it possible that General de Gaulle might be included in this meeting? THE PRESIDENT. The Big Three will have the meeting. Q. Is there any possibility that may be at San Francisco, before the present thing breaks up? THE PRESIDENT. No, there isn't any possibility of its being at San Francisco. Q. Did you say the Big Three will have the meeting? In other 54

Page  55 Harry S. Truman, '945 May x5 [3I ] words, there will be a meeting? It's just theTHE PRESIDENT. I hope so. I am not saying there will be a meeting. I am saying I hope there will be one. Q. Mr. President, I am not trying to pin you down on the time element, but are you looking into it in terms of soon? THE PRESIDENT. Well, it won't be in the very distant future. It won't be immediately. [Laughter] [5.] Q. Mr. President, can you tell us yet when you will have your press conference on taxes? THE PRESIDENT. No, I can't. We are still working on that, and we will have one very shortly. Q. Did you see Senator George's statement this morning? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, I saw Senator George's statement-not this morning, I saw the other the other day-I didn't see the one this morning. Q. He was foreseeing a 5-year plan for gradual reduction of taxes until they reached the prewar level. THE PRESIDENT. Well, I want it distinctly understood that there can be no reduction in taxes until the war is over. I want that thoroughly understood. There is no possible way to reduce taxes until this war is over, and we still have a war to win in the Pacific. So you can talk about taxes all you want to, but we have got to meet obligations to make the United States of America good, and you can only make them good by taxation. And every man in this country is a partner in the Government of the United States. There are 85 million individual bondholders in the United States, and they must be protected; and in order to protect them, you have got to collect the money to make those bonds good. And that has to be done by taxes. And you can do it no other way. Does that answer your question? [Laughter] [6.] Q. Mr. President, there is a report that you were about to shake up the Veterans Administration, and that part of the shakeup will be to appoint Bennett Champ Clark. Do you plan such a shakeup? THE PRESIDENT. I can't-I didn't hear the question-I am not planning a shakeup, but I didn't know what it was about. 55

Page  56 [3 ] May I5 Public Papers of the Presidents Q. Veterans Administration. THE PRESIDENT. No, I am not planning any immediate shakeup in the Veterans Administration. The Veterans Administration, of course, will have to be expanded to meet the situation which we will face as soon as the soldiers return in large numbers. And the Veterans Administration, of course, will have to be put on a basis to meet this situation, just as it was put on a basis to meet the situation after the First World War. That will be done. I don't think it necessitates any serious shakeup. Q. You said you did not see any immediate shakeup? THE PRESIDENT. That's what I meant. Q. Can we quote that word immediate? THE PRESIDENT. No, I wish you wouldn't, for this reason, because I don't want it to appear in any way that I have any intention of immediately discharging anybody. I am trying to get this "mess" to operate, and I want you to be as lenient with me as you possibly can. The Veterans Administration will be modernized; let's put it that way. That should be done as soon as possible, but I can't do it immediately. Q. The second part of my question, Mr. President, was, do you intend to appoint Bennett Champ ClarkTHE PRESIDENT. I do not. [7.] Q. Mr. President, is it true that you are going to send Dr. R. G. Sproul of the University of California to Moscow on a mission? THE PRESIDENT. Yes. He is going with Mr. Pauley. I want to say to you, since you brought that subject up, that I think we have the finest layout here on this reparations thing that has ever been gotten together. It is headed by Mr. Pauley and Dr. Lubin, and we have Dr. SproulQ. What's that first name, sir? Mr. Daniels: Pauley. Q. I mean Sproul. THE PRESIDENT. Robert Gordon. And here is a fellow that must be descended from a Civil War veteran. His name is Jubal R. Parten. [Laughter] Q. Steve Early! Q. Steve's relative! 56

Page  57 Harry S. Truman, i945 May I5 [32] THE PRESIDENT. Jubal Early, as you remember. [Laughter] Q. What is Parten going to do? THE PRESIDENT. He is industrial adviser. I am going to give you all this-I think there's a release for you on this, but I will read the last sentence of that release: 1 "The men chosen for this vital mission should inspire the confidence of all Americans. They are eminently qualified to do the job." And I believe that, with everything that is in me. And it's as fine a list as I ever saw. I don't know what we are going to do for experts for the peace conference, if Pauley takes them all. [Laughter] [8.] Q. Mr. President, can you tell us what further steps are planned in the anthracite strike? THE PRESIDENT. Whatever steps are necessary to get coal out. Coal is what we want, and coal is what we are going to have. Reporter: Thank you, Mr. President. NOTE: President Truman's seventh at the White House at Io:50 a.m. on news conference was held in his office Tuesday, May 15, I945. 32 Statement by the President on German Reparations. May 15, I945 A FAIR and workable settlement of reparations poses some of the most difficult problems of the entire post-war adjustment. These questions are closely related to the task of insuring a lasting peace. For that reason, the right answers will be vital to the security of America and the world. I personally concur in the general view of our own objectives as shared by Ambassador Pauley and Dr. Lubin. Absolute insurance against German or Japanese rearmament-ever again-comes first with us. I believe, further, that our allies are of one mind with us on this point, and that with such a basic agreement, the way will be clear for a just and equitable schedule of German reparations-reparations "in kind" 1 For the full text of the statement by the President, see Item 32. 57

Page  58 [32] May 15 Public Papers of the Presidents which will provide the maximum of rehabilitation and restoration of overrun territory. The men chosen for this vital mission should inspire the confidence of all Americans. They are eminently qualified to do the job. NOTE: At the time this statement was selected by Mr. Pauley and Dr. Lubin made public the White House also re- to accompany them to Germany. leased a list of members of the staff 33 Statement by the President Following a Discussion With Foreign Minister Bidault of France. May i8, 1945 THE PRESIDENT had the pleasure today of conversing with the French Foreign Minister, M. Bidault, upon his arrival from San Francisco and of discussing with him a number of problems of primary interest to France and the United States. The President took the occasion at the outset to express the gratification of the entire American Delegation at San Francisco for M. Bidault's cooperation and helpfulness and for the important and continuing contribution of the French Delegation to the work of the Conference. The President made it abundantly clear that the American people and the American Government realize that the French nation has emerged with renewed strength and vigor from the catastrophe which it suffered and that it has demonstrated its determination and its ability to resume its rightful and eminent place among the nations which will share the largest measure of responsibility in maintaining the future peace of Europe and the world. He expressed his desire to meet General de Gaulle and indicated that there was a full appreciation by the United States Government of the part which France could and should play in the settlement of questions of world and European interest. In this connection, the President indicated that the United States was moved by the strongest ties of friendship, dating back to the founding of this nation. A strong France represents a gain to the world. As a consequence, the people of the United States have accepted reductions in their requirements of certain essential food items in order to permit 58

Page  59 Harry S. Truman, 1945 May 21 [34] increased shipments to the liberated countries of Europe, including France, where they are so urgently needed. Also the Government of the United States has taken extraordinary measures, despite American shortages of essential supplies and shipping, to arrange priorities for French procurement of such supplies and to provide shipping for their transportation to France. The people and Government of the United States will continue to take such measures as will lie within their power to facilitate the recovery of France and of her people. The President confirmed to M. Bidault this Government's complete willingness to relinquish to France a part of the American zone of occupation in Germany. Details have already been conveyed informally to the French Government and are now in the process of being formalized. The President emphasized that we are faced with a still strong and deadly enemy in the Far East to whose defeat the total resources of this country, both in manpower and material, are pledged. He indicated that such assistance as France and our other Allies may bring to that struggle and which may be synchronized with operations already planned or underway, will be welcomed. The discussion was on the most friendly and cordial plane and afforded the President a welcome opportunity to emphasize the bonds of friendship and mutual interest between the two countries. 34 Remarks Before the Congress on Presenting the Medal of Honor to Sergeant Jake W. Lindsey. May 2I, I945 Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, Members of the Congress: We are assembled here today to confer the Nation's highest decoration on a young American soldier. It so happens that Technical Sergeant Jake W. Lindsey of Lucedale, Mississippi, is the one hundredth Infantryman to receive the Medal of Honor in this war for bravery above and beyond the call to duty. Through him, we pay a grateful Nation's tribute to the courage of all our fighting men. The history of this war is filled with countless acts of valor by our 59

Page  60 [34] May 2i Public Papers of the Presidents soldiers and sailors and marines under fire. Those who win the Medal of Honor have displayed the highest quality of courage. We have heard in the citation what Sergeant Lindsey did. His inspiring deeds on the battlefield require no further praise from any man. They stand-with the deeds of the others on whom this decoration has been conferred-in the finest tradition of American heroism. This Medal, to repeat, is given for gallantry at the risk of life beyond the call to duty. No officer ordered Sergeant Lindsey to stand alone against a company of the enemy. No officer ordered him when wounded to engage eight Germans in hand-to-hand combat. Those decisions came from his own heart. They were a flash of the nobility which we like to think is a part of every American. They were the unselfish valor which can triumph over terrible odds. They were the very essence of victory. Since the beginning of this war, 223 Medals of Honor have been awarded to members of the Armed Forces. Of these, i62 have gone to the Army, 33 to the Navy, 27 to the Marine Corps, and one to the Coast Guard. One hundred of the men so decorated have been Infantrymen, and of them 50 died in performing the acts for which they were honored. It seems fitting that in this symbolic ceremony we should honor an infantryman. There is little glamor in his service. He faces not onlythe enemy before him, but the cold and the heat, the rain and the snow, the dust and the mud, which so often makes his life miserable. These things he endures, and rises above them to such deeds as those we celebrate today. This is a proud and moving occasion for every American. It follows the complete victory of our Allied Forces over a powerful enemy in Europe. It finds us striking devastating blows in the Pacific. We are preparing to strike them later in overwhelming force. Before the battle against Japan is won, we shall have other men to honor-men whose deeds, like those we celebrate today, will have brought closer our inevitable victory. I hope that every man and woman in our Nation today will reverently thank God that we have produced such sons as these. With their high 6o

Page  61 Harry S. Truman, M945 May 22 [35] courage as an inspiration, we cannot fail in the task we have set for ourselves. It is with gratitude and pride that as President of the United States, and in the name of the Congress, I have presented this Medal of Honor to Technical Sergeant Jake W. Lindsey. 35 Letter to Heads of War Agencies on the Economic Situation in the Liberated Countries of Northwest Europe. May 22, 1945 Dear Judge Rosenman's report of which you have a copy has pointed out the extremely serious economic situation in the liberated countries of Northwest Europe. The report confirms in strong terms the need for action on the part of this Government. In brief the report points out the following: (i) A dangerously low level of nutrition exists generally in these liberated countries except in the rural, food raising areas. The production of coal is not meeting even minimum requirements. The means of internal transportation by rail, canal and highway have suffered substantially from looting and destruction. What are left have been largely devoted to Allied military use. Ports have suffered extensive damage from bombing and demolition. Manufacturing has been paralyzed by destruction or damage, lack of raw materials, and inadequate plant maintenance. (2) The needs of the liberated countries of Northwest Europe are grave-not only from a humanitarian point of view, but also because they necessarily involve many internal and international political considerations. To a great extent the future permanent peace of Europe depends upon the restoration of the economy of these liberated countries, including a reasonable standard of living and employment. United States economy, too, will be deeply affected unless these areas again resume their place in the international exchange of goods and services. A chaotic and hungry Europe is not fertile ground in which stable, democratic and friendly governments can be reared. 6i

Page  62 [35] May 22 Public Papers of the Presidents (3) Just as the United States has been the largest producer of the United Nations in wartime, so will it naturally be looked to as the principal source of civilian supplies for these countries. It is the established policy of this Government to accept this responsibility as far as it is possible to do so. As a matter of national policy, therefore, I request your agency to grant the priority necessary to meet the minimum civilian requirements of those of our Allies who have been ravaged by the enemy to the fullest extent that the successful prosecution of military operations and the maintenance of our essential domestic economy permit. Very sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: This is the text of identical let- A summary of Judge Rosenman's reters addressed to J. A. Krug, Chairman, port to President Truman on the probWar Production Board; Marvin Jones, lem of civilian supplies for the liberated Administrator, War Food Administra- areas of Northwest Europe, released by tion; Harold L. Ickes, Administrator, the White House on April 30, I945, is Solid Fuels Administration for War; published in the Department of State and Leo Crowley, Chairman, Foreign Bulletin (vol. I2, p. 86o). Shipments Committee. 36 Letter Accepting Resignation of Francis Biddle as the Attorney General. May 23, 1945 Dear Francis: In accepting your resignation, I desire to express my appreciation of the patriotic services which you have rendered to your country during the war and during the days when we were preparing for the war. I shall always look back with pleasure upon my association with you while I was in the Senate as well as during the past months. I hope that you will have continued happiness and success in your future work, and I trust that I may have the privilege of consulting you in the future whenever occasion arises. I am making your resignation effective July i, I945. Very sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN 62

Page  63 Harry S. Truman, I945 May 23 [37] NOTE: Attorney General Biddle served dated May 21, 1945, was released with from September 5, 1941, through the President's reply. June 30, I945. His letter of resignation, 37 Letter Accepting Resignation of Frances Perkins as Secretary of Labor. May 23, I945 Dear Frances: I accept your resignation as Secretary of Labor with great regret and with deep appreciation for all of the untiring service which you have rendered to our country. During your administration unsurpassed progress in position, influence and prestige has been made by American organized labor. During this period, such far reaching legislation as the Fair Labor Standards Act, the National Labor Relations Act, and the Social Security Act have been enacted-carrying out the social philosophy you have so often expressed. The rights of labor as a partner in the system of private enterprise in the United States have been more firmly established than ever before. There has been created a cooperative relationship between industry and labor in the United States which has been largely instrumental in turning out the weapons of war-weapons which brought about the unconditional surrender of the Axis powers in Europe, and will inevitably bring the same defeat to the Japanese. You have certainly carried out the principle of the basic act creating your office-"to promote the welfare of the wage earners of the United States". I am grateful to you for the leadership and energy and hard work which you have shown in this difficult and important field of human relations during the past twelve years. I should like to make your resignation effective July I, I945. With kindest personal regards, Very sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: Secretary Perkins served from 1945, was released with the President's March 4, I933, through June 30, 1945. reply. Her letter of resignation, dated May 2I, 63

Page  64 [38] May 23 Public Papers of the Presidents 38 Letter Accepting Resignation of Claude R. Wickard as Secretary of Agriculture. May 23, 1945 Dear Claude: With great personal regret I am accepting your resignation as Secretary of Agriculture to take effect on the appointment and qualification of your successor. You have served more than four years in that office. During that time the agricultural output of the United States reached unprecedented levels. Under your administration the farmers of the nation have performed miracles of production of foods and fibres which did so much to win the war in Europe and to place us on the road to victory in the Pacific. It is a record from which, I am sure, you must derive much satisfaction and pride. On behalf of our Government, I desire to thank you for your patriotic and devoted service. I also wish to thank you for consenting to remain in government as the Administrator of the Rural Electrification Administration. The work of this agency means much for the comfort and efficiency of our rural dwellers. I am delighted that it will be in the hands of one who has so competently and tirelessly worked for their welfare. As problems arise in the field of agriculture, I expect to call upon you for advice and assistance. Very sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: Secretary Wickard served from April 17, 1945, was released with the September 5, I940, through June 29, President's reply. 1945. His letter of resignation, dated 39 Letter Accepting Resignation of Marvin Jones as War Food Administrator. May 23, 1945 Dear Marvin: In view of your desire expressed to me last month to return to your place on the Court of Claims, I regretfully accept your resignation. I 64

Page  65 Harry S. Truman, 1945 May 23 [40] understand that the Chief Justice of the Court is now anxious that you resume your judicial work as soon as possible. Let me express my own appreciation, and also the thanks of the people of the United States for the hard, conscientious and efficient work you have done as War Food Administrator. It was a most difficult assignment. The needs of our armed forces, of our Allies, and of our own civilian population called for the highest degree of competence in food production, management and distribution. It is to the everlasting credit of the War Food Administration that even after supplying the great demands made upon us from all over the world, the American people as a whole not only did not go hungry but actually enjoyed a better diet than in the days before the war. It is an accomplishment of which you can be very proud. With best wishes for continued success and happiness in your work, Very sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: Mr. Jones served as War Food resignation, dated May 22, I945, was Administrator from June 28, I943, released with the President's reply. through June 30, I945. His letter of 40 The President's News Conference of May 23, 1945 THE PRESIDENT. Everybody here? [I.] Well, I have some Cabinet changes I wanted to tell you about. Mr. Biddle's resignation has been accepted, and Tom Clark of Texas will be appointed in his place as Attorney General. Q. C-l-a-r-k-no E? THE PRESIDENT. Tom C. Clark, no E. I will read you the first paragraph of the letter I wrote to Mr. Biddle. It says, "In accepting your resignation, I desire to express my appreciation of the patriotic services which you have rendered to your country during the war, and during the days when we were preparing for the war. And in the last paragraph, "I hope you will have continued happi 65

Page  66 [401 May 23 Public Papers of the Presidents ness and success in your future work, and I trust that I may have the privilege of consulting you in the future when occasion arises." I am accepting the resignation of Miss Perkins as Secretary of Labor, and am appointing Judge Lewis B. Schwellenbach of Washington to be Secretary of Labor. Miss Perkins wrote me a very fine letter, and I wrote her a good one. You will receive copies of it. Mr. Wickard's resignation is being accepted, and he is being appointed REA Administrator; and Congressman Clinton P. Anderson of New Mexico is being appointed Secretary of Agriculture. Q. Clinton B. Anderson? THE PRESIDENT. Clinton P. Anderson. Q. D, sir? THE PRESIDENT. P. Anderson, Congressman from New Mexico. He has been Chairman of the War Food Committee in the House of Representatives. Q. Are all these effective immediatelyTHE PRESIDENT. NoQ. - effective immediately, or June 3oth? THE PRESIDENT. — the last of the fiscal year. These are all effective on June 30, except Mr. Wickard's. His takes effect as soon as he is confirmed as REA Administrator. I have the resignation of Marvin Jones as War Food Administrator, and I would like to read you the last two paragraphs of Mr. Jones's letter and comment on it. "While the war was being fought on both fronts, there was considerable logic in having an independent War Food Administration. It has worked well. In each of the war years there has been an outstanding record of production. There has been complete cooperation between the Secretary of Agriculture and myself. "Now, however, that victory in Europe has been achieved, I feel that the work of the Department and the War Food-and War Food could well be carried on by the Secretary of Agriculture, probably with somewhat less expenditure of funds." Now Judge Jones is going back to the Claims Court on June 3oth, and when he goes back and relinquishes the Office of War Food Admin 66

Page  67 Harry S. Truman, I945 May 23 [40] istrator, I expect to make the Secretary of Agriculture War Food Administrator. And I think that's about all, unless you have got some questions to ask me. [Laughter] Q. I might say that is pretty good. Q. Mr. President, the-Clinton Anderson has been-made two or three good reportsTHE PRESIDENT. I think so. Q. - and have you read them, and have theyTHE PRESIDENT. Yes. Q. - led you to any consideration on your part? THE PRESIDENT. No, it didn't. I had him in mind before I read his reports, but his reports helped. Q. Mr. President, did Mr. Morgenthau offer his resignation this morning? THE PRESIDENT. No, he did not, and if he had, I wouldn't accept it. Q. Mr. President, do you contemplateQ. Who was that? Q. We didn't hear that. THE PRESIDENT. Morgenthau. Q. What was the reply, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. He did not offer his resignation, and if he had, I wouldn't accept it. Q. Sir, do you contemplate any change in the State Department? THE PRESIDENT. I do not. Q. Mr. President, were any of the resignations requested by you? THE PRESIDENT. They were not. I have the resignation of every member of the Government who can resign since I have been President! [Laughter] I can accept them or not as I choose. [2.] Q. Mr. President, would you clarify, please, the future status of Russia under lend-lease, now that the war in Europe is over? THE PRESIDENT. The-I don't care to discuss that. I think I covered it very thoroughly in the statement that was issued.1 1 For the President's statement upon signing the bill extending the Lend-Lease Act, see Item a 67

Page  68 [40] May 23 Public Papers of the Presidents Q. It left open one question, and that is whether or not Russia is getting any lend-lease now? THE PRESIDENT. Russia is getting the lend-lease that she has contracted to receive during the month of May. Q. How about, sir, when the protocol expires at the end of June? THE PRESIDENT. Well, let's wait and see what is necessary to be done at that time, then we will take care of it in a way which we think will be all right for the peace of the world. Q. When did cancellation of orders begin on lend-lease to Russia? THE PRESIDENT. The cancellation of lend-lease began as soon as the war ceased. It was not a cancellation, it was a readjustment because of the new conditions as they came about due to the collapse of Germany. The whole thing has to be gone into completely and thoroughly for all the nations, and I think it would be handled in a way that the country and the world will be helped by it. Q. Have you any estimates of the amount of savings resulting from the readjustment? THE PRESIDENT. No, I have not, because I don't know just how much of a readjustment has taken place at the present time. Q. Mr. President, under the law can lend-lease equipment be sent to Russia, or to any country, when it is not engaged in the war against Japan? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, it can. When it has been allocated to Russia by protocol and treaty, we have to carry out our commitments. [3.] Q. Mr. President, now that the war in Europe is over, has any arrangement been made for early release of the Italian armistice terms? THE PRESIDENT. I know nothing about it. [4.] Q. Mr. President, have you-can you inform us at all, on this status of German war prisoners, as to when they will cease being prisoners? Have you any plansTHE PRESIDENT. No, I can't. Q. -to make any statement on it? THE PRESIDENT. No, I can't. I can't do anything about that until we have an established government in Germany. Q. That might be for a generation. 68

Page  69 Harry S. Truman, 1945 May 24 14II THE PRESIDENT. Well, your guess is as good as mine. [Laughter] [5.] Q. Mr. President, a couple of weeks ago you told us you knew Hitler was dead, but you wouldn't give us very much detail about it. Can you give us any now? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, I think I can tell you why I thought Hitler was dead. Himmler had told our Minister in Sweden, through the-I think Prince Bernadotte of Sweden-that Hitler had had a stroke and that he wouldn't have but 24 hours to live. And I understood that whenever Himmler said anybody had just 24 hours to live, that's about all[remainder of sentence inaudible]. That's what I based my statement on. Q. What-does it still hold true? Is that the way you think he diedwhen he died? THE PRESIDENT. I don't know a thing about his death more than you do-only what I have seen in the papers. Reporter: Thank you, Mr. President. NOTE: President Truman's eighth news White House at 4 p.m. on Wednesday, conference was held in his office at the May 23, 1945. 41 Special Message to the Congress on the Organization of the Executive Branch. May 24, 1945 To the Congress of the United States: The Congress has repeatedly manifested interest in an orderly transition from war to peace. It has legislated extensively on the subject, with foresight and wisdom. I wish to draw the attention of the Congress to one aspect of that transition for which adequate provision has not as yet been made. I refer to the conversion of the Executive Branch of the Government. Immediately after the declaration of war the Congress, in Title I of the First War Powers Act, I94I, empowered the President to make necessary adjustments in the organization of the Executive Branch with respect to those matters which relate to the conduct of the present war. This authority has been extremely valuable in furthering the prosecution of the war. It is difficult to conceive how the executive agencies 69

Page  70 [4I] May 24 Public Papers of the Presidents could have been kept continuously attuned to the needs of the war without legislation of this type. The First War Powers Act expires by its own terms six months after the termination of the present war. Pending that time, Title I will be of very substantial further value in enabling the President to make such additional temporary improvements in the organization of the Government as are currently required for the more effective conduct of the war. However, further legislative action is required in the near future, because the First War Powers Act is temporary, and because, as matters now stand, every step taken under Title I will automatically revert, upon the termination of the Title, to the pre-existing status. Such automatic reversion is not workable. I think that the Congress has recognized that fact, particularly in certain provisions of section ioi of the War Mobilization and Reconversion Act of I944. In some instances it will be necessary to delay reversion beyond the period now provided by law, or to stay it permanently. In other instances it will be necessary to modify actions heretofore taken under Title I and to continue the resulting arrangement beyond the date of expiration of the Title. Automatic reversion will result in the re-establishment of some agencies that should not be re-established. Some adjustments of a permanent character need to be made, as exemplified by the current proposal before the Congress with respect to the subsidiary corporations of the Reconstruction Finance Corporation. Some improvements heretofore made in the Government under the First War Powers Act, as exemplified by the reorganization of the Army under Executive Order No. 9082, should not be allowed to revert automatically or at an inopportune time. I believe it is realized by everyone-in view of the very large number of matters involved and the expedition required in their dispositionthat the problems I have mentioned will not be met satisfactorily unless the Congress provides for them along the general lines indicated in this message. Quite aside from the disposition of the war organization of the Government, other adjustments need to be made currently and continuously 70

Page  71 Harry S. Truman, 1945 May 24 [41] in the Government establishment. From my experience in the Congress, and from a review of the pertinent developments for a period of forty years preceding that experience, I know it to be a positive fact that, by and large, the Congress cannot deal effectively with numerous organizational problems on an individual item basis. The Congressional Record is replete with expressions of members of the Congress, themselves, to this effect. Yet it is imperative that these matters be dealt with continuously if the Government structure is to be reasonably wieldy and manageable, and be responsive to proper direction by the Congress and the President on behalf of the people of this country. The question is one that goes directly to the adequacy and effectiveness of our Government as an instrument of democracy. Suitable reshaping of those parts of the Executive Branch of the Government which require it from time to time is necessary and desirable from every point of view. A well organized Executive Branch will be more efficient than a poorly organized one. It will help materially in making manageable the Government of this great nation. A number of my predecessors have urged the Congress to take steps to make the Executive Branch more business-like and efficient. I welcome and urge the cooperation of Congress to the end that these objectives may be attained. Experience has demonstrated that if substantial progress is to be made in these regards, it must be done through action initiated or taken by the President. The results achieved under the Economy Act (1932), as amended, the Reorganization Act of i939, and Title I of the First War Powers Act, I941, testify to the value of Presidential initiative in this field. Congressional criticisms are heard, not infrequently, concerning deficiencies in the Executive Branch of the Government. I should be less than frank if I failed to point out that the Congress cannot consistently advance such criticisms and at the same time deny the President the means of removing the causes at the root of such criticisms. Accordingly, I ask the Congress to enact legislation which will make it possible to do what we all know needs to be done continuously and expeditiously with respect to improving the organization of the Execu 7I

Page  72 [41] May 24 Public Papers of the Presidents tive Branch of the Government. In order that the purposes which I have in mind may be understood, the following features are suggested: (a) the legislation should be generally similar to the Reorganization Act of i939, and part 2 of Title I of that Act should be utilized intact, (b) the legislation should be of permanent duration, (c) no agency of the Executive Branch should be exempted from the scope of the legislation, and (d) the legislation should be sufficiently broad and flexible to permit of any form of organizational adjustment, large or small, for which necessity may arise. It is scarcely necessary to point out that under the foregoing arrangement (a) necessary action is facilitated because initiative is placed in the hands of the President, and (b) necessary control is reserved to the Congress since it may, by simple majority vote of the two Houses, nullify any action of the President which does not meet with its approval. I think, further, that the Congress recognizes that particular arrangement as its own creation, evolved within the Congress out of vigorous efforts and debate extending over a period of two years and culminating in the enactment of the Reorganization Act of I939. Therefore, bearing in mind what the future demands of all of us, I earnestly ask the Congress to enact legislation along the foregoing lines without delay. HARRY S. TRUMAN 42 Special Message to the Congress on Unemployment Compensation. May 28, I945 To the Congress of the United States: The Congress and the Executive Branch of the Government have already moved to prepare the country for the difficult economic adjustments which the Nation will face during the transition from war to peace. i. The Congress has created the Office of War Mobilization and Reconversion to coordinate the reconversion activities of all Federal agencies, and that Office has established basic reconversion policies. 2. Specific laws have been enacted by the Congress setting forth the 72

Page  73 Harry S. Truman, 1945 May 28 [42] policies and providing the administrative machinery for contract termination, plant clearance, financial aid to business, and the disposition of surplus property. 3. Our military and civilian agencies have prepared themselves to ekpedite industrial reconversion and reemployment. 4. As part of an over-all program for returning veterans the GI Bill of Rights provides "readjustment allowances," weekly cash benefits to veterans until they are able to obtain jobs. 5. Congress has permitted business to carry back postwar losses against excess profits tax payments during the reconversion period. 6. Congress has established support prices for agricultural products so that farmers will be protected against a postwar collapse of income. There remains, however, a major gap in our reconversion program: the lack of adequate benefits for workers temporarily unemployed during the transition from war to peace. I urge the Congress to close this gap. I am confident that, with appropriate measures, we can avoid largescale and lengthy unemployment during the transition period. However, some temporary unemployment is unavoidable, particularly when total demobilization becomes possible. Even if reconversion proceeds rapidly, no amount of planning can make jobs immediately available for all displaced personnel. We must provide maximum security to those who have given so fully of themselves on the fighting and production fronts. The transition from war to peace is part and parcel of the war and we cannot shirk our obligation to those temporarily unemployed through no fault of their own. To produce what is needed for the Pacific war, we must appeal to the workers to accept and remain in jobs which they ultimately must lose when munitions production ceases. The Government has thus incurred a moral obligation to these workers and to those who have stuck faithfully to their posts in the past. To fulfill this obligation, we must rely principally upon our existing system of unemployment insurance. However, the existing State laws embrace three major defects: i. Only about 30 million of our 43 million non-agricultural workers 73

Page  74 f42] May 28 Public Papers of the Presidents are protected by unemployment insurance. The absence of protection for Federal Government employees-in Navy Yards, arsenals and Government offices-is particularly inequitable, since these workers are subject to risks of unemployment similar to the risks of those who work for private employers. Lack of protection for employees in small establishments and for maritime workers also constitutes a serious shortcoming in the present programs. 2. The weekly benefit payments provided under many of the State laws are inadequate to maintain purchasing power and to provide a reasonable measure of economic security for the workers. Most States fix a maximum rate of $15 to $i8 a week. This is clearly inadequate to protect unemployed workers against ruthless cuts in living standards, particularly if they have families. 3. The length of time for which benefits are paid is too short. In nearly one-third of the States, no worker can receive more than i6 weeks of benefits in any year, and many workers do not qualify even for this length of time. Therefore, I recommend specifically that Congress take emergency action to widen the coverage of unemployment compensation and to increase the amount and duration of benefits-at least for the duration of the present emergency period of reconversion. Basically this can be accomplished only by amending the Social Security Act so as to induce State laws to provide more adequately for anyone who is unemployed. To be sure, the States have large sums in the Unemployment Trust Fund. But since changes of State laws cannot be effected overnight, I propose that the Congress, during this emergency period, extend the coverage of unemployment compensation to include Federal employees, maritime workers, and other workers not now insured. Moreover, I see no feasible way to make benefits payable to such workers, unless they are financed entirely by the Federal Government during the present emergency. The benefits should appropriately be administered by the States. I also recommend that Congress provide, through supplementary Federal emergency benefit payments, minimum standards for the weekly rate and duration of unemployment benefits. Every eligible 74

Page  75 Harry S. Truman, 1945 May 28 [42] worker should be entitled to 26 weeks of benefits in any one year, if his unemployment continues that long. The maximum payment, at least for the worker who has dependents, should be raised from present levels to not less than $25 per week. In this connection, Congress will no doubt wish to reexamine the readjustment allowance provisions of the GI Bill of Rights. All payments should be made through the existing unemployment compensation machinery of the several States, just as payments to veterans are now made. These provisions are essential for the orderly reconversion of our wartime economy to peacetime production. They are badly needed for the duration of the reconversion emergency. Decent unemployment benefits would serve as a bulwark against postwar deflation. By assuring workers of a definite income for a definite period of time, Congress will help materially to prevent a sharp decline in consumer expenditures which might otherwise result in a downward spiral of consumption and production. Adequate unemployment insurance is an indispensable form of prosperity insurance. Congress will soon deal with the broader question of extending, expanding and improving our Social Security program, of which unemployment insurance is a part. Although such improvement is fundamental, congressional deliberations on the broad issues will take time. On the specific issue of unemployment benefits, we may not have time available. We are already entering the first phase of reconversion; we must be prepared immediately for the far larger problems of manpower displacement which will come with the end of the war in the Pacific. I earnestly hope, therefore, that the appropriate Committees of Congress will undertake immediate consideration of the emergency problem. HARRY S. TRUMAN 75

Page  76 [43] May 31 Public Papers of the Presidents 43 Letter Accepting Resignation of Stephen T. Early as Secretary to the President. May 31, I945 Dear Steve: I am very loath to see June first come around because, as you state in your very kind letter of the twenty-eighth, it means that you are definitely leaving your official post at the White House. You know that it is no mere politeness for me to say that I hate to see you go. During these recent difficult weeks you have been such a help to me in getting acclimated to my new duties and responsibilities that I shall miss you very much-officially as well as personally. You have given me the benefit not only of your long experience in the White House, but of your innate wisdom and sound judgment; and I am sure that, without you, my task would have been much more difficult. The quality and quantity of your work during the past twelve years are well known to all of us who have been in Washington. I know from the lips of President Roosevelt how much you meant to him, and how much he relied upon you. And I now know from personal experience how greatly your assistance, cooperation and association can lighten the burdens of high office. I have been willing to let you go-but not without strings. You are to be subject to frequent calls to help me in many ways. You have been most gracious in offering whatever future help you can render; and I assure you that I shall take advantage of that offer to the fullest. My best wishes go with you in your new venture and in anything you undertake. Very sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: Mr. Early served as Assistant 1945. His letter of resignation was reSecretary from March 4, I933, to July I, leased with the President's reply. 1937, and then as Secretary to June i, 76

Page  77 Harry S. Truman, 1945 June I [44] 44 The President's News Conference of June i, I945 THE PRESIDENT. Well, I have got two short statements I want to read to you to start things off with. [I.] [Reading, not literally]: "Secretary Morgenthau has told me about the shocking cases of tax evasion his men have discovered, and I am thoroughly in sympathy with his plan to enlarge the Bureau of Internal Revenue forces to whatever extent is required to insure full compliance with the law.1 "Yesterday, I acquainted the top officials of the Civil Service Commission with our special tax drive and the necessity for an accelerated program of recruitment. Arrangements have been made with the Civil Service Commission to have placed at every Army discharge center in the United States a qualified recruitment officer from the Civil Service Commission, fully versed in our recruitment requirements, who will steer to us the qualified veterans as they are discharged." 2 I think there will be enough discharged veterans, probably, with the qualifications to meet this Io,ooo-man-program that Mr. Morgenthau is asking for. It is a crime to-a terrible crime, in my opinion, to find these people who are hoarding money and living off the black markets, and things of that sort, when the sons of the rest of the population are out getting killed to save the country. And we are going to try to put a stop to it. I have another short statement I would like to make, with regard to prisoners of war. [2.] [Reading]: "I wish to express my very deep sympathy for the 'At this point the statement, as released by the White House, continues as follows: "It will be good business for the Government, because every dollar we spend In collection and enforcement will produce $20 or more in revenue. And much more Important is the matter of good morals. We are not fighting this war to make millionaires, and certainly we are not going to allow the black market operators or any other racketeers to be In a favored class, when the men in the armed forces, and our citizens generally, are sacrificing so heavily." 2 The following final paragraph appears In the White House release of the statement: "The American people understand that sacrifices are necessary. They know the war is still far from being over. The one thing that might break down their will to keep on to complete victory would be a feeling that a few were profiting from the sacrifices of the many. We must see that there is no justification for any such feeling, and that Is just what we are going to do." 77

Page  78 144 ] June I Public Papers of the Presidents relatives of those members of our armed forces who have the misfortune still to be held as prisoners of war by the enemy. The welfare of these men is a matter of deep concern to me, and I am determined to do everything possible to help them and to bring about their release as soon as possible. "To this end, every effort is being made to get relief supplies and mail through to them. At the same time, definitive information is being sought concerning the names of those men who are still held as prisoners of war. The eventual liberation of these prisoners will be the result of the victory of our armed forces, and depends upon unrelenting prosecution of the war effort by every American." These prisoners, of course, are the ones that are held by the Japanese. There are still a great many of our men who were captured in the Philippines, who are held in Manchuria and other places. We are trying our best to do what we can for them under the circumstances. And I hope we will really get something done for them. Now, if you have any questions you want to ask, I will try to answer them. [3.] Q. Mr. President, will you talk to us about universal military training this morning, and your views on it? THE PRESIDENT. I have made a-I have had a conference on universal military training with some Members of the House and the Senate, and we are now trying to work out a policy on it. I would rather not discuss it at length this morning, although when I have the thing really in form, I will be glad to give it to you. And I have got a few views on universal military training of my own, which don't agree with the Army, and don't agree with the Navy, and don't agree with the House or Senate, so I will try to get them in shape so that we will-. I would rather wait for another time and give you a complete statement on that. [4.] Q. Mr. President, have you been receiving a great deal of mail on the subject of these war prisoners? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, yes. We have received an enormous amount of mail. The House and Senate are receiving a lot of mail, particularly those Members of the House and Senate from the States where the 78

Page  79 Harry S. Truman, r945 June i [44] men came from that were in the Philippines at the time the Japs got the Philippines. [5.] Q. How about the Big Three meeting? Has it moved along any? THE PRESIDENT. It is getting closer. It isn't yet definitely decided. But I think I can say definitely that it will take place in the not far distant future. [6.] Q. Mr. President, you told us that Secretary Wickard's resignation would be effective when he was confirmed as REA Administrator. What will be the situation if the Senate rejects his nomination? THE PRESIDENT. His term will end when the fiscal year ends, with the others. [7.] Q. Can you tell us, sir, have you been following in the last 24 hours the Syrian controversy? THE PRESIDENT. Yes. I have been following it for more than 24 hours. Q. Have you been in communication with Prime Minister Churchill? THE PRESIDENT. Yes. By wire. Q. How recently, sir, could you tell us? THE PRESIDENT. Well, every day. I had a message from him this morning, and a message I sent to him this morning; and yesterday, and the day before, and the day before that. We are in constant communication all the time. Q. Does that mean by telephone? THE PRESIDENT. No, no. By cable. Q. Mr. President, have you any word that the French have agreed to Mr. Churchill's request? THE PRESIDENT. The French have ceased firing as a result of the message which Mr. Churchill sent to De Gaulle, with the approval of the American Government. Q. Have we had any message from the French? THE PRESIDENT. None whatever. But the firing ceased, so I am reliably informed. Q. Sir, has the American Government also given approval to the proposal for a tripartite meeting in London, to discuss this Syrian question? 79

Page  80 [44] June I Public Papers of the Presidents THE PRESIDENT. No. I have notQ. Sir, some rather informal responses were given to us yesterday at the State Department, indicating that we would be interested in such a meeting. THE PRESIDENT. I think we would, but there has been no arrangement for such a meeting officially. Not to me, at any rate. Q. Mr. President, could you tell us what effect this Syrian crisis may have had on your plans to meet with General de Gaulle? THE PRESIDENT. No, I don't think they have had any effect. There has been no definite date set for General de Gaulle's meeting. [8.] Q. Mr. President, have you heard from Mr. Hopkins or Mr. Davies as to when they are likely to return? 1 THE PRESIDENT. No. I haven't any definite date on that. Q. Do you expect them soon? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, I do. Q. Could youTHE PRESIDENT. But don't know just yet, of course,Q. That's what I was going to ask. THE PRESIDENT. - how soon; but I could say within a week or IO days they will be back, I am sure. [9.] Q. Was it planned for Justice Jackson to return at this time, or is it-his return a result of the fact thatTHE PRESIDENT. No. He expected to return at this time to finish up some-wind up some of his own business. He went over there for a preliminary meeting. He is expecting to return. [io.] Q. Mr. President, have you had any conference with the leaders up on the Hill on the unemployment benefit program? THE PRESIDENT. No, I haven't. No, I haven't. Q. Do you expect to do anything of that kind? THE PRESIDENT. I have had a conference with the Leaders of the House 1 On May 23 the White House announced that the President had requested Harry Hopkins and Joseph E. Davies to undertake special missions for him. Mr. Hopkins, it was stated, would proceed to Moscow for conversations with Marshal Stalin on matters In discussion between the Governments of the Soviet Union and the United States. Mr. Davies, it was announced, would go to London to discuss with Prime Minister Churchill and other members of the British Government certain matters of common interest to the United States and Great Britain arising out of the war. 8o

Page  81 Harry S. Truman, IJ945 June I [44] and Senate every Monday morning, and we will do it next Monday. [ii.] Q. Mr. President, there are reports from the Coast that indicate that the United Nations Conference might run on for a while yet. Do you-can you give us any light on that? THE PRESIDENT. No. I don't think it will be unduly prolonged. I have been looking for it to end within the next io days. [I2.] Q. Mr. President, when Mayor Kelly of Chicago and Mayor LaGuardia of New York left Monday, they told us you talked about the civilian defense material that is around this country. THE PRESIDENT. They talked to me about it. I have been giving it some consideration. We are trying to work out a policy and a plan for its disposal. Q. That hasn't come to its conclusion? THE PRESIDENT. That hasn't been worked out as yet. I think it will be worked out very shortly. [I3.] Q. Can you tell us about the resignation of Mr. Gillette from the Surplus Property office? THE PRESIDENT. One of the first callers I had, after I came down here, was Senator Gillette; and he told me that he was not happy in his position and wanted to quit the Surplus Property Board. I asked him to stay on until I got more familiar with the situation, and he came up yesterday and told me that he would like to quit within the next month; in fact, not later than July I5. [I4.] Q. Mr. President, is it possible that the Big Three meeting will become a Big Four, or even a Big Five meeting? THE PRESIDENT. The only meeting I have ever discussed has been a Big Three meeting. Q. Is it possible, Mr. President, it may be held in this country? THE PRESIDENT. There is a possibility, but I don't think it's very probable. [Laughter] [15.] Q. Mr. President, despite your assertion last week regarding the State Department, there are persistent reports that we will have a new Secretary of State. Could you say anything on that? THE PRESIDENT. I can't make it any more emphatic than I did last week. 8i

Page  82 [44] June I Public Papers of the Presidents [I6.] Q. Mr. President, can you tell us whether you will support, or are in sympathy with the Wagner-Dingell bill that was introduced, to expand social security? THE PRESIDENT. I am in favor of the principal parts of it. In fact, I think I was one of the authors of that bill in the last Congress. I haven't studied the present draft of the bill, and I am not familiar with its details, but in principle I am for it. [I7.] Q. Mr. President, getting back to the Big Three and the United Nations meeting, would a delay of a couple of weeks in concluding the United Nations Conference affect your plans for the Big Three meeting? THE PRESIDENT. No. Not the slightest. [i8.] Q. Mr. President, could you give-provide any more details about Mr. Hopkins's mission to Russia? THE PRESIDENT. I will give you more details when Mr. Hopkins comes home. Reporter: Thank you, Mr. President. [The President recalled the newsmen as they started to leave and continued the news conference.] THE PRESIDENT. Oh-Oh-I have got an announcement to makeVoices: Just a minute-just a minute! [I9.] THE PRESIDENT. I forgot something. I have persuaded Sam Rosenman to stay with me for another year, and I am very happy that he is going to do it. Q. What will be his job? THE PRESIDENT. The same as he has always had. Q. Special Assistant, sir? THE PRESIDENT. Special Assistant to the President. Q. Thank you. [20.] THE PRESIDENT. Oh, yes. I am releasing a message to the Congress this morning, which will have-[laughter]-a summary on the war. It will be released at noon. Read that summary very carefully. You can't read the message, it's too thick! [Laughter] NOTE: President Truman's ninth news White House at Io:4o a.m. on Friday, conference was held in his office at the June I, 1945. 82

Page  83 Harry S. Truman, 1945 June I [45] 45 Special Message to the Congress on Winning the War With Japan. June I, 1945 To the Congress of the United States: The primary task facing the Nation today is to win the war in Japanto win it completely and to win it as quickly as possible. For every day by which it is shortened means a saving of American lives. No one can recount the success of the forces of decency in this war without thinking of the one man who was more responsible for victory than any other single human being-Franklin D. Roosevelt. Under his guidance, this great Nation grew to be the most powerful military force in all history. Under his leadership, the Allied strategy was developed which broke down Hitler's fortress, crumbled Germany itself into ruins and unconditional surrender, and has brought us within striking distance of Tokyo. But there can be no peace in the world until the military power of Japan is destroyed-with the same completeness as was the power of the European dictators. To do that, we are now engaged in a process of deploying millions of our armed forces against Japan in a mass movement of troops and supplies and weapons over 14,000 miles-a military and naval feat unequalled in all history. I think it appropriate at this time to inform the Congress and my countrymen of some of the problems, difficulties, and dangers which confront us in finishing this war-and how we expect to meet them. Those who have the heavy responsibility of directing the Nation's military efforts do not underestimate the difficulties of crushing an enemy defended by vast distances and animated by desperate fanaticism. And yet, we have adopted what is a new development in military history. In the face of a conflict with a numerous and fanatical enemy we have undertaken during the next twelve months to discharge approximately two million of the best soldiers the world has ever seen. The program for the defeat of Germany was accomplished with an accuracy seldom attained in war-yet we had but little margin at the 83

Page  84 [451 June I Public Papers of the Presidents finish. On April I, 1945, the last American division to arrive in France entered the battle line. The strategy of the war in Europe was to have all the men that could be effectively deployed on land and sea to crush the German military machine in the shortest possible time. That is exactly what we plan to do to Japan. Up to the time of the collapse of Germany the United States Navy, under the superb leadership of Fleet Admiral King, was carrying on two great campaigns thousands of miles apart from each other-one in the Atlantic and one in the Pacific. These campaigns were distinctly different. The Atlantic campaign consisted essentially of anti-submarine and amphibious operations. Even as the war nears the end, our Navy had to cope with a submarine blitz which was intended to hit our coast in April. The Pacific campaign has involved to a major degree all the surface, air, amphibious, and submarine aspect of Naval warfare; but antisubmarine operations have played only a subordinate role. At one time in 1943, the United States Navy was employing over iioo planes in its anti-submarine warfare in the Atlantic; and, in mid 1944, over 9oo ocean-going escort vessels. All of our escort vessels have been, or will be, sent to the Pacific, except for a very few to be retained in the Atlantic for training purpose or to meet any remotely possible emergency. Our Navy, in addition to the miraculous job of convoying our endless stream of men and materials to Europe, did its full share, under over-all British naval command, in amphibious operations in that theatre. The use of its landing craft and carriers, and the fire support of its battleships, cruisers, and destroyers, made possible the landings in North Africa in I942, in Sicily and Italy in 1943, and in Normandy and southern France in I944. Even before the invasion of France, some of our Atlantic naval force had already been sent to the Pacific. After our troops were firmly established ashore, fighting ships were moved to the Pacific as rapidly 84

Page  85 Harry S. Truman, 1945 June I [45] as they could be released from the requirements of the European and Mediterranean theatres and from anti-submarine warfare. The Japanese have already felt the presence of those ships-and will continue to feel it more and more. In the Pacific the naval campaign has gone through four major phases. The first was the defensive of I94I and of the first half of 1942, when we fought in the Philippines and the East Indies, in the Coral Sea, at Midway and in the Aleutians. The second was the offensive-defensive in late 1942 at Guadalcanal. The third was the limited offensive in 1943 when we advanced slowly through the Solomons and re-took the Aleutians. The fourth was the full offensive of I944 and I945 when the forces of the Southwest Pacific Area under General of the Army MacArthur and those of the Central Pacific Area under Fleet Admiral Nimitz made their great seaborne sweeps to the Philippines and Okinawa. During this time the Navy has fought four full-scale sea battles; the Coral Sea, Midway, the Philippine Sea last summer off Saipan, and the three-pronged Battle for Leyte Gulf last October. The Japanese surface Navy has now been reduced to a fraction of its former self. We have driven their ships into hiding and their naval aircraft back to their shore bases. A large part of this success is due to our present carrier-based air power, which has permitted us to carry forward, for many hundreds of miles at a time, the air cover that is needed for a successful amphibious attack. The carriers that made possible these enormous strides were laid down in I940-a year and a half before we entered the war. Had they not been started then, our fast advances in the Pacific could not have occurred until much later. The Japanese merchant marine, in spite of a large program of building, has now been reduced to less than a quarter of its pre-war size. In fact we have sunk more Japanese merchant tonnage than they had at the time of Pearl Harbor. For this and for the reduction of the Japanese Navy, we can thank our submarines, our Army and Navy shore-based aircraft, and our fast 85

Page  86 [45] June I Public Papers of the Presidents carrier task forces. Today, no enemy ship can proceed between Japan and her southern conquests without running the most serious risk. The outstanding feature of the Pacific war-the one which sets it apart from all previous wars-has been the number of the amphibious operations. We have constructed a great fleet of special vessels for this purpose: attack transports, attack cargo ships, landing ships and landing craft. These ships make it possible to put troops and equipment ashore on open beaches in the minimum of time. The Navy has a great share in every amphibious attack. For instance, one attack which involved landing 45,000 troops required the use of I25,ooo naval personnel. In general it may be said it takes two to three sailors to put one soldier or Marine ashore. It takes half a million tons of naval shipping for each division in an amphibious operation. The Navy is now engaged in a series of grim tasks: a battle of attrition with the Japanese Air Force in the waters around Japan and Okinawa; a tightening of the blockade of Japan; redeploying its own forces from Europe; aiding the Army to redeploy; and preparing for the climactic operations yet to come. As we approach the enemy's homeland, the density of his air power naturally becomes greater and greater. A year and a half ago, the enemy had more than 5000 operating airplanes to guard perhaps eighteen million square miles of area. We could attack wherever we saw that the defense was thinly spread. Since then, we have reduced his total air power very much, but the area he is now forced to defend has been shrunk so much more quickly by our rapid advance, that the density of his air power is four or five times as great as it was. This means tough fighting in the air. It means the loss of ships. It means damaged ships that must be replaced or brought back thousands of miles for repair. We at home can hardly imagine either the delirium of Japanese suicide attacks on our troops, airfields and ships, or the heroism of our men in meeting them. As we approach the main islands of the enemy the damage to our ships and the loss of our men are becoming more 86

Page  87 Harry S. Truman, 1945 June i [45] severe. In the future we shall have to expect more damage rather than less. In carrying out its future tasks the Navy will need not only all of its present great fleets, it will need additional vessels. These vessels are now being built-partly to replace anticipated losses in future operations and partly to reinforce the fleet for the final operations it will have to conduct in enemy home waters. The Navy is deploying all but a handful of its men from Europe to the Pacific. But unlike the Army, the Navy, after the collapse of Germany, did not have a surplus of personnel. There cannot be even a partial naval demobilization-until the Japanese are defeated. The Navy still needs civilian laborers, particularly in the yards where ships are repaired. Working continuously under the concentrated air effort of the enemy, the fleet suffers daily damage. Many vessels have come back wounded in varying degree. To tell the number would give information to the enemy but the number is substantial. The Navy must get these ships back into the fight with the least possible delay. We have in our Navy yards the machinery and mechanical equipment to deal with the mounting load of battle damage. But civilian workers are needed now in ever increasing numbers. I know that the patriotic workers of the nation will rally to the aid of the Navy in this emergency as they have rallied in past emergencies. For they know that every day saved in getting a damaged ship back into service shortens the war and saves American lives. In the air, we have shown what America can do with land-based planes and with carrier-based planes-in strategic bombing and in tactical bombing. We are now able in Germany to investigate and examine the results of our strategic bombing. In spite of the most desperate resistance of the Luftwaffe and in spite of murderous barrages from anti-aircraft guns, the American and British Air Forces smashed at German industry day after day and night after night until its support of the German armies caved in. 87

Page  88 [45] June i Public Papers of the Presidents Our strategic bombardment did a complete and masterly job of destroying the sources of strength of the German Air Force and the German military machine. Our bombers dried up the flow of vital oil and gasoline supplies not only to the German Air Force, but to the rest of the German Army and to German industry as well. We have had experience too-deadly experience for the Nazis-with our tactical air forces as distinguished from strategic bombing. They wrecked the bridges and roads, the railroads and canals on which the German army counted. Germany's best panzer divisions-entire Army Corps, in fact-were immobilized. The air force of Japan is not as strong an opponent as the Luftwaffe. Japanese industry is neither as great nor as scattered as Germany's. The planes we are using and will continue to use against Japan will be larger in size and more powerful in action than our bombers in Europe. Our Army planes and our Navy ships and planes are now driving Japan out of the air, and when our strategic air force reaches the Pacific in full might it will demolish the enemy's resources of production. Our strategic bombardment of Japan is now well beyond its initial phase. The missions of the Twentieth Air Force are mounting in size and intensity. Substantial portions of Japan's key industrial centers have been levelled to the ground in a series of record incendiary raids. What has already happened to Tokyo will happen to every Japanese city whose industries feed the Japanese war machine. I urge Japanese civilians to leave those cities if they wish to save their lives. Our tactical air forces, experienced and battle-wise, will soon be ranging over the Japanese homeland from nearby bases. The Japanese air force will be shattered by our Army and Navy fliers as surely and relentlessly as the Luftwaffe. The concentration of Japanese industry, so long an advantage, will now contribute materially to Japan's downfall. The Army Air Forces began its redeployment last December when a heavy bomber group returned to this country from Europe, and received B-29 training before moving to the Pacific. The following month a B-25 medium bomber group came to this country and pro 88

Page  89 Harry S. Truman, 1945 June I [45] ceeded, after training, to fly A-26 attack bombers against the Japanese. During the last month twenty bombardment groups have received orders to move from Europe to the Far East by way of the United States. Our ground armies, our corps and our divisions have followed the best traditions of the American soldier for courage and skill; and their leadership has been of the uniformly high quality which results in victory. The United States has been fortunate in having as the Chief of Staff to the Commander in Chief of the Army and Navy a man of so great experience and ability as Fleet Admiral Leahy. We have also been fortunate in having at the head of our land and air forces men like General Marshall, General Eisenhower, General MacArthur and General Arnold. They have provided the inspiration and the leadership for all our Army operations. The American soldier of this war is as brave and as magnificent as the American soldier has always been. He has the initiative and ingenuity he has always had. But in this war he is a better soldier and a more successful soldier than he has ever been before. For in this war he has gone into battle better trained, better equipped, and better led than ever before. In the face of the formidable Nazi hordes which had secured a stranglehold on Western Europe, our armies, shoulder to shoulder with those of our Allies, forced a landing on the shores of France. In the short space of eleven months they drove the enemy from France, Belgium, Luxembourg and Holland and forced him to unconditional surrender in the heart of his own homeland. To the south our troops and those of the Allies wrested North Africa from the Axis, fought a dogged advance through Italy from Sicily to the Alps, and pinned down a force that otherwise could have brought substantial aid to the enemy on the eastern and western fronts. The heroism of our own troops in Europe was matched by that of the armed forces of the nations that fought by our side. They and 89

Page  90 [45] June I Public Papers of the Presidents the brave men in the underground movements of the occupied countries-all gave their blood to wipe the Nazi terror from the face of the earth. They absorbed the blows of the German military machine during the many months in which we were building up our expeditionary forces, and they shared to the full in the ultimate destruction of the enemy. The same courage and skill which brought about the downfall of the Nazis are being displayed by our soldiers now fighting in the Pacific. Many of them are veterans of the grim months following Pearl Harbor. Since i942 our Army troops and Marines in the south Pacific have thrown the enemy back from his furthermost advances in New Guinea and the Solomons, have traveled I500 miles up the New Guinea coastline, have conquered the Admiralty Islands, Biak and Morotai. Meanwhile, Marines and Army troops have been cleaning up in the Solomons and the Palaus. In October of last year these magnificent achievements culminated in the landing of our troops in Leyte. Four months later they freed Manila. Westward across the Central Pacific other Marines and Army units, in hard fought battles, have forced the Japanese back four thousand miles. Tarawa, Kwajalein, Saipan, Guam, Iwo Jima have been the stepping stones. Today Army and Marine divisions are slowly but steadily sweeping the Japanese from Okinawa. All of our campaigns in Europe and in the Pacific have depended on long lines of communications and upon quantities of supply unheard of in prior warfare. One of the marvels of Allied achievements has been the organization, guarding and operation of these world-girdling supply lines. For this we have to thank management and labor in our war industries, our farmers and miners and other Americans-who produced the equipment and supplies for ourselves and our Allies; the gallant members of our Merchant Marine-who transported them overseas under the guns of our Navy; and the men of our Army Service Forces-upon whose work in clearing ports, rushing up supplies, and constructing 90

Page  91 Harry S. Truman, I945 June i [45] roads, railroads, bridges, highways, and gasoline pipe lines, the fate of battle often depended. There are also included in our experience in this war miracles of saving human life as well as miracles of destruction of the enemy. Since the invasion of Africa in November, I942, in all our operations in Europe and in Africa, we have lost about i6oo soldiers from sickness. In the Civil War the Union forces, never more than a third as large as our forces in Europe, had 224,000 deaths from sickness. In the three years since April, i942, the Army forces in the disease-infected islands of the Pacific lost fewer than I400 men from sickness. Surgery in this war has reduced the percentage of death from wounds in the Army from 8.25% in the last war to 4% in this one. This is due to many factors: the high professional skill of the surgeons and nurses, the availability of blood and blood plasma, penicillin and other new miracles of medicine; the devotion of the Medical Corps men who rescue the wounded under fire, the advanced position of surgical staffs right up behind the front lines. Shifting our ground and air strength from Europe to the Far East presents transportation problems even greater and more complicated than those involved in the initial deployment of our forces to all parts of the world. Millions of men and millions of tons of supplies must be moved half way around the globe. The movement of troops from Europe has been swift in getting under way. They are coming by ship and they are coming by air. Every day the process of transfer-gains momentum. After the first World War-when the only problem was getting men home and there was no bitter, powerful enemy left to fight-it took nearly a year to complete the evacuation of 1,933,I56 men. This time the Army Transportation Corps and the Air Transport Command plan to move 3,000,ooo troops out of Europe before a year passes. It is not easy to visualize the volume of supplies that must precede, accompany, and follow the soldiers going from Europe and the United States into the Pacific. To maintain our forces in Europe the Army 9'

Page  92 [451 June i [45] une I Public Papers of the Presidents shipped across the Atlantic 68 million tons of equipment and foodnearly eight times the total shipped in all the first World War. Now we must reclaim all of this equipment that is still serviceable. We must supplement it with new production. And we must make shipments of comparable size to the Pacific over supply lanes which are three times as long as those to Europe. The initial requirement of equipment for each man fighting against Japan is about six tons and an additional ton is needed each month for maintenance. Finding the ships to transport these supplies is not the only difficulty. We must continue to develop in the Pacific new harbors and bases out of practically nothing, install roads and build power systems. Great as these problems of redeployment are, we are not losing sight of the human aspect in shifting men from one side of the world to the other. Wherever it can be done without slowing down the pace of our projected operations in the Pacific, we are deploying our soldiers by way of the United States so that they may have a chance to visit their homes and loved ones before they go on to tackle the Japanese. On the basis of present estimates, only a small fraction of the men now in Europe will have to go directly to the Far East without first stopping off at home. The remainder of our present European force will go to the Pacific through the United States, will be assigned to necessary military duties in this country, will be discharged, or will be kept in Europe for occupation duty. Most of those who will go directly to the Pacific are in supply and service units whose presence in the new theater is essential to the immediate construction of harbors, bases, communications and airfields-from which to step up our blows against Japan. The Army is mindful that those who come through this country want to get home with the least possible delay once their ship docks or their plane lands. Everything is geared for speed to accomplish this at the air and sea ports. Within twenty-four hours in most cases they are aboard a train at government expense bound for one of the nineteen Army Personnel Centers, where the men immediately eligible for discharge are separated from those who are destined for further service. 92

Page  93 Harry S. Truman, 1945 June I [45] Men who are to remain on active duty are promptly "ordered" home from the Personnel Center at government expense, for a period up to thirty days, plus travel time, for rest and recuperation. The period spent at home is not charged against the man's furlough time nor is it classed as leave of absence. It is "temporary duty", and the soldier draws full pay for the period. His only instructions are to have the best time he knows how until he reports back to the Personnel Center. That is what I mean when I say that we have not forgotten the human side of redeployment. Relatives and friends of servicemen can do their part in this program by not crowding around the ports and personnel Centers through which the men pass. The men will get home as soon as is humanly possible. Troop movements on the nation's railroads will become increasingly heavy from now on. I ask for full public cooperation in preventing any aggravation of this burden on domestic transportation, for it would slow down the rate at which soldiers can be reunited with their loved ones. At the same time as we step up the movement of men and munitions to the Far East, we have been exerting every effort to increase the number of ships available to return men to this country for discharge. Three hundred and sixteen cargo ships are being converted to help soldiers get out of Europe faster. They are not the most luxurious ships ever seen, but they will get the men home. In addition, the British are letting us use their three proudest passenger liners-the Queen Elizabeth, the Queen Mary and the Aquitania. These, added to fifty of our own transport vessels, eight hundred bombers and transport planes, and such ships as we are able to use out of the German merchant fleet, will make it possible to bring men home for discharge without interfering with the main job of transferring troops and equipment to the war against Japan. The Army's system for selecting the soldiers for release to civilian life represents a democratic and fair approach to this most difficult problem. A poll was taken among enlisted men in all parts of the world. They were asked what factors they believed should be taken into consideration in deciding who should be released from the Army first. More than go per cent said that preference should go to those who had 93

Page  94 [45] June I Public Papers of the Presidents been overseas and in combat longest, and to those with children. The Army spent two years developing a program of point credits designed to carry out these views expressed by the soldiers. It checked and rechecked its program, and made comprehensive surveys in order to make sure that the plan would achieve the objectives. The system applies equally to the members of our Army in all parts of the world. It embodies the principle of impartial selection that we applied in drafting our citizen Army and that we shall continue to apply in meeting the manpower requirements of our armed forces until Japan is defeated. By reducing the strength of the Army from 8,300,ooo to 6,968,ooo and by maintaining the Army calls on Selective Service at a level substantially higher than requirements for actual replacements, it will be possible to restore to their homes during the next year a total of two million officers and men, including those who will leave because of wounds, sickness, age and other specific causes, as well as those who will leave under the point system. To accomplish this while continuing to be liberal in the deferment of men thirty years of age and over, it is the Administration's policy to induct all non-veterans under thirty years of age who can be replaced and who can qualify for the armed forces. Many of such men who have thus far been irreplaceable will become available for induction when the plants in which they are working are cut back or when they can be replaced from time to time by cutback-production workers and returning veterans. In the three weeks since the point system became effective 2500 officers and 33,000 enlisted men and women from every theater of war have received final discharge papers at Army Separation Centers. During June, 50,000 high-score men are scheduled to leave Europe for this country, and 33,000 are scheduled to come from the Pacific and Asia. The great majority of these, a few days after they arrive, will be civilians again. Let no one be under the delusion that these discharges are being authorized because the war is nearing an end or because we feel the Japanese are easy to beat. They are being made because our military 94

Page  95 Harry S. Truman, 1945 June I [45] leaders believe that we can reduce the overall strength of our Army at this time without jeopardy to our cause in the Pacific or to the lives of the men fighting there. The Joint Chiefs of Staff, after consultation with General MacArthur and Admiral Nimitz, have decided that our Army can deliver its heaviest blows in the Pacific and win final victory most quickly with a strength which a year from now will be about seven million. By maintaining our Army at this size, we shall be able to more than double the force we now have in the Pacific and hurl against the Japanese an overseas force larger than the 3,500,000 men who united with our Allies to crush the Wehrmacht and the Luftwaffe. These are the men who will be carrying the fight to the enemy, but obviously they cannot operate effectively unless there are adequate reserve troops in training in the United States, and also an adequate base from which our advance troops can be supplied and serviced. It is our plan that every physically fit soldier in the United States who has not yet served overseas be assigned to foreign duty when he completes his training or, if he is fulfilling an essential administrative or service job, as soon as he can be replaced by a returning veteran. This has been the Army's policy since the beginning of the war. It will be rigidly adhered to in the redeployment period. If it were not for the overwhelming ascendancy established by our air and fleet units, we should have to send many more men to the Pacific than we now intend. The Japanese have more than four million troops under arms-a force larger than the Germans were ever able to put against us on the Western Front. To back up this Army, they have several million additional men of military age who have not yet been called to the colors. We have not yet come up against the main strength of thi5 Japanese military force. The Japanese army is organized into ioo combat divisions. Its air force, despite the heavy losses it has suffered, still comprises over 3,000 combat planes. We are cutting heavily into Japanese aircraft production through our Superfortress raids, but Japan remains capable of producing planes at the rate of I,250 to 1,500 a month. Army casualties on Okinawa from March i8 to May 29 totaled 3,603 95

Page  96 [45] June I Public Papers of the Presidents killed and missing and I4,66i wounded. The Marines in the same period reported i,88o dead and missing and 8,403 wounded. Navy and Coast Guard losses were 4,729 killed and missing and 4,640 wounded, an overall total for all services of 10,22i killed and missing and 27,704 wounded. Japanese deaths were nearly six times as great as our own. On May 29, the total of Japanese killed on Okinawa was 6i,o66. That is an example of the increasing toughness of this war as our troops get closer to Tokyo. It is this kind of fighting we must be prepared for in our future campaigns. All of our experience indicates that no matter how hard we hit the enemy from the air or from the sea, the foot soldier will still have to advance against strongly entrenched and fanatical troops, through sheer grit and fighting skill, backed up by all the mechanical superiority in flamethrowers, tanks and artillery we can put at his disposal. There is no easy way to win. Our military policy for the defeat of Japan calls for: (i) Pinning down the Japanese forces where they now are and keeping them divided so that they can be destroyed piece by piece. (2) Concentrating overwhelming power on each segment which we attack. (3) Using ships, aircraft, armor, artillery and all other materiel in massive concentrations to gain victory with the smallest possible loss of life. (4) Applying relentless and increasing pressure to the enemy by sea, air and on the land, so that he cannot rest, reorganize or regroup his battered forces or dwindling supplies to meet our next attack. Of course the differences between the war in Europe and the war in the Pacific will cause differences in war production. The composition of the army will be different, as will the equipment issued to troops. There will be changes in strategic plans and in replacement factors. Until the expanded pipelines for the Pacific war are filled, and until equipment arrives in substantial amounts from the European theatre, war production must continue at a high rate. 96

Page  97 Harry S. Truman, r945 June i [45] The Navy program will continue on an even keel. There has been a sharp reduction in the program of the Army Air Forces. Similar sharp cuts in the program of supplies for our ground troops are now being put into effect. Some new items of equipment will be added. The emphasis will be shifted in others. Thus, there will be a decreased production in heavy artillery, artillery ammunition, trucks, tanks and small arms. There will be increased production in aircraft bombs, atabrine, steel barges, wire and insect screening cloth, combat boots, cotton uniforms, amphibious trucks, raincoats, distillation units, radio relay units, special railway equipment, and motorized shop equipment. In a number of important items there will be little change in demand for an indefinite period. These include food, clothing, petroleum products, lumber, and certain chemicals. It is likely that all these will remain on the critical list. Leather is tight. So are textiles. There is a shortage of cotton duck and fabrics for clothing. The food problem has been accentuated by the steadily increasing numbers the Army has been called upon to feed. Accordingly, production for the Japanese war cannot be taken as a matter of course. It will require a high percentage of our resources. War Production Board Chairman Krug has stated that during the balance of this year, our munitions production will run at an annual rate of $54,000,000,000, which is almost equal to the rate of I943, and more than nine-tenths the rate during the peak of I944. With these production objectives before us, we must not slacken our support of the men who are now preparing for the final assault on Japan. War production remains the paramount consideration of our national effort. These then are our plans for bringing about the unconditional surrender of Japan. If the Japanese insist on continuing resistance beyond the point of reason, their country will suffer the same destruction as Germany. Our blows will destroy their whole modern industrial plant 97

Page  98 [45] June I Public Papers of the Presidents and organization, which they have built up during the past century and which they are now devoting to a hopeless cause. We have no desire or intention to destroy or enslave the Japanese people. But only surrender can prevent the kind of ruin which they have seen come to Germany as a result of continued, useless resistance. The job ahead for this Nation is clear. We are faced with a powerful Japanese military machine. These are the same Japanese who perpetrated the infamous attack on Pearl Harbor three and one-half years ago; they are the same Japanese who ordered the death march from Bataan; they are the same Japanese who carried out the barbarous massacres in Manila. They now know that their dreams of conquest are shattered. They no longer boast of dictating peace terms in Washington. This does not mean, however, that the Japanese have given up hope. They are depending on America tiring of this war-becoming weary of the sacrifices it demands. They hope that our desire to see our soldiers and sailors home again and the temptation to return to the comforts and profits of peace will force us to settle for some compromise short of unconditional surrender. They should know better. They should realize that this Nation, now at the peak of its military strength, will not relax, will not weaken in its purpose. We have the men, the materiel, the skill, the leadership, the fortitude to achieve total victory. We have the Allies who will help us to achieve it. We are resolute in our determination-we will see the fight through to a complete and victorious finish. To that end, with the help of God, we shall use every ounce of our energy and strength. HARRY S. TRUMAN 98

Page  99 Harry S. Truman, 1945 June I [46] 46 Letter Declining To Accept Resignation of Samuel I. Rosenman as Special Counsel to the President. June I, 1945 Dear Sam: I am finally taking action on your letter of resignation dated April I4, i945. I am declining to accept it. I understand fully your wish to retire to private life. President Roosevelt told me that you had forcibly expressed such a desire to him several times since last November, but that he had refused to let you go. The reasons which moved him are the same as those which now prompt this action by me. The self-effacing zeal and patriotic devotion with which you have served your country and your President in recent years cannot yet be spared. I know the kind of work which you have been doing for the Chief Executive day in and day out during that time-seldom, if ever, with any public credit or acclaim. And yet I know not only from President Roosevelt, but from my own personal experience during these recent months, how much your efforts have meant to the Chief Executive and to the welfare of our country. Some day when accurate history is written, you will receive the credit which is due you. I want you to stay at your post at least until V-J Day in order that I may have your continued assistance. Very sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN [The Honorable Samuel I. Rosenman, The White House] NOTE: Judge Rosenman's letter of resignation was released with the President's reply. 99

Page  100 [47] June I Public Papers of the Presidents 47 Citation Accompanying Presentation of the Legion of Merit to Prince Abdul Ilah of Iraq. June i, I945 CITATION FOR THE LEGION OF MERIT DEGREE OF CHIEF COMMANDER DURING the course of the present war His Royal Highness, Prince Abdul Ilah, Commander-in-Chief, Field Marshal of the Iraqi Army, Regent and Heir Apparent to the Throne of Iraq, has never wavered in his loyalty to the cause of the United Nations. In combating enemy efforts to create misunderstanding and hostility against the Allied Nations among the peoples of the Near East, he has risked his life and position without hesitation. By his loyal and steadfast devotion to the Allied cause he has contributed materially to the success of the war effort of the United Nations. NOTE: The President read the citation Chief Commander, at a ceremony in to Prince Abdul Ilah and presented him the White House. with the Legion of Merit, Degree of 48 Letter to the Chairman, House Civil Service Committee, Concerning Reduction in Hours of Work. June i, I945 Dear Mr. Congressman: It is my understanding that your Committee, in connection with the Overtime Pay provisions of H.R. 2497, has expressed an interest in learning about the plans of the executive branch for reductions in hours of work. Within the near future I intend to advise the heads of the departments and agencies that whenever they have offices which are located in labor market areas classified in Groups II, III, and IV by the War Manpower Commission they may reduce the hours of work from 48 per week. Very sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN [The Honorable Robert Ramspeck, Chairman, Civil Service Committee, House of Representatives] I0O

Page  101 Harry S. Truman, 1945 June 2 [49] 49 Statement by the President on the Continued Need for Food. June 2, 1945 IN THIS FOURTH YEAR of war the need for every ounce of food which the American people can produce and preserve is greater than ever before. The supply lines to feed our troops and the millions fighting and working with them are the longest in the history of warfare. Along the thousands of miles of these lines, food must be kept moving. Our soldiers in Europe are eating more canned fruits and vegetables because they are changing from combat rations to regular meals. Beyond our tremendous military requirements lies the task of working with other nations to help liberated peoples regain their strength and rebuild their countries. There can be no lasting peace in a hungry world. We Americans must do our part to help swell the nation's food supply. I call upon every American to help discharge this obligation in every way possible: By growing a victory garden-whether it be in the backyard, in a community or company employe plot, or on the farm. There is still plenty of time to plant in most parts of the country. By dedicating ourselves to growing larger and better gardens and seeing them through to the harvest. By preserving our food at home or in a community canning center. Civilian supplies of commercially canned fruits and vegetables are now at the lowest point of the war, and next winter will be one-fourth less than last year. By conserving food in every possible way-wasting not an ounce. In anything so hazardous and difficult as growing food, we cannot afford to take chances. We must always reckon with the weather, which in some parts of the country delayed plantings and damaged some fruit crops. We must plan for maximum production. With millions of American men and women dedicated to this task, our food will make a real contribution to the final victory and the peace. IOI

Page  102 [5~] June 4 Public Papers of the Presidents 5o Letter to the Speaker of the House of Representatives on the Defense Aid Program. June 4, I945 The Speaker of the House of Representatives: I have the honor to transmit for the consideration of the Congress an estimate of appropriation for defense aid for the fiscal year I946, exclusive of aid authorized to be transferred by the War and Navy Departments and the Maritime Commission, as follows: Defense Aid........................ $i,975,000,000 This recommended appropriation, together with unobligated balances of about $2,400,000,000 from the current year, will provide a total program of $4,375,ooo,ooo. Since Germany has been defeated, the proposed new program of defense aid and the appropriation required are less than for the current year. This program, however, reflects our resolution to give fully effective aid in order to shorten the war and thereby reduce the cost in allied lives and materials. The war against Japan, like the war against Germany, is a cooperative allied effort. Through lend-lease and reverse lend-lease we shall continue to pool our resources with those -of our allies so that the crushing weight of our combined might may be thrown against our remaining enemy. Where lend-lease funds will make the efforts of our allies more effective, we shall use them. Where the redeployment of our troops from Europe or our control over enemy areas require aid from other nations, lend-lease will be available to enable their maximum participation. Similarly, through reverse lend-lease we can expect our allies to give us all the assistance possible. In the light of changed war conditions, a preliminary review of lendlease assistance to individual nations has been made. Further review will be necessary from time to time in the coming year as the war progresses and the needs and the wartime roles of our allies vary. For this reason any programs proposed must be considered as most tentative. Our recent lend-lease agreements with France, Belgium and the Netherlands will be carried out by lend-lease funds to the fullest extent consistent with changed war conditions and the basic wartime purposes of lend-lease aid. Beyond this I propose that these allies be assisted in I02

Page  103 Harry S. Truman, 1945 June 4 [50o] financing necessary equipment and supplies by the Export-Import Bank. Such assistance is consistent with the enlarged role which the Bank should be given in providing certain types of industrial equipment and supplies which other nations may wish to obtain from us for reconstruction. Some aspects of reconstruction are of particular interest to this nation and can most appropriately be financed by our own instrumentality. Accordingly there will be transmitted to the Congress at an early date, a proposal providing for adequate legal authorization and expanded lending capacity for the Bank. The lend-lease and Export-Import Bank programs represent unilateral efforts of this country. They are not intended to duplicate the work of international agencies. The United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration, for example, has been created to meet the more immediate needs of relief and rehabilitation where nations are unable to meet their needs from their own resources. Legislation is now before the Congress to allow participation by the United States in the International Bank for Reconstruction and Development and the International Monetary Fund. This legislation merits early consideration and approval. In contrast to these devices, however, lend-lease is a positive weapon of waging war. The appropriation estimate herein submitted provides for its full use to bring the conflict with Japan to a quick and decisive end. The details of the defense aid estimate are set forth in the letter of the Director of the Bureau of the Budget, transmitted herewith, in whose observations and recommendations I concur. Respectfully yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: The letter from the Director of the message in House Document 224 the Bureau of the Budget, dated June I, (79th Cong., ist sess.). 1945, and also released, is printed with I03

Page  104 [5II June 5 Public Papers of the Presidents 5i Letter to the Chairman, House Rules Committee, Concerning the Committee on Fair Employment Practice. June 5, I945 Dear Mr. Congressman: I understand that the House Appropriations Committee has deleted from the War Agencies Appropriation Bill for the fiscal year beginning July I, I945, all appropriations for the Fair Employment Practice Committee. This action will have the effect of abolishing the Committee and terminating its work without giving the Members of the House of Representatives an opportunity to vote on the question. The Fair Employment Practice Committee was originally established before the attack upon us at Pearl Harbor, and was an integral part of our defense production program. It has continued since then in one -form or another; and has grown steadily in importance. Its work has been based on the principle that the successful prosecution of the war demands the participation of all available workers regardless of race, creed or color, and that the policy of the United States was to encourage all such persons to full participation in the war effort. The war is not over. In fact a bitter and deadly conflict lies ahead of us. To abandon at this time the fundamental principle upon which the Fair Employment Practice Committee was established is unthinkable. Even if the war were over, or nearly over, the question of fair employment practices during the reconversion period and thereafter would be of paramount importance. Discrimination in the matter of employment against properly qualified persons because of their race, creed, or color is not only un-American in nature, but will lead eventually to industrial strife and unrest. It has a tendency to create substandard conditions of living for a large part of our population. The principle and policy of fair employment practice should be established permanently as a part of our national law. I understand that one reason assigned for omitting an appropriation for the present Committee is that a proposal is now before the Congress 104

Page  105 Harry S. Truman, i945 June 7 [52] to establish a permanent and statutory Fair Employment Practice Commission. The legislation providing for this Commission is now in the Rules Committee. Unless it is sent to the floor, the Members of the House will have no opportunity to vote upon it. The result will be that on July ist next the principle of fair employment practices will have been abandoned by the House of Representatives. I therefore urge the Rules Committee to adopt a rule permitting this legislation to be voted upon by the Members of the House as quickly as possible. Very sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN [The Honorable Adolph J. Sabath, Chairman, Rules Committee, House of Representatives ] 52 The President's News Conference of June 7, I945 THE PRESIDENT. [i.] The first thing, I am exceedingly happy over the Bretton Woods-345 to i8. And the nonpartisan character of the support of that legislation makes me believe that the Congress really is for a peace treaty. [2.] In connection with Justice Jackson's war crimes report, which was given to you this morning,' I have been reminded that next Sunday, the ioth, will be the third anniversary of the ruthless destruction of that Bohemian village of-I don't know how to say it-L-i-d-i — Voices: Lidice. THE PRESIDENT. This is one of the most barbarous of all the crimes on the Nazi calendar. June ioth will be remembered always as another day of infamy. [3.] I want to say something to you about the transportation situa1 The 8-page report in the form of a letter to the President from Mr. Justice Robert H. Jackson, Chief of Counsel for the United States in the prosecution of Axis war criminals, is published in the Department of State Bulletin (vol. 12, p. 1071). I05

Page  106 [52] June 7 Public Papers of the Presidents tion that we are facing now, on account of the redeployment situation. Colonel Johnson was in to see me yesterday, and told me very plainly that we were going to have to meet this transportation situation in 10 months. We have only a third smaller job to do than the one which has just been finished, and it took-that was over a period of 48 months. This will be over a period of io months; that is, to transfer all our armed forces across the United States and the deployment in the Pacific-redeployment in the Pacific. The first transportation job was considered a miracle, and this one ahead of us is even bigger. And I want to impress it on our citizens that their best contribution in this case will be to stay at home. I have written a letter to Colonel Johnson on the subject, and a statement will be available when you go out. But that is most important, that redeployment transportation situation. It is going to strain every facility we have, in order to get it done on time. [4.] Mr. H. A. Millis, Chairman of the National Labor Relations Board, has resigned, and I have appointed Paul M. Herzog of New York to be his successor. Mr. Millis has been trying toQ. May we have that again? THE PRESIDENT. H. A. Millis, Chairman of the National Labor Relations Board, has resigned. He has been trying to quit for some time. I appointed Paul M. Herzog. He is in the Navy now, but the Navy will let him out, if he gets confirmed. And I think he will be. [5.] I want to announce the-Stuart Symington of St. Louis will be appointed to succeed Senator Gillette when Senator Gillette's expiration date expires July i5th; but I have asked Mr. Symington to come up and get familiar with the job by cooperating with Judge Vinson, and the other two members of the Board, and Senator Gillette, before he leaves. Q. Mr. President, may I ask a question there? Do you plan any change in the three-man board to a single administrator for theTHE PRESIDENT. That is a congressional matter that will have to be done by law. I can't change it. Q. Will Mr. Symington be Chairman of the Board? io6

Page  107 Harry S. Truman, I945 June 7 [52] THE PRESIDENT. He will be Chairman when Senator Gillette's expiration time expires. Q. Did you say something about conferring with Mr. Vinson-you mean — THE PRESIDENT. With the other two members of the Board, and Mr. Vinson. Q. Is his full name Stuart Symington? Didn't he have another name at the firstTHE PRESIDENT. W. Stuart Symington. Q. S-y, isn't it? THE PRESIDENT. S-y-m-i-n-g-t-o-n. And he spells that Stuart in the English King manner-S-t-u-a-r-t. [6.] Q. Mr. President, is this NLRB term for a new term, or the unexpired term? THE PRESIDENT. It's to fill out the unexpired term, and for a new term also. The present term expires, I think, sometime in August. [7.] I want to announce the resignation of Grover B. Hill as Under Secretary of Agriculture, and the appointment of John B. Hutson — Q. H-u-t? THE PRESIDENT. H-u-t-s-o-n-he is assistant to Judge Vinson-as the Under Secretary of Agriculture. Q. What is Mr. Hutson's home originally? Do you know what State? THE PRESIDENT. Kentucky. Q. Kentuckian. THE PRESIDENT. Ken-tucky! [8.] I want to announce the resignation of Brigadier General Frank T. Hines as Veterans Administrator, and of the other job he has, and the-General Omar Bradley will be appointed in his place. [Low whistles and exclamations] And I want to remind you of-[laughter] —a statement that was made at the press conference here, on May i5th, in which I said the Veterans Administration will be modernized, and that should be done as soon as possible. But at that time I was not ready to do the job immedi 107

Page  108 [52] June 7 Public Papers of the Presidents ately, because I hadn't obtained the consent of the War Department for General Bradley to serve. Q. Mr. President, will General Bradley be retired beforeTHE PRESIDENT. He will not. He will still be a four star General while he is in charge of the Veterans Bureau. Q. Will he have the other job, too-Reemployment and Retraining? THE PRESIDENT. I don't think so. I think I am going to dispose of that in another way at a little later date. Q. Mr. President, when is General Hines' resignation effective? Immediately? THE PRESIDENT. No. General Hines' resignation is effective at my pleasure, and that will be when General Bradley can wind up his duties in Europe and take over. That will probably take 30 to 6o days to be accomplished. I wrote General Hines a letter, and here is the way I wind it up. You will get copies of both these letters, my letter and his letter of resignation too. [Reading]: "I want you to know that I have always had, and shall continue to have, complete confidence in you, and in your handling of public matters. In fact, I shall ask you within the near future to take another post of public importance, and I hope you will accept it." And he told me personally that he would. Q. Mr. President, on that point, can you say anything about-nowabout the construction of the medical divisions of the Veterans Bureau? Any change contemplated there? THE PRESIDENT. I would rather not discuss it now, because I will discuss it at a later date. When General Bradley takes over here, I will give you the complete layout of it-what we propose to do. Q. Mr. President, you mean there will be a reorganization? THE PRESIDENT. It will be modernized, let's put it that way. It will be a Veterans Administration for World War II. That was the setup for World War I, and has been very adequately handled for World War I. But as a World War I soldier, I wouldn't have been happy to have had the Spanish-American War veterans running the Veterans Administration, and I don't think-[laughter]-the new veterans I08

Page  109 Harry S. Truman, 1945 June 7 [52] would. I think they would much rather have a general of their own war in the place. And General Hines thought so, too-after we discussed it. Are there any questions? [Laughter] [9.] Q. Mr. President, are you in complete agreement with Justice Jackson's report? THE PRESIDENT. I am in entire agreement with it. I think it's a good report, and I think it shows just exactly what we are attempting to accomplish. Q. Mr. President, can you shed any light on one section of that report, where Justice Jackson said that it was the inescapable responsibility of this Government to prosecute these war criminals, even if this Government had to do it alone? THE PRESIDENT. That's just-it means just exactly what it says. That is what we proposeQ. Is there any prospect that we will have to do it alone? THE PRESIDENT. No, no. That's just to make it emphatic. Q. Any prospect of an early answer from the other countries on our suggestion for a military tribunal? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, I think so. I don't think there will be any delay on that. Q. Mr. President, can you tell us THE PRESIDENT. The British have already come in, and I am sure the Russians and the French will. I beg your pardon? [io.] Q. Can you tell us whether you plan any early action to curb rises in real estate and security prices? THE PRESIDENT. I haven't gone into that. I have been discussing it with Judge Vinson, but have come to no conclusion on them. [ii.] Q. Mr. President, have you any comment on the Federal Corporation Control bill, so called-Byrd-Butler bill? THE PRESIDENT. Well, as a Member of the Senate, I was always against that bill. [I2.] Q. Mr. President, in connection with your statement about transportation, if the situation should become critical, would you be I09

Page  110 [52] June 7 Public Papers of the Presidents prepared to recommend Federal control, or rationing? In other words, controlling the traveling public? THE PRESIDENT. I hope that will not be necessary, but if it becomes necessary, I will certainly do it. [I3.] Q. Mr. President, did you give your approval to the suit filed[inaudible words]-on those oil lands by Justice — THE PRESIDENT. I told the Department of Justice to file the suit. [14.] Q. Mr. President, would you care to comment-what is your feeling on the St. Lawrence Seaway? THE PRESIDENT. I will discuss that at a little later date. You will find the record on that in the Senate, also. [i5.] Q. Mr. President, do you-would you favor a Big Five meeting to settle the Syrian dispute? THE PRESIDENT. I would not. Q. Mr. President, would you care to comment on the progress of Mr. Hopkins' talks in Moscow? THE PRESIDENT. I will discuss that when Mr. Hopkins returns-discuss it fully. I don't want to discuss it now. Q. Do you have any comment now on the position of the veto in San Francisco? THE PRESIDENT. That will be discussed from San Francisco very shortly. Q. Sir, have you received from Mr. Hopkins a message, saying that he made better than hoped for progress in Moscow? THE PRESIDENT. I hope you won't force me to answer that, because I want to discuss that when Mr. Hopkins gets back. [Laughter] Q. Mr. President, would you elaborate on that subject-that statement you made, about being discussed from San Francisco? THE PRESIDENT. The announcement will be made from San Francisco. Q. Shortly? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, very shortly. Q. Mr. President, could you amplify your views on the Big Five meeting with Syria? THE PRESIDENT. Well, the meeting that was contemplated is a Big Three meeting to discuss world affairs. I think that the Near Eastern situation will be worked out without any Big Five meeting. IIO

Page  111 Harry S. Truman, 1945 June 7 [52] Q. Any news on the Big Three meeting, when it may be? THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think it will be sometime within the next 40 days. That is as near as I can come to it. [i6.] Q. Apparently, you have been taking up this matter of commercial aviation in the postwar period, in your series of talks in the past week. Is there anything you could tell us about the position we are in, with reference to that now, orTHE PRESIDENT. No, I can't. I am not in a position to make a statement on that, but I will be, I think, next week. [17v.] Q. Mr. President, the labor leaders saw you today, and they told us they asked you to-for an upward revision of the Little Steel formula. THE PRESIDENT. They did. Q. What do you think of that? THE PRESIDENT. They always ask that, every time they come around. [Laughter] Q. Do you think it should be revised upward? THE PRESIDENT. I am not in any position to make a statement on that. We will work out a survey of the situation at a later date, and then come to a conclusion. At present, it stands. [i8.] Q. Mr. President, did you discuss taxes with Senator George this morning? THE PRESIDENT. No, I did not. I did not. [iv.] Q. Can you give us your views on this bill passed by the House, giving Congressmen $2500 for expense accounts, sir? THE PRESIDENT. Well, my views are that the Members of the House and the Senate are grossly underpaid. I think they should have a salary commensurate with the work they do, and I have always thought that. And I can say it now, for I am no longer a Member of the Senate. [Laughter] I think the Senators ought-and the Members of the House-ought to be in the position so that their principal employer would be the United States of America, and that they ought to pass an adequate salary bill for themselves. I would certainly sign it if they did, because III

Page  112 [52] June 7 Public Papers of the Presidents I know that they need it. I don't think the Senate or House should be a rich man's club. I think the common, ordinary citizen ought to have a chance to serve. Q. Do you think it is, at the moment? THE PRESIDENT. Not now. It has been. Q. Does that mean, Mr. President, that you don't think this is the method to do it with? THE PRESIDENT. No, I don't. I think they ought to come straight out and raise their salaries and be done with it. Q. Would you veto the bill then, sir? THE PRESIDENT. No, I won't veto it. This is a legislative job and I will-if they want it that way, let them have it, because I know they need the money; but I say it would be much better for them if they would come out for a straight salary raise. Q. Have you a suggestion for an adequate salary? THE PRESIDENT. Anywhere from $15,000 to $25,000 a year. Q. Mr. President, you didn't mean to suggest that their principal employers weren't the United States? [Laughter] THE PRESIDENT. No, I did not, but I know in my own case, in order to meet my bills, I had to make my wife my secretary. She had to work all the time in the public interest, instead of keeping house. I didn't like it! [Laughter] And you made a campaign issue out of it in the last campaign, and the people liked it. But that shouldn't happen, there is no sense in that at all. This Government is rich enough to pay its employees an adequate salary, and they ought to do it. Q. Mr. President, do you think diplomats' salaries should be increased? THE PRESIDENT. I do that. I think it is absolutely necessary. [20.] Mr. President, can you comment on the visit of Justice Black with you this morning? THE PRESIDENT. It was a social call. Justice Black and I have been.friends ever since I went to the Senate. This is the first chanceQ. [Interposing loudly] Thank you, Mr. President. THE PRESIDENT. time he has had a chance to call on me. [Laughter] 112

Page  113 Harry S. Truman, i945 June 7 [54] NOTE: President Truman's tenth news White House at 4 p.m. on Thursday, conference was held in his office at the June 7, I945. 53 Letter to the Director, Office of Defense Transportation, Concerning Redeployment of the Armed Forces. June 7, 1945 Dear Colonel Johnson: The transportation facilities of the nation are now called upon for the most gigantic task in all the history of transportation. The American armies must be moved from the victorious battlefields of Europe to meet and wipe out the tyranny of the East. In order to do this job most of our soldiers will be transported the full length of the American continent. It required every transportation ingenuity to assemble our armies in Europe over a period of four years. This time the job is to be done in ten months. The contemplation of this task would overtax our faith if we had not found during the course of this war that the impossible has become our daily job. I am asking you to extend my congratulations to all of our transportation agencies-and their millions of workers-on the results they have accomplished. At the same time express my confidence in them for the greater effort that lies ahead. Sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN [The Honorable J. Monroe Johnson, Director, Office of Defense Transportation] 54 Statement by the President on the Transportation Problem. June 7, I945 ALL TOO FEW realize the transportation difficulties which are now developing and which will continue well into I946. It is important that the public understand the situation and at once lend full cooperation in order that the burden may be minimized. I 13

Page  114 [54] June 7 Public Papers of the Presidents The transportation performance in mobilizing our victorious armies in Europe over a period of four long, difficult years required the utmost effort. The plan of battle now requires that our armies be transferred to the far Pacific in the very short time of io months. We must now complete in io months a task that is only one-third less than the previous job which required nearly 48 months. The transportation job in the first phase of the war has often been called a "miracle." The job ahead of us is even bigger. The facilities for civilian passenger transportation will be greatly reduced. In order to obtain passenger equipment for troop movements, it will probably be necessary to reduce the capacity of sleeping car equipment on regular trains by 50 percent. Men in uniform, other than on troop movements, now comprise about one-third of the passengers on a regular train. If the number of these travelers in uniform remained constant, a 50 percent reduction in sleeping car capacity on regular trains would mean that only one out of four of the civilians now using this equipment could do so in the future. But the number of travelers in uniform will be greatly increased. In addition, war material moving to the Pacific will be more than twice as much as heretofore. This tremendous increase must move over the western railroads, which are already loaded to capacity. Thus the various transportation restrictions will not only be retained but undoubtedly increased. Those asking for relaxation of the restrictions are asking for the impossible. The situation requires the cooperation and self-denial of all users of transportation. The speed with which our men and munitions can be carried to within striking distance of Japan will largely determine how long the war must continue. I know that every American wants to add his effort to that of the millions of transportation workers on whom this grave responsibility rests. Remember, the returning soldier is here for a few days on his way from one conflict to another. I4

Page  115 Harry S. Truman, 1945 June 7 [55] 55 Letter to General William S. Knudsen on His Retirement From Active Duty. June 7, I945 Dear General Knudsen: As you return to civilian life I want to express appreciation for the distinguished service you have rendered to your country in the prosecution of the war. Your organizational genius in transforming our peace-time industry to a vast war machine is one of the greatest stories of the war and has earned the thanks not only of every American, but also the thanks of our allies who have depended on American supplies and equipment. That equipment which you helped to produce is speeding the day of victory. First as a leader of the Advisory Commission to the Council for National Defense, then as Director General of the Office of Production Management, and for the past three and a half years in your military capacity as Director of Production in the Office of the Under Secretary of War, you have been in the forefront of our national industrial effort. Twice your work has won for you recognition by the award of the Distinguished Service Medal. Almost insurmountable difficulties have been overcome by your courage and determination in working with private industry and by your forethought in anticipating and planning for future exigencies. Your resourcefulness and unswerving devotion to duty have saved the Nation vast sums of money while at the same time expediting production of materials of war, and preventing the loss of countless precious American lives. I extend to you my own gratitude and that of a grateful people for the masterful way in which you have accomplished this monumental task. Very sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN [Lieutenant General William S. Knudsen, Office of the Under Secretary of War] II5

Page  116 [56] June 8 Public Papers of the Presidents 56 Statement by the President on the Forthcoming Visit of President Rios of Chile. June 8, I945 IT IS A PLEASURE to announce that His Excellency Juan Antonio Rios, President of Chile, will visit the United States in October of this year as an official guest of this Government. President Rios originally planned to visit the United States in 1942 by invitation of President Roosevelt. However, circumstances necessitated a postponement of the contemplated visit. It was my privilege to renew this invitation, and I am gratified that President Rios has found it possible to accept at this time. I look forward not only to welcoming President Rios to this country, but also to the pleasure of knowing him personally. 57 Citation Accompanying the Distinguished Service Medal Honoring General Edwin M. Watson. June 8, I945 MAJOR GENERAL Edwin M. Watson, United States Army, served as Military Aide to the President for a period of nearly twelve years, from i June 1933 to 20 February 1945, the last six years of which he also served as Secretary to the President. During this time momentous decisions were required on the most critical problems that have ever confronted the Nation. While General Watson filled the post of Military Aide to the President, the greatest peacetime Army in history was organized; the country was thrown into war on a world-wide scale and was well on the road to victory at the time of General Watson's death. General Watson's broad and thorough knowledge and his genial manner enabled him as Military Aide to be of the greatest assistance to the Commander-in-Chief. His familiarity with the problems pertaining to the Army enabled him to enhance greatly the confidence reposed in the Nation's military leaders by the President and other high officials in the Government. His devotion to duty and unfailing loyalty to the Commander-in-Chief and the Army kept General Watson at his II6

Page  117 Harry S. Truman, I945 June 12 [59] post despite failing health and against medical advice. He served as Military Aide to the President with distinction, thereby contributing in no small part to the successful prosecution of the war. NOTE: The presentation was made by Watson died February 28, I945, while the President to Mrs. Watson in a cere- returning from the Crimea Conference. mony at the White House. General 58 Statement by the President on Paper Conservation. June 9, I945 BEFORE WE WERE forced to fight this war we took for granted our abundance in a land of plenty. Early in the conflict, however, we learned the importance of conservation and salvage of critical materials. Paper in its varied forms is essential to the business of supplying, feeding and clothing our armed forces. As our fighting might expanded the need for more paper grew. Accordingly, we took steps to insure a constant supply. We saved paper. We learned to think twice before we destroyed paper-and other things-which could be used again. I hope that every community will cooperate fully with all salvage committees who are doing their part in saving waste paper, particularly the boys and girls who are rendering such a patriotic service in collecting the paper. They deserve all of the help we can give them as well as our warm gratitude. 59 Letter to the President of the Senate and to the Speaker of the House of Representatives on the Salaries of Members of Congress. June I2, I945 Dear Mr. The salaries of the Members of the House of Representatives and of the Senate should be commensurate with the nature and volume of their work and with their responsibilities. Equality between their pay and their job may never be achieved, but certainly there should be less inequity than at present. Under any measuring rod, the members of the federal legislature are underpaid. II7

Page  118 [59] June i2z Public Papers of the Presidents The members of Congress are called upon to exercise seasoned judgment in every field of national interest. They must establish the policies that will advance the welfare of our people. They must draft and weigh the statutes to carry out these policies. They must review the administration of the law in order to determine whether the policies and the statutes should be changed. Day in and day out this work must be done in countless fields. Proposals now before Congress exemplify the broad scope of work. Among pending proposals are the international monetary structure, foreign trade policy, economic stabilization, appropriations for war, tax policy, unemployment compensation and full employment. No business concern or private organization would even attempt to hire top-flight executives or advisors at the level of salaries which presently prevails in the American Congress. Therefore, the salaries of members of Congress should be increased to a level more in line with the job they are called upon to do. It will not be possible or wise to do this all at once. The adjustment of Congressional salaries at present should be in the full amount consistent with the Little Steel formula and other stabilization criteria by which the government controls salaries and wages in private industry. When these wage and salary controls are lifted, Congressional salaries should be increased to at least $i5,000. Sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: This is the text of identical letters Senate, and to the Honorable Sam Rayaddressed to the Honorable Kenneth burn, Speaker of the House of RepreMcKellar, President pro tempore of the sentatives. 6o The President's News Conference of June 13, I945 THE PRESIDENT. [I.] Well, the first thing I want to tell you about is that I called Mr. Hull yesterday, and asked him to go to San Francisco with me for the closing of the conference, whenever that takes place. ii8

Page  119 Harry S. Truman, 1945 June 13 [6o] And he said he would like very much to go, but he thought it would be too strenuous a trip to be the first thing he would do after he gets right out of the hospital. I wish he could have come. I wish he could go. [2.] I sent down the name of former Governor William H. WillsW-i-l-l-s-of Vermont to be a member of the Federal Communications Commission. He will succeed Norman S. Case, whose term expires on June 30. It's just a case of one Republican taking the place of another. [Laughter] Vermont is surely a Republican State, so they couldn't accuse me of playing politics up there. [Laughter] [3.] I have another announcement I think I ought to make —it has already been announced-but John Snyder put a draft on Ed McKim to get him away from me for a special job, and I guess I'll have to let him go for the time being. Q. Will he go out of the city, sir? Wouldn't he leave the city on that job? THE PRESIDENT. No. He is going over to the office over here. He will probably have to go out of the city for some special reason if Mr. Snyder wants him to, but his headquarters will be here. [4.] I wanted to say a word about the Office of War Information. "In my judgment, the things being done by the Office of War Information need to be done, in the interest of a nation still fighting a war which is far from over, and which the people need to know is far from over. OWI's work in both the domestic and the foreign field is now being performed by a trained, integrated, and experienced organization. To abolish some of its major functions, while the war is on, would be a mistake. It would be equally a mistake to attempt a hurried redistribution of those functions among other agencies which are not now trained or equipped to undertake them." I am hoping that the Congress will restore the budget estimate for that organization. [5.] For the parade on the day that we welcome General Eisenhower, I have indicated that the departments and agencies may, in their discretion, permit employees whose services can be spared to leave work without charge of annual leave for such period as may be necessary for II9

Page  120 [6o] June 13 Public Papers of the Presidents the purpose of participating in the city's welcoming of General Eisenhower between the hours of ii a.m. and 3 p.m. I don't think we could do too much to show our appreciation of General Eisenhower. That's the reason for that arrangement. [6.] Now, the thing that you are somewhat interested in, I think, is Mr. Hopkins and Mr. Davies. They both returned, and I just want to say a short word as to the background for that, and then you can ask me questions, and I will answer them if I am able to. "In order to secure an interchange of views more satisfactorily and quickly than by cable, I sent Mr. Hopkins to Moscow and Mr. Davies to London. Their discussions covered the arrangements for the time and place of the meeting of Prime Minister Churchill"Q. Will you go a little slow, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT..- "of Prime Minister Churchill, Marshal Stalin, and myself, as to what would be most convenient for all three." Ready for me? Q. Yes, sir. THE PRESIDENT. "Since their return, Mr. Hopkins and Mr. Davies have made their reports to me. The results have been completely satisfactory and gratifying. "The all important thing which confronts us is that the unity, mutual confidence, and respect which resulted in, the military victory should be continued to make secure a just and durable peace." Q. Can we have that again, please, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. The last paragraph? Q. The all important thing. THE PRESIDENT. "The all important thing which confronts us is that the unity, mutual confidence, and respect which resulted in the military victory should be continued to make secure a just and durable peace." In other words, Mr. Churchill, Mr. Stalin, and the President of the United States must be able to meet and talk and trust each other, in that we want to believe that each of us wants a just and durable peace. That is one of the reasons for the preliminary visits of Mr. Hopkins and Mr. Davies with those two gentlemen. I20

Page  121 Harry S. Truman, I945 June I3 [60] Q. Mr. President, has-can you say that a definite time and place has been set for the Big Three meeting? THE PRESIDENT. It has, but I can't announce it, and won't, until we -arrive there. Q. Mr. President, does the success of these missions extend to other things besides arrangements for the Big Three meeting? THE PRESIDENT. Yes. Q. The Polish situation? THE PRESIDENT. The Polish situation, yes. Q. Have you been advised, sir, that one of the London Poles already has rejected the invitation to Moscow? THE PRESIDENT. No. I hadn't heard that. Q. Can you tell us anything about the release of the I6 Poles at thatTHE PRESIDENT. I will. That was one of the things that I sent Mr. Hopkins to Moscow for, and conversations were had on that subject. No conclusions have as yet been reached, but every effort is being made in behalf of those i6 Poles by both the American Government and the British Government. Q. Mr. President, in San Francisco some weeks ago, when the arrest of the Polish leaders was first revealed, the Secretary of State said that negotiations for working on the new government could not proceed until the question of why they were arrested was cleared up. Has that position been changed? THE PRESIDENT. That position has been modified, let us say, and I think that we are on a road to a complete settlement; but I want to make no statements that will in any way embarrass the Russian Government. Q. Mr. President,THE PRESIDENT. At least, we are in a much better position now than 1 On June 12 the White House released a statement listing the representatives of the Polish Provisional Government and Polish democratic leaders in Poland and abroad who had been invited to Moscow for consultations concerning the reorganization of the Provisional Government of Poland on a broader democratic basis. The statement, issued simultaneously in Washington. London, and Moscow, is published in the Department of State Bulletin Qvol. 12, p. 1095). 121

Page  122 [60] June 13 Public Papers of the Presidents we were before Mr. Hopkins went to Moscow, and Mr. Davies went to London. Q. Mr. President, did Mr. Pauley's statement on reparations, indicating the very firm American stand of our Government, have any effect on the Russian's position? THE PRESIDENT. That matter had not been discussed with the Russian Government. Q. Mr. President, will Mr. Hopkins go to THE PRESIDENT. I don't know what effect it had. Q. — the Big Three meeting? THE PRESIDENT. Mr. Pauley set out the position which he was instructed to take when he left here. What was your question here? Q. Will Mr. Hopkins be going to the Big Three meeting, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, he will. Q. Mr. Byrnes? THE PRESIDENT. Yes. Q. Mr. President, do you plan to takeTHE PRESIDENT. Admiral Leahy will, also. Q. Mr. Davies? THE PRESIDENT. So will Secretary Stettinius. Q. Mr. Davies? THE PRESIDENT. I hadn't talked to Mr. Davies about it until his health permits. I may ask him to go. He hasn't been well, nor Mr. Hopkins, so that is contingent on both their physical conditions. Q. Do you plan to take any congressional leaders to the Big ThreeTHE PRESIDENT. I do not. Q. Who else will go, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. I can't name the others. All the Combined Chiefs of Staff will be there, I can say that much. Q. Did I understand you to say you won't announce the place until after the arrival there? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, that is correct. 122

Page  123 Harry S. Truman, J945 June I3 [60] Q. There is a story this morning that the meeting would be secret, that no newspaper reporters would be permitted — THE PRESIDENT. That is correct. Q. - to be there. THE PRESIDENT. That is correct. Q. The meeting will be secret? THE PRESIDENT. Well, it will not be public, such as this one is. [Laughter] There will be no reporters or press conferences at that meeting. Q. Will there be any reporters at the meeting? THE PRESIDENT. No, there will not be. Q. Did you say the Combined Chiefs of Staff will be there? THE PRESIDENT. Yes. All our members will be there. I can't speak for the other countries, but I guessQ. Do you know what continent it will be held — THE PRESIDENT. I don't want to answer any questions in regard to that trip. Q. Mr. President, has there been any change in American policy which has caused the Russians to change their position on the Polish issue? THE PRESIDENT. No. There has been no change in the American policy. There has been a very pleasant yielding on the part of the Russians to some of the things in which we are interested, and I think if we keep our heads and be patient, we will arrive at a conclusion; because the Russians are just as anxious to get along with us as we are with them. And I think they have showed it very conclusively in these last conversations. Q. Mr. President, could you tell us what the Russian chief of staffTHE PRESIDENT. Tony,' you had better ask Mr. Stalin about that. [Laughter] Q. You said Combined — THE PRESIDENT. That is up to him. If he wants it, he will be there. Q. Mr. President, on this no reporters, you will recall that on previous occasions all these meetings have been announced to the world by some 1 Ernest B. Vaccaro of the Associated Press. 123

Page  124 [60] June I3 Public Papers of the Presidents sources other than American sources first. Have you given any thought to that? THE PRESIDENT. That will not be done. I think the American reporters will be given an exactly equal chance with all the rest, but these conferences can't be held in the limelight because we are trying to get ready for a peace conference,Q. Yes, sir. THE PRESIDENT. — and that is my objective. Q. On other occasions, the news has been diluted by getting out in advance before officialTHE PRESIDENT. With everything that I am capable of doing, I will see that that does not happen this time, if I can prevent it. Q. Mr. President, will White House Press Secretary Mr. Ross go with you? THE PRESIDENT. He will, that is certain. Q. Mr. President, anything new this week regarding the status of Secretary Stettinius? THE PRESIDENT. Nothing new. Status hasn't changed. [Laughter] Q. You said he was going to the conference? THE PRESIDENT. Just keep on asking. He is going to the conference. [Laughter] Q. For how long, Mr. President? [More laughter] Q. Mr. President, do we still recognize the London Polish Government? THE PRESIDENT. We are still recognizing the London Polish Government. [7.] Q. Mr. President, I would like to ask a question about General Eisenhower. There is a story from Paris this morning which says there's a flurry of rumors that Eisenhower may not return to Europe. Is there any truth in that, sir? THE PRESIDENT. That didn't start here. [Laughter] [8.] Q. Mr. President, what was the-what would be the position of the London Polish Government, after the provisional Polish Government is set up as a result of the Moscow conversations? THE PRESIDENT. If the Government of Unity, I believe they call it, in I24

Page  125 Harry S. Truman, 1945 June I3 [60] Poland is set up and agreed to by the British Government, and the United States Government, and the Russian Government, the London Government will go out of existence. Q. Mr. President, does the date of the conference fall within the 40 days that you mentioned last week? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, it does. Q. Mr. President, you said that if the Polish Government is set up, that the Polish Government will be-the London Polish Government will go out? THE PRESIDENT. Isn't that the purpose of the meeting that is being held on Friday-to set up this government? That's right. That's correct. [9.] Q. Mr. President, Justice Jackson said in his report that he favored the trial of the German General Staff. What is your position on punishment of members of the General Staff? THE PRESIDENT. What is my position on what? Q. The punishment for the German General Staff? THE PRESIDENT. Well, that matter of punishment will have to be assessed by the trial courts and the prosecutors. I am not in a position to say what their punishment should be. That would be judging them in advance, and they have not been tried. [Io.] Q. Mr. President, did Mr. Hopkins' work in Russia result directly in a change of the Russian position on the veto question at San Francisco? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, I think it did. It did. Categorically, it did. [ i.] Q. Mr. President, have you any comment at all on the FEPC situation? THE PRESIDENT. The only comment I have to make is that I am sincerely hopeful that the House will give the House itself a chance-the Rules Committee will give the House a chance to vote on this question. That is what we are asking. [I2.] Q. Mr. President, have you rebuked Mr. Hopkins for saying that Russian women were more beautiful than American? [Laughter] THE PRESIDENT. I am going to let Mr. Hopkins speak for himself on that. I think he was misquoted. [Laughter] [ I3.] Q. Can you comment on the Wherry amendment? 125

Page  126 [6o] June I3 Public Papers of the Presidents THE PRESIDENT. What? Q. Can you comment on the Wherry amendment-on the OPA bill? THE PRESIDENT. It's a bad amendment, and I hope the House will throw it out. [I4.f Q. What will happen if the London Poles, which were designated to join this Government of Unity, refuse to join it? THE PRESIDENT. Well, this is not a government now, and they are being asked to join a conference in Moscow, to set up a government. Then, unless they agree, there won't be any government set up. So that, I think, answers your question? Q. Mr. President, can we assume that the first act of the new Polish Government of Unity will be to hold a free, democratic election nowwith the old formula? THE PRESIDENT. I hope so. That is the reason for setting it up. [i5.] Q. Mr. President, on several occasions Mr. Grew has deplored the fact that the American newspapers don't get more information by direct reporting within the Russian spheres of influence and occupation. Did Mr. Hopkins ask that that situation be "broke" down a little more? THE PRESIDENT. We are exploring-we are working on that now. [i6.] Q. Mr. President, you said that if the London people don't go to this conference, in order to help set up a new government, no new government would be set upTHE PRESIDENT. No, no. I said if they did not agree after they got there. They're going. Don't you worry about that. They're going. [Laughter] Q. Do you mean that they have veto power over-England,THE PRESIDENT. No. Don't get this thing tangled up now. What we are trying to do is to get the situation worked out that has been causing us a lot of embarrassment. And for God's sake, don't you go muddying it all up so as to make it worse! We have made arrangements so that all these factions can get together, the present RLolish Government, the people in Poland who are not in the Polish Government, and the people in London, to see if they can't sit down and work out a government that will be satisfactory to Poland. Now, that's 126

Page  127 Harry S. Truman, i945 June i6 [6i] what this conference is for. We have succeeded in getting that far. But don't upset the applecart. Say we have made some progress and that I believe that we can get results that will do what we want, which is a free Polish Government. Q. Isn't it true that no member of the present exiled government in London has been invited to go to Moscow for these discussions? THE PRESIDENT. That is true. Voices from the back of the room: Thank you, Mr. President. Reporter: Thank you, Mr. President. [Laughter] THE PRESIDENT. You're entirely welcome. NOTE: President Truman's twelfth news Official Reporter noted that Senator conference was held in his office at the Green of Rhode Island was a guest at White House at 10:35 a.m. on Wednes- this conference. day, June 13, 1945. The White House 6i Citation Accompanying Medal for Merit Honoring Rudolph Forster. June i6, I945 CITATION TO ACCOMPANY THE AWARD OF THE MEDAL FOR MERIT TO MR. RUDOLPH FORSTER (DECEASED) HE SERVED his Government faithfully, intelligently, and modestly for a period which spanned almost a third of our national existence, assisting eight Presidents through peace and war, through good times and bad, in the solution of the multitude of administrative problems, related to every branch of a great Government's activities, which find their way to the White House; he distinguished himself, from the beginning of the present emergency, by outstanding success in expediting critical decisions and actions when every minute gained was important in the over-all strategy of the war; and he thereby rendered a service of incalculable value to all of his fellow citizens. FRANKLIN D. ROOSEVELT NOTE: President Truman made the bers of Mr. Forster's family. Mr. award at a ceremony attended by mem- Forster served in the White House from 127

Page  128 [6I] June I6 Public Papers of the Presidents March 5, 1897, until his death on July 7, signed the citation some time before his 1943, at which time he was Executive death, but that an opportunity to make Clerk in charge of the White House the presentation did not arise before he staff. The release accompanying the ci- left Washington for the last time. tation stated that President Roosevelt 62 Statement by the President on Driving Safety. June I8, 1945 MOTORISTS throughout the Nation will get an increase in their gasoline rations this week. This means more traffic on our streets and highways and more danger of accidents with loss of life and destruction of property. Upon every man and woman who drives an automobile rests the responsibility of helping to avert this danger. Each can do his part by driving safely and by keeping his car in good operating condition. The average automobile in use today is nearly twice as old as the average car on the highways before the war. Its mechanical condition is likely to be poor. Its tires are worn and often weak. Its brakes may be faulty. The International Association of Chiefs of Police advises me that a recent check-up showed one of every seven cars inspected in the United States and Canada had brakes that failed to meet minimum safety requirements. By keeping his car in safe operating condition and by driving it with the utmost care, every motorist can help in relieving our serious transportation problem and thereby aid further in the whole war effort. I am confident, in urging law enforcement officers everywhere to continue and increase their efforts, that all our people will give their full cooperation and support. 63 Special Message to the Congress on the Succession to the Presidency. June I9, I945 To the Congress of the United States: I think that this is an appropriate time for the Congress to reexamine the question of the Presidential succession. 128

Page  129 Harry S. Truman, i945 June i9 [63] The question is of great importance now because there will be no elected Vice President for almost four years. The existing statute governing the succession to the office of President was enacted in i886. Under it, in the event of the death of the elected President and Vice President, members of the Cabinet successively fill the office. Each of these Cabinet members is appointed by the President with the advice and consent of the Senate. In effect, therefore, by reason of the tragic death of the late President, it now lies within my power to nominate the person who would be my immediate successor in the event of my own death or inability to act. I do not believe that in a democracy this power should rest with the Chief Executive. In so far as possible, the office of the President should be filled by an elective officer. There is no officer in our system of government, besides the President and Vice President, who has been elected by all the voters of the country. The Speaker of the House of Representatives, who is elected in his own district, is also elected to be the presiding officer of the House by a vote of all the Representatives of all the people of the country. As a result, I believe that the Speaker is the official in the Federal Government, whose selection next to that of the President and Vice President, can be most accurately said to stem from the people themselves. Under the law of 1792, the President Pro Tempore of the Senate followed the Vice President in the order of succession. The President Pro Tempore is elected as a Senator by his State and then as presiding officer by the Senate. But the members of the Senate are not as closely tied in by the elective process to the people as are the members of the House of Representatives. A completely new House is elected every two years, and always at the same time as the President and Vice President. Usually it is in agreement politically with the Chief Executive. Only one third of the Senate, however, is elected with the President and Vice President. The Senate might, therefore, have a majority hostile to the policies of the President, and might conceivably I29

Page  130 [63] June i9 Public Papers of the Presidents fill the Presidential office with one not in sympathy with the will of the majority of the people. Some of the events in the impeachment proceedings of President Johnson suggested the possibility of a hostile Congress in the future seeking to oust a Vice President who had become President, in order to have the President Pro Tempore of the Senate become the President. This was one of the considerations, among several others, which led to the change in i886. No matter who succeeds to the Presidency after the death of the elected President and Vice President, it is my opinion he should not serve any longer than until the next Congressional election or until a special election called for the purpose of electing a new President and Vice President. This period the Congress should fix. The individuals elected at such general or special election should then serve only to fill the unexpired term of the deceased President and Vice President. In this way there would be no interference with the normal four-year interval of general national elections. I recommend, therefore, that the Congress enact legislation placing the Speaker of the House of Representatives first in order of succession in case of the removal, death, resignation or inability to act of the President and Vice President. Of course, the Speaker should resign as a Representative in the Congress as well as Speaker of the House before he assumes the office of President. If there is no qualified Speaker, or if the Speaker fails to qualify, then I recommend that the succession pass to the President Pro Tempore of the Senate, who should hold office until a duly qualified Speaker is elected. If there be neither Speaker nor President Pro Tempore qualified to succeed on the creation of the vacancy, then the succession might pass to the members of the Cabinet as now provided, until a duly qualified Speaker is elected. If the Congress decides that a special election should be held, then I recommend that it provide for such election to be held as soon after the death or disqualification of the President and Vice President as practicable. The method and procedure for holding such special elec 130

Page  131 Harry S. Truman, I945 June 2I [64] tion should be provided now by law, so that the election can be held as expeditiously as possible should the contingency arise. In the interest of orderly, democratic government, I urge the Congress to give its early consideration to this most important subject. HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: On July i8, 1947, the President of the President in case of the removal, approved Public Law I99, 8oth Con- resignation, death, or inability both of gress (6I Stat. 380), providing for the the President and the Vice President. performance of the duties of the office 64 The President's News Conference at Olympia, Washington. June 2I, I945 THE PRESIDENT. Mr. RossMr. Ross: Ladies and gentlemen, the same rules will prevail here as prevail at the Washington press conferences; that is to say, if the President says anything that is off the record, that means it may not be used at all. Anything else may be used, but may not be directly quoted; it may be paraphrased. For example, "he said that," but it may not be put within quotation marks. If, however, he says that a particular thing may be quoted, then of course it may be. Generally speaking, what he says must be paraphrased, not put in quotation marks. That's all. THE PRESIDENT. All right. [i.] The first thing I want to announce to you is that since the time of the closing of the San Francisco Conference has been extended over to next Tuesday, as announced from San Francisco last night, we will stop for 3 hours in Portland. We will leave here at Io o'clock Monday morning and arrive in Portland around ii, and try to leave there about I2:30 or I o'clock, so as to arrive in San Francisco at 4 o'clock on Monday afternoon. That is for the reason that we feel we should pay visits to all the three Western States, and we have been urged for sometime by the people in Portland, and by the Portland Oregonian, to stop there. I have a telegram this morning from Lew Wallace, Chairman of the Democratic Committee of Oregon-I don't know whether he is any '3I

Page  132 [64] June:zi Public Papers of the Presidents kin to the fellow that wrote Ben Hur or not, but he signs his name the same way-[laughter]-"I am very anxious about your 3-hour stopover in Oregon. As Democratic National Committeeman representing the Pacific senior State of this Northwest"-[looking around at Governor Wallgren, and laughing]-"it is my full duty to strenuously urge this stopover. Bring Mon along. We like him too." [Laughter] The San Francisco Conference seems to have accomplished its purpose, and as I told you before, the reason for the delay has been technical, and the fact that so many translations have to be made on the treaty and the translations have to be agreed on by all the interpreters. That is taking more time for the details than was anticipated, and that is the reason for the 2-day delay; but I am very happy that the Conference has been a success, and all that we anticipated that it would be. [2.] I want to read you just a short statement, which I will read very slowly, on how I feel about the Senate approval of the renewal of the trade agreements. Mr. Ross: Mr. President, may I interrupt? This may be quoted. THE PRESIDENT. This may be quoted directly, that's right. "The action of the Senate in approving the legislation to renew and strengthen the Trade Agreements Act —" Q. Hold it a minute! [Laughter] "The action of the Senate in approving?" THE PRESIDENT. "The action of the Senate in approving the legislation to renew and strengthen the Trade Agreements Act is indeed gratifying." [Pause] All ready? Voices: Yes, sir. THE PRESIDENT. "The revitalization"-here's a $40 word-"the revitalization of this act places the United States squarely behind the principles of internationl trade cooperation, which must prevail in the interests of world peace and economic well-being. Trade cooperation, however, must go hand in hand with monetary and financial cooperation. I am confident that the Senate will also take favorable action on the Bretton Woods legislation dealing with these closely related subjects." I was informed last night that the final vote on passage of the bill 132

Page  133 Harry S. Truman, i945 June 2i [64] was 54 to 2I, which is very gratifying indeed. That is more than twothirds, and a majority is all that was necessary. [3.] I had an interview yesterday afternoon with the Governor of Alaska and Senator Magnuson, and discussed the completion of the Alaska highway up through the "Trench." It requires a connection of about 6oo miles to make that road complete fromh here to Fairbanks. Q. Six hundred miles? THE PRESIDENT. Six hundred miles. It's a 6oo-mile gap to fill. It is, I think, absolutely essential that this construction be considered as a postwar project in which Canada, British Columbia, and the United States are all three interested. Senator Magnuson and Governor Gruening are very much interested in this program, and I think I will revitalize the Commission which has had that under consideration, and try to find a way to have that road constructed. It will require the cooperation of all three Governments to do it. Of course, the State of Washington and the Pacific Coast are vitally interested in that connection, and from the standpoint of the State of Missouri, so are we. [Laughter] Senator Magnuson was on that Commission before, and I think the Governor was, too. It's a good project, and I shall support it. Now, gentlemen, if you have any questions you want to ask, I will try to answer. [4.] Q. Mr. President, there are stories in the eastern papers this morning getting rid of Mr. Ickes again, saying that Cap Krug is his possible successor. Do you anticipate any change in the post? THE PRESIDENT. No, I don't. That's the first I heard of it, and it's news to me. I haven't discussed it with Mr. Ickes at all. [5.] Q. Mr. President, a lot of people out here are interested in CVA. Have you any comment on that? THE PRESIDENT. In what? Q. The Columbia Valley Authority. THE PRESIDENT. Yes. I am interested in it. I think the junior Senator from Washington, Mr. Hugh Mitchell, has introduced a bill for the Columbia Valley Authority, and I am for it. [6.] Q. Mr. President, are there any other Cabinet changes in prospect? '33

Page  134 [64] June 21 Public Papers of the Presidents THE PRESIDENT. None immediately anticipated. Q. You told us to keep asking about Stettinius. We will ask you again, sir? THE PRESIDENT. That's all right. No change is contemplated immediately. I will let you know when that-anything of the kind takes place, with regard to any members of the Cabinet, I hope in plenty of time, so that you can get it in the paper. [7.] Q. Mr. President, is there any contemplated change in the discharge system, the lowering of the draft, or discharge ages? THE PRESIDENT. None that I know of. That is strictly a military affair, and will be handled by the War and Navy Departments without interference from me. I think they have handled it, so far, in good shape. [8.] Q. Mr. President, could you tell us anything about your plans for General Eisenhower? THE PRESIDENT. I have no plans except that General Eisenhower is going back to finish his job in Germany. General Eisenhower is entitled to most anything he wants, and I want to help him get it. [Laughter] He is a grand gentleman, and an able leader, and a diplomat as well. An unusual combination in a military man. Q. Mr. President, how long do you suppose it will be required for General Eisenhower to remain in Germany? THE PRESIDENT. Your guess is as good as mine. I don't know. That is one of the things that will be settled at the conference of the Big Three, I hope. Q. Mr. President, at the future meeting of the Big Three, do you consider Olympia as a suitable meeting place? THE PRESIDENT. It will be an ideal place. [Laughter] Q. Is there anything new on any Big Three plans that you could tell us? THE PRESIDENT. No. I don't know of a thing that I can announce on it now. [9.] Q. Have you decided definitely whether it will be possible to make the Mackinac Governors' Conference? THE PRESIDENT. Well, due to this extended stay out here, and the fact that the situation in Missouri is one in which I must take a part, the '34

Page  135 Harry S. Truman, 1945 June 2I [64] Governors' Conference may be in some doubt at present, but I am going to still try to make it, if I can. That will depend altogether on the business situation from the Presidential standpoint in Washington, by the time I get through in Independence. Although I am in close touch with everything that is going on back in Washington, it may be necessary for me to be present personally in Washington to sign papers and things of that sort. [io.] Q. Mr. President, Mr. Hoover issued a lengthy statement about the food situation last night. He said that he thought the controls on meat distribution and meat prices had broken down completely. What is your reaction to that, sir? THE PRESIDENT. Well, I don't care to make any comment. When the Food Administrator takes charge, I think things will straighten out automatically. [II.] Q. Is there any likelihood of your visiting Fort Lewis while you are here? THE PRESIDENT. Only by proxy. My military aide probably will go over there. I have visited Fort Lewis and nearly every camp in the United States at one time or another within the last 31/ years, and while I would like to visit Fort Lewis, the Governor and I have other things in contemplation besides inspection trips. [Laughter] Q. What about Seattle, Mr. President? Will you visit there? [I2.] THE PRESIDENT. Well, I looked at Seattle from the air, and as I say, I visited Seattle on a number of occasions, and I think I am entitled to just a few days' vacation, and I would like to spend a vacation in Seattle, so far as that is concerned, but Olympia is a lovely place. [Laughter] [I3.] Q. Mr. President, touching on the food situation again, do you think the food situation will improve a great deal when the new Administrator takes over? THE PRESIDENT. There isn't any question about that. We are working on that constantly all the time. This is no reflection on the present Administrator, who would straighten it out under him just the same. We are working constantly on it, and I hope we will get it straightened out. Mr. Hoover was helpful in the conversations I had with him on I35

Page  136 [64] June 21 Public Papers of the Presidents the subject, and I appreciated what he had to say. I haven't read his statement; therefore, that is the reason I can't comment on it. [14.] Q. Mr. President, will your visit to Portland be limited to the airport, or will you go into the city proper? THE PRESIDENT. Just speaking as I anticipate the thing, we will probably land at Portland about ii o'clock and if they want to take a drive through the streets for a half hour or an hour, whatever they think is necessary, I can probably do that, and then come back and get aboard the plane and go on to San Francisco. It's just a courtesy call on the part of the President, on account of the urgings we had from the various people in Oregon, due to the fact that they claim to be the senior State in the Northwest. [Laughter] How about that? Governor Wallgren: Too many arguments taking care of Missouri. Q. Going to pay respects? THE PRESIDENT. That's right. That is the intention exactly. Q. Reversing the process? THE PRESIDENT. Reversing the process. [Laughter] [15.1 Q. Mr. President, could you give us some comment on Admiral Nimitz' statement this morning, that the Japs have finally been completely defeated at Okinawa? THE PRESIDENT. That is all I know about it. That is only the-what the Admiral has said, and I of course am very happy that they are finally defeated. I understand that there are still some mopping-up operations that will be required, just as always is the case; but we are in complete possession of Okinawa, and it will be the base from which we will make it more "pleasant" for the Japanese in Japan. [i6.] Q. Mr. President, is there any possibility of a single control of food prices and food administration generally? THE PRESIDENT. That is what we are trying to arrive at now. I hope so. Reporter: Thank you, Mr. President. [Some hurried exits] THE PRESIDENT. You're welcome. It's nice to be with you. Q. Mr. President, may we have an afterthought? Did you mean to say that prices and food control would be under one head? THE PRESIDENT. No, no. I meant 136

Page  137 Harry S. Truman, 1945 June 23 [65] Q. Misunderstanding? THE PRESIDENT. I didn't mean to convey that thought at all. I intended to have them in balance. That is the objective all the way along. NOTE: President Truman's fourteenth lative Building at the State Capitol in news conference was held in Governor Olympia at 1o a.m. on Thursday, Mon C. Wallgren's office in the Legis- June 21, 1945. 65 Statement by the President Upon Signing Bill Continuing Certain Subsidy Payments. June 23, I945 I HAVE SIGNED S. 502, a bill "to permit the continuation of certain subsidy payments and certain purchase and sale operations by corporations created pursuant to section 5d(3) of the Reconstruction Finance Corporation Act, as amended, and for other purposes." This bill authorizes subsidy payments or purchases during the fiscal year 1946 in amounts necessary to meet obligations incurred in prior years and in addition sets maximum limits on subsidy payments and anticipated losses from I946 operations. I have signed this bill because continuance of these subsidy payments is essential to assure necessary war output and to provide support for the stabilization program. I interpret it as the desire of Congress that these subsidies shall be paid only as long as, and to the extent necessary to secure needed war production under existing price ceilings. As opportunity permits, therefore, subsidy programs will be reduced or discontinued as rapidly as feasible within the limits of the present laws. Due consideration will be given, of course, to the legitimate needs of producers and to the desirability of maintaining balance in our national and international procurement programs. Administrative action to curtail copper, lead and zinc subsidies under the premium price plan would be prevented, however, during the fiscal year I946 by the provision which makes all classes of such premiums non-cancellable during that year. If it becomes clear that continuance of these payments at present levels is no longer necessary for war purposes, I shall request enactment of supplemental legislation which would I37

Page  138 [65] June 23 Public Papers of the Presidents permit a reduction of such unnecessary subsidies. We must make sure that subsidies contribute to the essential purposes for which Congress authorized them. NOTE: As enacted, S. 502 is Public Law 88, 79th Congress (59 Stat. 260). 66 Address in San Francisco at the Closing Session of the United Nations Conference. June 26, 1945 Mr. Chairman and Delegates to the United Nations Conference on International Organization: I deeply regret that the press of circumstances when this Conference opened made it impossible for me to be here to greet you in person. I have asked for the privilege of coming today, to express on behalf of the people of the United States our thanks for what you have done here, and to wish you Godspeed on your journeys home. Somewhere in this broad country, every one of you can find some of our citizens who are sons and daughters, or descendants in some degree, of your own native land. All our people are glad and proud that this historic meeting and its accomplishments have taken place in our country. And that includes the millions of loyal and patriotic Americans who stem from the countries not represented at this Conference. We are grateful to you for coming. We hope you have enjoyed your stay, and that you will come again. You assembled in San Francisco nine weeks ago with the high hope and confidence of peace-loving people the world over. Their confidence in you has been justified. Their hope for your success has been fulfilled. The Charter of the United Nations which you have just signed is a solid structure upon which we can build a better world. History will honor you for it. Between the victory in Europe and the final victory in Japan, in this most destructive of all wars, you have won a victory against war itself. It was the hope of such a Charter that helped sustain the courage of stricken peoples through the darkest days of the war. For it is a declara I38

Page  139 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Jn 6[6 June 26 [66] tion of great faith by the nations of the earth-faith that war is not inevitable, faith that peace can be maintained. If we had had this Charter a few years ago-and above all, the will to use it-millions now dead would be alive. If we should falter in the future in our will to use it, millions now living will surely die. It has already been said by many that this is only a first step to a lasting peace. That is true. The important thing is that all our thinking and all our actions be based on the realization that it is in fact only a first step. Let us all have it firmly in mind that we start today from a good beginning and, with our eye always on the final objective, let us march forward. The Constitution of my own country came from a Convention which-like this one-was made up of delegates with many different views. Like this Charter, our Constitution came from a free and sometimes bitter exchange of conflicting opinions. When it was adopted, no one regarded it as a perfect document. But it grew and developed and expanded. And upon it there was built a bigger, a better, a more perfect union. This Charter, like our own Constitution, will be expanded and improved as time goes on. No one claims that it is now a final or a perfect instrument. It has not been poured into any fixed mold. Changing world conditions will require readjustments-but they will be the readjustments of peace and not of war. That we now have this Charter at all is a great wonder. It is also a cause for profound thanksgiving to Almighty God, who has brought us so far in our search for peace through world organization. There were many who doubted that agreement could ever be reached by these fifty countries differing so much in race and religion, in language and culture. But these differences were all forgotten in one unshakable unity of determination-to find a way to end wars. Out of all the arguments and disputes, and different points of view, a way was found to agree. Here is the spotlight of full publicity, in the tradition of liberty-loving people, opinions were expressed openly and freely. The faith and the hope of fifty peaceful nations were laid before this world forum. Differences were overcome. This Charter was '39

Page  140 [66] June 26 Public Papers of the Presidents not the work of any single nation or group of nations, large or small. It was the result of a spirit of give-and-take, of tolerance for the views and interests of others. It was proof that nations, like men, can state their differences, can face them, and then can find common ground on which to stand. That is the essence of democracy; that is the essence of keeping the peace in the future. By your agreement, the way was shown toward future agreement in the years to come. This Conference owes its success largely to the fact that you have kept your minds firmly on the main objective. You had the single job of writing a constitution-a charter for peace. And you stayed on that job. In spite of the many distractions which came to you in the form of daily problems and disputes about such matters as new boundaries, control of Germany, peace settlements, reparations, war criminals, the form of government of some of the European countries-in spite of all these, you continued in the task of framing this document. Those problems and scores of others, which will arise, are all difficult. They are complicated. They are controversial and dangerous. But with united spirit we met and solved even more difficult problems during the war. And with the same spirit, if we keep to our principles and never forsake our objectives, the problems we now face and those to come will also be solved. We have tested the principle of cooperation in this war and have found that it works. Through the pooling of resources, through joint and combined military command, through constant oLtaf meetings, we have shown what united strength can do in war. That united strength forced Germany to surrender. United strength will force Japan to surrender. The United Nations have also had experience, even while the fighting was still going on, in reaching economic agreements for times of peace. What was done on the subject of relief at Atlantic City, food at Hot Springs, finance at Bretton Woods, aviation at Chicago, was a fair test of what can be done by nations determined to live cooperatively in a world where they cannot live peacefully any other way. 140

Page  141 Harry S. Truman, i945 June 26 [66] What you have accomplished in San Francisco shows how well these lessons of military and economic cooperation have been learned. You have created a great instrument for peace and security and human progress in the world. The world must now use it! If we fail to use it, we shall betray all those who have died in order that we might meet here in freedom and safety to create it. If we seek to use it selfishly-for the advantage of any one nation or any small group of nations-we shall be equally guilty of that betrayal. The successful use of this instrument will require the united will and firm determination of the free peoples who have created it. The job will tax the moral strength and fibre of us all. We all have to recognize-no matter how great our strength-that we must deny ourselves the license to do always as we please. No one nation, no regional group, can or should expect, any special privilege which harms any other nation. If any nation would keep security for itself, it must be ready and willing to share security with all. That is the price which each nation will have to pay for world peace. Unless we are all willing to pay that price, no organization for world peace can accomplish its purpose. And what a reasonable price that is! Out of this conflict have come powerful military nations, now fully trained and equipped for war. But they have no right to dominate the world. It is rather the duty of these powerful nations to assume the responsibility for leadership toward a world of peace. That is why we have here resolved that power and strength shall be used not to wage war, but to keep the world at peace, and free from the fear of war. By their own example the strong nations of the world should lead the way to international justice. That principle of justice is the foundation stone of this Charter. That principle is the guiding spirit by which it must be carried out-not by words alone but by continued concrete acts of good will. There is a time for making plans-and there is a time for action. The time for action is now! Let us, therefore, each in his own nation and according to its own way, seek immediate approval of this Charterand make it a living thing. I4'

Page  142 [66] junC 26 [66] Jne 26 Public Papers of the Presidents I shall send this Charter to the United States Senate at once. I am sure that the overwhelming sentiment of the people of my country and of their representatives in the Senate is in favor of immediate ratification. A just and lasting peace cannot be attained by diplomatic agreement alone, or by military cooperation alone. Experience has shown how deeply the seeds of war are planted by economic rivalry and by social injustice. The Charter recognizes this fact for it has provided for economic and social cooperation as well. It has provided for this cooperation as part of the very heart of the entire compact. It has set up machinery of international cooperation which men and nations of good will can use to help correct economic and social causes for conflict. Artificial and uneconomic trade barriers should be removed-to the end that the standard of living of as many people as possible throughout the world may be raised. For Freedom from Want is one of the basic Four Freedoms toward which we all strive. The large and powerful nations of the world must assume leadership in this economic field as in all others. Under this document we have good reason to expect the framing of an international bill of rights, acceptable to all the nations involved. That bill of rights will be as much a part of international life as our own Bill of Rights is a part of our Constitution. The Charter is dedicated to the achievement and observance of human rights and fundamental freedoms. Unless we can attain those objectives for all men and women everywhere-without regard to race, language or religionwe cannot have permanent peace and security. With this Charter the world can begin to look forward to the time when all worthy human beings may be permitted to live decently as free people. The world has learned again that nations, like individuals, must know the truth if they would be free-must read and hear the truth, learn and teach the truth. We must set up an effective agency for constant and thorough interchange of thought and ideas. For there lies the road to a better and more tolerant understanding among nations and among peoples. I42

Page  143 Harry S. Truman, i945 June 26 [66] All Fascism did not die with Mussolini. Hitler is finished-but the seeds spread by his disordered mind have firm root in too many fanatical brains. It is easier to remove tyrants and destroy concentration camps than it is to kill the ideas which gave them birth and strength. Victory on the battlefield was essential, but it was not enough. For a good peace, a lasting peace, the decent peoples of the earth must remain determined to strike down the evil spirit which has hung over the world for the last decade. The forces of reaction and tyranny all over the world will try to keep the United Nations from remaining united. Even while the military machine of the Axis was being destroyed in Europe-even down to its very end-they still tried to divide us. They failed. But they will try again. They are trying even now. To divide and conquer was-and still is-their plan. They still try to make one Ally suspect the other, hate the other, desert the other. But I know I speak for every one of you when I say that the United Nations will remain united. They will not be divided by propaganda either before the Japanese surrender-or after. This occasion shows again the continunity of history. By this Charter, you have given reality to the ideal of that great statesman of a generation ago-Woodrow Wilson. By this Charter, you have moved toward the goal for which that gallant leader in this second world struggle worked and fought and gave his life-Franklin D. Roosevelt. By this Charter, you have realized the objectives of many men of vision in your own countries who have devoted their lives to the cause of world organization for peace. Upon all of us, in all our countries, is now laid the duty of transforming into action these words which you have written. Upon our decisive action rests the hope of those who have fallen, those now living, those yet unborn-the hope for a world of free countries-with decent standards of living-which will work and cooperate in a friendly civilized community of nations. This new structure of peace is rising upon strong foundations. I43

Page  144 [66] June 26 Public Papers of the Presidents Let us not fail to grasp this supreme chance to establish a world-wide rule of reason-to create an enduring peace under the guidance of God. NOTE: The President spoke at the Opera who served as president of the ConferHouse in San Francisco. His opening ence and as chairman of the U.S. delewords "Mr. Chairman" referred to Sec- gation. retary of State Edward R. Stettinius, 67 The President's News Conference at Independence, Missouri. June 27, 1945 THE PRESIDENT. This statement I want to make to you, you will all receive mimeographed copies of it, so don't worry about copying it down. [i.] This is dated today, at Independence, and it is addressed to the Honorable Edward R. Stettinius, Jr. "Dear Ed: On the day after the death of President Roosevelt, you submitted to me your resignation as Secretary of State. I asked you to continue at your post and to carry out thd vitally important assignment for which you were then completing the last preparations-to act as chairman of the United States delegation at the United Nations Conference. "You accepted that responsibility. It was a very grave responsibility. Upon the success of the San Francisco Conference depended, first of all, the hope that from this war the United Nations could build a lasting peace. "The San Francisco Conference has now fulfilled its purpose. The Charter of a permanent United Nations has been written. You have every reason to be proud of your part in this achievement from the beginning. "At the request of Mr. Hull after the Moscow Conference in 1943 you, as Under Secretary of State, organized and directed the preparations for Dumbarton Oaks. You were the representative of the United States and acted as the chairman of the Dumbarton Oaks Conference, where the Proposals were written that became the basis of the Charter. You were at President Roosevelt's right hand at Yalta, where further decisions on the world organization were made and agreement to hold the United Nations Conference was reached. '44

Page  145 Harry S. Truman, 1945 June 27 [67] "All the preparations for the San Francisco Conference were under your direction. During its deliberations you served not only as chairman of the United States delegation but as President of the Conference, charged with the conduct of its business. The task of guiding the work of this Conference of fifty different nations toward unanimous agreement upon the Charter was a difficult one. You accomplished it with skill, unfaltering courage, and success. "But the task of fulfilling the promise of the San Francisco Conference has only just begun. The Charter must be ratified and the United Nations organization brought into being and put to work. It is necessary to the future of America and the world that the words of this Charter be built into the solid structure of peace for which the world is waiting and praying. "I can think of no better way to express the confidence of the United States in the future of the United Nations than to choose as the American representative in that task a man who has held with distinction the highest appointive office in the Government and has been more closely associated with the creation of the Charter than any other. "I have asked you if you would accept nomination as the Representative of the United States to the United Nations, when the organization is established. As such you would be the United States member of the Security Council and chairman of the United States delegation in the General Assembly. You have told me that you would accept this great responsibility. "I therefore now accept your resignation as Secretary of State.' "I intend to submit the United Nations Charter to the Senate on Monday and to ask for its prompt ratification. You have told me that you feel it is of the utmost importance for you, as Chairman of the United States delegation, to be immediately available to the Senate for whatever assistance and information it needs in connection with its consideration of the Charter. "I wanted you to come with me to the meeting with Marshal Stalin and Prime Minister Churchill which will take place next month. But, ' Mr. Stettinlus served from December 1, 1944, through June 27, 1945. I45

Page  146 [67] June 27 Public Papers of the Presidents since I shall be away during the congressional hearings, I have reluctantly agreed to your suggestion that you remain in Washington while I am away. In that capacity you will represent me before the Senate in all matters relating to the Charter. "I also ask you to supervise, as the personal representative of the President, the work of the United States members of the Preparatory Commission pending ratification of the Charter and your nomination as the Representative of the United States to the United Nations. "I am confident that you will continue to fulfill with honor to yourself and with benefit to America and the cause of peace the high trust which your country reposes in you." Signed by me. Any questions you want to ask? [2.] Q. Mr. President, have you nominated a successor? THE PRESIDENT. That will be done when we get back to Washington. Q. Can you tell us who it will be, sir? THE PRESIDENT. I will not. Q. Is it someone in the Government now, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. It is not. Q. Is it Mr. Byrnes, Mr. President? [Laughter] THE PRESIDENT. That question I cannot answer. Q. Will Mr. Stettinius subsequently be appointed Ambassador to the Court of St. James? THE PRESIDENT. He will not. Q. Has he accepted this new post? THE PRESIDENT. He has accepted it. It's the highest post in the gift of the Government. I don't see why it shouldn't be an honor to accept it Q. When does that take effect, Mr. President, the resignation? THE PRESIDENT. Immediately. It is accepted today. Q. Will Mr. Grew continue to serve as Acting Secretary? THE PRESIDENT. That will be up to the Secretary of State to say, when he takes over. He will be Acting Secretary just as he has been when Mr. Stettinius is gone. Q. Mr. President, you said that you would send up this nomination I46

Page  147 Harry S. Truman, 1945 June 27 [67] for the new successor as soon as you get back to Washington. Does that mean Monday? THE PRESIDENT. Yes. Monday or Tuesday, probably. Q. That means you might be returningTHE PRESIDENT. I am returning to Washington on Sunday morning, and will be home in the afternoon at 2 o'clock, provided the Sacred Cow stays in the air. [Laughter] Q. Wouldn't you like to say a few words about your reactions to this homecoming? THE PRESIDENT. I was overwhelmed with it, of course. All these people have seen me two or three times a day, for the last 30 or 40 years. I can't see what there is about me now that would make them turn out like they did today. Q. Mr. President, can you say anything about your plans on presenting the Charter to the Senate on Monday? THE PRESIDENT. I have nothing to say about that, yet. Q. Mr. President, could you say who will direct the banking system in Germany-under what branch of the Government that would come? THE PRESIDENT. That's what I am going to try to arrange-that's the reason I am going to Germany. Q. Mr. President, following up the question on the presentation of the Charter, can you say whether you will do that in person? THE PRESIDENT. I don't want to say that today. I haven't made up my mind on it definitely. Q. Mr. President, did you say when you would name a successor to Mr. Stettinius? THE PRESIDENT. I will make the announcement in Washington. Q. Probably Tuesday, did you say, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. Probably. Q. Who will accompany you to Berlin, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. Well, whoever is necessary to carry on negotiations for the Government of the United States. Q. In that connection, sir, you had previously announced that Mr. Byrnes would goTHE PRESIDENT. I had asked Mr. Byrnes and Mr. Stettinius, and Mr. I47

Page  148 [67] June 27 Public Papers of the Presidents Davies, and Admiral Leahy, and Harry Hopkins; and I am going to try to take everybody I need to transact the business. Q. You are going to remove Mr. Stettinius from this trip? THE PRESIDENT. He removed himself. Q. Well, Mr. Byrnes is still in the trip though, sir? THE PRESIDENT. He is. He is. There has been no change except this one which I have announced. Q. Mr. President, will Justice Jackson go with you, by any chance? THE PRESIDENT. Mr. Jackson is in England now, attending to the job to which he was appointed. Q. Will he meet youQ. Mr. President, is the new Secretary of State going to the Big Three meeting? THE PRESIDENT. I hope so. [Laughter] Q. Mr. President, will Mr. ByrnesQ. Do you have a definite date on the meeting yet? THE PRESIDENT. No. I will give you a definite date when you get back to Washington. Q. Will Mr. Byrnes go there in the capacity of a private citizen? THE PRESIDENT. Mr. Byrnes is going at my invitation. [Laughter] Q. Sir, what was the date that you said you would give us when you returned? THE PRESIDENT. The date of the conferenceQ. Yes, the conference. THE PRESIDENT. -in Europe. Q. Will you have to add to the list, Mr. President, in order to include the new Secretary? [Laughter] THE PRESIDENT [laughing]. I can't answer that question. I will have to look over the list and see. [3.] Q. Mr. President, there are still persistent reports in Washington that Secretary Morgenthau is about to resign. Is there anything to that, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. As I have told you time and again, I have the resignation of everybody who can resign in the Government, and I can ac 148

Page  149 Harry S. Truman, i945 June 28 [68] cept them when I get ready, if it's necessary. I hadn't thought about accepting Mr. Morgenthau's, however. Q. The same go for Mr. Ickes, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. Yes. Anybody who can resign has resigned to me as the new President, as they should. Those who want to stay, may, as I have said time and again. Mr. Stettinius is getting a better job. [4.] Q. Mr. President, has anything been done with respect to the possible grant-in-aid to Great Britain, which has been discussed? THE PRESIDENT. No. Nothing has been done. Reporter: Thank you, Mr. President. THE PRESIDENT. All right-all right. [Laughter] NOTE: President Truman's fifteenth that the newspapermen and women news conference was held in Memorial were seated in chairs around the PresiHall at Independence at 4 p.m. on dent's makeshift desk and chair, in Wednesday, June 27, I945. The White front of the platform. House Official Reporter noted that the Before the President began speaking, galleries were filled with visitors, in- the Press Secretary stated the rules govcluding many children. He also noted erning news conferences as he had done that the day was hot and sultry and at the conference at Olympia, Item 64. 68 Remarks Upon Receiving an Honorary Degree From the University of Kansas City. June 28, 1945 Mr. President, members of the Faculty, and Board of Trustees of the University of Kansas City: I can't tell you how very much I appreciate this first honorary degree that you have conferred. I appreciate it more than I can tell you. I have been overwhelmed, since I have been back in Jackson County, to find out just what kind of fellow I am. You have been exceedingly kind to me. You have absolutely disproved that maxim, that a prophet is not without honor save in his own country. You certainly have honored me with everything possible. I hope I can deserve it. I have a tremendous-a tremendous task, one that I dare not look at too closely, for the simple reason that it is one that no man can do by himself. I must have the wholehearted-the unqualified support of the country, to win the Japanese war, and then to win a peace. I49

Page  150 [68] June 28 Public Papers of the Presidents And there is one thing we must learn. It has been a most difficult task for us to learn it; and that is that it is absolutely necessary for the greatest Republic that the sun has ever shone upon to live with the world as a whole, and not by itself. It is difficult for us to appreciate the age in which we live. It is an attempt at an adjustment in this age that has brought about this terrible disaster through which we have just passed in the European situation, and through which we are now passing in the Pacific. The night before last, I arrived in Salt Lake City, Utah, at io p.m. from San Francisco, which I had left on the same time schedule at 8 p.m. I left Salt Lake City the next morning after breakfast-and oh, what a breakfast that was!-and arrived in Kansas City, Missouri, in exactly three hours and a half. My grandfather made that trip time and again from i846 to i854, and again from i864 to i870, and when he made that trip it took him exactly 3 months to go, and 3 months to come back. That is the age in which we live. The time is coming when that trip, in my opinion, will be made in one hour and a half, instead of three hours and a half. The time is coming when we will be transporting the freight of the world, and the express of the world, and the mail of the world on a schedule that will be almost up with the travel of the earth in its turn on its axis. We must become adjusted to that situation. No further from here to Salt Lake City, or Salt Lake City to San Francisco, than it was from here to Lonejack in Eastern Jackson County, when we used to go to the picnics there on the sixteenth of August to celebrate the beginning of the Democratic campaign in the fall. I am anxious to bring home to you that the world is no longer countysize, no longer state-size, no longer nation-size. It is one world, as Willkie said. It is a world in which we must all get along. And it is my opinion that this great Republic ought to lead the way. My opinion is that this great Republic ought to carry out those ideals of Woodrow Wilson and Franklin D. Roosevelt. It was my privilege to be present at the signing of the Charter in San Francisco, which is the first step toward the accomplishment of I50

Page  151 Harry S. Truman, ir94un52 [8 junC 28 [68] world peace. Back in I787 and I788, our forefathers wrote a Constitution for thirteen independent States. They considered that Constitution imperfect. They had to go out on a selling program to get enough States to ratify that Constitution to put it into effect. One of those thirteen States did not ratify that Constitution until it was actually put into effect. We are going to have to ratify this Constitution of San Francisco, and I want to see the United States do it first. I am standing here with the degree of Doctor of Laws. That means that we live, in this country at least, in an age of law and an age of reason, an age in which we can get along with our neighbors. Now we must do that internationally. It will be just as easy for nations to get along in a republic of the world as it is for us to get along in the republic of the United States. Now, if Kansas and Colorado have a quarrel over a watershed they don't call out the National Guard of each State and go to war over it. They bring suit in the Supreme Court and abide by its decision. There isn't a reason in the world why we can't do that internationally. There were two documents signed at San Francisco. One of them was the Charter of the United Nations. The other was the World Court. It will require the ratification of both of those Charters, and the putting of them into effect, if we expect to have world peace for future generations. That is one of the tasks which have been assigned to me. I am accepting the responsibility. I am going to try to carry it out. First, we must win the war with Japan, and we are winning it. Then, we must win the peace in the world. And unless we lead the way, there will be no peace in the world. Again, I can't tell you how much I appreciate this privilege, how much I appreciate the honor. I went to the Kansas City School of Law for two years and a half. As I told the Alumni this afternoon, I might have been able to finish that course in another year and a half-I say I might have been-if it hadn't been for the fact that at that time I was a public servant here in Jackson County-judge of the County Court for the Eastern District; and I had so many people interested in the '5'

Page  152 [68] June 28 Public Papers of the Presidents welfare of the county who wanted to see me that I couldn't study law. Now I have just about-oh, I was going to say maybe a thousand times that many people who are interested in the welfare of the United States, but they have a much more difficult time discussing that with me individually than they did when I was a County Judge. So here I am-on a half-finished course-a Doctor of Laws! And I sure appreciate it. I just didn't know how easy it was going to be to get that degree. I come back here as President of the United States, and I get the first honorary degree of Kansas University; and that certainly is appreciated by me. When I come to Jackson County, I can't realize that I am the President of the United States. I feel like I am just one of your fellow citizens. I see the same faces, and I try to talk to the same people. But, you know, there is one thing that I have found it impossible to do, and that is to shake hands with and talk to five hundred thousand people in 3 days. I just can't do it, much to my regret. I wish I could shake hands with everybody here tonight, and listen to your tales of woe, if you have one, as I used to do; but that is impossible. I just can't do it. So I want you to consider that, because I have come here and have seen all of you face to face, that I have theoretically shaken hands with every one of you, and you can go home and say that you have done it. You want me to be physically able to carry out this tremendous task that has devolved upon me. I must be physically able to do that; and I can't possibly see everybody and talk to everybody in Jackson County and go back to Washington and convince the Senate that they ought to ratify this treaty. I know the Senate, because I worked in the Senate for about io years. Again I want to thank you. I can't thank you enough. I don't dare to stop and think about it, because I would just stand up here and shed tears; and that is not what you want to see me do. I do appreciate that more than I can tell you. Thank you very much. NOTE: The President spoke in the Mu- ferred to Clarence R. Decker, president nicipal Auditorium at Kansas City, Mo. of the University. His opening words "Mr. President" re 152

Page  153 Harry S. Truman, I945 July 2 [69] 69 Address Before the Senate Urging Ratification of the Charter of the United Nations. July 2, I945 Mr. President-it has been a long time since I have said "Mr. President" in this Chamber, and my how I miss it! —and Members of the Senate of the United States: It is good of you to let me come back among you. You know, I am sure, how much that means to one who served so recently in this Chamber with you. You also remember how I was tied down in the last three months I was here. I couldn't speak, except to rule on the parliamentary questions; and two or three times I was ruled out of order because I would make a speech on parliamentary questions. I have just brought down from the White House, and have delivered to your Presiding Officer the Charter of the United Nations. It was signed in San Francisco on June 26, 1945-6 days ago-by the representatives of 50 nations. The Statute of the International Court of Justice is annexed to the Charter. I am appearing to ask for the ratification of the Charter, and the Statute annexed thereto, in accordance with the Constitution. The Charter which I bring you has been written in the name of "We, the peoples of the United Nations." Those peoples-stretching all over the face of the earth-will watch our action here with great concern and high hope. For they look to this body of elected representatives of the people of the United States to take the lead in approving the Charter and the Statute and pointing the way for the rest of the world. This Charter and the principles upon which it is based are not new to the United States Senate or to the House of Representatives. Over a year and a half ago the Senate, after thorough debate, adopted the Connally resolution, which contained the essence of this Charter. It called for-and I quote from the Connally Resolution, "a general international organization based on the principle of the sovereign equality of all peace-loving states, and open to membership by all such states, large and small, for the maintenance of international peace and I53

Page  154 [69] July 2 Public Papers of the Presidents security." That is the end of the quotation from the Connally Resolution. What I am now presenting to the Senate carries out completely this expression of national and international necessity. Shortly before that, the House of Representatives passed the Fulbright resolution, also favoring the creation of international machinery with participation by the United States. You and the House of Representatives thus had a hand in shaping the Dumbarton Oaks Proposals, upon which the Charter has been based. No international document has been drawn in a greater glare of publicity than has this one. It has been the subject of public comment for months. This widespread discussion has created the impression in some quarters that there were many points of disagreement among the United Nations in drafting this Charter. Naturally, much more public attention was given to the items of disagreement than to the items of agreement. You know, if you want to get a headline, you want to fall out with some of your friends, and you will always get it. The fact is that there were comparatively few points upon which there was not accord from the very beginning. Disagreement was reduced to a minimum-and related more to methods than to principle. Whatever differences there were, were finally settled. They were settled by the traditional democratic method of free exchange of opinions and points of view. I shall not attempt here to go into the various provisions of the Charter. They have been so thoroughly discussed that I am sure you are all familiar with them. And they will be so thoroughly discussed on this floor that you and the people of the nation will all have a complete expression of views. I am sure of that. In your deliberations, I hope you will consider not only the words of the Charter but also the spirit which gives it meaning and life. The objectives of this Charter are clear. It seeks to prevent future wars. It seeks to settle international disputes by peaceful means, in conformity with the principles of justice. It seeks to promote worldwide progress and better standards of living. It seeks to achieve universal respect for, and observance of, human '54

Page  155 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Muy 3 [70] rights and fundamental freedoms for all men and women-without distinction as to race, language, or religion. It seeks to remove the economic and social causes of international conflict and unrest. It is the product of many hands and many influences. It comes from the reality of experience in a world where one generation has failed twice to keep the peace. The lessons of that experience have been written into this document. The choice before the Senate is now clear. The choice is not between this Charter and something else. It is between this Charter and no Charter at all. Improvements will come in the future as the United Nations gain experience with the machinery and methods which they have set up. For this is not a static treaty. It can be improved-and, as the years go by, it will be-just as our own Constitution has been improved. This Charter points down the only road to enduring peace. There is no other. Let us not hesitate to join hands with the peace-loving peoples of the earth and start down that road, with God's help, and with firm resolve that we can and will reach our goal. I urge ratification. I urge prompt ratification. Thank you. NOTE: The President spoke at I p.m. in the U.S. Statutes at Large (59 Stat. the Senate Chamber. I030). It was approved by the Senate The Charter of the United Nations on July 28, I945, and after ratification together with the Statute of the Inter- entered into force on October 24, 1945. national Court of Justice is printed in 70 Memorandum Reducing the Workweek of Federal Employees to 44 Hours. July 3, I945 To the heads of Executive Departments and Agencies: The Federal Government has been maintaining a work schedule of a six-day, 48-hour week for both the departmental and field service. I believe that the time has now come when we should make a change in this schedule. I55

Page  156 1701 MYl 3 Public Papers of the Presidents It is my desire, therefore, that, with the exception of the War Department, the Navy Department, the Treasury Department, the Veterans Administration, the Tennessee Valley Authority, and the Panama Canal, the head of each department and agency establish, effective July i, a 44-hour workweek. In the case of the departments above named, it is my desire that they examine their various operations very carefully and, wherever possible, put into effect a 44-hour workweek. If the head of any department or agency other than the War Department, the Navy Department, the Treasury Department, the Veterans Administration, the Tennessee Valley Authority, and the Panama Canal feels that it is still necessary for him to maintain a 48-hour workweek, contrary to the general policy above outlined, he should apply to the Director of the Bureau of the Budget for an exception to this policy. It should be clearly understood that reductions in hours of work are not to constitute a basis for requests for additional funds or personnel. HARRY S. TRUMAN 71 Letter Accepting Resignation of Harry L. Hopkins as Special Assistant to the President. July 3, 1945 Dear Harry: I am sorry that I cannot persuade you to remain in government any longer. I should have liked it not only because of the great service which you could continue to render to the nation, but also because it would have given me great pleasure to have you associated with my Administration. However, I understand fully the reasons which prompted your decision-and I do not feel that I can justifiably ignore them. There are few people in the United States who know more fully than I the substantial role which you have played in the prosecution of our war. I know how much President Roosevelt relied upon you as he started the nation on the hard task of preparation to meet aggression from abroad. I know how much your efforts counted toward the successful carrying out of the Lend-Lease program during the days 156

Page  157 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Muy 4 [72] immediately preceding and following our entry into the war. And I know how much your tireless energy had to do with the carrying on of the war in all parts of the globe. During the earlier days when our nation was recovering from the depths of the depression, your participation in government affairs-first as administrator of relief activities, and later as Secretary of Commerce-left its beneficial and lasting imprint on the economy of our nation. I am sure that you must feel much pride and a deep sense of accomplishment in all your great and patriotic service to our country during the last twelve years. I know that I shall have to call upon you in the future-and I hope that you will soon be fully and completely recovered so that you can give me the benefit of your counsel. Very sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN [Honorable Harry L. Hopkins, The White House] NOTE: Mr. Hopkins was appointed of resignation, dated July 2, I945, was Special Assistant to the President by released with President Truman's reply. President Roosevelt in 194i. His letter 72 Statement by the President: The Fourth of July. July 4, I945 AGAIN THIS YEAR we celebrate July 4 as the anniversary of the day one hundred and sixty-nine years ago on which we declared our independence as a sovereign people. In this year of I945, we have pride in the combined might of this nation which has contributed signally to the defeat of the enemy in Europe. We have confidence that, under Providence, we soon may crush the enemy in the Pacific. We have humility for the guidance that has been given us of God in serving His will as a leader of freedom for the world. This year, the men and women of our armed forces, and many I57

Page  158 [72] Muy 4 Public Papers of the Presidents civilians as well, are celebrating the anniversary of American Independence in other countries throughout the world. Citizens of these other lands will understand what we celebrate and why, for freedom is dear to the hearts of all men everywhere. In other lands, others will join us in honoring our declaration that all men are created equal and are endowed with certain inalienable rights-life, liberty and the pursuit of happiness. Here at home, on this July 4, i945, let us honor our Nation's creed of liberty, and the men and women of our armed forces who are carrying this creed with them throughout the world. 73 Statement by the President on the Death of John Curtin, Prime Minister of Australia. July 4, I945 IT IS with deep sorrow that I have learned of the death today of the Right Honorable John Curtin, Prime Minister of Australia, who has brought to the public service of his country not only great ability and integrity but also a deep sense of loyalty to the principles which have guided the United Nations through this war so victoriously ended in Europe and so successfully being waged in the Far East. The Government and people of the United States mourn with the people of Australia the passing of this great leader. 74 Statement by the President Commending the Work of the United National Clothing Collection. July 4, I945 THE 7,300 local committees of the United National Clothing Collection have rendered a service to world peace. By meeting and exceeding their goal of i50,000,000 pounds of clothing, the American people have accomplished the task assigned to them by Franklin D. Roosevelt in a cause that was close to his heart. It is good to know that the clothing is now on its way overseas to relieve the suffering of war victims in Europe and the Far East. I58

Page  159 Harry S. Truman, I945 JulY 5 1751 NOTE: The statement was made follow- Kaiser asking him to head the second ing the receipt of a report by Henry J. United National Clothing Collection Kaiser, chairman of the United National campaign, see Item I44. Clothing Collection. For letter to Mr. 75 Joint Statement Following Discussions With Foreign Minister Sofianopoulos of Greece. July 5, I945 THE PRESIDENT today had the opportunity of a friendly conversation with Mr. Sofianopoulos, Foreign Minister of Greece, who arrived yesterday in Washington after the conclusion of the San Francisco Conference where he headed the Greek delegation. The President expressed appreciation to Mr. Sofianopoulos for his excellent work in San Francisco as chairman of one of the most important Conference committees. Mr. Sofianopoulos discussed with the President the United Nations Charter, and the President was pleased with Mr. Sofianopoulos' expression of confidence that the friendly atmosphere and the resulting success of the Conference enabled Greece, as one of the smaller nations, to look forward to a period of international understanding and security within the framework of a united family of nations. The President remarked with satisfaction upon the recent official notification to Tokyo by the Greek Government that Greece has considered itself in a state of war with Japan since its severance of diplomatic relations on December 8, I94I, and welcomed this further evidence that the Greek people, who played such a brave role in resisting Axis aggression on their own soil, are stanchly lined up with the Allies in their determination to see through to a victorious close the war against Japan. The President assured Mr. Sofianopoulos that the American people would never forget the heroic attitude of the Greek people or the great sacrifices made by Greece in the common interest. In discussing the urgent problems of rehabilitation and reconstruction facing Greece at this time, the President expressed to Mr. Sofianopoulos the sincere interest of this Government in seeing normal economic conditions reestablished in Greece as soon as possible. In this I59

Page  160 [75] July 5 Public Papers of the Presidents connection the President assured Mr. Sofianopoulos of this Government's desire not only to facilitate the relief and rehabilitation program of UNRRA in Greece, but also to assist in every feasible way in Greek reconstruction. Mr. Sofianopoulos expressed to the President the heartfelt gratitude of the Greek nation for the sympathy constantly manifested by the American Government and people during the dark years of occupation, and his appreciation for the new words of encouragement and hope which the President gave him for the Greek people. 76 The President's News Conference of July 5, I945 THE PRESIDENT. [.] I am sending down Edward C. Moran, Jr., former Congressman from Maine, as Second Assistant Secretary of Labor, at the request of the Secretary of Labor. I am sending down Jesse M. Donaldson to be First Assistant Postmaster General, at the request of the Postmaster General. Q. Where is he from, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. Donaldson has been-I don't know where he is from. He has been with the Department all his life. Q. That is First Assistant Postmaster General? THE PRESIDENT. First Assistant Postmaster General. I have his record out there, which I will read to you, if you like. [2.] I have a letter from the Secretary of the Treasury [reading]: "When Franklin D. Roosevelt came to Washington, he asked me to come with him, stating that when he was through we would go back to Dutchess County together. For I2 of the most eventful years in American history, I was associated with him, actively participating in meeting the important problems confronting the country both before and during the war. "Immediately after President Roosevelt's death, I told you how I felt, and stated that I wanted you to know that your hands were untied 1Henry Morgenthau, Jr. I6o

Page  161 Harry S. Truman, 1945Juy5[6 MY 5 [76] as far as I was concerned. You were good enough to say that you needed my help and urged me to remain. "Since then, with your support, I have completed many of the most urgent tasks that were then pending. As I told you this morning, I feel the time has now come when I can appropriately be released from my responsibilities. Accordingly, I now tender my resignation as Secretary of the Treasury. My preference was to have this resignation effective immediately, but since you stated this morning that you wish me to remain until you return from Europe I will, of course, comply with your wishes. "Permit me to express my appreciation of the fine support you have given me since you became President. "I most fervently hope for the great success of your Administration in solving the difficult problems which lie ahead. "If you wish to consult me at any time, I shall always be at your service. [3.1 And I wrote him [reading]: "Dear Henry: I am indeed sorry to learn that you have come to the conclusion that the time has arrived to be released from your responsibilities as Secretary of the Treasury. I am grateful, however, that you are willing to remain until I return from Europe so as to carry on the arduous work of the Treasury during my absence. "Yours has been a very long and efficient service to our countryboth in peace and in war; and your departure from the Treasury will be a distinct loss. "Your service to the nation began in I933 in the days when you supervised the merger of the farm credit agencies into the Farm Credit Administration which has done so much to help the farmers of the nation. "Since you have been in the Treasury you have participated in formulating and administering a federal tax program which has raised unprecedented tax revenues with a minimum of disturbance to our economy. These tax laws have seen an impartial and efficient administration under your supervision. "Under your supervision the Treasury through the sale of bonds has raised over two hundred billion dollars with which to finance our de i6i

Page  162 [76] July 5 Public Papers of the Presidents fense and war activities. Raising this money was in itself a great achievement; but, in addition, it was accompanied by a substantial reduction in the average rate of interest on the public debt. "You have been a steady champion of international monetary stabilization ever since the early days of your administration as Secretary of the Treasury. Through many years of activity and accomplishment in this field, your efforts are now bearing final fruit in the Bretton Woods legislation now pending before the Congress of the United States. In this, and in other ways, you have helped bring about the close fiscal cooperation which this government has had with its Allies during this war. Besides, in the days before the Lend-Lease statute was enacted, many measures of cooperation with our Allies were formulated in your office. "I am sure that you must feel a great sense of accomplishment in this outstanding record of service to our country. On behalf of our people I extend to you the thanks of the nation. "I am appreciative of your offer of service in the future, and I am sure that there will be many occasions on which I shall seek your counsel." Q. May I interrupt you just there? Have you a successor in mind, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. I have a successor in mind, but he will not be announced until I get back from Europe. [4.] Now here is another letter from Chester Springs, Pennsylvania, dated June 30, I945, addressed to the President [reading]: "As I have served as a member of the Supreme Court for more than fifteen years, and have attained the age of seventy years, I desire to avail myself of the provisions of Section 260 of the Judicial Code, as amended, (28 U.S. Code ~ 375),-" Nobody but a Justice would write that. [Laughter] "-and to resign my office as Associate Justice. "Accordingly, I tender you my resignation, to take effect July 31, I945. "I am, Sir, with great respect, Sincerely yours, Owen J. Roberts" [5.] "Dear Mr. Justice: I am indeed sorry that you have decided to retire from the Bench after your long service. i62

Page  163 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Muy 5 [76] "The Supreme Court, in the period during which you have served as a member, has been called upon to pass upon some of the most important economic and social problems in the history of our country. "As I told you this afternoon when I saw you and finally agreed to accept your resignation as of July 31, i945, I do so only on your promise to continue to give your country the benefit of your sound judgment and advice as occasion arises. "I extend to you the gratitude of the nation for the service you have rendered." Q. Mr. President, I notice he resigned. Is that something different from the retirement the other Justices have? THE PRESIDENT. I think he intended to retire. I think that is the sense under the statute he cites. I think he intends to retire from the bench. At least, that's how I took it. Q. Have you picked a successor to Justice Roberts yet, sir? THE PRESIDENT. I have not. I haven't thought about a successor. I am ready for questions now, if you have any. [6.] Q. Mr. President, can you tell us anything about the reported mission of Mayor La. Guardia to France, before the Big Three conference? THE PRESIDENT. Well, Mayor La Guardia has been wanting to go to France for some time, and I gave him the necessary permission the other day to go to France. Q. Can you tell us — THE PRESIDENT. He is going on his-for his own welfare and benefit. He is not going on a mission for the Government. Q. He is not going in uniform, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. No. [Laughter] [7.] Q. Mr. President, there has been some talk on the Hill that the Bretton Woods legislation would be postponed until after the Charter. Do you think this could be done? THE PRESIDENT. I think you had best ask the leaders of the two Houses that question, because I don't think it's going to be delayed that way. At least, that is not my information. Q. Mr. President, is there any truth to the report that the Secretary i63

Page  164 [76] July 5 Public Papers of the Presidents of the Treasury will be appointed to the United Nations Bank as-that is, the American section? THE PRESIDENT. I am not ready to answer that question at this time. [8.] Q. Mr. President, do you plan to hold a Big Two meeting with Prime Minister Churchill before going to the Berlin meeting? THE PRESIDENT. I do not. There is going to be a Big Three meeting, and all three will be there, Q. Mr. President,THE PRESIDENT. if you want to call it that. [9.] Q. Out in Independence, we asked you about Secretary Morgenthau and Ickes, and at that time you said you did not have it in mind to accept their resignations. THE PRESIDENT. That is true. Q. I wondered whether-about Ickes now, Mr. President? [Laughter] THE PRESIDENT. The same answer at Independence goes for Mr. Ickes, and went for Mr. Morgenthau until this morning when he came in and told me that he simply wanted to quit and would be willing to stay until I got back from Europe. That was his own suggestion and not mine. Q. You do not have in mind, now, accepting Mr. Ickes' resignation? THE PRESIDENT. No, I do not, for I am going to send Mr. Ickes to England to negotiate an oil treaty. Q. When is that, sir? THE PRESIDENT. They are getting ready for it now. I don't know just what the date will be. Q. Is that in relation to the Anglo-American oil agreement? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, that's the one. Q. Renegotiate? THE PRESIDENT. Renegotiate, that's the word. Q. They will be leaving relatively soon? THE PRESIDENT. Well, I don't think the date has been definitely set, but it will be some time in the near future. Q. That's the Middle East oil arrangement, sir? THE PRESIDENT. Yes. That's what it is. i64

Page  165 Harry S. Truman, 1945 MYl 5 [76] Q. Any other big Government changes? [Laughter] THE PRESIDENT. I can't think of any, right at the present time, you would be interested to know. [More laughter] Q. Mildly. Mildly interested. Q. Mr. President, can you give us the date of the Big Three meeting? THE PRESIDENT. Not definitely, no. It will be some time in the next 3 weeks, let us say that. Q. Any appointments anticipated, Mr. President, to the State Department-Secretaries-have you any of those in mind yetTHE PRESIDENT. NO. Q. — Under Secretaries, Assistants? THE PRESIDENT. You heard what Mr. Byrnes said yesterday in his statement, that he had no intention of making any changes immediately, and I think that will be a matter for discussion when we get back from overseas. [IO.] Q. Mr. President, have you received the report from Stabilization Director Davis on speculation-curbs on speculation? THE PRESIDENT. No, I have not. I haven't received it yet. [iI.] Q. Mr. President, could you tell us if, when you come back from Germany, you would like to see the Eiffel Tower again? THE PRESIDENT. Of course I would like to see it, but I don't think I will probably get a chance to see it. If that is what you want? [Laughter] Q. Do you expect to see General de Gaulle? THE PRESIDENT. Not on this trip. Q. Do you contemplate making another trip, then, to Europe soon? THE PRESIDENT. I can't tell. I can't answer that. Q. Is there anything, Mr. President, you can tell us about your route on return? THE PRESIDENT. No, I can't at the present time, because it hasn't been definitely set. As soon as I have the information, I will give it to you. Reporter: Thank you, Mr. President. THE PRESIDENT. You are entirely welcome. NOTE: President Truman's sixteenth at the White House at 4:05 p.m. on news conference was held in his office Thursday, July 5, I945. The White I65

Page  166 [76] July 5 Public Papers of the Presidents House Official Reporter noted that a dent showed them Field Marshal Goefew members of the press remained ring's jewelled baton. after the conference and that the Presi77 Statement by the President Announcing Establishment of Diplomatic Relations With the New Polish Government. July 5, I945 IT IS with great satisfaction that I announce that effective today as of 7 p.m. Eastern War Time the Government of the United States has established diplomatic relations with the newly formed Polish Provisional Government of National Unity now established at Warsaw. The establishment of this Government is an important and positive step in fulfilling the decisions regarding Poland reached at Yalta and signed on February 11, I945. The New Polish Provisional Government of National Unity has informed me in a written communication that it has recognized in their entirety the decisions of the Crimea Conference on the Polish question. The new government has thereby confirmed its intention to carry out the provisions of the Crimea decision with respect to the holding of elections. Mr. Arthur Bliss Lane, whom I have chosen as United States Ambassador to Poland, will proceed to Warsaw as soon as possible, accompanied by his staff. 78 Exchange of Messages With the Prime Minister of the Polish Provisional Government of National Unity. July 5, I945 I AM GRATIFIED to learn from your message to me transmitted through your Ambassador at Moscow that the Polish Provisional Government of National Unity was established on June 28, 1945 in conformity with the Crimea decision. I am pleased to note that Your Excellency's Government has recognized in their entirety the decisions i66

Page  167 Harry S. Truman, 1945 July 6 [79] of the Crimea Conference on the Polish question thereby confirming the intentions of Your Excellency's Government to proceed with the holding of elections in Poland in conformity with the provisions of the Crimea decisions. The Government of the United States of America therefore on the basis of its assurances given at the Crimea Conference hereby establishes diplomatic relations with the Polish Provisional Government of National Unity. I have chosen as Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Poland Mr. Arthur Bliss Lane, whom I have instructed to proceed to Warsaw as soon as possible. Accept, Excellency, the assurances of my highest consideration. HARRY S. TRUMAN [His Excellency, Edward Osobka-Morawski, Prime Minister of the Polish Provisional Government of National Unity, Warsaw, Poland.] NOTE: Prime Minister Osobka-Morawski's message follows: His Excellency, Mr. Truman, President of the United States of America: I have the honor to notify you that as a result of the understanding reached in Moscow between Representatives of the Warsaw Provisional Government and Polish Democratic leaders invited from Poland and from abroad under the auspices of the Commission of three set up at the Crimea Conference the Polish Provisional Government of National Unity was formed on the 28th of June, 1945, in accordance with article 45 of the constitution of the Polish Republic of I921. The Provisional Government of National Unity has recognized in their entirety the decisions of the Crimea Conference on the Polish question. At the same time I have the honor in the name of the Provisional Government of National Unity to approach the Government of the United States of America with a request for the establishment of diplomatic relations between our nations and for the exchange of representatives with the rank of Ambassador. Please accept the assurance of my highest consideration. OSOBKA-MORAWSKI 79 Memorandum to Federal Agencies on the Handling of Government Funds. July 6, I945 To the Heads of all Executive Departments and Agencies: Throughout the war period I have been concerned with the necessity of extreme care in the handling of government funds, especially when expenditures are at such unprecedented levels and so many officials i67

Page  168 [79] July 6 Public Papers of the Presidents are charged with disbursement of these funds. I am certain that you share my satisfaction that there has been so little evidence of abuse, and that you also share my strong desire that this good record shall be preserved. Therefore, I am asking you and the other Department and Agency heads to express and underscore my determination to insure the most exacting review of expenditures in every instance where there is the slightest ground to suspect either misuse or careless handling of government funds. Any such instance should be investigated promptly and, where appropriate, a vigorous disciplinary action should be invoked. I trust that you will transmit this message to your staff and supplement it with appropriate instructions of your own. HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: On the following day the Presi- Potsdam Conference which opened on dent went aboard the U.S.S. Augusta at July I7. He returned to Washington Newport News, Va., en route to the on August 7. 8o Veto of Bill Relating to Law Enforcement in the District of Columbia. July 9, I945 [ Released July 9, 1945. Dated July 6, 1945 ] To the House of Representatives: The enrolled bill H.R. 2856, "To provide for better enforcement of law within the District of Columbia, and for other purposes," is returned herewith without my approval. The language of section I of the bill, although obscure and indefinite, is apparently intended to transfer jurisdiction over felonies committed within the park areas in the District of Columbia from the United States Park Police to the Metropolitan Police of the District of Columbia in situations where detective services are required. I am convinced that the effect of such legislation would be to impair rather than to improve law enforcement in these park areas. In the event that felonies are committed on park lands without the perpetrators being immediately apprehended, the provisions of section i would seem to place any members of the United States Park Police, functioning in connection with i68

Page  169 Harry S. Truman, 1945 July 9 [8o] the solution of such felonies, under the control of the detective force of the Metropolitan Police. During this time the United States officers, regardless of rank, would be subject to the orders of the Detective Bureau and precinct detectives of the Metropolitan Police force. This would require the members of the United States Park Police force to serve two masters whose authority over them would be uncertainly divided, and would necessarily have a demoralizing effect on that organization. The Federal Bureau of Investigation of the Department of Justice and the Metropolitan Police are now authorized to participate with the United States Park Police in solving felony cases wherever their services are necessary. Approval of the bill would unsettle the practical working arrangements already set up for this purpose, without adding to the means available for the detection and apprehension of offenders. An additional objection to the provisions of section i is that they would remove full authority over the United States Park Police force from the Secretary of the Interior, who is charged by law with the exclusive charge and control of the National Capital Park System. Section 2 of the bill declares that no appropriations from the revenues of the District of Columbia shall be used to pay the salaries or for equipment of the United States Park Police, and section 3 would make this requirement effective from July i, 1945. Although the reports of the committees which considered the bill state that the practical effect of section 2 iS merely to require that members of the Park Police force who perform truly Federal services and are under the control of Federal authorities be paid out of the funds of the Federal Government, nevertheless the fact of the matter is that the appropriation for this purpose contained in the District of Columbia Appropriation Act for the fiscal year beginning July I, I945, has not been made from Federal funds. Because of the terms of section 3, approval of the bill might well be construed as a repeal of so much of this appropriation as would otherwise be available for the salaries and equipment of the personnel involved. Both the Department of the Interior Appropriation Act for the fiscal year beginning July I, I945, and the Second Deficiency Appropriation i69

Page  170 [8o] July 9 Public Papers of the Presidents Act have been passed by the Congress in a form which makes no provisions for the 70 members of the United States Park Police force-a majority of that organization-whose salaries and equipment are, under the terms of the District of Columbia Appropriation Act, payable from revenues of the District of Columbia rather than from Federal funds. Hence the effect of a repeal of the appropriation for this purpose contained in that Act would be to deprive the United States Park Police of the necessary means for the pay of its personnel, and to jeopardize the performance of its essential protective functions. For these reasons, I feel that it is my duty to withhold my approval from H.R. 2856. HARRY S. TRUMAN 8i Statement by the President: Bastille Day. IUly I3, I945 IN BASTILLE DAY the people of France have given the world an undying symbol of Freedom. Throughout the long history of our friendship with France the people of the United States have shared the principles for which it stands. Never have those principles had a greater significance than in this year of the final overthrow of one of the darkest tyrannies that has ever tried to enslave mankind. 82 Letter to Secretary Morgenthau Concerning the Appointment of Fred M. Vinson as His Successor. July I4, I945 Dear Henry: I have given careful consideration to your letter of July thirteenth urging that I send to the Senate immediately the nomination of Judge Vinson as Secretary of the Treasury. I am inclined to agree with you that for the reasons you mention it would be preferable to take this action now instead of waiting for my return from Europe. I70

Page  171 Harry S. Truman, 1945 July i6 [83] I appreciate very much the fine spirit and keen sense of public responsibility in which you have approached this matter. With personal regards, Sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN [The Honorable Henry Morgenthau, Jr., The Secretary of the Treasury] NOTE: Secretary Morgenthau's letter, Secretary Morgenthau also referred to also released, pointed out that such mat- the possibility of a recess in the Senate, ters as the continuation of war financ- which would delay Judge Vinson's ing, the tax enforcement drive, revenue confirmation. legislation, and many other problems The letters were exchanged by wirecalled for prompt decision; and that his less while the President was aboard the successor should be given the opportu- U.S.S. Augusta en route to the Potsdam nity to make the decisions since it would conference. become his duty to carry them out. 83 Statement by the President on the Manpower Needs of the Western Railroads. July I6, I945 IF THE DEMANDS of the Japanese war are to be met, the railroads in the west must have additional manpower immediately. The manpower shortage is so serious that the War Department recently ordered 4,000 experienced railroad men to be furloughed from the Army to help ease the situation, but they are only a fraction of the number needed. The western railroads today need 65,000 men and need them badly. We must keep men and materiel flowing into the ports as fast as our convoys can transport them to the battle zone. The effects of the shortage already are being felt, with the peak load still months away. Our soldiers returning from the European Campaign are not getting the best accommodations because many cars are in the shops awaiting repairs and overhauling. Some troops are being delayed at the ports because trains cannot be supplied promptly. Overworked crews must be given time to rest before taking trains out on long, hard trips. Trains are often late because of short switching crews which cannot keep traffic moving at top efficiency. Unless additional '7'

Page  172 [83] July i6 Public Papers of the Presidents manpower is found those delays will become serious as the load increases. That is why I am bringing this situation to the attention of the American people. Any patriotic American who is not already engaged in essential war work can make a real contribution toward the defeat of Japan by applying for a job on a western railroad during this emergency period. Those who are now working on railroads can do a great service to their country by remaining on the job. NOTE: The statement was released at No. President and his staff during the Pots2 Kaiserstrasse in Babelsberg, Germany, dam conference. The President arrived which served as headquarters for the at Babelsberg on July I5. 84 Special Message to the Congress on Amending the Surplus Property Act To Provide for a Single Administrator. July I7, I945 To the Congress of the United States: On October 3, i944, the Congress enacted the Surplus Property Act of I944, a comprehensive scheme for the declaration, handling and disposal of all types of surplus property. The operations of the 3-man Surplus Property Board created by that Act have been marked by substantial achievements. It has set in motion the disposal machinery which Congress authorized and it has begun to implement the standards which Congress laid down for the disposal of surplus property. Regulations already promulgated or in the process of adoption cover the most important types of propertyconsumer goods, plant equipment, industrial plants and farm lands. The emphasis in the Board's task will then shift from the promulgation of policy to the effectuation of basic policies already established. The task of administration becomes increasingly difficult as the rate of surplus declarations rapidly rises. That rate is rising sharply now. To dispose of this growing volume of surplus property in a manner that will fully achieve the objectives declared by Congress will require the most efficient possible administrative machinery. While the present Surplus Property Act was under consideration by 172

Page  173 Harry S. Truman, I945 July I 7 [85] the Congress the then Director of War Mobilization and Reconversion, Mr. Byrnes, recommended provision for a single Administrator. I think experience has proved him right. In a field which calls for quick and decisive action, it is undesirable to dilute responsibility for the disposal of surplus property. Administration by a multimember Board has complicated day-to-day operations under the Act. More recently the retiring Chairman of the Board has stated to the Congress that although he originally shared the view that a 3-man Board was appropriate, his experience also led him to the belief that the Act can best be administered by a single Administrator. I am convinced that the effective performance of the vast administrative task remaining for the disposal of surplus property imperatively requires that authority to make decisions and responsibility for those decisions should be centralized in a single official. Such an official should operate, as do all other executive agencies, under the general authority conferred by the President and the Congress on the Office of War Mobilization and Reconversion. Accordingly I request the Congress to amend the Surplus Property Act of I944 by substituting a single Administrator for the present Surplus Property Board. NOTE: On September i8, 1945, the Presi- of the Surplus Property Act of I944 by dent approved Public Law i8i (5 Stat. a Surplus Property Administrator. 533) providing for the administration 85 Letter to the President of the Senate and to the Speaker of the House of Representatives Transmitting Reports on Foreign War Relief Activities. July I7, 1945 [Released July I7, I945. Dated July 14, 1945 ] Sir: I have the honor to transmit herewith reports prepared by the American Red Cross and the War Refugee Board reflecting foreign war relief operations which have been conducted during the period July i, i94o through April 30, i945, from appropriations for foreign war relief consolidated and extended by the Second Deficiency Appropriation I73

Page  174 [85] July I7 Public Papers of the Presidents Act, I942, the Urgent Deficiency Appropriation Act, 1943, and the Second Deficiency Appropriation Act, I944. These reports supplement those previously submitted as of April 30, I94I, April 30, 1942, April 30, I943, and April 30, I944 and are of necessity of an interim nature since the foreign war relief program is still in progress. The Second Deficiency Appropriation Act, 1945 has extended the availability of $2,150,000 of this appropriation until December 3I, 1945 in order to provide for the termination of the program and a final report will be submitted following that date. There is also transmitted herewith a statement of allocations that have been made to government purchasing agencies from this appropriation together with unobligated balances remaining in each allocation as of April 30, I945. It will be noted that obligations reflected in this statement have been based on orders placed with vendors as distinguished from the report of the American Red Cross which was prepared on the basis of requisitions submitted to government purchasing agencies. Respectfully yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: This is the text of identical let- The reports of the American Red ters addressed to the Honorable Ken- Cross and the War Refugee Board and neth McKellar, President pro tempore the report on status of appropriation of the Senate, and to the Honorable and allocations are printed in House Sam Rayburn, Speaker of the House of Document 262 (79th Cong., ist sess.). Representatives. 86 Remarks at the Raising of the Flag Over the U.S. Group Control Council Headquarters in Berlin. July 20, I945 General Eisenhower, officers and men: This is an historic occasion. We have conclusively proven that a free people can successfully look after the affairs of the world. We are here today to raise the flag of victory over the capital of our I74

Page  175 Harry S. Truman, I945 July 20 [87] greatest adversary. In doing that, we must remember that in raising that flag we are raising it in the name of the people of the United States, who are looking forward to a better world, a peaceful world, a world in which all the people will have an opportunity to enjoy the good things of life, and not just a few at the top. Let us not forget that we are fighting for peace, and for the welfare of mankind. We are not fighting for conquest. There is not one piece of territory, or one thing of a monetary nature that we want out of this war. We want peace and prosperity for the world as a whole. We want to see the time come when we can do the things in peace that we have been able to do in war. If we can put this tremendous machine of ours, which has made this victory possible, to work for peace we can look forward to the greatest age in the history of mankind. That is what we propose to do. NOTE: The President spoke shortly be- the same ope that had flown over the fore 4 p.m. in the courtyard at the head- Capitol in Washington when war was quarters buildings. The flag used was declared against Germany. 87 Letter to David K. Niles, Administrative Assistant to the President. July 20, I945 [ Released July 20, I945. Dated July I7, 1945 ] Dear Dave: I am glad that at my request you are remaining on in your post as one of the Administrative Assistants to the President. I know that your long record in government will be helpful to me as it was to the late President Roosevelt. For ten years you have taken an important part in the activities of our government in Washington. Beginning with the work of relieving the distress of unemployment, and later in the Department of Commerce, the Office of Production Management, and for the last several years, as an Administrative Assistant you have had a hand in many of the important events of the last decade. It will be of great service to have the benefit of your ability and conscientious service, and the ex I75

Page  176 [87] July 20 Public Papers of the Presidents perience and information you have acquired during these years will be most valuable. With kindest regards, Very sincerely yours, HARy S. TRUMAN [Honorable David K. Niles, Administrative Assistant to the President, The White House] 88 Letter Read by Secretary Vinson at the Humanitarian Award Dinner of the Variety Clubs of America. July 25, I945 [ Released July 25, 1945. Dated July 2i, 1945 ] Dear Mr. O'Donnell: I deeply regret that circumstances will nyt permit me to be with you and with other admirers of Sir Alexander Fleming next Wednesday evening, when the Variety Clubs of America honor that great humanitarian and benefactor of mankind. For all that Sir Alexander has done to alleviate pain and suffering, through the great discovery which ever will bear his name, the world owes a debt of gratitude difficult to estimate. It is particularly fitting, therefore, that Variety should give him its award for I944 in recognition of unusual and unselfish service in behalf of all humanity. From afar I welcome him to the Capital of the Nation and hail him as one who in our day and generation is going forward in the noble tradition of Lord Lister, William Harvey, and that other grand old Briton, Sir Thomas Browne. I could not close this note without adding a word of heartfelt appreciation to the Variety Clubs of America for their unwearied efforts in support of the war and in aiding all good causes both in peace and war. Very sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN [R. J. O'Donnell, Esq., National Chief Barker, The Variety Clubs of America] i76

Page  177 Harry 5. Truman, 1945 July 27 [89] NOTE: The dinner was held at the May- released in Washington together with flower Hotel in Washington. The let- Secretary Vinson's remarks. ter, dated Potsdam, July 2i, 1945, was 89 Letter to Alben W. Barkley on the Eighth Anniversary of His Election as Majority Leader of the Senate. JUly 27, I945 Dear Alben: Today marks the eighth anniversary of your service as Majority Leader of the Senate. I understand that this is twice as long as any of your predecessors have served. These years have been eventful ones. They have been years of great moment to the United States and to the world. In all of the recent events which have meant so much in shaping the future of our civilization you have played an important and effective role. Not only have you helped to fulfill the ideals and principles of our party, but you have been willing and anxious to lay aside all semblance of partisanship or desire for party advantage whenever the welfare of our nation required it. I congratulate you on your past service as Majority Leader, and, also, on your thirty-three years of service in the Congress. The nation is grateful to you for your patriotic share in the accomplishments of these years, and I know that the years to come will be equally fruitful. With all best wishes for your continued health and success from your old friend, Very sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN [Honorable Alben W. Barkley, The United States Senate] I77

Page  178 [90o] July 3I Public Papers of the Presidents go Veto of Bill Authorizing the Improvement of Certain Harbors. July 31, I945 [ Released July 31, 1945. Dated July 28, 1945 ] To the House of Representatives: I return herewith, without my approval, H.R. 3477, a bill "Authorizing the improvement of certain harbors in the interest of commerce and navigation." The bill authorizes the improvement, for navigation, of Savannah Harbor, Georgia, and Two Harbors, Minnesota, in accordance with the reports of the Chief of Engineers, House Document No. 227, Seventyninth Congress, and House Document No. 805, Seventy-eighth Congress, respectively. The estimated cost of the Savannah Harbor project is $2,738,000, and of the Two Harbors $I,876,000. Since the entry of the United States into the present war, omnibus river and harbor and flood control acts have contained specific provisions restricting construction of the projects so authorized to the postwar period, unless required for the prosecution of the war. The most recent enactment (Public Law 14, approved March 2, I945) adopted 29I river and harbor projects at an aggregate estimate of cost of $38I,968,332, subject to the specific provision: "That no project herein authorized shall be appropriated for or constructed until six months after the termination of the present wars in which the United States is engaged unless the construction of such project has been recommended by an authorized defense agency and approved by the President as being necessary or desirable in the interest of the national defense and security, and the President has notified the Congress to that effect." The bill under consideration does not contain such a restrictive provision, and the Secretary of War, in submitting the reports of the Chief of Engineers on the above-mentioned projects, stated that: "Inasmuch as the proposed work would involve the use of manpower, material and equipment and since the project is not essential to the war effort, the Department is of the opinion that, if the project is approved, work thereon should not be initiated until after the war." 178

Page  179 Harry S. Truman, i945 Aug. 2 [91 ] Approval of the bill under consideration would permit, upon the availability of funds therefor, the immediate undertaking of these two projects and thus place them in a status preferential to the large number of projects that have been authorized by the Congress during the war period which are not essential to the prosecution of the war. Moreover, it seems to me that piecemeal legislation of this nature is inappropriate since it does not take into account a well-considered and well-rounded plan for projects to be undertaken in a definite order of national preference and desirability. I therefore find it necessary to withhold my approval of the bill. HARRY S. TRUMAN 9i Joint Report With Allied Leaders on the Potsdam Conference. August 2, I945 I. REPORT ON THE TRIPARTITE CONFERENCE OF BERLIN ON JULY i7, 1945, the President of the United States of America, Harry S. Truman, the Chairman of the Council of People's Commissars of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, Generalissimo J. V. Stalin, and the Prime Minister of Great Britain, Winston S. Churchill, together with Mr. Clement R. Attlee, met in the Tripartite Conference of Berlin. They were accompanied by the foreign secretaries of the three governments, Mr. James F. Byrnes, Mr. V. M. Molotov, and Mr. Anthony Eden, the Chiefs of Staff, and other advisers. There were nine meetings between July seventeenth and July twentyfifth. The conference was then interrupted for two days while the results of the British general election were being declared. On July twenty-eighth Mr. Attlee returned to the conference as Prime Minister, accompanied by the new Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs, Mr. Ernest Bevin. Four days of further discussion then took place. During the course of the conference there were regular meetings of the heads of the three governments accompanied by the foreign secretaries, and also of the foreign secretaries alone. Committees ap I79

Page  180 [9i] Aug. 2 Public Papers of the Presidents pointed by the foreign secretaries for preliminary consideration of questions before the conference also met daily. The meetings of the conference were held at the Cecilienhof near Potsdam. The conference ended on August 2, 1945. Important decisions and agreements were reached. Views were exchanged on a number of other questions and consideration of these matters will be continued by the council of foreign ministers established by the conference. President Truman, Generalissimo Stalin and Prime Minister Attlee leave this conference, which has strengthened the ties between the three governments and extended the scope of their collaboration and understanding, with renewed confidence that their governments and peoples, together with the other United Nations, will ensure the creation of a just and enduring peace. II. ESTABLISHMENT OF A COUNCIL OF FOREIGN MINISTERS The conference reached an agreement for the establishment of a Council of Foreign Ministers representing the five principal powers to continue the necessary preparatory work for the peace settlements and to take up other matters which from time to time may be referred to the Council by agreement of the governments participating in the Council. The text of the agreement for the establishment of the Council of Foreign Ministers is as follows: i. There shall be established a Council composed of the foreign ministers of the United Kingdom, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, China, France and the United States. 2. (i) The Council shall normally meet in London, which shall be the permanent seat of the joint secretariat which the Council will form. Each of the foreign ministers will be accompanied by a high-ranking deputy, duly authorized to carry on the work of the Council in the absence of his foreign minister, and by a small staff of technical advisers. (ii) The first meeting of the Council shall be held in London not later than September I, I945. Meetings may be held by common agreement in other capitals as may be agreed from time to time. 3. (i) As its immediate important task, the Council shall be author i8o

Page  181 Harry S. Truman, i945 Aug. 2 [9I ] ized to draw up, with a view to their submission to the United Nations, treaties of peace with Italy, Rumania, Bulgaria, Hungary and Finland, and to propose settlements of territorial questions outstanding on the termination of the war in Europe. The Council shall be utilized for the preparation of a peace settlement for Germany to be accepted by the government of Germany when a government adequate for the purpose is established. (ii) For the discharge of each of these tasks the Council will be composed of the members representing those states which were signatory to the terms of surrender imposed upon the enemy state concerned. For the purpose of the peace settlement for Italy, France shall be regarded as a signatory to the terms of surrender for Italy. Other members will be invited to participate when matters directly concerning them are under discussion. (iii) Other matters may from time to time be referred to the Council by agreement between the member governments. 4. (i) Whenever the Council is considering a question of direct interest to a state not represented thereon, such state should be invited to send representatives to participate in the discussion and study of that question. (ii) The Council may adapt its procedure to the particular problem under consideration. In some cases it may hold its own preliminary discussions prior to the participation of other interested states. In other cases, the Council may convoke a formal conference of the state chiefly interested in seeking a solution of the particular problem. In accordance with the decision of the conference the three governments have each addressed an identical invitation to the governments of China and France to adopt this text and to join in establishing the Council. The establishment of the Council of Foreign Ministers for the specific purposes named in the text will be without prejudice to the agreement of the Crimea Conference that there should be periodic consultation among the foreign secretaries of the United States, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the United Kingdom. i8i

Page  182 [9i] Aug. 2 Public Papers of the Presidents The conference also considered the position of the European Advisory Commission in the light of the agreement to establish the Council of Foreign Ministers. It was noted with satisfaction that the Commission had ably discharged its principal tasks by the recommendations that it had furnished for the terms of Germany's unconditional surrender, for the zones of occupation in Germany and Austria, and for the interAllied control machinery in those countries. It was felt that further work of a detailed character for the coordination of allied policy for the control of Germany and Austria would in future fall within the competence of the Allied Control Council at Berlin and the Allied Commission at Vienna. Accordingly, it was agreed to recommend that the European Advisory Commission be dissolved. III. GERMANY The Allied Armies are in occupation of the whole of Germany and the German people have begun to atone for the terrible crimes committed under the leadership of those whom in the hour of their success, they openly approved and blindly obeyed. Agreement has been reached at this conference on the political and economic principles of a coordinated Allied policy toward defeated Germany during the period of Allied control. The purpose of this agreement is to carry out the Crimea Declaration on Germany. German militarism and Nazism will be extirpated and the Allies will take in agreement together, now and in the future, the other measures necessary to assure that Germany never again will threaten her neighbors or the peace of the world. It is not the intention of the Allies to destroy or enslave the German people. It is the intention of the Allies that the German people be given the opportunity to prepare for the eventual reconstruction of their life on a democratic and peaceful basis. If their own efforts are steadily directed to this end, it will be possible for them in due course to take their place among the free and peaceful peoples of the world. The text of the agreement is as follows: i82

Page  183 Harry S. Truman, i945 Aug.:2 [9i ] The Political and Economic Principles to Govern the Treatment of Germany in the Initial Control Period. A. Political Principles. i. In accordance with the agreement on control machinery in Germany, supreme authority in Germany is exercised on instructions from their respective governments, by the Commanders-in-Chief of the armed forces of the United States of America, the United Kingdom, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and the French Republic, each in his own zone of occupation, and also jointly, in matters affecting Germany as a whole, in their capacity as members of the Control Council. 2. So far as is practicable, there shall be uniformity of treatment of the German population throughout Germany. 3. The purposes of the occupation of Germany by which the Control Council shall be guided are: (i) The complete disarmament and demilitarization of Germany and the elimination or control of all German industry that could be used for military production. To these ends: (a) All German land, naval and air forces, the S.S., S.A., S.D., and Gestapo, with all their organizations, staffs and institutions, including the General Staff, the Officers' Corps, Reserve Corps, military schools, war veterans' organizations and all other military and quasi-military organization, together with all clubs and associations which serve to keep alive the military tradition in Germany, shall be completely and finally abolished in such manner as permanently to prevent the revival or reorganization of German militarism and Nazism. (b) All arms, ammunition and implements of war and all specialized facilities for their production shall be held at the disposal of the Allies or destroyed. The maintenance and production of all aircraft and all arms, ammunition and implements of war shall be prevented. (ii) To convince the German people that they have suffered a total military defeat and that they cannot escape responsibility for what they have brought upon themselves, since their own ruthless warfare and the fanatical Nazi resistance have destroyed German economy and made chaos and suffering inevitable. i83

Page  184 [9i] Aug. 2 Public Papers of the Presidents (iii) To destroy the National Socialist Party and its affiliated and supervised organizations, to dissolve all Nazi institutions, to ensure that they are not revived in any form, and to prevent all Nazi and militarist activity or propaganda. (iv) To prepare for the eventual reconstruction of German political life on a democratic basis and for eventual peaceful cooperation in international life by Germany. 4. All Nazi laws which provided the basis of the Hitler regime or established discrimination on grounds of race, creed, or political opinion shall be abolished. No such discriminations, whether legal, administrative or otherwise, shall be tolerated. 5. War criminals and those who have participated in planning or carrying out Nazi enterprises involving or resulting in atrocities or war crimes shall be arrested and brought to judgment. Nazi leaders, influential Nazi supporters and high officials of Nazi organizations and institutions and any other persons dangerous to the occupation or its objectives shall be arrested and interned. 6. All members of the Nazi party who have been more than nominal participants in its activities and all other persons hostile to allied purposes shall be removed from public and semipublic office, and from positions of responsibility in important private undertakings. Such persons shall be replaced by persons who, by their political and moral qualities, are deemed capable of assisting in developing genuine democratic institutions in Germany. 7. German education shall be so controlled as completely to eliminate Nazi and militarist doctrines and to make possible the successful development of democratic ideas. 8. The judicial system will be reorganized in accordance with the principles of democracy, of justice under law, and of equal rights for all citizens without distinction of race, nationality or religion. 9. The administration of affairs in Germany should be directed towards the decentralization of the political structure and the development of local responsibility. To this end: (i) Local self-government shall be restored throughout Germany on democratic principles and in particular through elective councils as 184

Page  185 Harry S. Truman, '945 Aug. 2 [9I ] rapidly as is consistent with military security and the purposes of military occupation; (ii) All democratic political parties with rights of assembly and of public discussion shall be allowed and encouraged throughout Germany; (iii) Representative and elective principles shall be introduced into regional, provincial and state (land) administration as rapidly as may be justified by the successful application of these principles in local self-government; (iv) For the time being no central German government shall be established. Notwithstanding this, however, certain essential central German administrative departments, headed by state secretaries, shall be established, particularly in the fields of finance, transport, communications, foreign trade and industry. Such departments will act under the direction of the Control Council. Io. Subject to the necessity for maintaining military security, freedom of speech, press and religion shall be permitted, and religious institutions shall be respected. Subject likewise to the maintenance of military security, the formation of free trade unions shall be permitted. B. Economic Principles. ii. In order to eliminate Germany's war potential, the production of arms, ammunition and implements of war as well as all types of aircraft and sea-going ships shall be prohibited and prevented. Production of metals, chemicals, machinery and other items that are directly necessary to a war economy shall be rigidly controlled and restricted to Germany's approved post-war peacetime needs to meet the objectives stated in paragraph i5. Productive capacity not needed for permitted production shall be removed in accordance with the reparations plan recommended by the Allied Commission on reparations and approved by the governments concerned or if not removed shall be destroyed. I2. At the earliest practicable date, the German economy shall be decentralized for the purpose of eliminating the present excessive concentration of economic power as exemplified in particular by cartels, syndicates, trusts and other monopolistic arrangements. i85

Page  186 [9I] Aug. 2 Public Papers of the Presidents I3. In organizing the German economy, primary emphasis shall be given to the development of agriculture and peaceful domestic industries. I4. During the period of occupation Germany shall be treated as a single economic unit. To this end common policies shall be established in regard to: (a) Mining and industrial production and allocations; (b) Agriculture, forestry and fishing; (c) Wages, prices and rationing; (d) Import and export programs for Germany as a whole; (e) Currency and banking, central taxation and customs; (f) Reparation and removal of industrial war potential; (g) Transportation and communications. In applying these policies account shall be taken, where appropriate, of varying local conditions. 15. Allied controls shall be imposed upon the German economy but only to the extent necessary: (a) To carry out programs of industrial disarmament and demilitarization, of reparations, and of approved exports and imports. (b) To assure the production and maintenance of goods and services required to meet the needs of the occupying forces and displaced persons in Germany and essential to maintain in Germany average living standards not exceeding the average of the standards of living of European countries. (European countries means all European countries excluding the United Kingdom and the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.) (c) To ensure in the manner determined by the Control Council the equitable distribution of essential commodities between the several zones so as to produce a balanced economy throughout Germany and reduce the need for imports. (d) To control German industry and all economic and financial international transactions, including exports and imports, with the aim of preventing Germany from developing a war potential and of achiev. ing the other objectives named herein. (e) To control all German public or private scientific bodies, research i86

Page  187 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Aug. 2 [9i] and experimental institutions, laboratories, et cetera, connected with economic activities. i6. In the imposition and maintenance of economic controls established by the Control Council, German administrative machinery shall be created and the German authorities shall be required to the fullest extent practicable to proclaim and assume administration of such controls. Thus it should be brought home to the German people that the responsibility for the administration of such controls and any breakdown in these controls will rest with themselves. Any German controls which may run counter to the objectives of occupation will be prohibited. I7. Measures shall be promptly taken: (a) To effect essential repair of transport; (b) To enlarge coal production; (c) To maximize agricultural output; and (d) To effect emergency repair of housing and essential utilities. i8. Appropriate steps shall be taken by the Control Council to exercise control and the power of disposition over German-owned external assets not already under the control of United Nations which have taken part in the war against Germany. i9. Payment of reparations should leave enough resources to enable the German people to subsist without external assistance. In working out the economic balance of Germany the necessary means must be provided to pay for imports approved by the Control Council in Germany. The proceeds of exports from current production and stocks shall be available in the first place for payment for such imports. The above clause will not apply to the equipment and products referred to in paragraphs 4(A) and 4(B) of the Reparations Agreement. IV. REPARATIONS FROM GERMANY In accordance with the Crimea decision that Germany be compelled to compensate to the greatest possible extent for the loss and suffering that she has caused to the United Nations and for which the German people cannot escape responsibility, the following agreement on reparations was reached: i87

Page  188 [9i ] Aug. 2 Public Papers of the Presidents i. Reparation claims of the U.S.S.R. shall be met by removals from the zone of Germany occupied by the U.S.S.R. and from appropriate German external assets. 2. The U.S.S.R. undertakes to settle the reparation claims of Poland from its own share of reparations. 3. The reparation claims of the United States, the United Kingdom and other countries entitled to reparations shall be met from the western zones and from appropriate German external assets. 4. In addition to the reparations to be taken by the U.S.S.R. from its own zone of occupation, the U.S.S.R. shall receive additionally from the western zones: (A) 15 percent of such usable and complete industrial capital equipment, in the first place from the metallurgical, chemical and machine manufacturing industries, as is unnecessary for the German peace economy and should be removed from the western zones of Germany, in exchange for an equivalent value of food, coal, potash, zinc, timber, clay products, petroleum products, and such other commodities as may be agreed upon. (B) io percent of such industrial capital equipment as is unnecessary for the German peace economy and should be removed from the western zones, to be transferred to the Soviet Government on reparations account without payment or exchange of any kind in return. Removals of equipment as provided in (A) and (B) above shall be made simultaneously. 5. The amount of equipment to be removed from the western zones on account of reparations must be determined within six months from now at the latest. 6. Removals of industrial capital equipment shall begin as soon as possible and shall be completed within two years from the determination specified in paragraph 5. The delivery of products covered by 4(A) above shall begin as soon as possible and shall be made by the U.S.S.R. in agreed installments within five years of the date hereof. The determination of the amount and character of the industrial capital equipment unnecessary for the German peace economy and therefore available for reparations shall be made by the control council under i88

Page  189 Harry S. Truman, I945 Aug. 2 [9I] policies fixed by the Allied Commission on Reparations, with the participation of France, subject to the final approval of the zone commander in the zone from which the equipment is to be removed. 7. Prior to the fixing of the total amount of equipment subject to removal, advance deliveries shall be made in respect of such equipment as will be determined to be eligible for delivery in accordance with the procedure set forth in the last sentence of paragraph 6. 8. The Soviet Government renounces all claims in respect of reparations to shares of German enterprises which are located in the western zones of occupation in Germany as well as to German foreign assets in all countries except those specified in paragraph 9 below. 9. The Governments of the United Kingdom and the United States of America renounce their claims in respect of reparations to shares of German enterprises which are located in the eastern zone of occupation in Germany, as well as to German foreign assets in Bulgaria, Finland, Hungary, Rumania and Eastern Austria. io. The Soviet Government makes no claims to gold captured by the Allied troops in Germany. V. DISPOSAL OF THE GERMAN NAVY AND MERCHANT MARINE The conference agreed in principle upon arrangements for the use and disposal of the surrendered German fleet and merchant ships. It was decided that the three governments would appoint experts to work out together detailed plans to give effect to the agreed principles. A further joint statement will be published simultaneously by the three governments in due course. VI. CITY OF KOENIGSBERG AND THE ADJACENT AREA The conference examined a proposal by the Soviet Government that pending the final determination of territorial questions at the peace settlement the section of the western frontier of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics which is adjacent to the Baltic Sea should pass from a point on the eastern shore of the Bay of Danzig to the east, north of Braunsberg-Goldap, to the meeting point of the frontiers of Lithuania, the Polish Republic and East Prussia. i89

Page  190 [9I ] Aug. 2 Public Papers of the Presidents The conference has agreed in principle to the proposal of the Soviet Government concerning the ultimate transfer to the Soviet Union of the City of Koenigsberg and the area adjacent to it as described above subject to expert examination of the actual frontier. The President of the United States and the British Prime Minister have declared that they will support the proposal of the conference at the forthcoming peace settlement. VII. WAR CRIMINALS The three governments have taken note of the discussions which have been proceeding in recent weeks in London between British, United States, Soviet and French representatives with a view to reaching agreement on the methods of trial of those major war criminals whose crimes under the Moscow Declaration of October 1943 have no particular geographical localization. The three governments reaffirm their intention to bring those criminals to swift and sure justice. They hope that the negotiations in London will result in speedy agreement being reached for this purpose, and they regard it as a matter of great importance that the trial of those major criminals should begin at the earliest possible date. The first list of defendants will be published before September first. VIII. AUSTRIA The conference examined a proposal by the Soviet Government on the extension of the authority of the Austrian Provisional Government to all of Austria. The three governments agreed that they were prepared to examine this question after the entry of the British and American forces into the City of Vienna. IX. POLAND The conference considered questions relating to the Polish Provisional Government and the western boundary of Poland. On the Polish Provisional Government of National Unity they defined their attitude in the following statement: A-We have taken note with pleasure of the agreement reached I90

Page  191 Harry S. Truman, '945 Aug. 2 [9i] among representative Poles from Poland and abroad which has made possible the formation, in accordance with the decisions reached at the Crimea Conference, of a Polish Provisional Government of National Unity recognized by the three powers. The establishment by the British and United States Governments of diplomatic relations with the Polish Provisional Government has resulted in the withdrawal of their recognition from the former Polish Government in London, which no longer exists. The British and United States Governments have taken measures to protect the interest of the Polish Provisional Government as the recognized government of the Polish States in the property belonging to the Polish State located in their territories and under their control, whatever the form of this property may be. They have further taken measures to prevent alienation to third parties of such property. All proper facilities will be given to the Polish Provisional Government for the exercise of the ordinary legal remedies for the recovery of any property belonging to the Polish State which may have been wrongfully alienated. The three powers are anxious to assist the Polish Provisional Government in facilitating the return to Poland as soon as practicable of all Poles abroad who wish to go, including members of the Polish armed forces and the Merchant Marine. They expect that those Poles who return home shall be accorded personal and property rights on the same basis as all Polish citizens. The three powers note that the Polish Provisional Government in accordance with the decisions of the Crimea Conference has agreed to the holding of free and unfettered elections as soon as possible on the basis of universal suffrage and secret ballot in which all democratic and anti-Nazi parties shall have the right to take part and to put forward candidates, and that representatives of the Allied press shall enjoy full freedom to report to the world upon developments in Poland before and during the elections. B-The following agreement was reached on the western frontier of Poland: In conformity with the agreement on Poland reached at the Crimea 191

Page  192 [9i] Aug. 2 Public Papers of the Presidents Conference the three heads of government have sought the opinion of the Polish Provisional Government of National Unity in regard to the accession of territory in the north and west which Poland should receive. The President of the National Council of Poland and members of the Polish Provisional Government of National Unity have been received at the conference and have fully presented their views. The three heads of government reaffirm their opinion that the final delimitation of the western frontier of Poland should await the peace settlement. The three heads of government agree that, pending the final determination of Poland's western frontier, the former German territories east of a line running from the Baltic Sea immediately west of Swinemunde, and thence along the Oder River to the confluence of the western Neisse River and along the western Neisse to the Czechoslovak frontier, including that portion of East Prussia not placed under the administration of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in accordance with the understanding reached at this conference and including the area of the former free City of Danzig, shall be under the administration of the Polish State and for such purposes should not be considered as part of the Soviet zone of occupation in Germany. X. CONCLUSION OF PEACE TREATIES AND ADMISSION TO THE UNITED NATIONS ORGANIZATION The conference agreed upon the following statement of common policy for establishing, as soon as possible, the conditions of lasting peace after victory in Europe: The three governments consider it desirable that the present anomalous position of Italy, Bulgaria, Finland, Hungary and Rumania should be terminated by the conclusion of peace treaties. They trust that the other interested Allied governments will share these views. For their part the three governments have included the preparation of a peace treaty for Italy as the first among the immediate important tasks to be undertaken by the new Council of Foreign Ministers. Italy was the first of the Axis powers to break with Germany, to whose defeat she has made a material contribution, and has now joined with the Allies in the struggle against Japan. Italy has freed herself from 192

Page  193 Harry S. Truman, '945 Au.2[] Aug. 2 [9I ] the Fascist regime and is making good progress towards the reestablishment of a democratic government and institutions. The conclusion of such a peace treaty with a recognized and democratic Italian government will make it possible for the three governments to fulfill their desire to support an application from Italy for membership of the United Nations. The three governments have also charged the Council of Foreign Ministers with the task of preparing peace treaties for Bulgaria, Finland, Hungary and Rumania. The conclusion of peace treaties with recognized democratic governments in these states will also enable the three governments to support applications from them for membership of the United Nations. The three governments agree to examine each separately in the near future, in the light of the conditions then prevailing, the establishment of diplomatic relations with Finland, Rumania,, Bulgaria, and Hungary to the extent possible prior to the conclusion of peace treaties with those countries. The three governments have no doubt that in view of the changed conditions resulting from the termination of the war in Europe, representatives of the Allied press will enjoy full freedom to report to the world upon developments in Rumania, Bulgaria, Hungary and Finland. As regards the admission of other states into the United Nations Organization, Article 4 of the Charter of the United Nations declares that: "i. Membership in the United Nations is open to all other peaceloving states who accept the obligations contained in the present Charter and, in the judgment of the Organization., are able and willing to carry out these obligations; "t2. The admission of any such state to membership in the United Nations will be effected by a decision of the General Assembly upon the recommendation of the Security Council." The three governments, so far as they are concerned, will support applications for membership from those states which have remained neutral during the war and which fulfill the qualifications set out above. The three governments feel bound however to make it clear that they for their part would not favor any application for membership '93

Page  194 [9I] Aug. 2 Public Papers of the Presidents put forward by the present Spanish Government, which, having been founded with the support of the Axis powers, does not, in view of its origins, its nature, its record and its close association with the aggressor states, possess the qualifications necessary to justify such membership. XI. TERRITORIAL TRUSTEESHIPS The conference examined a proposal by the Soviet Government concerning trusteeship territories as defined in the decision of the Crimea Conference and in the Charter of the United Nations Organization. After an exchange of views on this question it was decided that the disposition of any former Italian territories was one to be decided in connection with the preparation of a peace treaty for Italy and that the question of Italian territory would be considered by the September Council of Ministers of Foreign Affairs. XII. REVISED ALLIED CONTROL COMMISSION PROCEDURE IN RUMANIA, BULGARIA, AND HUNGARY The three governments took note that the Soviet representatives on the Allied Control Commissions in Rumania, Bulgaria and Hungary, have communicated to their United Kingdom and United States colleagues proposals for improving the work of the Control Commission, now that hostilities in Europe have ceased. The three governments agreed that the revision of the procedures of the Allied Control Commissions in these countries would now be undertaken, taking into account the interests and responsibilities of the three governments which together presented the terms of armistice to the respective countries, and accepting as a basis the agreed proposals. XIII. ORDERLY TRANSFERS OF GERMAN POPULATIONS The conference reached the following agreement on the removal of Germans from Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary: The three governments having considered the question in all its aspects, recognize that the transfer to Germany of German populations, or elements thereof, remaining in Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary, will have to be undertaken. They agree that any transfers that I94

Page  195 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Aug. 2. [9i l take place should be effected in an orderly and humane manner. Since the influx of a large number of Germans into Germany would increase the burden already resting on the occupying authorities, they consider that the Allied Control Council in Germany should in the first instance examine the problem with special regard to the question of the equitable distribution of these Germans among the several zones of occupation. They are accordingly instructing their respective representatives on the Control Council to report to their governments as soon as possible the extent to which such persons have already entered Germany from Poland, Czechoslovakia and Hungary, and to submit an estimate of the time and rate at which further transfers could be carried out, having regard to the present situation in Germany. The Czechoslovak Government, the Polish Provisional Government and the Control Council in Hungary are at the same time being informed of the above, and are being requested meanwhile to suspend further expulsions pending the examination by the governments concerned of the report from their representatives on the Control Council. xIV. MILITARY TALKS During the conference there were meetings between the Chiefs of Staff of the three governments on military matters of common interest. Approved: J. V. STALIN HARRY S. TRUMAN C. R. ATTLEE NOTE: The Potsdam conference adjourned at Is1:30 a.m. on August 2. Shortly thereafter the President left for the airport in Gatow from which he flew to England. After a luncheon with King George VI aboard the H.M.S. Renown in Plymouth Harbor, he embarked for Newport News on the U.S.S. Augusta in the afternoon of August 2. He reached Washington on August 7. The foregoing report, signed at Potsdam, was released simultaneously in Washington, London, and Moscow at 5:30 p.m. Washington time. A list of the delegations of the participating countries, made public by the White House with the report, is published in the Department of State Bulletin (vol. 13, p. i6o). I95

Page  196 [92] Aug. 4 Public Papers of the Presidents 92 Veto of Bill Conveying Certain Property to Norwich University. August 4, I945 [ Released August 4, I945. Dated July 31, I945 ] To the House of Representatives: I return herewith, without my approval, H.R. 3549, "To provide for the conveyance of certain Weather Bureau property to Norwich University, Northfield, Vermont." The bill authorizes the return to Norwich University, Northfield, Vermont, of land which the University heretofore conveyed to the United States for a nominal consideration, and provides for the donation to the University of a two-story building and the weather station equipment therein, which the Government erected on such land at a cost of approximately $I3,000, and which is now surplus to the needs of the Department of Commerce after many years use as a Weather Bureau station. By the adoption of the Surplus Property Act of I944, the Federal Government provided, within the frame-work of a single enactment, for a coordinated system of disposal of its surplus properties under uniform policies and procedures. If the Government is to succeed in its efforts to maintain a fair and impartial program for the disposal of its surpluses in the days ahead, I think it is important that the operating principles and standards of action governing such disposals should be kept confined within a single instrument. If we should discover from experience with the statute that its present policies are too narrow or inadequate, any changes found desirable should be accomplished by amendment of the act itself, so that all properties similarly situated or in particular categories may be disposed of under general prescriptions of the law. Individual enactments to provide relief in specific situations, or to govern special cases, which in effect are exceptions or amendments to the present law, it seems to me should be discouraged as detrimental to a sound public policy in a Government program of this character. For these reasons, I feel obliged to not lend my approval to this measure. HARRY S. TRUMAN i96

Page  197 Harry S. Truman, I945 Aug. 6 [93] 93 Statement by the President Announcing the Use of the A-Bomb at Hiroshima. August 6, I945 SIXTEEN HOURS AGO an American airplane dropped one bomb on Hiroshima, an important Japanese Army base. That bomb had more power than 20,000 tons of T.N.T. It had more than two thousand times the blast power of the British "Grand Slam" which is the largest bomb ever yet used in the history of warfare. The Japanese began the war from the air at Pearl Harbor. They have been repaid many fold. And the end is not yet. With this bomb we have now added a new and revolutionary increase in destruction to supplement the growing power of our armed forces. In their present form these bombs are now in production and even more powerful forms are in development. It is an atomic bomb. It is a harnessing of the basic power of the universe. The force from which the sun draws its power has been loosed against those who brought war to the Far East. Before 1939, it was the accepted belief of scientists that it was theoretically possible to release atomic energy. But no one knew any practical method of doing it. By I942, however, we knew that the Germans were working feverishly to find a way to add atomic energy to the other engines of war with which they hoped to enslave the world. But they failed. We may be grateful to Providence that the Germans got the V-i's and V-2's late and in limited quantities and even more grateful that they did not get the atomic bomb at all. The battle of the laboratories held fateful risks for us as well as the battles of the air, land and sea, and we have now won the battle of the laboratories as we have won the other battles. Beginning in I940, before Pearl Harbor, scientific knowledge useful in war was pooled between the United States and Great Britain, and many priceless helps to our victories have come from that arrangement. Under that general policy the research on the atomic bomb was begun. With American and British scientists working together we entered the race of discovery against the Germans. The United States had available the large number of scientists of 197

Page  198 [93] Aug. 6 Public Papers of the Presidents distinction in the many needed areas of knowledge. It had the tremendous industrial and financial resources necessary for the project and they could be devoted to it without undue impairment of other vital war work. In the United States the laboratory work and the production plants, on which a substantial start had already been made, would be out of reach of enemy bombing, while at that time Britain was exposed to constant air attack and was still threatened with the possibility of invasion. For these reasons Prime Minister Churchill and President Roosevelt agreed that it was wise to carry on the project here. We now have two great plants and many lesser works devoted to the production of atomic power. Employment during peak construction numbered 125,000 and over 65,ooo individuals are even now engaged in operating the plants. Many have worked there for two and a half years. Few know what they have been producing. They see great quantities of material going in and they see nothing coming out of these plants, for the physical size of the explosive charge is exceedingly small. We have spent two billion dollars on the greatest scientific gamble in historyand won. But the greatest marvel is not the size of the enterprise, its secrecy, nor its cost, but the achievement of scientific brains in putting together infinitely complex pieces of knowledge held by many men in different fields of science into a workable plan. And hardly less marvelous has been the capacity of industry to design, and of labor to operate, the machines and methods to do things never done before so that the brain child of many minds came forth in physical shape and performed as it was supposed to do. Both science and industry worked under the direction of the United States Army, which achieved a unique success in managing so diverse a problem in the advancement of knowledge in an amazingly short time. It is doubtful if such another combination could be got together in the world. What has been done is the greatest achievement of organized science in history. It was done under high pressure and without failure. We are now prepared to obliterate more rapidly and completely every productive enterprise the Japanese have above ground in any city. We shall destroy their docks, their factories, and their com i98

Page  199 Harry S. Truman, I945 Aug. 6 [93] munications. Let there be no mistake; we shall completely destroy Japan's power to make war. It was to spare the Japanese people from utter destruction that the ultimatum of July 26 was issued at Potsdam. Their leaders promptly rejected that ultimatum. If they do not now accept our terms they may expect a rain of ruin from the air, the like of which has never been seen on this earth. Behind this air attack will follow sea and land forces in such numbers and power as they have not yet seen and with the fighting skill of which they are already well aware. The Secretary of War, who has kept in personal touch with all phases of the project, will immediately make public a statement giving further details. His statement will give facts concerning the sites at Oak Ridge near Knoxville, Tennessee, and at Riclland near Pasco, Washington, and an installation near Santa Fe, New Mexico. Although the workers at the sites have been making materials to be used in producing the greatest destructive force in history they have not themselves been in danger beyond that of many other occupations, for the utmost care has been taken of their safety. The fact that we can release atomic energy ushers in a new era in man's understanding of nature's forces. Atomic energy may in the future supplement the power that now comes from coal, oil, and falling water, but at present it cannot be produced on a basis to compete with them commercially. Before that comes there must be a long period of intensive research. It has never been the habit of the scientists of this country or the policy of this Government to withhold from the world scientific knowledge. Normally, therefore, everything about the work with atomic energy would be made public. But under present circumstances it is not intended to divulge the technical processes of production or all the military applications, pending further examination of possible methods of protecting us and the rest of the world from the danger of sudden destruction. I shall recommend that the Congress of the United States consider promptly the establishment of an appropriate commission to control the i99

Page  200 [93] Aug. 6 Public Papers of the Presidents production and use of atomic power within the United States. I shall give further consideration and make further recommendations to the Congress as to how atomic power can become a powerful and forceful influence towards the maintenance of world peace. NOTE: This statement was released in Potsdam Conference aboard the U.S.S. Washington. It was drafted before the Augusta, the President was handed a President left Germany, and Secretary message from Secretary Stimson inof War Stimson was authorized to re- forming him that the bomb had been lease it when the bomb was delivered. dropped at 7:15 p.m. on August 5. On August 6, while returning from the 94 The President's News Conference of August 8, I945 THE PRESIDENT. I have only a simple announcement to make. I can't hold a regular press conference today; but this announcement is so important I thought I would call you in. Russia has declared war on Japan! That is all! [Much applause and laughter, as the reporters raced out] NOTE: President Truman's seventeenth White House Official Reporter noted news conference was held in his office that Fleet Admiral William D. Leahy at the White House at 3 p.m. on and Secretary of State James F. Byrnes Wednesday, August 8, I945. The were special guests at this conference. 95 Letter to the Chairman, War Production Board, on Measures To Speed Reconversion. August 9, I945 Dear Chairman Krug: I have consulted with the Director of War Mobilization and Reconversion regarding steps to be taken by this Government to speed reconversion. Every opportunity must be given to private business to exercise its ingenuity and forcefulness in speeding the resumption of civilian production, subject to war needs. The Government has a major responsibility to assist in the achievement of an orderly transition from war production to civilian production. This is essential to the war pro 200

Page  201 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Aug. 9 [95] duction that continues and to the development of a healthy national economy. You and I have agreed that the War Production Board can and should play an important role in reconversion. In order to help industry to obtain unprecedented civilian production it is necessary, as you have suggested, for the War Production Board to continue, for the present, some of the effective measures it adopted to achieve our unprecedented war production. These controls, however, should be lifted as soon as they are no longer needed. Accordingly, I request you to continue the following program which you have been carrying out: i. A vigorous drive to expand production of materials which are in short supply, not only because of military demands, but to meet civilian demands as well. 2. Limitation upon the manufacture of products for which materials can not yet be made available, so as to avoid excessive pressure on supply which would threaten our stabilization program. 3. A broad and effective control of inventories so as to avoid speculative hoarding and an unbalanced distribution which would curtail total production and endanger our stabilization program. 4. Granting priority assistance to break bottlenecks which may impede the reconversion process. 5. Allocation of scarce materials necessary for the production of lowpriced items essential to the continued success of the stabilization program. In carrying out this request, I know that you will give due regard to the demobilization and reconversion policies established by the Congress, as set forth in Sections 203 and 204 of the War Mobilization and Reconversion Act of I944, and act under the guidance and direction of the Director of War Mobilization and Reconversion. I am appreciative of the tremendous accomplishment of the War Production Board under your direction and that of your predecessors. I am equally confident of the great contribution which you and your Agency can make to the transition from our fully mobilized war economy to a sound and fully employed peacetime economy. 20I

Page  202 [95] Aug. 9 Public Papers of the Presidents To carry out these responsibilities I hope that all the officials and staff of your Board whose services are needed will stay on the job. Their work is not yet done. The people of the United States expect them to be good soldiers and remain in service until the need has passed. Very sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN [Honorable J. A. Krug, Chairman, War Production Board] 96 Letter to Edward R. Stettinius Appointing Him U.S. Representative on the Preparatory Commission of the United Nations. August 9, I945 My dear Ed: I take pleasure in appointing you as the United States Representative on the Preparatory Commission of the United Nations established by agreement signed in San Francisco on June 26, 1945. In carrying out this responsibility you will have the personal rank of Ambassador. With all best wishes for your success in this vitally important undertaking. Sincerely yours, HARRy S. TRUMAN [The Honorable Edward R. Stettinius, Jr., Personal Representative of the President, The White House] NOTE: The agreement establishing the Stettinius would attend the initial rouPreparatory Commission of the United tine meetings of the Executive ComNations is published in the Statutes at mittee of the Commission, called for Large (59 Stat. 1411). August i6, but that the United States The White House release of the letter would be represented by an officer of stated that it was not expected that Mr. the State Department. 202

Page  203 Harry S. Truman,.945 Aug. 9 [971 97 Radio Report to the American People on the Potsdam Conference. August 9, I945 [ Delivered from the White House at io p.m.] My fellow Americans: I have just returned from Berlin, the city from which the Germans intended to rule the world. It is a ghost city. The buildings are in ruins, its economy and its people are in ruins. Our party also visited what is left of Frankfurt and Darmstadt. We flew over the remains of Kassel, Magdeburg, and other devastated cities. German women and children and old men were wandering over the highways, returning to bombed-out homes or leaving bombedout cities, searching for food and shelter. War has indeed come home to Germany and to the German people. It has come home in all the frightfulness with which the German leaders started and waged it. The German people are beginning to atone for the crimes of the gangsters whom they placed in power and whom they wholeheartedly approved and obediently followed. We also saw some of the terrific destruction which the war had brought to the occupied countries of Western Europe and to England. How glad I am to be home again! And how grateful to Almighty God that this land of ours has been spared! We must do all we can to spare her from the ravages of any future breach of the peace. That is why, though the United States wants no territory or profit or selfish advantage out of this war, we are going to maintain the military bases necessary for the complete protection of our interests and of world peace. Bases which our military experts deem to be essential for our protection, and which are not now in our possession, we will acquire. We will acquire them by arrangements consistent with the United Nations Charter. No one can foresee what another war would mean to our own cities and our own people. What we are doing to Japan now-even with the new atomic bomb-is only a small fraction of what would happen to the world in a third World War. 203

Page  204 [97] Aug. 9 Public Papers of the Presidents That is why the United Nations are determined that there shall be no next war. That is why the United Nations are determined to remain united and strong. We can never permit any aggressor in the future to be clever enough to divide us or strong enough to defeat us. That was the guiding spirit in the conference at San Francisco. That was the guiding spirit in the conference of Berlin. That will be the guiding spirit in the peace settlements to come. In the conference of Berlin, it was easy for me to get along in mutual understanding and friendship with Generalissimo Stalin, with Prime Minister Churchill, and later with Prime Minister Attlee. Strong foundations of good will and cooperation had been laid by President Roosevelt. And it was clear that those foundations rested upon much more than the personal friendships of three individuals. There was a fundamental accord and agreement upon the objectives ahead of us. Two of the three conferees of Teheran and Yalta were missing by the end of this conference. Each of them was sorely missed. Each had done his work toward winning this war. Each had made a great contribution toward establishing and maintaining a lasting world peace. Each of them seems to have been ordained to lead his country in its hour of greatest need. And so thoroughly had they done their jobs that we were able to carry on and to reach many agreements essential to the future peace and security of the world. The results of the Berlin conference have been published. There were no secret agreements or commitments-apart from current military arrangements. And it was made perfectly plain to my colleagues at the conference that, under our Constitution, the President has no power to make any treaties without ratification by the Senate of the United States. I want to express my thanks for the excellent services which were rendered at this conference by Secretary of State Byrnes, and which were highly commended by the leaders of the other two powers. I am thankful also to the other members of the American delegationAdmiral Leahy and Ambassadors Harriman, Davies, and Pauley-and 204

Page  205 Harry S. Truman, I945 Aug. 9 [97] to the entire American staff. Without their hard work and sound advice the conference would have been unable to accomplish as much as it did. The conference was concerned with many political and economic questions. But there was one strictly military matter uppermost in the minds of the American delegates. It was the winning of the war against Japan. On our program, that was the most important item. The military arrangements made at Berlin were of course secret. One of those secrets was revealed yesterday, when the Soviet Union declared war on Japan. The Soviet Union, before she had been informed of our new weapon, agreed to enter the war in the Pacific. We gladly welcome into this struggle against the last of the Axis aggressors our gallant and victorious ally against the Nazis. The Japs will soon learn some more of the other military secrets agreed upon at Berlin. They will learn them firsthand-and they will not like them. Before we met at Berlin, the United States Government had sent to the Soviet and British Governments our ideas of what should be taken up at the conference. At the first meeting our delegation submitted these proposals for discussion. Subjects were added by the Soviet and British Governments, but in the main the conference was occupied with the American proposals. Our first nonmilitary agreement in Berlin was the establishment of the Council of Foreign Ministers. The Council is going to be the continuous meeting ground of the five principal governments, on which to reach common understanding regarding the peace settlements. This does not mean that the five governments are going to try to dictate to, or dominate, other nations. It will be their duty to apply, so far as possible, the fundamental principles of justice underlying the Charter adopted at San Francisco. Just as the meeting at Dumbarton Oaks drew up the proposals to be placed before the conference at San Francisco, so this Council of Foreign Ministers will lay the groundwork for future peace settlements. This preparation by the Council will make possible speedier, more 205

Page  206 [97] Aug. 9 Public Papers of the Presidents orderly, more efficient, and more cooperative peace settlements than could otherwise be obtained. One of the first tasks of the Council of Foreign Ministers is to draft proposed treaties of peace with former enemy countries-Italy, Rumania, Bulgaria, Hungary, and Finland. These treaties, of course, will have to be passed upon by all the nations concerned. In our own country the Senate will have to ratify them. But we shall begin at once the necessary preparatory work. Adequate study now may avoid the planting of the seeds of future wars. I am sure that the American people will agree with me that this Council of Foreign Ministers will be effective in hastening the day of peace and reconstruction. We are anxious to settle the future of Italy first among the former enemy countries. Italy was the first to break away from the Axis. She helped materially in the final defeat of Germany. She has now joined us in the war against Japan. She is making real progress toward democracy. A peace treaty with a democratic Italian government will make it possible for us to receive Italy as a member of the United Nations. The Council of Foreign Ministers will also have to start the preparatory work for a German peace settlement. But its final acceptance will have to wait until Germany has developed a government with which a peace treaty can be made. In the meantime, the conference of Berlin laid down the specific political and economic principles under which Germany will be governed by the occupying powers. Those principles have been published. I hope that all of you will read them.1 They seek to rid Germany of the forces which have made her so long feared and hated, and which have now brought her to complete disaster. They are intended to eliminate Nazism, armaments, war industries, the German General Staff and all its military tradition. They seek to rebuild democracy by control of German education, by reorganizing local government and the judiciary, by encouraging free See Item 91. 206

Page  207 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Aug. 9 [97] speech, free press, freedom of religion, and the right of labor to organize. German industry is to be decentralized in order to do away with concentration of economic power in cartels and monopolies. Chief emphasis is to be on agriculture and peaceful industry. German economic power to make war is to be eliminated. The Germans are not to have a higher standard of living than their former victims, the people of the defeated and occupied countries of Europe. We are going to do what we can to make Germany over into a decent nation, so that it may eventually work its way from the economic chaos it has brought upon itself, back into a place in the civilized world. The economic action taken against Germany at the Berlin conference included another most important item-reparations. We do not intend again to make the mistake of exacting reparations in money and then lending Germany the money with which to pay. Reparations this time are to be paid in physical assets from those resources of Germany which are not required for her peacetime subsistence. The first purpose of reparations is to take out of Germany everything with which she can prepare for another war. Its second purpose is to help the devastated countries to bring about their own recovery by means of the equipment and material taken from Germany. At the Crimea conference a basis for fixing reparations had been proposed for initial discussion and study by the Reparations Commission. That basis was a total amount of reparations of twenty billions of dollars. Of this sum, one half was to go to Russia, which had suffered more heavily in the loss of life and property than any other country. But at Berlin the idea of attempting to fix a dollar value on the property to be removed from Germany was dropped. To fix a dollar value on the share of each nation would be a sort of guarantee of the amount each nation would get-a guarantee which might not be fulfilled. Therefore, it was decided to divide the property by percentages of the total amount available. We still generally agreed that Russia should get approximately half of the total for herself and Poland, and 207

Page  208 [97] Aug. 9 Public Papers of the Presidents that the remainder should be divided among all the other nations entitled to reparations. Under our agreement at Berlin, the reparations claims of the Soviet Union and Poland are to be met from the property located in the zone of Germany occupied by the Soviet Union, and from the German assets in Bulgaria, Finland, Hungary, Rumania and East Austria. The reparations claims of all the other countries are to be met from property located in the western zones of occupation in Germany, and from the German assets in all other countries. The Soviet waives all claim to gold captured by the Allied troops in Germany. This formula of taking reparations by zones will lead to less friction among the Allies than the tentative basis originally proposed for study at Yalta. The difficulty with this formula, however, is that the industrial capital equipment not necessary for German peace economy is not evenly divided among the zones of occupation. The western zones have a much higher percentage than the eastern zone, which is mostly devoted to agriculture and to the production of raw materials. In order to equalize the distribution and to give Russia and Poland their fair share of approximately 50 percent, it was decided that they should receive, without any reimbursement, io percent of the capital equipment in the western zones available for reparations. As you will note from the communique, a further i5 percent of the capital equipment in the western zones not necessary for Germany's peace economy is also to be turned over to Russia and Poland. But this is not free. For this property, Poland and Russia will give to the western zones an equal amount in value in food, coal, and other raw materials. This i5 percent, therefore, is not additional reparations for Russia and Poland. It is a means of maintaining a balanced economy in Germany and providing the usual exchange of goods between the eastern part and the western part. It was agreed at Berlin that the payment of reparations, from whatever zones taken, should always leave enough resources to enable the German people to subsist without sustained support from other nations. The question of Poland was a most difficult one. Certain compro 208

Page  209 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Aug. 9 [97] mises about Poland had already been agreed upon at the Crimea conference. They obviously were binding upon us at Berlin. By the time of the Berlin conference, the Polish Provisional Government of National Unity- had already been formed; and it had been recognized by all of us. The new Polish Government had agreed to hold free and unfettered elections as soon as possible, on the basis of universal suffrage and the secret ballot. In acceptance-in accordance with the Crimea agreement, we did seek the opinion of the Polish Provisional Government of National Unity with respect to its western and northern boundaries. They agreed, as did we all, that the final determination of the borders could not be accomplished at Berlin, but must await the peace settlement. However, a considerable portion of what was the Russian zone of occupation in Germany was turned over to Poland at the Berlin conference for administrative purposes until the final determination of the peace settlement. Nearly every international agreement has in it the element of compromise. The agreement on Poland is no exception. No one nation can expect to get everything that it wants. It is a question of give and take-of being willing to meet your neighbor half-way. In this instance, there is much to justify the action taken. The agreement on some line-even provisionally —was necessary to enable the new Poland to organize itself, and to permit the speedier withdrawal of the armed forces which had liberated her from the Germans. In the area east of the Curzon line there are over 3,000,000 Poles who are to be returned to Poland. They need room, room to settle. The new area in the West was formerly populated by Germans. But most of them have already left in the face of the invading Soviet Army. We were informed that there were only about a million and a half left. The territory the Poles are to administer will enable Poland better to support its population. It will provide a short and more easily defensible frontier between Poland and Germany. Settled by Poles, it will provide a more homogeneous nation. The Three Powers also agreed to help bring about the earliest possible return to Poland of all Poles who wish to return, including soldiers, 209

Page  210 [97] Aug. 9 [97] ug. 9 Public Papers of the Presidents with the assurance that they would have all the rights of other Polish citizens. The action taken at Berlin will help carry out the basic policy of the United Nations toward Poland-to create a strong, independent, and prosperous nation with a government to be selected by the people themselves. It was agreed to recommend that in the peace settlement a portion of East Prussia should be turned over to Russia. That, too, was agreed upon at Yalta. It will provide the Soviet Union, which did so much to bring about victory in Europe, with an ice-free port at the expense of Germany. At Yalta it was agreed, you will recall, that the three governments would assume a common responsibility in helping to reestablish in the liberated and satellite nations of Europe governments broadly representative of democratic elements in the population. That responsibility still stands. We all recognize it as a joint responsibility of the three governments. It was reaffirmed in the Berlin Declarations on Rumania, Bulgaria, and Hungary. These nations are not to be spheres of influence of any one power. They are now governed by Allied control commissions composed of representatives of the three governments which met at Yalta and Berlin. These control commissions, it is true, have not been functioning completely to our satisfaction; but improved procedures were agreed upon at Berlin. Until these states are reestablished as members of the international family, they are the joint concern of all of us. The American delegation was much disturbed over the inability of the representatives of a free. pre~s to get information out of the former German satellite nations. The three governments agreed at Berlin that the Allied press would enjoy full freedom from now on to report to the world upon all developments in Rumania, Bulgaria, Hungary, and Finland. The same agreement was reaffirmed also as to Poland. One of the persistent causes for wars in Europe in the last two centuries has been the selfish control of the waterways of Europe. I mean the Danube, the Black Sea Straits, the Rhine, the Kiel Canal, and all 210

Page  211 Harry S. Truman, '945 Aug. 9 [97] the inland waterways of Europe which border upon two or more states. The United States proposed at Berlin that there be free and unrestricted navigation of these inland waterways. We think this is important to the future peace and security of the world. We proposed that regulations for such navigation be provided by international authorities. The function of the agencies would be to develop the use of the waterways and assure equal treatment on them for all nations. Membership on the agencies would include the United States, Great Britain, the Soviet Union, and France, plus those states which border on the waterways. Our proposal was considered by the conference and was referred to the Council of Ministers. There, the United States intends to press for its adoption. Any man who sees Europe now must realize that victory in a great war is not something you win once and for all, like victory in a ball game. Victory in a great war is something that must be won and kept won. It can be lost after you have won it-if you are careless or negligent or indifferent. Europe today is hungry. I am not talking about Germans. I am talking about the people of the countries which were overrun and devastated by the Germans, and particularly about the people of Western Europe. Many of them lack clothes and fuel and tools and shelter and raw materials. They lack the means to restore their cities and their factories. As the winter comes on, the distress will increase. Unless we do what we can to help, we may lose next winter what we won at such terrible cost last spring. Desperate men are liable to destroy the structure of their society to find in the wreckage some substitute for hope. If we let Europe go cold and hungry, we may lose some of the foundations of order on which the hope for worldwide peace must rest. We must help to the limits of our strength. And we will. Our meeting at Berlin was the first meeting of the great Allies since victory was won in Europe. Naturally our thoughts now turn to the day of victory in Japan. 211

Page  212 [97] Aug. 9 Public Papers of the Presidents The British, Chinese, and United States Governments have given the Japanese people adequate warning of what is in store for them. We have laid down the general terms on which they can surrender. Our warning went unheeded; our terms were rejected. Since then the Japanese have seen what our atomic bomb can do. They can foresee what it will do in the future. The world will note that the first atomic bomb was dropped on Hiroshima, a military base. That was because we wished in this first attack to avoid, insofar as possible, the killing of civilians. But that attack is only a warning of things to come. If Japan does not surrender, bombs will have to be dropped on her war industries and, unfortunately, thousands of civilian lives will be lost. I urge Japanese civilians to leave industrial cities immediately, and save themselves from destruction. I realize the tragic significance of the atomic bomb. Its production and its use were not lightly undertaken by this Government. But we knew that our enemies were on the search for it. We know now how close they were to finding it. And we knew the disaster which would come to this Nation, and to all peace-loving nations, to all civilization, if they had found it first. That is why we felt compelled to undertake the long and uncertain and costly labor of discovery and production. We won the race of discovery against the Germans. Having found the bomb we have used it. We have used it against those who attacked us without warning at Pearl Harbor, against those who have starved and beaten and executed American prisoners of war, against those who have abandoned all pretense of obeying international laws of warfare. We have used it in order to shorten the agony of war, in order to save the lives of thousands and thousands of young Americans. We shall continue to use it until we completely destroy Japan's power to make war. Only a Japanese surrender will stop us. The atomic bomb is too dangerous to be loose in a lawless world. That is why Great Britain, Canada, and the United States, who have the secret of its production, do not intend to reveal that secret until 2I2

Page  213 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Aug. 9 [97] means have been found to control the bomb so as to protect ourselves and the rest of the world from the danger of total destruction. As far back as last May, Secretary of War Stimson, at my suggestion, appointed a committee upon which Secretary of State Byrnes served as my personal representative, to prepare plans for the future control of this bomb. I shall ask the Congress to cooperate to the end that its production and use be controlled, and that its power be made an overwhelming influence towards world peace. We must constitute ourselves trustees of this new force-to prevent its misuse, and to turn it into the channels of service to mankind. It is an awful responsibility which has come to us. We thank God that it has come to us, instead of to our enemies; and we pray that He may guide us to use it in His ways and for His purposes. Our victory in Europe was more than a victory of arms. It was a victory of one way of life over another. It was a victory of an ideal founded on the rights of the common man, on the dignity of the human being, on the conception of the State as the servant-and not the master-of its people. A free people showed that it was able to defeat professional soldiers whose only moral arms were obedience and the worship of force. We tell ourselves that we have emerged from this war the most powerful nation in the world-the most powerful nation, perhaps, in all history. That is true, but not in the sense some of us believe it to be true. The war has shown us that we have tremendous resources to make all the materials for war. It has shown us that we have skillful workers and managers and able generals, and a brave people capable of bearing arms. All these things we knew before. The new thing-the thing which we had not known-the thing we have learned now and should never forget, is this: that a society of selfgoverning men is more powerful, more enduring, more creative than any other kind of society, however disciplined, however centralized. We know now that the basic proposition of the worth and dignity 2I3

Page  214 [97] Aug. 9 Public Papers of the Presidents of man is not a sentimental aspiration or a vain hope or a piece of rhetoric. It is the strongest, most creative force now present in this world. Now let us use that force and all our resources and all our skills in the great cause of a just and lasting peace! The Three Great Powers are now more closely than ever bound together in determination to achieve that kind of peace. From Teheran, and the Crimea, from San Francisco and Berlin-we shall continue to march together to a lasting peace and a happy world! NOTE: The President returned to Wash- after traveling by special train from ington on August 7. He was welcomed Newport News where he had disemby members of the Cabinet on his ar- barked that afternoon. rival at the White House at II p.m., 98 Citation Accompanying the Distinguished Service Medal Presented to James F. Byrnes. August I3, I945 CITATION FOR DISTINGUISHED SERVICE MEDAL MR. JAMES F. BYRNES, as Director of War Mobilization from October 1942 to March I945, discharged duties of great responsibility with outstanding success. Faced with the problem of aiding the Chief Executive in girding the nation for a conflict of unprecedented proportions, he accomplished his task with exceptional skill. His sympathetic consideration of both military and civilian needs struck a delicate balance that insured the armed forces sufficient manpower and materiel for a maximum effort in a global war while maintaining civilian economy at the highest level of any belligerent in World War II. When necessary, he did not hesitate to support unpopular measures essential to the successful prosecution of the war. He continually gave ready hearing to all sides of momentous questions and rendered logical, sound decisions. He accompanied the Commander-in-Chief to vital conferences, applying his extensive knowledge of inter-Allied problems to their prompt and effective solution. With vast understanding, exceptional ability as an arbiter, unswerving devotion to the national 2I4

Page  215 Harry S. Truman, 945 A Aug. I3 [99] interests and firm determination, Mr. Byrnes performed difficult services (of high importance), making a major contribution to the war effort. HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: The presentation was made by the President in a ceremony in the Rose Garden at the White House. 99 Statement by the President on the Ioth Anniversary of the Social Security Act. August 13, I945 IN A WORLD still at war it is well that we pause to celebrate one of the great peacetime achievements of the American people, namely, the enactment of the Social Security Act. It is only ten years ago that this act became law. Yet in this brief period of time social security has become an essential part of the American way of life. We have a right to be proud of the progress we have already made in this field. We have a national system of old-age and survivors insurance under which forty million workers are insured not only for old-age annuities but also for monthly benefits to their wives, children, and dependent parents in case of the worker's death. Already there are well over one million beneficiaries actually receiving monthly checks under this insurance system. We have a nationwide unemployment insurance system brought about by Federal action but administered by the States, under which thirty-six million workers are provided some protection against wage loss due to involuntary unemployment. We have provided Federal grants-in-aid to the States to enable them to pay cash assistance to the needy aged, the needy blind, and dependent children. Today two and three-quarter million men, women, and children are receiving this assistance. In addition, there are other provisions of the Social Security Act which promote child welfare and public health. But while we have made progress we still have a long way to go before we can truthfully say that our social security system furnished the people of this country adequate protection. Therefore, we should 2I5

Page  216 [99] Aug. I3 Public Papers of the Presidents lose no time in making of our Social Security Act a more perfect instrument for the maintenance of economic security throughout this country. I expect to present to the Congress specific recommendations looking toward this objective. A sound system of social security requires careful consideration and preparation. Social security worthy of the name is not a dole or a device for giving everybody something for nothing. True social security must consist of rights which are earned rights-guaranteed by the law of the land. Only that kind of social security is worthy of the men and women who have fought and are now fighting to preserve the heritage and the future of America. oo100 The President's News Conference of August I4, I945 THE PRESIDENT [reading]: "I have received this afternoon a message from the Japanese Government-" Before I go any further, this will be in the form of releases, so you don't have to copy it unless you want to. "-in reply to the message forwarded to that Government by the Secretary of State on August ii. I deem this reply a full acceptance of the Potsdam Declaration which specifies the unconditional surrender of Japan. In the reply there is no qualification. "Arrangements are now being made for the signing of the surrender terms at the earliest possible moment. "General Douglas MacArthur has been appointed the Supreme Allied Commander to receive the Japanese surrender. Great Britain, Russia, and China will be represented by high-ranking officers. "Meantime, the Allied armed forces have been ordered to suspend offensive action. "Proclamation of V-J Day must wait upon the formal signing of the surrender terms by Japan. "The following is the Japanese Government's message accepting our terms." 2i6

Page  217 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Aug. I4 [ I00] But before I start to read that, there are three releases to come; one has to do with a 2-day holiday.' The reason we are making it 2 days is because we didn't get to celebrate for the other. [Laughter] Then there is one that has to do with the draft. This is the official Swiss communique handed to the Secretary of State: "Sir: I have the honor to refer to your note of August ii, in which you requested me to transmit to my Government the reply of the Governments of the United States, the United Kingdom, the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and China to the message from the Japanese Government which was communicated in my note of August io. "At 20.i0 today (Swiss Time) the Japanese Minister to Switzerland conveyed the following written statement to the Swiss Government for transmission to the four Allied governments: "'Communication of the Japanese Government of August I4, I945, addressed to the Governments of the United States, Great Britain, the Soviet Union, and China: "'With reference to the Japanese Government's note of August io regarding their acceptance of the provisions of the Potsdam declaration and the reply of the Governments of the United States, Great Britain, the Soviet Union, and China sent by American Secretary of State Byrnes under the date of August ii, the Japanese Government have the honor to communicate to the Governments of the four powers as follows: " 'i. His Majesty the Emperor has issued an Imperial rescript regarding Japan's acceptance of the provisions of the Potsdam declaration. " '2. His Majesty the Emperor is prepared to authorize and ensure the signature of his Government and the Imperial General Headquarters of the necessary terms for carrying out the provisions of the Potsdam declaration. His Majesty is also prepared to issue his commands to all the military, naval, and air authorities of Japan and all the forces under their control wherever located to cease active operations, to surrender arms and to issue such other orders as may be required by the Supreme 1 See Item 102 I See Item 101. 2I7

Page  218 [ioo] Aug. I4 Public Papers of the Presidents Commander of the Allied Forces for the execution of the abovementioned terms.' "Accept, Sir, the renewed assurances of my highest consideration. "Charge d'Aflaires of the Swiss Government in the United States" Voice: I congratulate you! THE PRESIDENT. That is all. Joe Fox, Washington Star: Thank you, Mr. President. [Applause and further congratulations] NOTE: President Truman's eighteenth President's official family, his secretariat, news conference was held in his office at and Administrative Assistants George the White House at 7 p.m. on Tuesday, Schoeneman and David K. Niles. He August 14, 1945. The White House also noted that former Secretary of State Official Reporter noted that members Cordell Hull was invited, but did not of the Cabinet were present; also the arrive until the conference was over. ioI Statement by the President Announcing a Reduction in the Draft. August 14, I945 THE WAR DEPARTMENT has recommended, and I have approved, a request to the Director of Selective Service to reduce inductions immediately from 8o,ooo to 50,000 per month. This figure will provide only sufficient men to support the forces required for occupational duty and to permit the relief of long-service men overseas to the maximum extent transportation makes possible. In justice to the millions of men who have given long and faithful service under the difficult and hazardous conditions of the Pacific War and elsewhere overseas a constant flow of replacements to the occupational forces is thought to be imperative. Mathematically and morally no other course of action appears acceptable. Transportation by air and sea should make possible the release from the Army of five to five and a half million men during the next twelve to eighteen months. It is too early to propose definite figures for the occupation forces which will be required in the Pacific twelve months 2i8

Page  219 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Aug. I4 [IO2] from now or what reduction it may be possible to make in the strength of the Army force now allotted to occupation duties in Europe. It is apparent, however, that we can release as many men as can be brought home by the means available during the next year. The present problem, therefore, centers on the readjustment of personnel now in uniform and the induction of new men through Selective Service to permit the earliest possible release from the Army of those men who have long records of dangerous, arduous and faithful service. Requirements for future induction into the Army will be limited to the lowest age groups which will provide the numbers of men required. Preliminary estimates indicate that the age groups under 26 will satisfy this requirement. I02 Statement by the President Commending Federal Employees. August 14, i945 ONE OF THE hardest working groups of war workers during the past four years-and perhaps the least appreciated by the public-has been the Federal employes in Washington and throughout the country. They have carried on the day-to-day operations of the government which are essential to the support of our fighting men and to the carrying on of the war. On behalf of the nation, I formally express thanks to them. As a token of this feeling, I hereby request all the heads of the departments, agencies and bureaus throughout the government to excuse the employes thereof for tomorrow and Thursday. This action is to be without charge against the annual leave of the employes. Only skeleton forces need be maintained. I hope that all of the employes of the government will enjoy this well-deserved-though inadequate-holiday. NOTE: The President also recognized Executive Order 9240 to declare August the contribution of war workers in pri- 15 and i6 legal holidays for premium vate industry through a White House pay purposes. See also Item 115. release announcing that he had amended 219

Page  220 [i03] Aug. I5 Public Papers of the Presidents 103 Statement by the President: The Jewish New Year. August I5, I945 I EXTEND to all my fellow Americans of Jewish faith my hearty congratulations and best wishes for New Year's Day. The enemies of civilization who would have destroyed completely all freedom of religion have been defeated. All faiths unite in thanksgiving to Almighty God on our victory over the forces of evil. Let us now all join to create the kind of peace settlement which will keep alive freedom of religious belief all over the world, and prevent the recurrence of all this misery and destruction. That is the most fitting memorial we can erect to those who have fought and suffered and labored and died in this struggle to preserve decency for mankind. I04 Statement by the President Proposing Measures To Insure Industrial Peace in the Reconversion Period. August i6, I945 OUR NATIONAL WELFARE requires that during the reconversion period production of civilian goods and services go forward without interruption, and that labor and industry cooperate to keep strikes and lockouts at a minimum. We must work out means for the peaceful settlement of disputes that might adversely affect the transition to a peacetime economy. We have had an exceptionally good record of industrial peace during the war. We must take the necessary steps now to insure a continuation of this record in the reconversion period before us. We must also, in this period, continue the stabilization program, modifying it to meet the changes in our economy which are now taking place. To these ends: i. In the near future I shall call a conference of representatives of organized labor and industry, for the purpose of working out by agreement means to minimize the interruption of production by labor disputes in the reconversion period. 220

Page  221 Harry S. Truman, I945 Aug. i6 [ io4] The foundation of our wartime industrial relations was an agreement between representatives of industry and labor, who met at the call of the President immediately after Pearl Harbor. This agreement provided that "for the duration of the war there shall be no strikes or lockouts," upon condition that a National War Labor Board be established for the peaceful adjustment of unsettled disputes. Pursuant to that agreement the President, by Executive Order 90i7, created the War Labor Board, and Congress, in the War Labor Disputes Act, confirmed and strengthened its authority. The Board is an emergency agency. Its effectiveness has been rooted in the wartime agreement which led to its establishment. As a result of that agreement industry and labor, with but very few exceptions, have voluntarily accepted the Board's decisions in the disputes which have been certified to it as affecting the war effort. A new industrylabor agreement to minimize interruption of production by labor disputes during the reconversion period ahead of us is imperatively needed. 2. Pending the completion of the conference and until some new plan is worked out and made effective, disputes which cannot be settled by collective bargaining and conciliation, including disputes which threaten a substantial interference with the transition to a peacetime economy, should be handled by the War Labor Board under existing procedures. For that interim period I call upon the representatives of organized labor and industry to renew their no-strike and no-lockout pledges, and I shall expect both industry and labor in that period to continue to comply voluntarily, as they have in the past, with the directive orders of the War Labor Board. 3. The Stabilization Act is effective until June 30, i946. During its continuance wage adjustments which might affect prices must continue to be subject to stabilization controls. With the ending of war production, however, there is no longer any threat of an inflationary bidding up of wage rates by competition in a short labor market. I am therefore authorizing the War Labor Board to release proposed voluntary wage increases from the necessity of approval upon condition that they will not be used in whole or in part as the basis for seeking an 22I

Page  222 (104] Aug. i6 Public Papers of the Presidents increase in price ceilings. Proposed wage increases requiring price relief must continue to be passed upon by the Board. 4. The reconversion from wartime to peacetime economy will undoubtedly give rise to maladjustments and inequities in wage rates which will tend to interfere with the effective transition to a peacetime economy. For the remaining period of its existence, the Board should be given authority to deal with these maladjustments and inequities, whose scope and nature cannot be clearly foreseen. I am therefore issuing a new Executive Order which will carry forward the criteria for passing upon wage increases as originally laid down in Executive Order 9250, and which will also vest in the Board authority to approve or direct increases which are necessary to aid in the effective transition to a peacetime economy. The new Executive Order will continue the previous requirement that any proposed wage increase affecting prices, if approved or directed by the Board, will become effective only if also approved by the Director of Economic Stabilization. 5. The War Labor Board should be terminated as soon after the conclusion of the forthcoming Industry-Labor conference as the orderly disposition of the work of the Board, and the provisions of the War Labor Disputes Act permit; and after facilities have been provided to take care of the wage stabilization functions under the Act of October 2, I942. 6. Meanwhile, the strengthening of the Department of Labor, and the unification under it of functions properly belonging to it, are going forward under plans being formulated by the Secretary of Labor. In these plans particular stress is being laid on the upbuilding of the U.S. Conciliation Service. With the return to a peacetime economy and the elimination of the present temporary wartime agencies and procedures, we must look to collective bargaining, aided and supplemented by a truly effective system of conciliation and voluntary arbitration, as the best and most democratic method of maintaining sound industrial relations. 222

Page  223 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Aug. I6 [ io5] I05 Proclamation 2660: Victory in the East-Day of Prayer. August i6, I945 By the President of the United States of America a Proclamation: The war lords of Japan and the Japanese armed forces have surrendered. They have surrendered unconditionally. Three months after victory in Europe victory has come in the East. The cruel war of aggression which Japan started eight years ago to spread the forces of evil over the Pacific has resulted in her total defeat. This is the end of the grandiose schemes of the dictators to enslave the peoples of the world, destroy their civilization, and institute a new era of darkness and degradation. This day is a new beginning in the history of freedom on this earth. Our global victory has come from the courage and stamina and spirit of free men and women united in determination to fight. It has come from the massive strength of arms and materials created by peace-loving peoples who knew that unless they won decency in the world would end. It has come from millions of peaceful citizens all over the worldturned soldiers almost overnight-who showed a ruthless enemy that they were not afraid to fight and to die, and that they knew how to win. It has come with the help of God, Who was with us in the early days of adversity and disaster, and Who has now brought us to this glorious day of triumph. Let us give thanks to Him, and remember that we have now dedicated ourselves to follow in His ways to a lasting and just peace and to a better world. Now, THEREFORE, I, HAmRY S. TRUMAN, President of the United States of America, do hereby appoint Sunday, August i9, i945, to be a day of prayer. I call upon the people of the United States, of all faiths, to unite in offering their thanks to God for the victory we have won, and in praying that He will support and guide us into the paths of peace. I also call upon my countrymen to dedicate this day of prayer to the memory of those who have given their lives to make possible our victory. 223

Page  224 [105] Aug. i6 Public Papers of the Presidents IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States of America to be affixed. DONE at the City of Washington this sixteenth day of August, in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and forty-five, and of [SEAL] the Independence of the United States of America the one hundred and seventieth. HARRY S. TRUMAN By the President: JAMES F. BYRNES, Secretary of State IO6 The President's News Conference of August 16, I945 THE PRESIDENT. Well, I called this press conference at the suggestion of Mr. Ross, because I thought you hadn't all had a chance to look me in the face or ask me any impertinent questions. [Laughter] I haven't anything that you would break your arms to get out of the door for this morning. [Laughter] If you have questions to ask me[i.] I have issued a proclamation setting aside Sunday as a day of prayer. After the 2 days' celebration I think we will need the prayer. [Laughter] I am ready for any questions you have to ask. I will answer them if I can. [2.] Q. Mr. President, the question I have written down here is: What is to be done with those three huge plants in the Manhattan project? THE PRESIDENT. That is going to be up to the Congress. That Manhattan project product, in the long run, will be used for the welfare and benefit of the world instead of its destruction; and if Congress is willing to go along, we will continue the experiments to show how we can use that for peace instead of war. Q. Are the wheels now turning?-do you happen to know? THE PRESIDENT. The wheels are turning. I hope the Congress will want to go along. 224

Page  225 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Aug. I6 [I06] [3.] Q. Mr. President, did you notice that the Japanese radio speakers indicate they are looking for revenge in the future? THE PRESIDENT. Nearly every defeated people does that. That is natural. But I don't think they will have any chance at it. I don't think they will be able to implement it at all; at least, I hope not. Q. Mr. President, there still seems to be a little confusion as to the legal status of V-J Day, when it comes. THE PRESIDENT. V-J will be declared by proclamation when the terms of surrender are signed and implemented. The surrender isn't complete. There are still two million Japs fully armed. Q. Will that day, once it is proclaimed-do you envision it as a holiday? People will not be expected to work, will they? THE PRESIDENT. I think they have had their holidays. There is too much to do to declare too many holidays. [4.] Q. Mr. President, one of the new bills is the full employment bill? THE PRESIDENT. That's right. Q. In Mr. Snyder's report there was no mention of that. Is there any intention ofTHE PRESIDENT. Full employment is a "must." [5.] Q. Mr. President, will you or General MacArthur announce the signing of the surrender terms? THE PRESIDENT. It will be announced from General MacArthur's headquarters. [6.] Q. Mr. President, have you time to get back to the Supreme Court vacancy? THE PRESIDENT. No, I haven't had any chance to get to anything but what we have been going through; but politics is open and free now. [Laughter] [7.] Q. Mr. President, anything you can tell us about the tax situation? THE PRESIDENT. There is nothing now. Experts are working on it, and when they get the figures ready, I will give them to you. [8.] Q. Anything about the Jewish national state discussed at Potsdam? 225

Page  226 [io6] Aug. i6 Public Papers of the Presidents THE PRESIDENT. There was. I discussed the matter with Mr. Churchill and Mr. Attlee, and we are still discussing it. Q. Not with Stalin? THE PRESIDENT. No, there was nothing he could do about it. Q. Mr. President, are you aware of any negotiations or conversations now with Korea? THE PRESIDENT. No, I am not. Q. You know the situation; the Koreans are askingTHE PRESIDENT. Yes, the Korean situation was discussed at Berlin, and the Korean program, I think, will be carried through as we anticipated-that it will be a free country. [9.] Q. Mr. President, is Manila definitely fixed as the surrender place now? THE PRESIDENT. I can't answer that. That is in the hands of the Allied Commander in Chief. [Io.] Q. Mr. President, did you take up the status of Hong Kong? THE PRESIDENT. No, it was not discussed. Q. Mr. President, there was a report General Eisenhower was returning here; have you any information on that. THE PRESIDENT. I have not. Q. Mr. President, was there any term of years fixed on the occupation of Germany? THE PRESIDENT. No. Q. Some thought the 2-year reparations period indicates that we might get out in that time. THE PRESIDENT. The occupation will depend entirely on how well the Germans rehabilitate themselves on the democratic way of life. Q. Does that apply to the Japanese also? THE PRESIDENT. It certainly will. Q. Mr. PresidentTHE PRESIDENT. Let this lady speak. Q. Vivian Lovell, French News Agency: Have the different zones of occupation of Japan been discussed? THE PRESIDENT. They have not. Q. Are you anticipating any trips in the near future? 226

Page  227 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Aug. i6 [ io6] THE PRESIDENT. No; it's like moving a circus to get me around the country, and I will stay at home. [Laughter] [Ii.] Q. Is Dean Acheson resigning from the Department of State? THE PRESIDENT. That is a matter for the Secretary of State. [12.] Q. What is the status of the War Labor Board under the new program-will it continue to exist? THE PRESIDENT. No, the War Labor Board will only continue as long as there is a necessity, which I think will be only a limited time. [I3.] Q. Will there be occupation zones in Japan? THE PRESIDENT. Japan will be occupied under the Commander in Chief for the Allies. I don't think there will be any necessity for zones of occupation in Japan. Probably there will be troops from the Allies in the occupation areas. [I4.] Q. How long do you think the draft will have to continue, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. That is a matter that Congress will have to decide. The draft is only temporarily continued for the need to get those soldiers who have been fighting discharged first. There is no reason why these young fellows who have nothing to do now should not replace the ones who have done the fighting so they can be discharged. The Congress will have to pass on that when they meet. Q. Mr. President, are you going to make recommendations on what kind of peacetime military training we are to have? THE PRESIDENT. I am going to make recommendations to Congress on a universal military training program which is not peacetime conscription. Q. When? THE PRESIDENT. When Congress meets. [I5.] Q. Any changes in the War Labor Board? Who will handle that? THE PRESIDENT. The Department of Labor. [i6.] Q. Do you care to go any further with that peacetime military training now? THE PRESIDENT. No, that will be a new story I will give you later. I don't want to talk about it today. 227

Page  228 [io6] Aug. i6 Public Papers of the Presidents [I7.] Q. Do you envisage the appointment of a political adviser to General MacArthur like Bob Murphy is to General Eisenhower? THE PRESIDENT. If that is necessary, it will be done. The situation is entirely different in the Pacific. [i8.] Q. What was the American view on Palestine at Berlin? THE PRESIDENT. The American view of Palestine is, we want to let as many of the Jews into Palestine as it is possible to let into that country. Then the matter will have to be worked out diplomatically with the British and the Arabs, so that if a state can be set up there they may be able to set it up on a peaceful basis. I have no desire to send 500,000 American soldiers there to make peace in Palestine. Q. Was the meeting at Berlin the last of the Big Three meetings, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. I cannot answer that question. It will have to be decided later. [i9.] Q. Mr. President, are you in a position to discuss what you want to do with the Army and Navy after the war? There was some talk of combining them. THE PRESIDENT. No, I don't want to discuss that this morning. I will discuss it at a later date. [20.] Q. Any decision made on the future home of the United Nations? THE PRESIDENT. No, there has been no discussion of it. [2I.] Q. Mr. President, do you contemplate calling a conference of capital and labor in the near future? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, sometime after Congress meets. [22.] Q. Mr. President, in view of the rather sudden collapse of Japanese resistance, are plans in readiness now for the occupation? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, they are-for the control of the civilian government. General MacArthur has been working on those plans right along with his military plans. Joe Fox, Washington Star: Thank you, Mr. President. THE PRESIDENT. Nice to have seen you all. NOTE: President Truman's nineteenth at the White House at i0:03 a.m. on news conference was held in his office Thursday, August i6, I945. The White 228

Page  229 Harry S. Truman, i945 Aug. 23 [ I07] House Official Reporter noted that Guy mation was the special guest at this Innes of the British Ministry of Infor- conference. I07 The President's News Conference of AugUSt 23, 1945 THE PRESIDENT. I have a couple of announcements I want to read to you; they are mimeographed and you can get copies of them when you get through. [I.] This is to the heads of Executive departments and agencies: "It is my desire that not later than the week beginning September 9, I945, all departments and agencies reduce their administrative workweek to the basic 40 hours a week, unless such reduction in hours would result in a serious detriment to their essential operations. This will permit the establishment of a 5-day workweek wherever feasible. In those cases where you decide that it is absolutely necessary to tempo. rarily maintain a workweek in excess of 40 hours, please report to the Director of the Bureau of the Budget the reasons for your decision." [2.] Then this notice went out also: "Since there would appear to be no further necessity for continuing the present requirements for work on public holidays, such holidays, as enumerated below, should be observed as nonwork days: "The ist day of January, the 22d day of February, the 3oth day of May, the 4th day of July, the iSt Monday of September, the iith day of November, the 4th Thursday in November, and Christmas Day. "In addition, the general restrictions placed on leaves of absence because of war conditions are no longer necessary and the departments and agencies should return to their normal policies in granting leaves of absence for vacation purposes." 1 If you have any questions that I can answer, I'll try to answer them. [3.] Q. Mr. President, is Secretary Ickes continuing in the Cabinet? THE PRESIDENT. Secretary Ickes will continue in the Cabinet. I had a 1 The White House release of August 23 stated that at the direction of the President, George J. Schoeneman, Administrative Assistant, addressed this memorandum to the heads of executive departments and agencies. 229

Page  230 [I07] Aug. 23 Public Papers of the Presidents session with him yesterday, and he is going to take a trip to London on the negotiation of the oil matter. Q. Is his service as Secretary contingent on the completion of that London mission? THE PRESIDENT. It is not. It is contingent only on as long as he wants to remain; and I think he is satisfied to remain. [4.] Q. General Hershey, in a speech in Boston last night, said that unless the Draft Act is amended the right of employment of the veterans would expire on V-J Day. Would you favor legislation on that? THE PRESIDENT. I think General Hershey is speaking about the provision in the Draft Act that is apart from the provisions in the GI bill of rights. Q. He said there was no such provision in the GI bill of rights. THE PRESIDENT. I think it can be interpreted that way, but we can have that amended. The Draft Act ends with the proclamation declaring that hostilities have ceased and the war is over-which has not happened yet and won't happen for some time to come. Q. Do I understand you to mean that the original intention of the Draft Act giving the veterans their jobs back would remain even if you had to patch it up with further legislation? THE PRESIDENT. That's what I intended to say. Q. Providing a new bill? THE PRESIDENT. The question was only in reference to the guarantee to veterans of their jobs. Q. Would that mean a new piece of legislation? THE PRESIDENT. It probably would require an amendment to the GI bill of rights, if that is not interpreted to mean what it says. [5.] Q. Mr. President, please tell us a little about your visit with General de Gaulle. THE PRESIDENT. I had a very pleasant visit with the General. We discussed questions that affect France and the United States, and instructed the Foreign Minister of France and the Secretary of State of the United States to discuss all the matters which are at issue between France and the United States, and then submit those matters to General de Gaulle 230

Page  231 Harry S. Truman, I945 Aug. 23 [107] and myself for final decision if they could not reach an agreement which was satisfactory to both of us. Q. You expect to see him again? THE PRESIDENT. I imagine so. He is going to pay visits around various places in the United States. I imagine I will see him again. [6.] Q. Do you favor the immediate and public trial of the officers who were responsible for Pearl Harbor? THE PRESIDENT. What was that? Q. Do you favor immediate and public trials to fix the responsibility of the Army and Navy officers who were in command at Pearl Harbor? THE PRESIDENT. I think I am about to receive a recommendation from the Secretaries of Navy and War on that. I will answer that when it comes. Q. Do you expect it soon? THE PRESIDENT. You will be informed when that comes. [7.] Q. Has Mr. Justice Roberts received an assignment from you and Mr. Byrnes? THE PRESIDENT. He refused one from Mr. Byrnes and me. I hope he will change his mind. Q. Could you tell us the nature of the assignment? THE PRESIDENT. I would rather not discuss it until I am sure he will not take it. [8.] Q. Anything on the Supreme Court appointment yet, sir? THE PRESIDENT. No, no announcement. I haven't had a chance to give it the necessary thought. [9.] Q. Mr. President, can you tell us anything about the progress of the hospitalization and construction program? THE PRESIDENT. No, I can't; I haven't had a chance to go into that either. As soon as possible I will go into it and then I will answer your questions. [Io.] Q. Mr. President, do you plan any subsidies on copper and zinc, since these metals are now in good supply-plentiful? THE PRESIDENT. If they are in plentiful supply the subsidy will not be necessary. 231

Page  232 [107] Aug. 23 Public Papers of the Presidents [Ii.] Q. Can you tell us anything about your conferences with Dr. Soong? THE PRESIDENT. No, not at the present time. I will be glad to inform you as soon as I am in a position to do so without embarrassment to the Chinese Government, the Government of the United States, and the Soviet Union. All the relations between those three governments were discussed, but I am not at liberty to discuss that until the final conclusions have been reached. [I2.] Q. Anything on lend-lease that you might report on, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. No, I think that very plainly stated the case.' [I3.] Q. Mr. President, do you take the view of General Hershey with regard to the Draft Act? THE PRESIDENT. I am not legally inclined, and I don't know the legal provisions in the Draft Act, because I haven't studied it; so I can't give you my views on that. Q. The Hershey view isTHE PRESIDENT. General Hershey ought to know what he is talking about; he has been enforcing the Draft Act for some time. I will not discuss it because I am not familiar enough with it. [I4.] Q. Mr. President, have your ideas on reorganization reached the point where you want to discuss them? THE PRESIDENT. I am trying to persuade the Congress to give me the power to make the reorganization, and until that is done I don't want to talk about it. [I5.] Q. Can you tell us anything about your luncheon today? The President referred to the following White House release, dated August 21, 1945: The President has directed the Foreign Economic Administrator to take steps immediately to discontinue all lend-lease operations and to notify foreign governments receiving lend-lease of this action. The President also directs that all outstanding contracts for lend-lease be canceled, except where Allied governments are willing to agree to take them over, or where it Is in the interest of the United States to complete them. The Foreign Economic Administrator furthermore is Instructed to negotiate with Allied governments for possible procurement by them of lend-lease inventories now in stockpile and in process of delivery. If the military needs lend-lease supplies for the movement of troops or for occupation purposes, the military will be responsible for procurement. It Is estimated that uncompleted contracts for non-munitions and finished goods In this country not yet transferred to lend-lease countries amount to about $2 billion and that lendlease supplies in stockpile abroad amount to between $1 and $1 % billion. 232

Page  233 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Aug. 23 [ I 07] THE PRESIDENT. Oh, I got kind of lonely to see some of my friends and telephoned Mr. Biffle I would be down to see him. I didn't expect to have an elaborate luncheon, but there were a dozen or so Senators and others present, and we had a very pleasant time, as we always do. [i6.] Q. Mr. President, are the Big Three, as reported, planning joint action to avert civil war in China? THE PRESIDENT. That is a matter you better discuss with the Secretary of State. I haven't heard anything about it. [I7.] Q. There has been some criticism of the demobilization program; have you talked with the Secretaries of War and Navy about that? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, I have talked with the Secretaries of War and Navy, General Marshall, and Admiral King; and their armed services are doing everything in their power to expedite demobilization. It wouldn't make any difference what sort of plan they had, somebody wouldn't like it. [i8.] Q. Mr. President, the British Prime Minister has discussed Franco-Spain; do you care to go a little further on that? THE PRESIDENT. There was an agreement on Franco-Spain; I think the Prime Minister of England very clearly stated the matter. None of us like Franco or his government. [i9.] Q. Is there any news regarding labor-management? Have the arrangements been made yet? THE PRESIDENT. No, as soon as they are made I will announce it. Q. Who is drawing up the agenda? THE PRESIDENT. There is none yet. We're trying to get that crowd together, and as soon as we have things arranged I'll tell you the whole story. That meeting takes place tomorrow-to try to make the arrangements. [20.] Q. Mr. President, will your V-J Day statement proclaim the end of hostilities or the end of the national emergency? THE PRESIDENT. Neither one; it will merely state V-J Day. The matter will then be put in the lap of Congress to make whatever statement is necessary, with the recommendation that Congress not act precipitately in the matter but make an orderly reconversion. 233

Page  234 [IO7] Aug. 23 Public Papers of the Presidents Q. What would be the legal significance of declaration of V-J Day? THE PRESIDENT. That depends altogether on how it is worded. [Laughter] [2i.] Q. Mr. President, there were some very strange reports in the Dutch press the last few days claiming that this country wants to control Iceland, Greenland, and some Italian colonies. Any comment on that? THE PRESIDENT. That's news to me; I can't discuss it because I don't know anything about it. Q. Mr. President, would you care to discuss the future of Indochina and Thailand? THE PRESIDENT. No, I wouldn't; that's a matter that the Foreign Ministers probably will discuss, and I don't care to discuss it here today. Q. Thank you. THE PRESIDENT. That's all right. [22.] Q. I think Mr. Crowley yesterday said lend-lease would be cut off except in those instances where it would be to the best interest of the country. Will you give us an illustration of that? THE PRESIDENT. No, I can't; I can't give you an illustration of it. If I find one I'll be glad to give it to you. Q. Mr. President, did you take up with Mr. Crowley the question of the "pipeline" to Great Britain? THE PRESIDENT. No, I didn't; he had no instructions from me except what you saw in the release.1 Q. Can you tell us the reasons for termination of lend-lease? There 1 The President referred to a White House release dated August 21. For text, see footnote to [ 12 ] of this news conference. On August 29 the following statement was released simultaneously in Washington, Ottawa, and London: "On January 19th, 1945, the President of the United States and the Prime Ministers of Great Britain and Canada announced their decision to maintain the Combined Production and Resources Board, Combined Raw Materials Board and Combined Food Board until the end of the Japanese War. The three governments have now decided that these three boards will continue, for the time being, to operate on the existing basis in order to ensure that there is no break in combined machinery, which is handling various critical supply questions of immediate importance. They will also arrange without delay for a review of the work of each Board with the object of determining the necessity for continuing its operation." See also Item 209. 234

Page  235 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Aug. 24 [io8] have been statements that it was a direct blow at the British Government. THE PRESIDENT. That is not true at all. The reason is that the bill was passed by Congress defining lend-lease as a weapon of war, and after we cease to be at war it is no longer necessary. I happened to be Vice President at the time that law was extended and I made such a promise. I am merely living up to the promise I made as Vice President of the United States. Q. We haven't yet ceased to be at war. We THE PRESIDENT. No, but hostilities have ceased. Hostilities are not going on. We are not conducting a war. I think, technically, we have come to the point where it is not necessary to continue lend-lease. [23.] Q. Sir, do you anticipate making any recommendation about the advance time- war time? THE PRESIDENT. That will be taken care of in the message to Congress the 5th of September. I think we will go back to standard time. The States can do whatever they choose. Q. Sir, what else might be in that message? [Laughter] THE PRESIDENT. I'll give you that message when I get it ready. Voices: Thank you, Mr. President. NOTE: President Truman's twentieth at the White House at 4 p.m. on Thursnews conference was held in his office day, August 23, I945. io8 Memorandum Concerning Veteran Preference in Federal Agencies. August 24, I945 [ Released August 24, I945. Dated August 23, I945 ] To the Heads of Executive Departments and Agencies: Section 14 of the Veterans' Preference Act of I944 sets forth certain definite procedures to be followed by the heads of departments and agencies in connection with the proposed discharge, suspension for more than thirty days, furlough without pay, or reduction in rank or compensation of an employee of the Federal Government who is entitled to veteran preference. 235

Page  236 [io8] Aug. 24 Public Papers of the Presidents This Section likewise grants to the veteran, or his designated representative, the right of an appeal to the Civil Service Commission. The law also provides that the Commission shall conduct an investigation, consider the evidence submitted, and then submit its findings and recommendations to the proper administrative officer. It is my desire that the heads of all departments and agencies arrange to put into effect as promptly as possible the recommendations which the Civil Service Commission makes under Section 14 of the Veterans' Preference Act of I944. This constitutes another way in which the Federal Government can demonstrate that it intends to live up to both the letter and the spirit of the Veterans' Preference Act. HARRY S. TRUMAN io9 Citation Accompanying the Legion of Merit Presented to President de Gaulle of France. AUgust 24, I945 CITATION FOR THE LEGION OF MERIT DEGREE OF CHIEF COMMANDER GENERAL CHARLES DE GAULLE, President of the Provisional Government of the French Republic and Commander-in-Chief of France's armed forces, performed distinguished services by maintaining his nation's effort in the struggle against the common enemy in Europe. From the chaos which followed the unleashing of the aggressor states' military power he emerged to keep bright the flame of liberty among his countrymen, to rally them in the cause of freedom, to merge their revived strength with the growing might of the United Nations. In victory he returned to his native soil, there to rebuild on firm principles a nation rededicated to liberty, equality and fraternity. HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: The presentation was made by the President in a ceremony at the White House. 236

Page  237 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Aug. 25 [III] I Io Citation Accompanying the Legion of Merit Presented to Georges Bidault, Minister of Foreign Affairs of France. August 24, I945 CITATION FOR THE LEGION OF MERIT DEGREE OF COMMANDER GEORGES BIDAULT, Minister of Foreign Affairs of the Provisional Government of the French Republic, was called to the colors in the autumn of i939 and devotedly served his country as a sergeant of infantry until the spring of I940 when he was taken prisoner by the Germans. In July I941, after more than a year of captivity, he regained his freedom, whereupon without regard for his own safety or well-being he immediately became extremely active in French underground affairs. Displaying at all times zealous determination to drive the invader from France, he played a major part in organizing the French Resistance Movement for effective cooperation with the Allied armies, and became President of the National Council of Resistance, which post he occupied on the Day of Liberation. Continuing as Minister of Foreign Affairs to cooperate with the United Nations in the pursuit of their ideals, M. Bidault fostered a spirit of friendship and harmony between his republic and that of the United States. HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: The presentation was made by the President in a ceremony at the White House. i i I Statement by the President on the 25th Anniversary of the Women's Suffrage Amendment. August 25, I945 AUGUST 26, I945, will mark the twenty-fifth anniversary of the ratification by the states of the Amendment to the National Constitution granting suffrage to women. Less than a century ago women in the United States were denied the right to vote and were classed as inferiors under the law. In I920 there occurred one of the great events in our history-the Federal Con 237

Page  238 [III] Aug. 25 Public Papers of the Presidents stitution was amended to extend suffrage to the women of our country. Since that time the movement to raise the status of women in all other fields has gone steadily forward. In the total war through which we have just passed the home front has been no mere phrase, but truly a battlefront where women bore a major part of the struggle. Women walked into the pages of today's history as good citizens and good soldiers. To praise women for making intelligent use of the ballot, or for doing their share in winning the war, would be an act of condescension the very opposite of that equal respect symbolized by the suffrage amendment. But on the twenty-fifth anniversary of the Nineteenth Amendment, it is fitting that we, men and women alike, should give thanks for an America in which women can stand on the level footing of full citizenship in peace and in war. 112 Statement by the President Concerning Veterans Hospitals. August 25, I945 A PROGRAM for the construction of new hospital beds for the treatment of veterans was recently recommended by the Veterans Administration. When these recommendations reached my desk I had decided to accept the resignation of General Hines as Veterans Administrator and to appoint General Omar N. Bradley as his successor. In all fairness to General Bradley I thought he should have an opportunity to make his own recommendations, as he would be held responsible for his administration. In order that he might have this opportunity, I approved the program for the construction of 29,000 beds but withheld approval of any locations. I expect General Bradley will expedite the submission of a program recommending locations for the beds. This will be acted on as promptly as possible. 238

Page  239 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Aug. 27 [I"41 I I3 Joint Statement Following Discussions With President de Gaulle of France. AugUst 25, I945 THE VISIT of General de Gaulle, President of the Provisional Government of the French Republic, to the President of the United States of America, has been marked by an important exchange of views between the two Chiefs of State, who, in the course of their first meeting, expressed their sentiments of mutual high esteem. The conversations, which began immediately after General de Gaulle's arrival in Washington, have made possible a thorough discussion of a wide range of subjects, among them those of most immediate interest to the two governments. Subsequent to the second conversation between President Truman and General de Gaulle, and at their request, the Secretary of State, Mr. Byrnes, and Foreign Minister, Monsieur Bidault, had during two days a full and frank discussion of political and economic questions in which the two countries are deeply interested. Following those discussions, both the Chiefs of State, and the Secretary of State and the French Foreign Minister, have fully recognized, in the course of a further meeting, the fundamental harmony between French and American aims in the construction of the postwar world and have expressed their readiness to act in accordance with this mutual understanding by establishing an even closer cooperation between the two countries. I I4 Letter to the Chairmen of the Senate and House Committees on Military Affairs on Army Manpower Requirements. August 27, I945 Dear It occurs to me that it would be helpful to your committee in planning its legislative program to have my views on the matters which will be under your consideration. As you know, coincident with Japan's acceptance of our surrender terms, two important steps were 239

Page  240 [II14] Aug. 27 Public Papers of the Presidents taken to adjust Army manpower requirements: A world-wide campaign to obtain the maximum number of volunteers was initiated, and Selective Service calls were reduced from 8o,ooo to 50,000 men a month. The first of these steps will require legislative assistance. Present laws place a ceiling of 280,000 on the number of enlistments which can be accepted; only men now in the service or those who have been discharged for less than go days can be enlisted directly; and there are some legal uncertainties regarding reenlistment bonuses, grades, mustering-out pay and other benefits under the G-I Bill of Rights. These matters should be clarified as rapidly as may be to the end that there will be no legal impediments to the maximum procurement of volunteers. In addition the Congress will wish to consider what more can be done in the way of furnishing inducements which will stimulate voluntary enlistments. The more men who can be secured by this means, the fewer it will be necessary to induct into or continue in the service. The continuance of inductions through the medium of Selective Service will be one of your most critical problems. From many standpoints, I wish it were possible for me to recommend that the drafting of men be stopped altogether and at once. But, sharing the deep feeling of our people that those veterans who have given long and arduous service must be returned to their homes with all possible speed and with the certainty that world conditions will require us during the transition period to settled peace to maintain a real measure of our military strength, I cannot so recommend. The situation in the Pacific continues to have many elements of danger, and war-torn and disorganized Europe is facing a difficult winter season with scarcities of food, fuel and clothing. Our occupation forces in those areas must be held at safe levels, determined largely by General MacArthur and General Eisenhower who are on the ground and familiar with the situation. We cannot stop the certain in-flow of replacements into the armed forces, without necessitating prolonged service of veteran soldiers. My great concern at the present moment is for those now in the armed forces whose war service has separated them from their homes and loved ones for extended periods. An unforgivable discrimination 240

Page  241 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Aug. 27 [114] would result, if we should favor those who have had no military service by suspending their induction at the cost of requiring further sacrifice from those who have already done their part. Based on the present unsettled conditions in Europe, the uncertainties of the Pacific, and decent consideration for all the men in the service who have borne the burden of the past years, I have approved continuation of inductions until such time as the Congress shall establish the broad national policies to govern full demobilization, occupation and world security. While the question of how to provide adequate military forces and at the same time to restore veterans to their homes is a matter for determination by the Congress, it appears clear to me that we dare not depend solely on volunteers. The continuation of inductions through Selective Service at a rate depending upon the rate of volunteering is the only safe and acceptable solution. However, it is my view that these inductions should be for a two year period unless sooner discharged and should consist of men in the age group i8 to 25 inclusive. It is my firm conviction, which I believe is shared by the majority in this country, that war veterans who do not volunteer to remain in the service should be discharged as soon as it is practicable to do so. This means that we must start at once to obtain personnel exclusive of these veterans to carry the burden of the occupational period. Volunteers should be procured in maximum numbers and the remainder of whatever strength is required obtained by post V-J Day inductions through Selective Service. The War Department is stressing the procurement of volunteers to the utmost. How many will be obtained is problematical but from past experience and the most recent studies 300,000 appears to be the maximum to be expected by July next. Inductions, if continued at the present reduced rate, for the same period would produce approximately 500,000 men. On this basis there will be not more than 8oo,000 non-veterans and volunteers in the army next July. It is certain that 8oo,ooo men will be insufficient to meet over-all requirements next July. General Eisenhower's and General MacArthur's estimates alone total I,200,000, exclusive of the numbers re 24I

Page  242 [II4] Aug. 27 Public Papers of the Presidents quired for supporting troops in the United States and other areas. The difference between the 8oo,ooo non-veterans and volunteers and whatever total strength is required must be made up by holding additional numbers of veterans in the service. It is evident that any curtailment in the number of Selective Service replacements will only accentuate the number of veterans who must be retained in the service. While it will not be possible to discharge all of them even under the proposed system as soon as we would like, we will have the satisfaction of knowing that the program will give them the best opportunity we can provide for their early return to civil life. One other matter which deserves the immediate consideration of your Committee is the question of when the "emergency" or "war" should be officially terminated. I must emphasize the danger that lies in a too early unqualified formal termination. Tragic conditions would result if we were to allow the period of military service to expire by operation of law while a substantial portion of our forces had not yet been returned from overseas. I am confident that the Congress will take no action which would place the armed forces in such a position. HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: This is the text of identical letters J. May, Chairmen of the Senate and addressed to the Honorable Elbert D. House Committees on Military Affairs, Thomas and to the Honorable Andrew respectively. II5 Memorandum Concerning Reimbursement of War Contractors for Wages Paid for Work on August I5 and i6. August 28, I945 [Released August 28, I945. Dated August 24, 1945 ] Memorandum to the Director of Contract Settlement and the Contracting Agencies of the Government: When the news was received on August 14, i945, that the Japanese had accepted the Potsdam declaration, a statement was issued from the White House that the days of August I5 and i6, 1945, would be declared holidays for war workers under Executive Order 9240, which 242

Page  243 Harry S. Truman, q945 Aug. 29 [Ii6] provides for holiday premium pay. An Executive Order effectuating this was subsequently issued; and the Secretary of Labor publicly expressed my hope that war workers who did not work on those two days would be paid by their employers at straight-time rates. There was widespread observance of these holidays, which represented an appropriate recognition of the magnificent contribution made by war workers to our victory. In view of these actions, contractors who pay the war workers among their employees for time off taken during these two days should be reimbursed by the Government to the extent that the Government is compensating these contractors on a cost basis. This would include the holders of cost-plus-a-fixed-fee or other cost-type war contracts, because such pay for time off is a reasonable and proper cost of performing such contracts. It would also include the holders of war contracts terminated for the Government's convenience to the extent that the cost of pay for time off is applicable to terminated work. It would be impracticable to attempt any reimbursement on this account to the holders of fixed-price war contracts that are completed and not terminated, for this would involve making many thousands of minor contract amendments. Such contractors, moreover, are continuing to receive the contract price for their product. Please take all necessary steps to effectuate the foregoing. HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: The text of Office of Contract was also released. The regulation is Settlement Regulation No. 20, giving published in the Federal Register (o0 effect to the President's memorandum, F.R. I0985). II6 The President's News Conference of August 29, I945 THE PRESIDENT. I have a release for you this morning which is being handed to you in the form of three documents. The release date is i o'clock today. [Reading] I have here reports on the Pearl Harbor disaster. One 243

Page  244 [Ii6] Aug. 29 Public Papers of the Presidents is from the Army and one is from the Navy. The Navy report gives a "Finding of Facts" by a Navy Court of Inquiry. Attached to this Finding of Facts are indorsements by the Judge Advocate General of the Navy, Rear Admiral T. L. Gatch; Admiral E. J. King, Chief of Naval Operations, and the Secretary of the Navy. You will find a summation of the findings in the final indorsement by the Secretary of the Navy at the end of the document. From the Army we have the report of the Army Pearl Harbor Board and, bound separately, a statement by the Secretary of War. Certain criticisms of the Chief of Staff, General Marshall, appear in the report of the Army Pearl Harbor Board. You will notice in the Secretary's statement, beginning on page nineteen, that he takes sharp issue with this criticism of General Marshall, stating that the criticism "is entirely unjustified." The conclusion of the Secretary of War is that General Marshall acted throughout this matter with his usual "great skill, energy and efficiency." I associate myself wholeheartedly with this expression by the Secretary of War. Indeed I have the fullest confidence in the skill, energy and efficiency of all our war leaders, both Army and Navy. [Ends reading] Now, these documents will be given to you. There is a lot of reading matter in them, and you have 2 hours to look them over before the release date comes. Any questions? Q. Yes; can you give us a 3o0-word lead? [Laughter] THE PRESIDENT. I could give you a 300-word lead. [Laughter] Q. Are your remarks quotable-on the record? THE PRESIDENT. My remarks are on the record. We can have a copy of my statement prepared for you. It is on the record. Q. We have until i o'clock toTHE PRESIDENT. You have until i o'clock to study these documents, and you can consult Mr. Ross and anybody else you wish to consult. Q. Is what you are trying to clear up, sir, also for i o'clock release? THE PRESIDENT. They are all for i o'clock release; everything in connection with it is for i o'clock release. That is to give you time to look these things over so you won't have to go off halfcocked. Q. I suppose the documents are pretty well self-explanatory? 244

Page  245 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Aug. 30 [I17] THE PRESIDENT. They are. Q. Do they present any action? THE PRESIDENT. They state the facts so that there won't be any more argument about what the facts are. Q. What is the status on the court-martial matter? THE PRESIDENT. I have nothing to say on the court-martial, except that if a court-martial is necessary, the gentlemen will have a prompt and fair trial. Q. Mr. President, can you tell us something about the circumstances surrounding the decision to make this public at this time? THE PRESIDENT. Well, there has been a great deal of conversation in regard to Pearl Harbor and various boards have looked into the facts, and I just decided that the country is entitled to the facts. There is nothing there that needs to be covered up now that hostilities have ceased, and I think the sooner the press and the public know the facts the better off everybody will be. Any other questions? Q. We still have a press conference tomorrow? THE PRESIDENT. We still have a can cross-question me then on [Laughter] NOTE: President Truman's twenty-first news conference was held in his office at II:03 a.m. on Wednesday, August 29, I945. The White House Official Reporter noted that the following special guests attended this conference: Secretary of State James F. Byrnes, Under Secretary of War Robert P. Patterson, press conference tomorrow, so you these documents if you care to. Secretary of the Navy James V. Forrestal, Fleet Admiral Ernest J. King, Maj. M. F. Correa from the office of the Secretary of the Navy, Leo T. Crowley, Administrator of the Foreign Economic Administration, and George E. Allen, member, board of directors, War Damage Corporation. I 7 Letter to George E. Allen Concerning the Liquidation of War Agencies. August 30, I945 Dear Mr. Allen: As the various war agencies are dissolved from time to time, it will become necessary to liquidate such of their functions as are not trans 245

Page  246 [II7] Aug. 30 Public Papers of the Presidents ferred to the permanent Departments. This will involve unexpended funds, surplus personnel, and surplus equipment. Many suggestions have been made as to the most efficient and economical method of carrying on this liquidation. I have designated you as my Personal Representative to study the whole problem, and to make recommendations to me as to the best means of accomplishing liquidation. Very sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN [Mr. George E. Allen, 1522 K Street NW., Washington 5, D.C.] i i8 The President's News Conference of August 30, 1945 THE PRESIDENT. [i.] Byron Price has agreed to go to Germany in an advisory capacity on public relations. He is going with the approval of General Eisenhower and General Clay, and I am very happy that he is going, because I think he can be a great deal of help to that situation over there. [2.] In yesterday's report which I handed to you I did not know at the time, because I hadn't had time to read it completely myself, that there had been some aspersions cast on Cordell Hull. I want to agree fully and completely with Secretary Stimson on what he said about Cordell Hull. [3.] Ambassador Pauley this afternoon will hold a press conference at 3 p.m. on the reparations situation. I think it will be right interesting and instructive to those of you who are interested in reparations. Now if there are any questions[4.] Q. Mr. President, do you plan to confer with General de Gaulle again before he returns to France? THE PRESIDENT. I don't know; if General de Gaulle returns to Washington I may see him. [5.] Q. In a magazine article you wrote, or that appeared under your name, when you were a Senator 246

Page  247 Harry S. Truman, 1945 A Aug. 30 [I i8] THE PRESIDENT. Things come back to haunt you! [Laughter] Q. — you said Admiral Kimmel and General Short were not on speaking terms. Admiral Kimmel subsequently said that was a false statement. THE PRESIDENT. Apparently, according to this report, it was not a statement of fact. I was speaking with the best information I had at the time. Q. Mr. President, was there any reason for putting out the report on the day that we entered Tokyo? THE PRESIDENT. No, no reason except that there was so much conversation about it; there was no ulterior motive to it Q. Mr. President, despite what you said yesterday, there are some very strong reports on the Hill and elsewhere that you are going to order the Army and Navy to institute a court-martial proceeding against certain people. THE PRESIDENT. I am not. The matter has not been brought up to me. I don't think I have authority to order a court-martial. I think it has to go through a form of procedure set up by Congress. Q. There is a lot of talk that indicates some of them think the gentlemen, mentioning General Short and Admiral Kimmel, should have a court-martial if for no other reason than to make their side public. THE PRESIDENT. If they want it, I have no objection to it. I want everybody to be fairly treated. Q. You would like to see those fellows make their statement? THE PRESIDENT. Perfectly satisfactory to me. Q. Is there any reason why they can't make it without a courtmartial? THE PRESIDENT. I will not put a muzzle on them. Q. Representative May represented the reports as a "whitewash." Do you agree with that? THE PRESIDENT. I don't. I don't think Representative May read the report. [Laughter] If you read them very carefully, they are not a "whitewash." Q. In that same article you discussed your feeling for need of unity 247

Page  248 [iI8] Aug. 30 Public Papers of the Presidents of command. In the light of these new reports is there anything more you would like to say about that? THE PRESIDENT. I am still in favor of unity of command, and always have been. [6.] Q. Mr. President, can you tell us about Mme. Chiang's visit yesterday? THE PRESIDENT. She was in to pay her respects before returning to China. We had a very pleasant visit on the situation in the Far East. She was very happy over the Russian-Chinese treaty, just as all of us are. [7.] Q. Mr. President, did you happen to receive a petition from some people in Indiana, near Indianapolis, about a boy named Colby who has been sentenced to hang in Germany? THE PRESIDENT. I don't remember receiving any such petition. [8.] Q. Mr. President, is there anything you can tell us about the general plans on what we are going to do to feed Europe this winter, now that lend-lease isTHE PRESIDENT. I can't give you the details on that. The plans are being studied and worked on. As soon as the British representatives come here from Great Britain I think we will work out a plan that will be satisfactory to all concerned. Q. You mean there will be an interim period between now and the time when the Bretton Woods monetary agreement begins? THE PRESIDENT. That's the present plan. Q. How much will that involve. THE PRESIDENT. I can't tell you, because I haven't the figures. [9.] Q. Will Byron Price be your representative or the representative of one of the departments? THE PRESIDENT. He is my representative. [io.] Q. Have you any international assignment for Senator Maybank? THE PRESIDENT. I hope Senator Maybank will stay in the Senate. He is a very excellent Senator. Q. We have that inference. Q. Did you know he wanted a diplomatic post? 248

Page  249 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Aug. 30 [II8] THE PRESIDENT. No, I didn't. He has never discussed the matter with me. [II.] Q. Has Justice Roberts changed his mind about that international appointment you wanted to give him? THE PRESIDENT. He hasn't made up his mind, and I would rather not discuss it until he does. [I2.] Q. If we may return to the Pearl Harbor report for a moment, it seems to me that anyone who tries to make that clear to himself has a very tough time clarifying such things as why, when Stimson reported that they had told Hull that the Army and Navy wanted 3 months more time, they didn't know about it, and why, when Hull had broken with these people, that information was not relayed to Hawaii. THE PRESIDENT. I wasn't here then. Q. No, but I wondered if you were clear in your own mind. THE PRESIDENT. I have read it very carefully, and I came to the conclusion that the whole thing is the result of the policy which the country itself pursued. The country was not ready for preparedness. Every time the President made an effort to get a preparedness program through Congress, it was stifled. Whenever the President made a statement about the necessity of preparedness, he was vilified for doing it. I think the country is as much to blame as any individual in this final situation that developed in Pearl Harbor. Q. May we have that in quotations, sir, exactly what you said? THE PRESIDENT. Yes. [I3.] Q. Can you tell us anything more about the nature of Mr. Price's duties? THE PRESIDENT. Oh, they just wanted an expert's advice, and when Price's job ceased over here, they asked that Price give us the benefit of his experience and advice. Q. Is that for the benefit of both radio and press? THE PRESIDENT. Everything that has to do with public relations. Q. Does that apply to Great Britain? THE PRESIDENT. And to the United States also. [I4.] Q. Mr. President, there is one thing in the Army and Navy Board reports about Marshall and Stark telling President Roosevelt 249

Page  250 [ii8] Aug. 30 Public Papers of the Presidents they were not ready for war in November, and the Army report says that was transmitted November 27. THE PRESIDENT. I only know what I see in the report. Q. Mr. President, that's what made me think a court-martial would help to lay the whole thing out. THE PRESIDENT. It might-it might. I have no objection to a courtmartial, but I don't intend to order one. Q. Any reason now why the whole Roberts committee report I should not be released? THE PRESIDENT. Only that there is still some information that should not be divulged that has nothing to do with the Pearl Harbor situation. It is the system by which we get information. We need that source of information now as we needed it then. Q. Mr. President, in all the pages of the volumes there is not a word about the two privates who gave the warning. THE PRESIDENT. They have been promoted; one is a lieutenant and the other a sergeant, I think. Q. The lieutenant who said "Forget it" is a lieutenant colonel. THE PRESIDENT. Is he? I didn't know that. [i5.] Q. Mr. President, do you plan any early recommendation on the St. Lawrence Seaway? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, I do. I will let you know about it when I get it ready. [i6.] Q. Mr. President, can you tell us further about the interim plan you have in mind between lend-lease and-which departments are working on it? THE PRESIDENT. State, FEA, and War Department. [i7.1 Q. Mr. President, do you have any idea when the 52 pages deleted from the Army report will be made public? 2 THE PRESIDENT. I don't think they ever will be. IThe report "Attack Upon Pearl Harbor by Japanese Armed Forces" of the Commission appointed by President Roosevelt and headed by Associate Justice Owen J. Roberts is printed in Senate Document 159 (77 Cong., 2d sess.). 'Chapter V of the report of the Army Pearl Harbor Board (released by the President to the press at his news conference of August 29) was omitted in accordance with the Secretary of War's statement of that date, which the President also released. The missing 52 pages were made public by Secretary of War Patterson on October 5, 1945. 250

Page  251 Harry S. Truman, i945 Aug. 30 [I 19] Q. Why? THE PRESIDENT. For the reason I just told you; there are sources of information to be protected. [i8.] Q. Did Mme. Chiang talk with you about the relations of China with America and a meeting between you and the Generalissimo? THE PRESIDENT. The Generalissimo would like very much to see me, and I would like very much to see him, but no definite plans were made for a visit either way. Reporter: Thank you, Mr. President. NOTE: President Truman's twenty-sec- tended this conference: Secretary of ond news conference was held in his State James F. Byrnes, Fleet Admiral office at the White House at IO a.m. on William D. Leahy, and Mrs. Alfred Thursday, August 30, I945. The (Frances) Burns, a reporter on the White House Official Reporter noted Boston Globe who was writing aspecial that the following special guests at- story on the President. I ig Letter to Byron Price Requesting Him To Study Relations Between U.S. Forces of Occupation and the German People. August 30, I945 Dear Mr. Price: In accordance with our previous discussions, I am asking you to go to Germany as my personal representative to survey the general subject of relations between the American forces of occupation and the German people. You are hereby authorized to visit any place you deem necessary for this purpose. I hope you will place yourself at the disposal of General Eisenhower and General Clay for such advice and help as they may want in this field. At the end of your assignment, the duration of which you yourself will determine, I request you to submit to me your report and recommendations. Very sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN [Honorable Byron Price, Washington, D.C.] NOTE: Mr. Price's report, dated November 9, 1945, was released on November 28. See Item:oOi. 25I

Page  252 [i20] Aug. 31 Public Papers of the Presidents I20 Statement by the President Upon Signing Order Concerning Government Information Programs. August 3I, I945 I HAVE today signed an Executive Order abolishing the Office of War Information. This agency and its able personnel, under the leadership of Elmer Davis, have made an outstanding contribution to victory. Our military commanders have acclaimed its psychological warfare work as a powerful weapon against the enemy. Its other overseas activities have aided our whole effort in the foreign field. In its domestic activities, OWI has performed an invaluable service in coordinating the Government's wartime information and in utiliz, ing the generous contribution of private press, radio, motion pictures, advertising and other facilities to inform the American people about their Government's wartime programs. Although it is possible to curtail wartime governmental information activities, some of our foreign information operations will continue to be necessary. Along with the international information functions of the OWL, this order also transfers to the Department of State the foreign information functions of the Office of Inter-American Affairs. The nature of present day foreign relations makes it essential for the United States to maintain informational activities abroad as an integral part of the conduct of our foreign affairs. I have asked the Secretary of State to study our foreign informational needs, and to formulate during the remainder of this calendar year, the program which he considers should be conducted on a continuing basis. The Office of Inter-American Affairs has played a major role in strengthening the relationships between the United States and the other American republics. As distinct from the informational activities, the work which the OIAA has been carrying on cooperatively with the governments of Latin American countries in public health, agriculture, and other fields will be continued by that agency. 252

Page  253 Harry S. Truman, i945 Sept. i [I2I] To the fullest possible extent, American private organizations and individuals in such fields as news, motion pictures and communications will, as in the past, be the primary means of informing foreign peoples about this country. The government's international information program will not compete with them. Instead it will be designed to assist American private enterprises engaged in the dissemination of information abroad, and to supplement them in those specialized informational activities in which commercial or other limitations make it difficult for private concerns to carry on all necessary information work. This Government will not attempt to outstrip the extensive and growing information programs of other nations. Rather, it will endeavor to see to it that other peoples receive a full and fair picture of American life and of the aims and policies of the United States government. The domestic work of OWI, such as cooperation with the press, radio, motion pictures, and other informational media in explaining governmental programs is no longer as necessary as it was. This order discontinues these activities and provides for the liquidation of OWI itself. Hereafter each government agency will deal directly with the various private informational facilities. Certain prewar information activities, placed in the OWI as a wartime measure, such as the publication of the United States Government Manual and answering inquiries from the public, are transferred by this order to the Bureau of the Budget. I21 Statement by the President: Labor Day. September I, I945 SIX YEARS AGO the workers of the United States, and of the world, awoke to a Labor Day in a world at war. The democracies of Western Europe had just accepted the challenge of totalitarianism. We in the United States had two years of grace, but the issue was squarely joined at that hour, as we now know. There was to be no peace until tyranny had been outlawed. 253

Page  254 [I2I] Sept. I Public Papers of the Presidents Today we stand on the threshold of a new world. We must do our part in making this world what it should be-a world in which the bigotries of race and class and creed shall not be permitted to warp the souls of men. We enter upon an era of great problems, but to live is to face problems. Our men and women did not falter in the task of saving freedom. They will not falter now in the task of making freedom secure. And high in the ranks of these men and women, as a grateful world will always remember, are the workers of all free nations who produced the vast equipment with which victory was won. The tasks ahead are great, and the opportunities are equally great. Your Government is determined to meet those tasks and fulfill those opportunities. We recognize the importance and dignity of labor, and we recognize the right of every American citizen to a wage which will permit him and his dependents to maintain a decent standard of living. 122 Radio Address to the American People After the Signing of the Terms of Unconditional Surrender by Japan. September I, I945 [ Broadcast from the White House at Io p.m. ] My fellow Americans, and the Supreme Allied Commander, General MacArthur, in Tokyo Bay: The thoughts and hopes of all America-indeed of all the civilized world-are centered tonight on the battleship Missouri. There on that small piece of American soil anchored in Tokyo Harbor the Japanese have just officially laid down their arms. They have signed terms of unconditional surrender. Four years ago, the thoughts and fears of the whole civilized world were centered on another piece of American soil-Pearl Harbor. The mighty threat to civilization which began there is now laid at rest. It was a long road to Tokyo-and a bloody one. We shall not forget Pearl Harbor. 254

Page  255 Harry S. Truman, I945 Sept. I [122] The Japanese militarists will not forget the U.S.S. Missouri. The evil done by the Japanese war lords can never be repaired or forgotten. But their power to destroy and kill has been taken from them. Their armies and what is left of their Navy are now impotent. To all of us there comes first a sense of gratitude to Almighty God who sustained us and our Allies in the dark days of grave danger, who made us to grow from weakness into the strongest fighting force in history, and who has now seen us overcome the forces of tyranny that sought to destroy His civilization. God grant that in our pride of the hour, we may not forget the hard tasks that are still before us; that we may approach these with the same courage, zeal, and patience with which we faced the trials and problems of the past 4 years. Our first thoughts, of course-thoughts of gratefulness and deep obligation-go out to those of our loved ones who have been killed or maimed in this terrible war. On land and sea afnd in the air, American men and women have given their lives so that this day of ultimate victory might come and assure the survival of a civilized world. No victory can make good their loss. We think of those whom death in this war has hurt, taking from them fathers, husbands, sons, brothers, and sisters whom they loved. No victory can bring back the faces they longed to see. Only the knowledge that the victory, which these sacrifices have made possible, will be wisely used, can give themn any comfort. It is our responsibility-ours, the living-to see to it that this victory shall be a monument worthy of the dead who died to win it. We think of all the millions of men and women in our armed forces and merchant marine all over the world who, after years of sacrifice and hardship and peril, have been spared by Providence from harm. We think of all the men and women and children who during these years have carried on at home, in lonesomeness and anxiety and fear. Our thoughts go out to the millions of American workers and businessmen, to our farmers and miners-to all those who have built up this country's fighting strength, and who have shipped to our Allies the means to resist and overcome the enemy. 255

Page  256 [i:22] Sept. I Public Papers of the Presidents Our thoughts go out to our civil servants and to the thousands of Americans who, at personal sacrifice, have come to serve in our Government during these trying years; to the members of the Selective Service boards and ration boards; to the civilian defense and Red Cross workers; to the men and women in the USO and in the entertainment world-to all those who have helped in this cooperative struggle to preserve liberty and decency in the world. We think of our departed gallant leader, Franklin D. Roosevelt, defender of democracy, architect of world peace and cooperation. And our thoughts go out to our gallant Allies in this war: to those who resisted the invaders; to those who were not strong enough to hold out, but who, nevertheless, kept the fires of resistance alive within the souls of their people; to those who stood up against great odds and held the line, until the United Nations together were able to supply the arms and the men with which to overcome the forces of evil. This is a victory of more than arms alone. This is a victory of liberty over tyranny. From our war plants rolled the tanks and planes which blasted their way to the heart of our enemies; from our shipyards sprang the ships which bridged all the oceans of the world for our weapons and supplies; from our farms came the food and fiber for our armies and navies and for our Allies in all the corners of the earth; from our mines and factories came the raw materials and the finished products which gave us the equipment to overcome our enemies. But back of it all were the will and spirit and determination of a free people-who know what freedom is, and who know that it is worth whatever price they had to pay to preserve it. It was the spirit of liberty which gave us our armed strength and which made our men invincible in battle. We now know that that spirit of liberty, the freedom of the individual, and the personal dignity of man, are the strongest and toughest and most enduring forces in all the world. And so on V-J Day we take renewed faith and pride in our own way of life. We have had our day of rejoicing over this victory. We have had our day of prayer and devotion. Now let us set aside V-J 256

Page  257 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. I [ I22] Day as one of renewed consecration to the principles which have made us the strongest nation on earth and which, in this war, we have striven so mightily to preserve. Those principles provide the faith, the hope, and the opportunity which help men to improve themselves and their lot. Liberty does not make all men perfect nor all society secure. But it has provided more solid progress and happiness and decency for more people than any other philosophy of government in history. And this day has shown again that it provides the greatest strength and the greatest power which man has ever reached. We know that under it we can meet the hard problems of peace which have come upon us. A free people with free Allies, who can develop an atomic bomb, can use the same skill and energy and determination to overcome all the difficulties ahead. Victory always has its burdens and its responsibilities as well as its rejoicing. But we face the future and all its dangers with great confidence and great hope. America can build for itself a future of employment and security. Together with the United Nations, it can build a world of peace founded on justice, fair dealing, and tolerance. As President of the United States, I proclaim Sunday, September the second, I945, to be V-J Day-the day of formal surrender by Japan. It is not yet the day for the formal proclamation of the end of the war nor of the cessation of hostilities. But it is a day which we Americans shall always remember as a day of retribution-as we remember that other day, the day of infamy. From this day we move forward. We move toward a new era of security at home. With the other United Nations we move toward a new and better world of cooperation, of peace and international good will and cooperation. God's help has brought us to this day of victory. With His help we will attain that peace and prosperity for ourselves and all the world in the years ahead. NOTE: The President's address was part of the broadcast of the surrender ceremonies on board the U.S.S. Missouri. 257

Page  258 [123] Sept. 2 Public Papers of the Presidents 123 Radio Address to the Members of the Armed Forces. September 2, I945 [ Broadcast from the White House at 9:x9 p.m. ] Men and women of the Armed Forces: I am speaking to you, the Armed Forces of the United States, as I did after V-Day in Europe,' at a high moment of history. The war, to which we have devoted all the resources and all the energy of our country for more than three and a half years, has now produced total victory over all our enemies. This is a time for great rejoicing and a time for solemn contemplation. With the destructive force of war removed from the world, we can turn now to the grave task of preserving the peace which you gallant men and women have won. It is a task which requires our most urgent attention. It is one in which we must collaborate with our Allies and the other nations of the world. They are as determined as we are that war must be abolished from the earth if the earth, as we know it, is to remain. Civilization cannot survive another total war. I think you know what is in the hearts of your countrymen on this night. They are thousands of miles away from most of you. Yet they are close to you in deep gratitude and in a solemn sense of obligation. They remember-and I know they will never forget-those who have gone from among you, those who are maimed, those who, thank God, are still safe after years of fighting and suffering and danger. And I know that in this hour of victory their thoughts-like yoursare with your departed Commander in Chief, Franklin D. Roosevelt. This is the hour for which he so gallantly fought and so bravely died. I think I know the American soldier and sailor. He does not want gratitude or sympathy. He had a job to do. He did not like it. But he did it. And how he did it! Now, he wants to come back home and start again the life he lovesa life of peace and quiet, the life of the civilian. But he wants to know that he can come back to a good life. He wants 1 There is no White House release of an address specifically directed to the Armed Forces after V-E Day. The President may have been referring to his May 8 address to the Nation announcing the surrender of Germany. 258

Page  259 Harry S. Truman, I945 Sept. 5 [I24] to know that his children will not have to go back to the life of the foxhole and the bomber, the battleship and the submarine. I speak in behalf of all your countrymen when I pledge you that we shall do everything in our power to make those wishes come true. For some of you, I am sorry to say, military service must continue for a time. We must keep an occupation force in the Pacific to clean out the militarism of Japan, just as we are cleaning out the militarism of Germany. The United Nations are determined that never again shall either of those countries be able to attack its peaceful neighbors. But the great majority of you will be returned to civilian life as soon as the ships and planes can get you here. The task of moving so many men and women thousands of miles to their homes is a gigantic one. It will take months to accomplish. You have my pledge that we will do everything possible to speed it up. We want you back here with us to make your contribution to our country's welfare and to a new world of peace. The high tide of victory will carry us forward to great achievements in the era which lies ahead. But we can perform them only in a world which is free from the threat of war. We depend upon you, who have known war in all its horror, to keep this nation aware that only through cooperation among all nations can any nation remain wholly secure. On this night of total victory, we salute you of the Armed Forces of the United States-wherever you may be. What a job you have done! We are all waiting for the day when you will be home with us again. Good luck and God bless you! I24 Letter to the Speaker of the House of Representatives Transmitting Proposed Reductions in Appropriations for Civilian War Agencies. September 5, I945 The Speaker of the House of Representatives: Sir: I have the honor to transmit herewith for the consideration of Congress (i) proposed rescissions of portions of several war-related 259

Page  260 [I24] Sept. 5 Public Papers of the Presidents appropriations available for the fiscal year i946, amounting to $2,755,981,394, (2) proposed rescissions of portions of several contract authorizations available for the fiscal year I946, amounting to $794,56I,208, (3) proposed reductions in the I946 limitations on the administrative expenses of several Government corporations and agencies, amounting to $9,3i8,307, (4) proposed provisions extending the availability of several "national defense" appropriations to June 30, 1946, (5) a proposed provision returning a portion of funds of certain corporations to the United States Treasury, amounting to $I,I90,500, and (6) a proposed provision authorizing the transfer of appropriated funds for the liquidation expenses of agencies. In making these recommendations for reductions in wartime appropriations, I am sensitive to the responsibility which lies on Congress and the President to make such reductions in a way that will best serve the national interest. We shall be impelled by a natural desire to reduce war appropriations quickly but in many cases the question of whether reductions should be made or to what extent they should be made will involve decisions on problems of major importance to the future wellbeing of the Nation which require time for careful consideration and resolution. With these considerations in mind it seems to me that a sound course is to take action to reduce appropriations only to the extent such reduction can be entirely supported by conditions existing or clearly foreseeable at the time. Where further reductions must be based partially on judgment as to unknown future conditions, I believe it is the sounder course to delay them until their effect can be predicted with more reasonable assurance. I thus view this proposal as one of many which I shall make under the procedure for orderly reductions in war appropriations which Congress has provided by enacting section 303 of the Second Deficiency Appropriation Act of 1944. In a few days I shall transmit recommendations with respect to appropriations for the War and Navy Departments. I also plan another full review of war and war-related appropriations and a report to Congress on January 3, I946, containing recommendations for further adjustments. In the meantime, I shall 260

Page  261 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. 5 [125] proceed to take administrative action to the full extent of my authority to speed reduction in war and war-related activities. The details of this proposal are set forth in the letter of the Director of the Bureau of the Budget, transmitted herewith, in whose comments and observations thereon I concur. Respectfully yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: A White House release describ- in contract authorizations constituted a ing the President's proposal pointed out reduction of about 58 percent. that 28 agencies were involved, that the The details of the proposal, as set recommended rescissions in war-related forth in the letter of the Director of the appropriations constituted a reduction Bureau of the Budget transmitted with of approximately 37 percent of current the President's letter, are printed in available balances of appropriations of House Document 280 (79th Cong., Ist $7,439,ooo,ooo, and that the recissions sess.). 125 Citation Accompanying the Distinguished Service Medal Presented to Harry L. Hopkins. September 5, I945 CITATION FOR DISTINGUISHED SERVICE MEDAL MR. HARRY L. HOPKINS performed services of outstanding value to the United States of America from December I94I to July 1945. As Special Adviser to the President during critical months of World War II, he assumed tasks of utmost urgency and far-reaching consequence, lightening the burden of the Commander-in-Chief. He gave great assistance to the armed forces in their relationships with the Chief Executive, attacking with piercing understanding the tremendous problems incident to the vast military operations throughout the world. As Chairman of the Munitions Assignment Board, he channeled material to all Allied forces with a skill measurable in terms of the steady successes which have been achieved in crushing Germany and closing with Japan in the final struggle. As Chairman of the President's Soviet Protocol Committee, he determined supply quotas to be dispatched to Russia, accomplishing this mission with statesmanshiplike skill. At major conferences of world powers he threw his every effort toward 26I

Page  262 [i25] Sept. 5 Public Papers of the Presidents the speedy solution of weighty problems. With deep appreciation of the armed forces' needs and broad knowledge of the Commander-inChiefs over-all policy, with exceptional ability to weld our Allies to the common purpose of victory over aggression, Mr. Hopkins made a selfless, courageous and objective contribution to the war effort. HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: The presentation was made by ceremony also honoring Howard Bruce the President in the Rose Garden at the (see Item 226). White House at I2:30 p.m., in a joint i26 Citation Accompanying the Distinguished Service Medal Presented to Howard Bruce. September 5, I945 CITATION FOR THE DISTINGUISHED SERVICE MEDAL MR. HOWARD BRUCE rendered exceptionally meritorious and distinguished service to the War Department in the performance of duties of great responsibility from July I942 to June i945. As Director of Materiel, Army Service Forces, during one of the most critical periods of the war, and in other highly important positions on the staff of the Commanding General, Army Service Forces, he displayed exceptional initiative and resourcefulness, and greatly assisted in developing and managing the greatest military procurement program in history. His leadership in conceiving and bringing to peak efficiency the Supply Control System greatly improved Army procurement methods. His early endeavors to create an orderly program to conserve critical materials helped alleviate supply shortages. His efforts in removing obstacles to production resulted in immediate and lasting improvement in the Army procurement program. With unusual perseverance and devotion to duty, Mr. Bruce contributed his energy and ability to the prosecution of the war. His accomplishments reflect great credit upon himself and the military service. HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: The presentation was made by ceremony also honoring Harry Hopkins the President in the Rose Garden at the (see Item I25). White House at 12:30 p.m., in a joint 262

Page  263 Harry S. Truman, '945 Sept. 6 [I28] 127 The President's News Conference of September 5, I945 THE PRESIDENT. I just called you in to give you an announcement on the Roosevelt Memorial Association meeting over in the White House. It was well attended, and the various proposals for memorials were discussed, and it was finally agreed to appoint a committee to nominate officers for the Roosevelt Memorial Association into an enlarged executive committee and to study plans and call another meeting to report back to the Executive Committee again. And the committee appointed-I was authorized to appoint the committee-was Mr. Hopkins, chairman; Miss Perkins, Mr. Morgenthau, Mr. Walker, and Admiral Leahy. And that was the substance of the meeting. Now, I am going to have a press conference tomorrow, and I will let you ask me all the questions you want then. Reporter: Mr. President, it is going to be very pleasant to have you at the Byron Price dinner tomorrow night, at the Press Club. THE PRESIDENT. Isn't that Saturday? Reporter: No, tomorrow, Thursday. THE PRESIDENT. I'll be there; but you must be careful of me. [Laughter] NOTE: President Truman's twenty-third the White House at 4 p.m. on Wednesnews conference was held in his office at day, September 5, 1945. 128 Special Message to the Congress Presenting a 2I-Point Program for the Reconversion Period. September 6, 1945 To the Congress of the United States: I regret that you have been compelled to cut short your recess period. I know, however, that you have been just as eager as any of us to meet the problems which naturally have crowded down upon us with the surrender of the Japanese. 263

Page  264 [I28] Sept. 6 Public Papers of the Presidents You have cut short a well-merited vacation in order to do so. I hope that the American people realize as fully as I do, that from the very first days of the emergency, the Congress has most energetically and patriotically devoted its time, energies, and capabilities to the immediate problems of war and to the long-range problems of peace. The legislative branch of the Government is entitled to its full share of credit and glory for the victory of the Allied armies. I wish to take this opportunity on behalf of the Nation to congratulate you on the great victory which has been won-in which you played so important a part. The Congress reconvenes at a time of great emergency. It is an emergency about which, however, we need have no undue fear if we exercise the same energy, foresight, and wisdom as we did in carrying on the war and winning this victory. The sudden surrender of the Japanese has not caught us unawares. President Roosevelt, as early as the Fall of 1943, began to set up machinery which he foresaw would become necessary to meet the reconversion period. The Congress in its wisdom has adopted some of that machinery by statute, and has improved and added to it. As a result, Government agencies, for some time, have been able to plan for the immediate and long-range steps which now have to be taken. As the Congress has undoubtedly noticed, many steps were taken immediately after the surrender of the Japanese. Many more have been taken since. The process of reconversion will be a complicated and difficult one. The general line of approach to the problem is to achieve as full peacetime production and employment as possible in the most efficient and speedy manner. The following policies have been laid down and will be followed: (i) Demobilize as soon as possible the armed forces no longer needed. (2) Cancel and settle war contracts as quickly as possible. (3) Clear the war plants so as to permit contractors to proceed with peacetime production. (4) Hold the line on prices and rents until fair competition can operate to prevent inflation and undue hardship on consumers. (5) Hold wages in line where their increase would cause inflationary 264

Page  265 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. 6 [128] price rises. Where price ceilings would not be endangered, collective bargaining should be restored. (6) Remove all possible wartime government controls in order to speed and encourage reconversion and expansion. (7) Keep only those controls which are necessary to help reconversion and expansion by preventing bottlenecks, shortages of material, and inflation. (8) Prevent rapid decrease of wage incomes or purchasing power. The major objective, of course, is to reestablish an expanded peacetime industry, trade, and agriculture, and to do it as quickly as possible. Obviously during this process there will be a great deal of inevitable unemployment. What we must do is to assist industry to reconvert to peacetime production as quickly and effectively as possible so that the number of unemployed will be swiftly and substantially reduced as industry and business and agriculture get into high production. The Government is now doing what it can to hurry this reconversion process. Through contract termination procedures it is providing quick payment to contractors. It has released controls on practically all materials which are necessary for peacetime production, reserving only those few in which there is still a critical shortage. It has made arrangements for credit facilities for industry. By plant and surplus property disposal, it is helping private enterprise to get started again. In the consumer field the Government has released controls over articles which were needed for the war in such large quantities that civilians had to go without. For the information of the Congress, I am submitting as an appendix to this message a report by the Director of War Mobilization and Reconversion showing what has already been done by the Federal Government in reconversion. There is much that the Congress can do to help this process and to 1 Mr. Snyder's report, dated September 4, 1945, and entitled "The Transition: Phase One," is printed with the 'message in House Document 282 (79th Cong., 1st sess.). 265

Page  266 [i2z8] Sept. 6 Public Papers of the Presidents tide over the period between now and the time when reconversion is completed and civilian jobs are plentiful in a stable economy that provides full production, full employment, and a high standard of living. I. UNEMPLOYMENT COMPENSATION The end of the war came more swiftly than most of us anticipated. Widespread cut-backs in war orders followed promptly. As a result, there has already been a considerable number of workers who are between jobs as war industries convert to peace. Other workers are returning to a 4o-hour week and are faced with a corresponding reduction in take-home pay. This has led to a natural feeling of uneasiness among the rank and file of our people. Let me emphasize that there will be no reason for jundue timidity. A vast backlog of orders may soon make possible the greatest peacetime industrial activity that we have ever seen. But this can happen only if the Congress and the administration move vigorously and courageously to deal with the economic problems which peace has created. Then there need be no reason to fear either the immediate future or the years that lie ahead of us. Determined action now will create the atmosphere of confidence which is so vital to a rapid reconversion with a minimum of unemployment and hardship. No matter how rapidly reconversion proceeds, however, no amount of effort or planning will be able immediately to provide a job for everyone displaced from war work. Obviously, displaced war workers cannot find jobs until industry has been regeared and made ready to produce peacetime goods. During this lag the Government should provide help. The cost of this transition from war to peace is as much a part of the cost of war as the transition from peace to war-and we should so consider it. This course is recommended not only as a matter of justice and humanity, but also as a matter of sound business. Nothing would be more harmful to our economy than to have every displaced war worker stop buying consumer goods. And nothing would be more conducive to a large-scale cessation of buying than the feeling on the part of displaced 266

Page  267 Harry S. Truman, '945 Sept. 6 [I28] war workers that all their income had stopped and that their remaining financial resources had to be hoarded. For one group of those who may become unemployed in the near future-the demobilized veterans-the Congress has already made special provision. Any veteran who has satisfactorily completed 90 days of service is now entitled by law to a weekly unemployment allowance of $20 for as much as 52 weeks depending on the length of his service. By contrast, there are more than I5,ooo,ooo workers not protected under our present unemployment insurance laws. There are many millions more for whom protection is inadequate. Many of these have been unable to accumulate adequate savings. On May 28, I945, I recommended to the Congress that the Federal Government immediately supplement the unemployment insurance benefits now provided by the several States. That is the only feasible way to provide at least a subsistence payment in all parts of the United States during this coming unemployment period. As I pointed out then, the existing State laws relative to unemployment insurance are inadequate in three respects: (I) Only about 30,000,000 of our 43,ooo000,000 nonagricultural workers are protected by unemployment insurance. Federal Government employees, for example, such as Federal shipyard and arsenal workers, are not covered. Nor are employees of small businesses and small industrial establishments. Nor are the officers and men of the merchant marine who have braved enemy torpedoes and bombs to deliver supplies and the implements of war to our armed services and our allies. (2) The weekly benefit payments under many of the State laws are now far too low to provide subsistence and purchasing power for the workers and their families. Almost half of the States have the clearly inadequate maximum of $I5 to $i8 a week. (3) Many of the States pay benefits for too short a period. In more than one-third of the States, for example, I8 weeks is the maximum. I recommended then, and I urgently renew my recommendation now, that the Congress take immediate action to make good these deficiencies for the present emergency period of reconversion. Specifically, coverage should be extended to include Federal em 267

Page  268 [I28] Sept. 6 Public Papers of the Presidents ployees, maritime workers, and other workers not now insured. This additional compensation during the present emergency will have to be financed entirely by the Federal Government, but the benefits should appropriately be administered by the States. I also recommended, and I now repeat that recommendation, that the Congress provide, through supplementary Federal emergency benefit payments, additional unemployment benefits so as to bring them up to adequate standards in all the States. All payments, however, should be made through the existing unemployment compensation machinery of the several States. During this emergency every eligible worker should be entitled to 26 weeks of unemployment benefits in any one year. The maximum weekly payment for those workers whose previous earnings were high enough, should be not less than $25 per week. If the Congress decides to take this very necessary step, it will also wish to reconsider and increase the unemployment allowance provided for veterans. There has been so much misrepresentation about this temporary proposal that I think I should categorically state what the bill does not do. It does not give everyone $25 a week. Under it, an applicant must be ready, willing, and able to work and must have earned wages high enough so that the percentage rate will yield this maximum figure. It does not federalize the unemployment compensation system. It leaves it with the States. It is not intended to take the place of the permanent amendments to the unemployment compensation system which are now being studied by the Congress. It is an emergency measure designed to expand the present system without changing its principles. It is designed only to meet the immediate pressing human problems of reconversion. This recommendation is not to be confused with the broader question of extending, expanding, and improving our entire social security program of which unemployment insurance is only a part. I expect to communicate with the Congress on this subject at a later date. But I sincerely urge that we do not wait for consideration of such a complex question before enacting this much needed emergency legislation. 268

Page  269 Harry S. Truman, i945 Sept. 6 [I28] 2. FAIR LABOR STANDARDS ACT In addition to those workers who will temporarily lose their jobs, there will be millions of others whose incomes will fall sharply with the end of war production. These will be added to the several million wage earners who even now have hourly earnings much below what is necessary for a decent standard of living. The inadequacy of these wages, in many cases, has been temporarily concealed by wartime increases in take-home pay resulting from overtime work. As these props to income are removed, however, lowwage earners will be hard pressed to feed, clothe, and house their families. This flies in the face of a sound public policy. Failure to correct this situation will slow down, if it will not actually stop, our drive toward an expanding market for business and agriculture. The foundations of a healthy national economy cannot be secure so long as any large section of our working people receive substandard wages. The existence of substandard wage levels sharply curtails the national purchasing power and narrows the market for the products of our farms and factories. In the Fair Labor Standards Act of i938, the Congress adopted a program intended to provide a minimum wage standard for a large number of American workers. In that statute, the Congress declared it to be our national policy to eliminate, from interstate industry, wage levels detrimental to the maintenance of minimum standards of living. The establishment then of a minimum wage of 25 cents per hour represented a first step toward the realization of that policy. The goal of 40 cents per hour, which under the act was to be made effective by i945, was actually made fully effective more than a year ago by the voluntary action of the industry committees. I believed that the goal of a 40 cent minimum was inadequate when established. It has now become obsolete. Increases in the cost of living since 1938 and changes in our national wage structure, require an immediate and substantial upward revision of this minimum. Only in that way can the objectives of the Fair Labor Standards Act be realized, the national purchasing power pro269

Page  270 [I28] Sept. 6 Public Papers of the Presidents tected, and an economy of full production and abundance preserved and maintained for the American people. The high prosperity which we seek in the postwar years will not be meaningful for all our people if any large proportion of our industrial wage earners receive wages as low as the minimum now sanctioned by the Fair Labor Standards Act. I therefore recommend that the Congress amend the Fair Labor Standards Act by substantially increasing the minimum wage specified therein to a level which will eliminate substandards of living, and assure the maintenance of the health, efficiency, and general well-being of workers. The scope of the Fair Labor Standards Act also should be clarified and extended. In view of changes which have occurred since I938, I believe it is no longer necessary to exclude from the minimum wage program the large number of workers engaged in agricultural processing who are now excluded. There now exists a twilight zone in which some workers are covered, and others, doing similar work, are not. Extension of coverage would benefit both workers and employers by removing competitive inequities. Our achievements in this field during the last seven years of establishing minimum wages have been gratifying; but we must continue to move forward, step by step. I urge that the Congress act promptly. The wage structure on which businessmen may make future plans should be settled quickly. 3. WARTIME CONTROLS One of the outstanding achievements of the war has been the success of the Government in holding the line against inflation. This is the first time in any major war that the United States has been able substantially to stabilize its economy. That fact now permits us to enter into the difficult period of readjustment without the threat of a disastrous price collapse. For this result much credit is due to the Congress, which in the face of great insistence from many interested pressure groups refused steadfastly to take the easy way. 270

Page  271 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. 6 [I28] Great credit is due to the Office of Economic Stabilization, the War Labor Board, the Office of Price Administration, the War Food Administration, the War Production Board, and the other stabilization agencies. Despite great pressure and often unjust abuse, they continued to hold the line for the benefit of the great mass of Americans. And above all, great credit is due to the people of the United States, the great body of average citizens, who, for four difficult years and with only a few exceptions, subordinated their personal interest to the long-range interest of the Nation as a whole. Many of the demands of the war for commodities have now decreased. They will decrease further during the initial period of unemployment which will come with the cancellation of war contracts. As a result, prices of some commodities are bound to soften. But if that happens in the next few months, we cannot allow ourselves to be misled. We must keep in mind the experience of the period immediately after the first World War. After a lull of a few months following the Armistice of I9I8, prices turned upward, scrambling for inventories started, and prices soon got completely out of hand. We found ourselves in one of the worst inflations in our history, culminating in the crash of 1920 and the disastrous deflation of 1920 and I92I. We must be sure this time not to repeat that bitter mistake. When reconversion really gets under way, and men go back to work, and payrolls increase, and the pent-up demands of the war years at home and abroad for peacetime products begin to make themselves felt, we shall face the same scramble for goods, the same speculative excesses that developed in I9I9. We must be in a position to overcome that danger if we expect to achieve an orderly transition to peacetime levels of full production and full employment. However, we must not allow inflationary dangers to obscure our vision of the possibilities of lower incomes and widespread unemployment. Our policy must guard against both contingencies. Immediately after the Japanese decision to surrender, the Office of Price Administration moved promptly to eliminate rationing on gasoline, fuel oil, stoves, and processed foods. During the transition period the Price Administrator, of course, will 271

Page  272 [I28] Sept. 6 Public Papers of the Presidents eliminate rationing and price controls on one commodity after another just as soon as supply comes into balance with demand. At the same time he will make whatever price adjustments are required to facilitate rapid reconversion and reemployment. However, it will be necessary for him to continue to resist unreasonable pressures for higher prices on some commodities, just as he has resisted them all through the war. In resisting these pressures and in carrying out his difficult responsibilities, I must state clearly that he has both my backing and my confidence. It will similarly be necessary for the Government to resist pressures for increases in wage rates which would imperil price ceilings. Without some general stabilization the consumer cannot be protected. Without stabilization, reconversion cannot proceed as rapidly as it should; for stability of cost is indispensable to sound business planning. The price control and stabilization program has received the backing of the great majority of businessmen throughout the war period. With few exceptions, business groups have realized clearly their own personal stake and the stake of our basic economy in the success of the anti-inflation program. During the months that lie ahead, however, some groups in business may be tempted to substitute for this long-range wartime thinking, a short-range policy designed to secure prices high enough to provide immediate profits over and above their temporarily high costs of production due to their initial low volume. These pressures must be resisted. Prices must be held firmly on reconversion items as well as on cost of living items during the coming months. The American people are entitled to a firm assurance not only on the part of the Administration, but from the Congress itself, that rents and the prices of clothing, food, and other essentials will be held in line. They are also entitled to buy washing machines, vacuum cleaners, automobiles and other products at prices based on our traditional system of high output and low unit costs. The promise of good profits for businessmen must not be based on small initial volume. It must be based on the full all-out production 272

Page  273 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. 6 [I28] which it is my belief that American industry will rapidly achieve. Because of heavy wartime needs, it has been necessary to allocate available supplies of many foods among various claimants within this country, and among other countries. It has been necessary to set aside large blocks of specified commodities in order to make these commodities available for military and other essential needs. Rationing of food for consumers has been necessary in the interest of fair distribution. Many of these controls have already been eliminated and all remaining allocations, set-asides, and rationing will be removed as rapidly as the supply situation will permit. However, supplies of some of our principal foods will continue beyond the end of i945 to be too small for the demand. For example, the world will be short of requirements for fats and oils and sugar for some months, and allocations and rationing will probably have to be continued into I946. We must not move so rapidly as to endanger the orderly distribution of goods on which we have based our living during the emergency. Let me add that in no case should rationing controls be removed if by so doing we should jeopardize our relief shipments to Europe and other distressed war areas. We have a moral obligation to the people of these liberated areas. More than that, our own enlightened self-interest tells us that hungry people are rarely advocates of democracy. The rehabilitation of these countries, and indeed the removal of American occupational troops, may be unnecessarily delayed if we fail to meet these responsibilities during the next few months. During the reconversion period and as long as shortages in certain materials other than food continue, the War Production Board will have to support the stabilization program as it has done during the past four years. It must be in a position to take action where necessary, to increase scarce materials and facilities, break bottlenecks, channel production to meet essential needs, safeguard the opportunities for small business concerns, and, above all, to control inventories so as to prevent speculative hoarding and unbalanced distribution. As the Congress knows, the War Production Board has already re 273

Page  274 [I28] Sept. 6 Public Papers of the Presidents moved a great majority of the controls which were in force during the war, and many more will be removed during the next few months. I trust that the Congress will agree, however, that the controls which still remain and which are still considered necessary by the agency charged with responsibility should not be removed until the need for them disappears. The need to control a few critical materials which the war has caused to be in short supply will continue for some time until adequate supplies are again available. Foremost among these materials are tin and crude rubber. It will also be necessary for some period to prevent the hoarding of items now badly needed and in great demand for the civilian economy. Many critical shortages can be avoided by the extension of general inventory controls which would prevent the accumulation of unreasonably large stocks in the hands of a few. This will speed the reconversion program and will also greatly assist in avoiding inflation of the price structure. The extension of one further type of control should have consideration at this time. In the national interest, this Government has made and should continue to make agreements for securing our fair share of materials from certain foreign sources and also agreements for supplying various materials and products abroad. The Government should have authority to assure the carrying out of such commitments. These production and inventory controls, as well as the allocations of food, set-asides of commodities, and rationing among consumers have been set up under the Second War Powers Act. Most of the provisions of this act expire on December 31, 1945. I am convinced that an orderly transition to a peacetime economy will require the use of some of these controls after the first of the year. I request the Congress, therefore, to extend the provisions of the Second War Powers Act, either in its present form or with appropriate limitations, preserving the powers necessary to achieve the objectives I have outlined. The Congress has my definite assurance that none of these war powers will be exercised by the executive branch of the Government unless they are deemed essential to the attainment of the objective of an 274

Page  275 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. 6 [ I28] orderly stabilized reconversion. The Congress should, of course, if it extends the statute, reserve the right to terminate it by legislation at any time it deems necessary. I hope that the Congress will not delay the extension of this authority. Delay would retard reconversion by creating uncertainty on the part of business as to whether necessary controls will be retained or not. Businessmen, in planning for next year's activities, will be assisted greatly by knowing in advance whether or not the Government is going to keep a firm hand at the brakes to prevent inflation. The termination of the wartime food subsidies, for which a total of $i,798,000,000 has been authorized for the current year, is one of the important problems in reconversion. Agencies dealing directly with this problem are now meeting jointly to determine in what order and at what time these food subsidies may be eliminated without an undue disturbance to farm income or living costs. Subsidies for purposes other than food are also being reviewed by the agencies concerned, who are collecting the necessary data for an orderly liquidation at the earliest date compatible with the stabilization program. Those subsidies which were designed originally to stimulate increased production should not be removed at a time or in a manner to incite inflation and upset our economy. I have directed that early reports be made on this important problem. 4. WAR POWERS AND EXECUTIVE AGENCIES REORGANIZATION I should like to bring to the attention of the Congress the legal difficulties that will arise unless care is taken in the drafting of legislation terminating wartime controls and wartime agencies. I have asked the Attorney General to prepare a report on the principal statutes that confer wartime powers and on the various wartime agencies, with particular reference to the circumstances under which each terminates. A copy of this memorandum1 is attached for the information of the ' The report of the Attorney General to the President, in the form of a letter dated September 1, 1945, is printed with the message in House Document 2S2 (79th Cong., 1st sess.). 275

Page  276 [I28] Sept. 6 Public Papers of the Presidents Congress. It is an able and comprehensive summary of the applicable laws. Your attention is particularly called to the statement in the opinion of the Attorney General to the effect that the broad basis of governmental power on which the existing emergency and wartime statutes rest has not been terminated by the unconditional surrender of our enemies. Certain of the wartime statutes which have been made effective "in time of war," "during the present war," or "for the duration of the war" continue to be effective until a formal state of peace has been restored, or until some earlier termination date is made applicable by appropriate governmental action. Another group of statutes which by their provisions terminate "upon the cessation of hostilities" or "upon termination of the war," will in fact and in law terminate only by a formal proclamation to that effect by the President or by appropriate congressional action. From time to time action will be taken with respect to these agencies, with the general objective of streamlining the Government into a peacetime organization as quickly as possible. The time has not yet arrived, however, for the proclamation of the cessation of hostilities, much less the termination of the war. Needless to say, such proclamations will be made as soon as circumstances permit. It has been necessary during the course of the war to make numerous important redistributions of functions among executive agencies. This has been accomplished by the President under the authority of title I of the First War Powers Act. This act expires six months after the termination of the war, or at such earlier time as may be designated by appropriate governmental action. If the Congress or the President were formally to declare the present war terminated, it would automatically cause all the steps taken under the First War Powers Act with respect to the war agencies to expire, and would have the Government revert automatically to its preexisting status six months after the declaration. If this were to occur, it would cause great confusion and chaos in the Government. 276

Page  277 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. 6 [i28] It is the policy of this administration not to exercise wartime powers beyond the point at which it is necessary to exercise them. Similarly, the wartime agencies of the Government will not be allowed to continue to perform functions not required by present conditions. Those functions of the wartime agencies which must be retained during part or all of the period of reconversion should be transferred as promptly as practicable to the permanent departments and agencies of the Government. The remaining functions, appropriate only to the crisis through which we have passed, should be terminated in an orderly, systematic fashion as soon as possible. A program of winding up wartime agencies and distributing their functions on a peacetime basis is now being pursued under the powers vested in the President by title I of the First War Powers Act. Therefore, I urge that the Congress do not yet adopt a resolution proclaiming the termination of the war or the termination of the emergency or the cessation of hostilities. Such a resolution would automatically cause the death of many war powers and wartime agencies before we are ready. At the same time I recognize that the Congress may wish to repeal certain specific wartime statutes. If this is to be done, the repeal should be on a selective basis, through the adoption of specific statutes dealing with each wartime power Which the Congress decides should be terminated. In my message dated May 24, i945, it was recommended that permanent legislation be enacted which would authorize the President to submit to the Congress, from time to time, plans providing for the reorganization of executive agencies, each such plan to become effective unless the Congress should reject it by concurrent resolution. This type of joint action by the Congress and the President has produced, and will produce, far better results than can be achieved by the usual legislative process in the field of executive reorganization. If proper progress is to be made, it is necessary to permit the President to lay out the machinery for carrying out his responsibility for the conduct of the executive branch, subject to rejection by the two Houses 277

Page  278 [I28] Sept. 6 Public Papers of the Presidents of Congress. Executive initiative, subject to congressional veto, is an effective approach to governmental reorganization. The responsibility of conducting the executive branch rests upon the President. It is fair and efficient to permit him to lay out the machinery for carrying out that responsibility. The means for doing this should be generally along the lines of the Reorganization Act of i939, which gives the initiative to the President, but reserves power to the Congress by a majority vote to nullify any action of the President which does not meet with its approval. Considerable progress was made in efficiency of government under this Reorganization Act of i939. I recommend that such powers be made of permanent duration and that the legislation be sufficiently flexible to permit any kind of adjustment for which necessity may arise. It is clear to all of us that the Government has a difficult and important task in the years which lie ahead. Our Government belongs to the people and the people have a right to expect from their Government the greatest possible efficiency in carrying out its task. Our Government has never been as efficient as we should like to see it. To some degree this may be charged to the size of some of the tasks assigned to it. To some extent, it is also due to the lack of trained Government personnel and the low salaries paid to Government officials. There is no question that the war has taught us a great deal about Government administration. There is still, however, much room for improvement. I have undertaken directly through the members of the Cabinet and also through the Directors of the Office of War Mobilization and Reconversion and the Bureau of the Budget to emphasize the need for more efficient operation in all the executive branches of the Government. I have requested them to examine administrative procedures, and to speed up and simplify their operations to the maximum practical degree. I have also requested the Bureau of the Budget to examine closely with each department and agency head, the actual needs of his office 278

Page  279 Harry S. Truman, S945 Sept. 6 [I28] following the surrender of Japan. They have been asked to reduce budgets promptly and fully wherever cuts are indicated. The Bureau of the Budget is now completing studies which will result in reductions of millions of dollars in the expense of operating our Government. We must continue relentlessly this program for increased Government efficiency. The Congress can depend upon the Executive to push this program with the utmost vigor. 5. FULL EMPLOYMENT I am confident that, with the cooperation of American industry, labor, and agriculture, we can bridge the gap between war and peace. When we have reconverted our economy to a peacetime basis, however, we shall not be satisfied with merely our prewar economy. The American people have set high goals for their own future. They have set these goals high because they have seen how great can be the pro. ductive capacity of our country. The levels of production and income reached during the war years have given our citizens an appreciation of what a full production peacetime economy can be. They are not interested in boom prosperity-for that only too often leads to panic and depression. But they are interested in providing opportunity for work and for ultimate security. Government must do its part and assist industry and labor to get over the line from war to peace. That is why I have asked for unemployment compensation legislation. That is why I now ask for full-employment legislation. The objectives for our domestic economy which we seek in our longrange plans were summarized by the late President Franklin D. Roosevelt over a year and a half ago in the form of an economic bill of rights. Let us make the attainment of those rights the essence of postwar American economic life. I repeat the statement of President Roosevelt: In our day these economic truths have become accepted as self-evident. We have accepted, so to speak, a second bill of rights under which a new basis of security and prosperity can be established for all-regardless of station, race, or creed. 279

Page  280 [I28] Sept. 6 Public Papers of the Presidents Among these are: The right to a useful and remunerative job in the industries, or shops or farms or mines of the Nation. The right to earn enough to provide adequate food and clothing and recreation. The right of every farmer to raise and sell his products at a return which will give him and his family a decent living. The right of every businessman, large and small, to trade in an atmosphere of freedom from unfair competition and domination by monopolies at home or abroad. The right of every family to a decent home. The right to adequate medical care and the opportunity to achieve and enjoy good health. The right to adequate protection from the economic fears of old age, sickness, accident, and unemployment. The right to a good education. All of these rights spell security. And after this war is won we must be prepared to move forward, in the implementation of these rights, to new goals of human happiness and well-being. America's own rightful place in the world depends in large part upon how fully these and similar rights have been carried into practice for our citizens. For unless there is security here at home there cannot be lasting peace in the world. I shall from time to time communicate with the Congress on some of the subjects included in this enumeration of economic rights. Most of them, in the last analysis, depend upon full production and full employment at decent wages. There has been much discussion about the necessity of continuing full employment after the war if we hope to continue in substantial degree the prosperity which came with the war years. The time has come for action along these lines. To provide jobs we must look first and foremost to private enterprise-to industry, agriculture, and labor. Government must inspire enterprise with confidence. That confidence must come mainly through deeds, not words. But it is clear that confidence will be promoted by certain assurances given by the Government: Assurance that all the facts about full employment and opportunity will be gathered periodically for the use of all. Assurance of stability and consistency in public policy, so that 280

Page  281 Harry S. Truman, I945 Sept. 6 [128] enterprise can plan better by knowing what the Government intends to do. Assurance that every governmental policy and program will be pointed to promote maximum production and employment in private enterprise. Assurance that priority will be given to doing those things first which stimulate normal employment most. A national reassertion of the right to work for every American citizen able and willing to work-a declaration of the ultimate duty of Government to use its own resources if all other methods should fail to prevent prolonged unemployment-these will help to avert fear and establish full employment. The prompt and firm acceptance of this bedrock public responsibility will reduce the need for its exercise. I ask that full employment legislation to provide these vital assurances be speedily enacted. Such legislation should also provide machinery for a continuous full-employment policy-to be developed and pursued in cooperation among industry, agriculture, and labor, between the Congress and the Chief Executive, between the people and their Government. Full employment means full opportunity for all under the American economic system-nothing more and nothing less. In human terms, full employment means opportunity to get a good peacetime job for every worker who is ready, able, and willing to take one. It does not mean made work, or making people work. In economic terms, full employment means full production and the opportunity to sell goods-all the goods that industry and agriculture can produce. In Government terms, full employment means opportunity to reduce the ratio of public spending to private investment without sacrificing essential services. In world-wide terms, full employment in America means greater economic security and more opportunity for lasting peace throughout the world. These goals and the machinery to carry them out are set forth in 28I

Page  282 [128] Sept. 6 Public Papers of the Presidents legislation now pending before the Congress on which extensive public hearings have been held. The country justifiably expects early action along these lines. 6. FAIR EMPLOYMENT PRACTICE COMMITTEE During the years of war production we made substantial progress in overcoming many of the prejudices which had resulted in discriminations against minority groups. Many of the injustices based upon considerations of race, religion, and color were removed. Many were prevented. Perfection was not reached, of course, but substantial progress was made. In the reconversion period and thereafter, we should make every effort to continue this American ideal. It is one of the fundamentals of our political philosophy, and it should be an integral part of our economy. The Fair Employment Practice Committee is continuing during the transition period. I have already requested that legislation be enacted placing the Fair Employment Practice Committee on a permanent basis. I repeat that recommendation. 7. LABOR DISPUTES AND WAGE STABILIZATION Our national welfare requires that during the reconversion period production of civilian goods and services-as full production as possible-go forward without interruption, and that labor and industry cooperate to keep strikes and lock-outs at a minimum. Those who have the responsibility of labor relations must recognize that responsibility. This is not the time for short-sighted management to seize upon the chance to reduce wages and try to injure labor unions. Equally it is not the time for labor leaders to shirk their responsibility and permit widespread industrial strife. With this objective in view, I shall shortly convene a conference of representatives of organized labor and industry for the purpose of working out by agreement means to minimize labor disputes. In the interim period, pending the convening of the conference, I have called upon the representatives of organized labor and industry 282

Page  283 Harry S. Truman, I945 Sept. 6 [I28] to continue their adherence to the no-strike, no-lock-out policy. During this interim period, labor disputes which threaten a substantial interference with the transition to a peacetime economy should be submitted to the War Labor Board. They would there be handled by the Board under existing procedures. The country will expect parties to any such disputes to comply voluntarily with the determinations of the War Labor Board. The threat of inflationary bidding-up of wage rates by competition in a short labor market has disappeared. Therefore the War Labor Board has removed the necessity of approving proposed voluntary wage increases, so long as they will not be used to obtain an increase in price ceilings. I have conferred upon the War Labor Board adequate authority to correct maladjustments and inequities in wage rates arising in the reconversion period which will tend to interfere with the effective transition to a peacetime economy. The Board should be terminated as soon after the conclusion of the forthcoming industry-labor conference as the orderly disposition of the work of the Board and the provisions of the War Labor Disputes Act permit, and after facilities have been provided to take care of the wage stabilization functions under the act of October 2, 1942. Meanwhile, plans for strengthening the Department of Labor, and bringing under it functions properly belonging to it, are going forward. With the return to a peacetime economy and the elimination of the present temporary wartime agencies and procedures, we must look to collective bargaining, aided and supplemented by a truly effective system of conciliation and voluntary arbitration, as the best and most democratic method of maintaining sound industrial relations. 8. UNITED STATES EMPLOYMENT SERVICE EXTENSION Placing demobilized veterans and displaced war workers in new peacetime jobs is the major human problem of our country's reconversion to a peacetime economy. It is imperative that this work be done swiftly and efficiently, and that men and women lose a minimum amount of time between jobs. 283

Page  284 [I28] Sept. 6 Public Papers of the Presidents The next few months are crucial. What we do now will affect our American way of life for decades to come. The United States Employment Service has an important responsibility in the performance of this task. At present, this agency operates as a national and centralized system with a free flow of information among its offices. Under the I946 appropriation act, the offices are to be turned back to the 48 States within 90 days after the cessation of hostilities. Shortly after the declaration of war, the Government realized that the manpower of the Nation could be mobilized more efficiently if the United States Employment Service were centralized under Federal control. Hundreds of thousands of workers had to be recruited from all parts of the country. Often, they were wanted in regions far from their homes. Certain areas had surpluses of labor; others were desperately in need of more workers. This situation could be met only through a centrally operated employment service that covered the entire Nation. Now we are faced with this problem in reverse. Hundreds of thousands of men and women will want to seek jobs in towns and cities other than those in which they worked during the war. They may want to return home, or they may want to strike out in search of new opportunities in new surroundings. Millions of veterans also will be coming back in search of peacetime jobs. They will want to know where such jobs can be found, not only in their own areas, but also in other parts of the land. The task of helping this vast army of job seekers to fit themselves into peacetime economy is fully as difficult as the mobilization of manpower for war. To make any decided change in the machinery to handle this problem now would cause unnecessary hardship to workers and veterans. It would slow down the entire process of reconversion. I urgently recommend that the Congress do not yet return the Employment Service to the States. Ultimately it should be so returned. However, it should be continued under Federal control at least until the expiration of the War Mobilization Act-June 30, I947. 284

Page  285 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. 6 [I28] I also recommend that its appropriation be increased by $Io,ooo,ooo for the current fiscal year. Prompt action on this matter is especially important since personnel and facilities must be quickly enlarged to handle the rising tide of veterans and war workers who will be seeking jobs. 9. AGRICULTURE One of the most magnificent production jobs in the war has been done by the farmers of the United States. They have met the unprecedented demands of the war, and, at the same time, have provided our civilian population with more food per capita than during the 1935-39 prewar period. No other group in America labored longer or harder to meet the war demands put upon them. Food production last year reached a peak more than a third above the prewar years despite the fact that farm population has declined by about five million since I940. Fortunately, farmers were aided by better-than-average weather conditions over the country. We cannot, however, count on continuance of better-than-average weather. Therefore, because of the great demands for food that exist in this country and for relief abroad, the Department of Agriculture is planning for another year of full production. This does not mean the same volume of production for each individual crop, because the surrender of Japan has brought changes in the demand pattern. But the total acreage needed for next year will not be greatly different from this year. The Government now must be prepared to carry out the Nation's responsibility to aid farmers in making their necessary readjustments from a wartime to a peacetime basis. The Congress already has provided postwar supports against price collapse for many farm products. This was a provision of wisdom and foresight. After the First World War farm prices dropped more than 50 percent from the spring of 1920 to the spring of 1921. We do not intend to permit a repetition of the disaster that followed the First World War. The Secretary of Agriculture has assured me that he will use all means now authorized by the Congress to carry out the price-support commitments. 285

Page  286 [128] Sept. 6 Public Papers of the Presidents But there is need for additional measures to strengthen the machinery for carrying out price-support commitments, and for laying the basis for broader peacetime markets for agricultural products. The Congress already has provided for one such postwar measure that needs now to be adapted to our changed situation. Recognizing that the lend-lease program required greatly increased production and that this increase could not be suddenly discontinued when the program stopped, the Congress wisely set aside $500,000,000 of lend-lease funds for price support of farm commodities. This money is now available for the purpose for which it was intended, but in order that it may be used most effectively whenever the need arises, I recommend early legislation which would make those funds available to the Commodity Credit Corporation on a continuing basis. Such action would reaffirm the specific intent of the Congress as to the use of this money in safeguarding farm prices. Strengthening the machinery for carrying out price-support commitments is the one measure necessary to safeguard farm prices. Stimulation of the export of farm commodities is another. More food is needed in the war-ravaged areas of the world. In the process of meeting relief requirements abroad, we have the opportunity of developing export markets for the future. The farmer has always faced certain specific problems which are peculiar to his occupation. His crops are at the mercy of the weather. The factory owner and the worker at the machine have available to them insurance programs which protect them from losses. Our farmers have the right to the same kind of protection. Strengthening and further development of crop insurance for farmers, organized and backed by the Federal Government, can give them this protection. A well-rounded crop-insurance program, together with the assurance of reasonable and stable farm prices, will go a long way toward meeting basic problems which have plagued farmers in the past. Much that has been accomplished during the war was made possible by the wise national program in support of scientific research in agriculture and forestry, and by the program for the conservation and improvement of our soil and forest resources. These policies have paid 286

Page  287 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. 6 [ i28] large dividends during the war. We ought to continue and strengthen them. Within recent years the Congress has enacted various measures which have done much to improve the economic status of this country's farmers and to make rural living more attractive. In enacting individual pieces of legislation it has not been possible to make adjustments in existing measures in keeping with the changing pattern of needs. The Secretary of Agriculture is now reexamining existing agricultural programs in the light of peacetime needs in order that they make the fullest contribution to the welfare of farmers and the people as a whole. I hope that the Congress also, through its appropriate committees, will give careful consideration to this problem with a view to making such adjustments as are necessary to strengthen the effectiveness of these various measures. 10. SELECTIVE SERVICE While the cruel lessons of war are fresh in every mind, it is fitting that we now undertake appropriate measures for the future security of the United States. The times call for a broad and realistic appraisal of our military needs and obligations. This Nation, and the other members of the family of nations, are facing the hazardous transition to a peace economy in a world grown acutely sensitive to power. We have charted the course to a stable world peace, but that course still remains to be sailed. We must, of course, plan for the immediate needs of this year and the next. But we would break faith with those who won for us the victory, if we should fail at the same time to adopt an integrated and long-range program for the national security. As a sovereign nation, we must continue to be ready to defend our national integrity by maintaining and manning adequate defense establishments within this continent, at the Panama Canal, and at all our bases overseas. As a member of the Security Council of the United Nations, we have an immediate obligation to bear a share, commensurate with our national standing, in safeguarding the future security 287

Page  288 [I28] Sept. 6 Public Papers of the Presidents of all peace-loving nations. As a victor in the greatest war of history, we are committed now to an armed occupation of the lands of our defeated enemies until it is assured that the principles for which we fought shall prevail in the reconstruction of those lands. To meet these immediate obligations will require the maintenance for some time of a real measure of our present land, sea, and air power. And in this first year after victory our people have another obligation, one which is felt in almost every American home. We owe it to those now in the armed forces that they be returned to civilian life with all possible speed. To provide the personnel necessary to meet these immediate obligations we must obtain replacements for those veterans who have already rendered long and arduous service. We shall make every effort to raise these replacements by recruiting volunteers. To that end I ask that the Congress consider ways and means to assure the maximum success of the recruiting campaigns which have already been authorized. I suggest that legislation be enacted to remove the present restriction on eligibility for voluntary enlistment and to allow the armed forces to enlist a larger number of volunteers than is now authorized. It is further recommended that, in order to enable the armed forces satisfactorily to compete in the procurement of personnel, the Congress provide suitable inducements for volunteer service in the Army and Navy. However, in view of our extensive national commitments, I am certain, as are the War and Navy Departments, that we cannot rely on voluntary recruitment as the sole method of procuring the necessary replacements. I, therefore, urge that the Congress continue inductions to assure replacements for these veterans, in such numbers as are not supplied by volunteers. An unforgivable discrimination would result if, by suspending inductions now, we should favor those who have had no military service at the cost of requiring continued sacrifice from those who have already done their part. Our first concern should be for those who have been in the armed 288

Page  289 Harry S. Truman, I945 Sept. 6 [I28] forces for several years. They have been separated from their homes and from their loved ones. Many of them have been under constant fire and continuous danger for months and even years. We should try to avoid imposing further service upon them. The only way that this can be done is to continue the induction of young men who as yet have not served a tour of active duty in the armed services. Only when we find that we are able to obtain a sufficient number of volunteers to fill the necessary quotas for our occupational needs, can we discontinue the Selective Service System. Of course it is entirely up to the Congress to choose the means by which we will provide and maintain the necessary strength to meet our commitments. The alternatives presented are very simple. There are no others. Either we retain men now in the service for a further indefinite period, or we provide replacements by further inductions. As you know, I have already directed the Selective Service to cut down the number of inductions from 80,ooo to 50,000 per month, and to limit them to the age group of i8 through 25. It would seem reasonable to limit inductions hereafter to men between the ages of I8 and 25, inclusive, and fix their maximum term of service at two years. Under the existing statute, inductees can be legally retained only for the duration of the war and a period of six months thereafter. I trust that, in any event, the Congress will not pass a resolution to the effect that the war has terminated for the purposes of this statute. To do so would give to all inducted men and temporary officers of the Army now on active duty the right to civilian status, and would create an impossible demobilization situation. These are the military steps which it is apparent must be taken at once to meet the needs of the transition from war to peace. First things necessarily come first. But the full needs of our national security run far beyond this immediate period of transition. We should make timely preparations for the Nation's long-range security, while we are still mindful of what it has cost us in this war to have been unprepared. It is, therefore, my intention to communicate with the Congress from 289

Page  290 [I28] Sept. 6 Public Papers of the Presidents time to time during the current session with respect to a comprehensive and continuous program of national security, including a universal training program, unification of the armed services, and the use and control of atomic energy. II. HOUSING The largest single opportunity for the rapid postwar expansion of private investment and employment lies in the field of housing, both urban and rural. The present shortage of decent homes and the enforced widespread use of substandard housing indicate vital unfulfilled needs of the Nation. These needs will become more marked as veterans begin to come back and look for places to live. There is wide agreement that, over the next ten years, there should be built in the United States an average of from a million to a million and a half homes a year. Such a program would provide an opportunity for private capital to invest from six to seven billion dollars annually. Private enterprise in this field could provide employment for several million workers each year. A housing program of this realistic size would, in turn, stimulate a vast amount of business and employment in industries which make house furnishings and equipment of every kind, and in the industries which supply the materials for them. It would provide an impetus for new products, and would develop new markets for a variety of manufactured articles to be made by private enterprise. Housing is high on the list of matters calling for decisive Congressional action. This is reflected in recommendations contained in reports recently issued by the postwar committees of the Senate and of the House of Representatives. While differing opinions may be held as to detail, these proposals for action already developed in the Congress appear to me sound and essential. I urgently recommend that the Congress, at an early date, enact broad and comprehensive housing legislation. The cardinal principle underlying such legislation should be that house construction and financing for the overwhelming majority of our citizens should be done by private enterprise. 290

Page  291 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. 6 [ u8] We should retain and improve upon the present excellent Government facilities which permit the savings of the people to be channeled voluntarily into private house construction on financing terms that will serve the needs of home owners of moderate income. The present principles of insurance of housing investment-now tested by years of experience-should be retained and extended, so as to encourage direct investment in housing by private financing institutions. The Government, in addition to providing these facilities to help private enterprise and private capital build homes, should take effective measures to stimulate research in methods and materials of housing construction. In this way, better and cheaper methods may be developed to build homes. In addition to this type of research, the Government might well undertake to assist communities in making recurrent community studies in matters relating to housing and real estate generally. Such a program would contribute in great degree to the progress of private initiative and private capital investment in housing. We must go on. We must widen our horizon even further. We must consider the redevelopment of large areas of the blighted and slum sections of our cities so that in the truly American way they may be remade to accommodate families not only of low-income groups as heretofore, but of every income group. We must make it possible for private enterprise to do the major part of this job. In most cases, it is now impossible for private enterprise to contemplate rebuilding slum areas without public assistance. The land cost generally is too high. The time has come for the Government to begin to undertake a program of Federal aid to stimulate and promote the redevelopment of these deteriorating areas. Such Federal aid should be extended only to those communities which are willing to bear a fair part of the cost of clearing their blighted city areas and preparing them for redevelopment and rebuilding. The rebuilding of these areas should conform to broad city plans, provide adequately for displaced families and make maximum use of private capital. Here lies another road toward establishing a better 291

Page  292 [128] Sept. 6 Public Papers of the Presidents standard of city living, toward increasing business activity and providing jobs. This Nation has recognized the need of using public funds to clear slums and to provide homes for those families who could not otherwise enjoy adequate housing because of the difference between their present earning power and the cost or rental of a decent home. We cannot, and we will not, recede from these purposes. For those low-income groups, representing but a small portion of the total housing need, our prewar program of Federal aid to communities for low-rent.housing should be resumed. Only in that way can we make progress toward our ultimate goal laid down in the economic bill of rights of a decent home for every American family. I recommend, also, that we quicken our rate of progress in rural housing. As a general rule, housing conditions on farms and in rural areas are relatively worse than in our cities. In housing, as well as in other benefits of the American system, farm families should enjoy equality with city dwellers. A decent standard of housing for all is one of the irreducible obligations of modern civilization. The housing challenge is now squarely before us. The people of the United States, so far ahead in wealth and productive capacity, deserve to be the best housed people in the world. We must begin to meet that challenge at once. 12. RESEARCH Progress in scientific research and development is an indispensable condition to the future welfare and security of the Nation. The events of the past few years are both proof and prophecy of what science can do. Science in this war has worked through thousands of men and women who labored selflessly and, for the most part, anonymously in the laboratories, pilot plants, and proving grounds of the Nation. Through them, science, always pushing forward the frontiers of knowledge, forged the new weapons that shortened the war. Progress in science cannot depend alone upon brilliant inspiration or sudden flights of genius. We have recently had a dramatic dem 292

Page  293 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. 6 [I28] onstration of this truth. In peace and in war, progress comes slowly in small new bits, from the unremitting day-by-day labors of thousands of men and women. No nation can maintain a position of leadership in the world of today unless it develops to the full its scientific and technological resources. No government adequately meets its responsibilities unless it generously and intelligently supports and encourages the work of science in university, industry, and in its own laboratories. During the war we have learned much about the methods of organizing science, and about the ways of encouraging and supporting its activities. The development of atomic energy is a clear-cut indication of what can be accomplished by our universities, industry, and Government working together. Vast scientific fields remain to be conquered in the same way. In order to derive the full profit in the future from what we have learned, I urge upon the Congress the early adoption of legislation for the establishment of a single Federal research agency which would discharge the following functions: i. Promote and support fundamental research and development projects in all matters pertaining to the defense and security of the Nation. 2. Promote and support research in the basic sciences and in the social sciences. 3. Promote and support research in medicine, public health, and allied fields. 4. Provide financial assistance in the form of scholarships and grants for young men and women of proved scientific ability. 5. Coordinate and control diverse scientific activities now conducted by the several departments and agencies of the Federal Government. 6. Make fully, freely, and publicly available to commerce, industry, agriculture, and academic institutions, the fruits of research financed by Federal funds. Scientific knowledge and scientific research are a complex and interrelated structure. Technological advances in one field may have great significance for another apparently unrelated. Accordingly, I urge 293

Page  294 [128] Sept. 6 Public Papers of the Presidents upon the Congress the desirability of centralizing these functions in a single agency. Although science can be coordinated and encouraged, it cannot be dictated to or regimented. Science cannot progress unless founded on the free intelligence of the scientist. I stress the fact that the Federal research agency here proposed should in no way impair that freedom. Even if the Congress promptly adopts the legislation I have recommended, some months must elapse before the newly established agency could commence its operations. To fill what I hope will be only a temporary gap, I have asked the Office of Scientific Research and Development and the Research Board for National Security to continue their work. Our economic and industrial strength, the physical well-being of our people, the achievement of full employment and full production, the future of our security, and the preservation of our principles will be determined by the extent to which we give full and sincere support to the works of science. It is with these works that we can build the highroads to the future. 13. TRANSITION TAX REVISION Taxes will play a vital role in attaining a prosperous peace. I recommend that a transitional tax bill be enacted as soon as possible to provide limited tax reductions for the calendar year I946. Like the Tax Adjustment Act of i945, the new bill should aim principally at removing barriers to speedy reconversion and to the expansion of our peacetime economy. This matter has been under study jointly by congressional and Treasury tax staffs. I am assured that a program will be ready for early consideration by the Congress. We must reconcile ourselves to the fact that room for tax reduction at this time is limited. A total war effort cannot be liquidated overnight. It is estimated that war expenditures in the current fiscal year Will 294

Page  295 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. 6 [I28] drop 40 billion dollars below last year, but that they will still amount to 50 billion dollars out of total expenditures of 66 billion dollars. With current receipts estimated at 36 billion dollars, we face an estimated deficit of 30 billion dollars in the current fiscal year. Expenditures, although further reduced, will necessarily continue at high levels in the fiscal year 1947. In considering tax reductions for I946 we must not lose sight of the budgetary situation and our obligations to 85,000,000 bondholders. After passage of the transitional bill, I hope that the Congress will give careful consideration to the modernization of the Federal tax structure. A major objective of this modernization should be the encouragement of business incentives and expansion, and of consumer purchasing power. In this connection consideration of further tax reductions should have due regard to the level of governmental expenditures and the health and stability of our economy. 14. SURPLUS-PROPERTY DISPOSAL On July 17 I recommended that the Congress enact legislation creating a single Surplus Property Administrator in place of the board of three which was provided in the statute enacted last year. I realize that this recommendation came too late to be dealt with prior to your recess, but I strongly urge that you act on it now. A single administrator can do much to obviate the confusion which still exists in this field, and will be able to expedite the disposal of the many billions of dollars of surplus property. The disposition of plants and equipment is of particular urgency. They should be disposed of promptly by sale or lease on a basis that is fair to the Government and to industry. Our objectives should be to provide early and continuous employment, and through private production, to supply hungry markets and check inflationary tendencies. Leases may often enable the Government and the operator to determine actual value by actual experience. The sooner we can put plants and equipment to work, the sooner we can discard our wartime controlsn the transition from war to peace. 295

Page  296 [.128] Sept. 6 Public Papers of the Presidents I5. SMALL BUSINESS During the war special attention was paid to small business. The American small business is the backbone of our free-enterprise system. The efforts of the Congress in protecting small business during the war paid high dividends, not only in protecting small business enterprise, but also in speeding victory. In spite of the fact, however, that many businesses were helped and saved, it is true that many thousands of them were obliged to close up because of lack of materials or manpower or inability to get into war production. It is very important to the economy of the United States that these small businesses and many more of them be given opportunity to become a part of American trade and industry. To do this, assistance should be given to small businesses to enable them to obtain adequate materials, private financing, technological improvements, and surplus property. While some special facilities for small business are required, the greatest help to it will come from the maintenance of general prosperity and full employment. It is much more difficult for small business to survive the hazards which come from trade recessions and widespread unemployment. What small business needs chiefly is a steady supply of customers with stable purchasing power. I am sure that the Congress will see to it that in its legislation adequate protection and encouragement will be given to the small business of the Nation. i6. VETERANS It has been a fundamental objective of the Congress and of the administration to make generous provision for those who have served the Nation in its armed forces, and for the dependents of those who have died in their country's cause. Although a full list of what has been done toward this objective would be entirely too long to enumerate here, it might be well to list some of the major steps already taken: (i) Adoption of a National Service Life Insurance Act under which about 171/2 million insurance applications have been approved, result 296

Page  297 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. 6 [I28] ing in insurance coverage of more than $I35,000,000,000. (2) Provision of increased compensation or pension for disabled veterans. (3) Extension and expansion of hospital benefits. (4) Vocational education and training for veterans having a service-connected disability constituting a vocational handicap. (5) Mustering-out pay ranging from $I00 to $300 dependent upon length of service and rate of pay. (6) Education or training for any veteran whose education or training was interrupted by entrance into the service. (7) Guarantee of loans to veterans for the purchase of a home, a farm, or a business. (8) Legislation to protect the veteran's right to reemployment in his preservice job, if desired. (9) Provision of unemployment allowances for veterans who become unemployed at any time within two years after discharge, of $20 per week for not to exceed 52 weeks. (Io) Civil-service laws to insure preference to veterans in governmental service. (ii) There has also been instituted in each State pursuant to law an efficient system whereby the counseling and placement needs of veterans will be the responsibility of veterans appointed for that special work. The transition of veterans from military to civilian activities cannot be accomplished satisfactorily by the Federal Government alone or the States alone, or, indeed, by both. Government can help chiefly through organization and over-all planning. But the real work must be done in each community, through cooperation of the industrial, labor, and civic organizations interested in the welfare of the community and of the veterans. There have been established information centers in all the field activities of the Selective Service System, United States Employment Service, and Veterans Administration totaling more than 8,ooo. Veterans may there obtain information on any question of interest to them. Also, the Retraining and Reemployment Administration in coopera 297

Page  298 [I28] Sept. 6 Public Papers of the Presidents tion with the leadership of local communities has established approximately 1,450 community information centers. There are therefore 9,ooo information centers of all types throughout the country available to veterans for information purposes. With respect to agricultural interests, use has been made of county committees. Broad and generous as this legislation for veterans has been, there will be need of amendments and improvements. I recommend that the Congress give prompt consideration to the recommendations which have been made by the Veterans Administration for the purpose of clarifying and liberalizing the provisions relative to hospital and medical care, to vocational training under the Vocational Rehabilitation Act, and to education and training under the Servicemen's Readjustment Act. I also urge consideration of the suggestions made by the Veterans Administration with respect to the loan guarantee features of the latter Act, to amendments clarifying and liberalizing the National Service Life Insurance Act, and those which would increase the rates of compensation for specific injuries including multiple amputations. I have recommended that the Selective Training and Service Act be continued; but if the Congress determines to the contrary, I urgently recommend that it clarify the provisions thereof which specifically deal with the right of reemployment. Favorable consideration should be given by the Congress to Federal reclamation projects as outstanding opportunities for returning veterans. The great Columbia Basin project in the Northwest, the projects in the Missouri River Basin, and others of equal significance will bring into existence many thousands of new family-size farms upon which returning veterans can secure a livelihood for themselves and their families and create new wealth for the Nation. A number of farms can be made ready for veterans rapidly if legislation now pending is enacted without delay. This legislation would authorize necessary and proper assistance to veterans who seek to develop farm homes on irrigated lands in Federal reclamation project areas. I also recommend that the Congress expedite legislation giving vet 2o8

Page  299 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. 6 [I28] erans social-security coverage credit for the period of their service in the armed services. The latest available statistics in the Veterans' Administration shows that pension payments in varying amounts are now going forward each month to approximately 6ooooo veterans of World War II and to the dependents of more than ioo,ooo deceased veterans of World War II. Insurance claims under the National Service Life Insurance Act have been allowed in a total of 361,ooo cases involving insurance of approximately 2~2 billion dollars. More than 200,000 World War II veterans have already been afforded hospital care in Veterans Administration facilities. At the time of Pearl Harbor, the Veterans Administration and the Federal Board of Hospitalization had under way a hospital-building program which by I949, the estimated peak of needs for World War I veterans, would have provided a total of i00,000 beds for hospital and domiciliary care. Since Pearl Harbor the hospital-building program has been expedited. The Veterans Administration now has approximately 82,ooo hospital and 14,000 domiciliary beds. Thirteen thousand beds are now under construction, and funds are available for i5,000 more. The Servicemen's Readjustment Act authorizes appropriations to the extent of $500,000,000 for the construction of veterans' hospitals and also the transfer to the Veterans Administration of suitable facilities of the Army and Navy after the end of the war, when surplus to their needs. The program of the Veterans Administration and the Federal Board of Hospitalization contemplates keeping abreast of developing needs through such transfers and additional construction. To this end a plan has just been approved for construction of 29,000 additional beds. Since World War I there have been more than 3,oooooo hospital admissions in veterans' facilities-and most of them since 1925. Considering that the total number of veterans of World War I and all living veterans of prior wars did not exceed one-third the number of the veterans of World War II, it can readily be seen how important it 299

Page  300 [I 28] Sept. 6 Public Papers of the Presidents is to provide hospital privilege. The subject is one which should receive the most careful consideration from the point of view of the extent and quality of facilities to be provided and maintained. In the last analysis, if we can insure the proper economic conditions, we may be sure that the genius and initiative of Americans who met successfully all demands of the greatest war in history, both on the fighting front and on the production front, will make certain the reintegration of veterans into an expanding civilian economy. Anything less would not meet the country's obligations to its veterans. 17. PUBLIC WORKS AND NATIONAL RESOURCES During the war years we have expended our resources-both human and natural-without stint. We have thrown into the battle for freedom everything we had. Thousands of our finest young men-our best human resourceshave given their lives. Additional thousands have been injured so that they may not be able to realize their full promise. The education of millions of young men and young women has been disrupted. At best, the Nation will be deprived of the full benefit of their services as scientists, doctors, technicians, lawyers, and educators for 3 to 5 years, or even longer, while they complete the preparation which the necessities of war interrupted. The depletion of our natural resources is even more startling. We have torn from the earth copper, petroleum, iron ore, tungsten, and every other mineral required to fight a war, without regard to our future supplies. We have taken what we needed. We were not able to, and we did not, take account of tomorrow. At the same time, our splendid prewar program to build up our national resources was sharply halted. The diligent and constant search for additional deposits of minerals was almost abandoned in favor of a frantic effort to discover and make possible the production of the materials of war. The long-range programs to conserve the precious inches of topsoil which, in many parts of the country, lie between plenty and poverty were necessarily interrupted. We had neither the manpower nor the 300

Page  301 Harry S. Truman, I945 Sept. 6 [I28] materials to spare for projects to prevent the ravages of floods which constantly despoil our land. We had neither the men nor the facilities to continue a large-scale program of reclaiming land and of bringing new land into cultivation. With a few exceptions, we were forced to suspend the program to which this Nation is committed of harnessing the waters of our great rivers so that they may become vehicles of commerce, beneficent producers of cheap electric power, and servants of the Nation instead of instruments of destruction. In brief, although during this war this Nation has reached the apex of its power-a peak of greatness and might which the world had never seen-our national capital account has greatly suffered. We must proceed with all possible diligence not merely to restore these depleted resources to their prewar standards but to make them greater and richer than ever before. We must make a diligent effort to discover new deposits of the precious and indispensable minerals upon which our national life is founded. We must develop for the use of industry new technologies so that the vast deposits of low-grade ores that have not heretofore been considered usable may be put to work for the good of all of us. We should build and improve our roads-the arteries of commerce; we must harness our streams for the general welfare; we must rebuild and reclaim our land; we must protect and restore our forests. This is not only to provide men and women with work, it is to assure to the Nation the very basis of its life. It is to play the part of a good businessman who insists carefully on maintaining and rebuilding his plant and machinery. We know that by the investment of Federal funds we can, within the limits of our own Nation, provide for our citizens new frontiersnew territories for the development of industry, agriculture, and commerce. We have before us the example of the Tennessee Valley Authority, which has inspired regional resource development throughout the entire world. 30I

Page  302 [128] Sept. 6 Public Papers of the Presidents We know that we have programs, carefully considered and extensively debated, for regional development of the Columbia River in the great Northwest, the Missouri River, the Central Valley of California, and the Arkansas River. In the Columbia Valley the first major step has been completed for the reclamation of barren land and the production of enormous quantities of power. The waters of the Missouri and the Arkansas and the rivers of California can be put to work to serve the national interest in a similar fashion. If these rivers remain scourges of our Nation, it is only because we do not have the prudence to harness them for the benefit of our people. If there are among us for any period of time farmers who do not farm because there is no suitable land available to them; workers who do not work because there is no labor for their hands, we have only ourselves to blame so long as we fail to make available to them the opportunities before our very eyes. I hope that the Congress will proceed as rapidly as possible to authorize regional development of the natural resources of our great river valleys. It should be unnecessary to say that the conservation and development of the national plant must proceed according to an intelligent and coordinated design. The watersheds of this Nation are not utterly independent, one of the other; our irreplaceable wealth of minerals, land, and timber is not composed of segments which can effectively be dealt with separately. Any program of public works must have as its unifying purpose the greatest possible contribution to the wealth of the Nation and to the wealth-producing capability of the Nation. It is necessary that we proceed as speedily as possible to set up machinery to make an inventory of our national wealth and our basic resources, and to test the suitability of plans and proposals for public works in light of this purpose. An agency of this sort could provide us with consistent direction toward the goal of rehabilitation and improvement of our basic national resources. Shortages of materials and manpower made it necessary in the interests of the war effort to suspend many public works which might 302

Page  303 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. 6 [I28] otherwise have been undertaken. Now that materials and manpower will become more plentiful, we should be prepared to undertake a program of useful public works, not only to improve the physical plant of the United States but to provide employment to great masses of our citizens when private industry cannot do so. Only such public works should now be undertaken, however, as will not compete with the use of materials and manpower by private industry. Plans for other public works should be perfected and put in reserve. In this connection I have several recommendations: (I) During the war the construction of Federal public works has been restricted to those necessary for national defense and the prosecution of the war. Projects which normally would have been constructed were deferred, and a large backlog of needed construction has accumulated. Plans for some of these projects-specifically those relating to reclamation, rivers and harbors, flood control, and the conservation of our natural resources-are now ready, and their construction can go forward when funds are provided and materials and manpower are available without competing with private industry. Plans for other Federal projects are being prepared through the use of funds wisely appropriated by the Congress for advance preparation. Additional funds are needed for this purpose, and I urge that the Congress provide them. (2) I recommend that the Congress enact legislation authorizing additional construction of certain Federal buildings. A portion of this program has already been authorized but has been held up by reason of cost limits imposed upon the buildings which cannot now be met because of increased needs and costs. (3) I recommend that the Congress release the funds for the highway program authorized under the Federal Aid Highway Act of I944 (Public Law 52I, 78th Cong.). Under this act $500,ooo,ooo has been authorized for the first year and $500,0o0,000 for each of the two succeeding years, making a total authorization of IV2 billion. With the States' share of the cost included, this would provide a total highway construction program of $3,000ooo,ooo,ooo for a 3-year period. (4) I recommend that the Congress appropriate $25,000,000 to con 303

Page  304 [I28] Sept. 6 Public Papers of the Presidents tinue the construction of the Inter-American Highway through the Central American Republics to the Canal Zone. (5) I recommend that the Congress enact legislation to provide the necessary airports and airport facilities to serve the great needs of an expanded postwar air transportation and commerce. A well-planned airport program would improve transportation, amplify the usefulness of the airplane, and contribute to a healthy aircraft manufacturing industry. The Congress now has before it a survey of the present and future needs for airports in the United States prepared by the Secretary of Commerce. This report indicates the necessity for approximately 3,ooo new airports and for improvements to more than half of the existing 3,ooo airports. The report recommends that the program be spread over a period of io years and that the cost be shared equally between Federal and non-Federal governmental agencies. I recommend passage of appropriate legislation to implement this program. (6) States and local governments should be encouraged to construct useful public works of the types that must necessarily supplement and go along with the private construction of homes and industrial facilities. If private construction is to move forward at a rapid rate, it is vitally important that local governments promptly proceed with the construction of such facilities as streets, sewers, water supply, hospitals, airports, schools, and other necessary public facilities. Such projects should be undertaken at this time where they supplement and encourage private construction, not where they compete with it for manpower and materials. The Congress has already authorized under title V of the War Mobilization and Reconversion Act of I944 appropriations for advances of Federal funds to State and local governments to assist them in the preparation of detailed drawings and specifications for their public works. The appropriation thus far made is entirely inadequate and I shall request additional funds in order to speed up this important activity during the reconversion period. The majority of State and local governments are awaiting a decision concerning Federal assistance. In order to get needed public facilities 304

Page  305 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. 6 [128] started promptly which do not compete with private construction, I recommend that the Congress give early consideration to grants for such public works under conditions that will insure that each level of government, Federal, State, and local, shall make its appropriate contribution. (7) The Congress has also been giving consideration to legislation with respect to the construction of hospitals and health centers throughout the country. During the war the Government, through the Federal Works Agency and the Public Health Service, has assisted State and local governments and nonprofit organizations in the construction of such facilities. The beneficial results of this program are well known. The Federal Government must continue to recognize its obligation to maintain and improve the health of the Nation by providing Federal grants where necessary for the construction of hospital and health centers. Programs of internal improvements of a public character-Federal, State, and local-must preserve competitive bidding, guarantee collective bargaining and good wages for labor, utilize the skills of our returned veterans to the fullest extent, and effectively prevent discrimination because of race, creed, or color. i8. LEND-LEASE AND POSTWAR RECONSTRUCTION With the arrival of VJ-day lend-lease aid has practically come to an end. It was always understood that it would come to an end at that time. Immediately after Japan accepted the terms of unconditional surrender, I instructed the Foreign Economic -Administrator to advise promptly all governments that deliveries of supplies under lendlease would cease on VJ-day. I also directed the Administrator in advance of the actual termination of lend-lease deliveries on VJ-day to enter into immediate negotiations with the receiving governments for the purchase of all goods in the pipe line or in storage. These negotiations are proceeding satisfactorily. In due time we must consider the settlement of the lend-lease obligations which have been incurred during the course of the war. We 305

Page  306 [I28] Sept. 6 Public Papers of the Presidents must recognize that it will not be possible for our Allies to pay us dollars for the overwhelming portion of the lend-lease obligations which they have incurred. But this does not mean that all lend-lease obligations are to be canceled. We shall seek under the procedure prescribed in the Lend-Lease Act and in subsequent agreements with other governments to achieve settlements of our wartime lend-lease relations which will permit generally a sound world-wide economy and will contribute to international peace and our own national security. We must turn from economic cooperation in war to economic cooperation in peace. We have taken steps to carry out the Bretton Woods proposals for an international monetary fund and an International Bank. We are preparing to extend the operations of the Export-Import Bank. Our objective is to enable the peace-loving nations of the world to become self-supporting in a world of expanding freedom and rising standards of living. Further legislation is also necessary. If we are to avoid the maintenance of governmental monopoly of international credit, the Johnson Act must be repealed. Private loans on a sane basis are an essential adjunct to the operations of the Export-Import and International Bank operations. I am directing the executive agencies to give full weight to foreign requirements in determining the need for maintaining domestic and export controls and priorities. We have already solemnly stated that we will do all that is reasonably possible to help war-torn countries to get back on their feet. I am sure that the Congress will wish the Government to live up to that pledge. Further legislative action is needed in connection with the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration. I recommend that the Congress fulfill the commitment already made by appropriating the remaining $55o,ooo,ooo granted by the Congress for United States participation. The Council Meeting of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration has just been brought to a successful conclusion. At that meeting our delegate found the need for an additional contribution from all participating countries, to enable the United Nations 306

Page  307 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. 6 [I28] Relief and Rehabilitation Administration to complete its work in Europe and Asia. On his motion, the Council voted to recommend to member countries a further contribution. Our own share will amount to approximately $1,350,000,000. I am confident that you will find this request for an additional authorization and appropriation fully justified, and I ask for prompt examination and consideration of the request. In meeting the needs of the United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration, surplus military and lend-lease goods will be used to the fullest possible extent. Finally, I foresee the need for additional interim lending power to insure a rapid and successful transition to peacetime world trade. Appropriate recommendations will be made to the Congress on this matter when we have completed the exploratory conversations already begun with our associates. We wish to maintain the flow of supplies without interruption. Accordingly, I have directed the executive agencies to complete their conversations and studies at the earliest possible moment. I ask the Congress for speedy consideration of the recommendations when they are made. I9. CONGRESSIONAL SALARIES Now that restrictions on voluntary salary increases have been removed, I hope that the Congress will take action soon on the salaries of its Members. My experience as a Member of the Senate has given me a very keen appreciation of the quantity and quality of the work of the Members of the Congress. They are called upon to carry great responsibility and make important decisions in a multitude of matters involving -the welfare of the Nation and of the world. Their tasks continue day in and day out. They have increased in number and in importance year by year. There is no doubt in the mind of any thinking American that Members of the Congress are grossly underpaid and have been for many years. I think that they are entitled-and have already so expressed myself-to a salary anywhere from fifteen to twenty-five thousand dol 307

Page  308 [128] Sept. 6 Public Papers of the Presidents lars a year. I recommend that the Congress enact legislation providing that the salaries of its Members be increased to twenty thousand dollars per year. At the same time I recommend the repeal of the provision now applicable to the House of Representatives for an additional expense allowance. There should be a straight, out-and-out salary increase for all Members. We should make service in the Congress of the United States available without hardship to ordinary citizens who have to look to the salary for their sole support. I also recommend that an adequate retirement system should be provided for the Members of the Congress who have served for a long period of years. This should be the first step in creating a decent salary scale for all Federal Government employees-executive, legislative, and judicial. The most important impediment to obtaining efficient administrative officials in the Federal Government has been the pitiful wage scale. During the war many able and experienced men were obtained for Federal service on purely patriotic grounds. Some of these men who are unable to continue at the present salary scales would be willing to remain at adequate salaries. In most of the various classifications of Federal employees, the wage scales, with few exceptions, are obsolete and inadequate. This is particularly true of the Federal judiciary. I sincerely hope that the Congress will take early steps to provide decent wage scales for its Members and for the executive and judicial branches of the Government. 20. SALE OF SHIPS Prompt resumption of the normal operation of our merchant marine to expedite the reestablishment of our foreign trade is a major part of general reconversion from a wartime to a peacetime economy. The Maritime Commission has already received numerous inquiries and applications from potential purchasers of ships at home and abroad for private ownership and operation. It is recommended that suitable legislation to permit such sales be expedited so that the uncertainty about the disposal of our large sur 308

Page  309 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. 6 [I28] plus tonnage may be removed. In this way, American shipping companies may undertake commercial operation as rapidly as ships can be released from Government control, and the foreign market can also be used for selling those vessels which are in excess of the needs of our postwar American merchant marine and national defense. 21. STOCK PILING OF STRATEGIC MATERIAL One of the costliest lessons of our unpreparedness for this war was the great danger involved in depending upon foreign sources for supplies of raw materials necessary in times of national emergency. The United States should never again permit itself to be placed in a position where its defense may be jeopardized by the fact that it has been cut off from the source of strategic raw materials. I recommend that the Congress enact legislation to bring about the acquisition and retention of stock piles of materials in which we are naturally deficient but which are necessary to supply the needs of the Nation for its defense. I shall shortly communicate with the Congress recommending a national health program to provide adequate medical care for all Americans and to protect them from financial loss and hardships resulting from illness and accident. I shall also communicate with the Congress with respect to expanding our social-security system, and improving our program of education for our citizens. In this hour of victory over our enemies abroad, let us now resolve to use all our efforts and energies to build a better life here at home and a better world for generations to come. The Congress has played its full part in shaping the domestic and foreign policies which have won this victory and started us on the road to lasting peace. The Congress, I know, will continue to play its patriotic part in the difficult years ahead. We face the future together with confidencethat the job, the full job, can and will be done. HARRY S. TRUMAN 309

Page  310 [i29] Sept. 6 Public Papers of the Presidents I29 The President's News Conference of September 6, I945 THE PRESIDENT. [i.] By memorandum on May 6 [I942] the President prescribed a policy to effectuate the maximum utilization of the facilities of the domestic airline companies in the prosecution of the war. It now seems desirable that the policy prescribed in the memorandum be terminated. Accordingly, the War Department need no longer follow the policy except with respect to paragraph 6 of the memorandum concerning priorities for air transportation which shall be followed until October I5. That means that all priorities in air travel will be removed by October i5. [2.] I want to announce the appointment of the Honorable Paul V. McNutt as United States High Commissioner to the Philippines. Mr. McNutt served as High Commissioner to the Philippines from I937 to i939. He was succeeded by Francis B. Sayre, who resigned in 1942. The High Commissioner is the representative of the President of the United States in the Philippines. Since September i6, after the withdrawal from Corregidor, the Secretary of the Interior has been handling the affairs without the help of a High Commissioner. Now it is desirable and necessary to appoint a High Commissioner so that all the activities of the United States Government in the rehabilitation of the Philippines can be coordinated and handled for the best interests of the Philippine Islands. Q. When does he take over? THE PRESIDENT. As soon as he can qualify. His name went up to the Senate today. Q. Is that for the Philippines only? THE PRESIDENT. The Philippines only. That's the only place we have a right to appoint a High Commissioner, and that is to expedite the things that are necessary to be done to help the Philippines to recover their position so that they can have independence as quickly as possible. That's all I have; if you have any questionsQ. Mr. President, what about Mr. McNutt's report or survey on 3IO

Page  311 Harry S. Truman, '945 Sept. 6 [ i29] health and rehabilitation? Do you wish to comment upon that? THE PRESIDENT. I didn't understand the question. Q. Mr. McNutt was head of the conservation commission on Philippine health and rehabilitation. THE PRESIDENT. Yes, he was, and that will be a part of his job to implement the findings of that commission and whatever else is necessary to be done to put the Philippines on its feet. There is certain legislation pending in the Congress which is necessary to be passed to have that object carried out, and we have to have a High Commissioner in the Philippines. [3.] Q. Would you have anything to say on the Navy's proposal for the retention of bases in the far Pacific? THE PRESIDENT. No, I am not familiar with what the Navy's proposal was. As I said in the speech after the Potsdam conference, we expect, by negotiation and otherwise, to occupy the necessary bases there for the peace of the world and for our own welfare in the Pacific Ocean and elsewhere. Q. The Navy didn't mention Okinawa specifically. I wonder if you have anything to say about that? THE PRESIDENT. I have not studied it, but if it is necessary to have one on Okinawa, I think we can negotiate so we can have it. [4.] Q. It is reported that you have selected Bob Patterson of the War Department to be a member of the Supreme Court. THE PRESIDENT. Somebody knows more than I do, then. [Laughter] I haven't yet made up my mind on an appointment for that vacancy. Q. In that connection there are a lot of reports that you plan to appoint Bennett Clark to the Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia, and also E. Barrett Prettyman toTHE PRESIDENT. I saw that in the paper, too; that is most interesting. Q. Do you want to comment further on that? THE PRESIDENT. I have no comment now. When I am ready to make those appointments I will announce them to you, but there'll be a lot more rumors before they are announced. [Laughter] [5.] Q. Again back to Mr. McNutt's appointment as High Commissioner of the Philippines. The News has carried stories that it will 3I

Page  312 [I29] Sept. 6 Public Papers of the Presidents be to the Western Pacific. Could you outline that a little more? Is it only to the Philippines? THE PRESIDENT. That's what the law requires. It is for the Philippines only. He has nothing to do with the other parts of the Pacific Ocean. There are other things that will have to be done from the peace table. [6.] Q. Can you say what Snyder, Symington, and Biffle are to do on their European trip? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, I can; they are going there to investigate the surplus property proposition, to see how much can be turned over through UNRRA to the countries on a starvation basis. [7.] Q. Mr. President, Mr. Barkley announced that you had announced your support of a possible congressional investigation of Pearl Harbor. Can you indicate to us some of the things you hope such an investigation will reveal? THE PRESIDENT. The only thing I hope is that it will get at the truth, the whole truth, and nothing but the truth. Q. Mr. President, may we infer from that that you do not think any of the reports so far have told the truth? THE PRESIDENT. I took the reports as they were given. They satisfied me, but apparently they did not satisfy everybody. [8.] Q. Has Justice Roberts indicated yet whether he is going to accept whatever international post you offered him? THE PRESIDENT. He has decided not to accept it. Q. Can you tell us now what the post was? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, I wanted him to be judge of the court to try war criminals. Q. Japanese? THE PRESIDENT. No, the international military tribunal to try war criminals. He decided not to accept. [9.] Q. Have you given any thought to releasing the transcript of the testimony of those saboteur trials back in 1943? THE PRESIDENT. I haven't thought about it. Q. Do you see any reason why they should not be released now? THE PRESIDENT. No, I don't, but I would have to look into it. 312

Page  313 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. 6 [ I29] [io.] Q. Do you think the 52 pages of the Army and Navy initial report should be turned over to Congress? THE PRESIDENT. Congress will have the right of access to all the testimony there is available. [ii.] Q. Mr. President, I wonder if you have any guess as to what the total budget might be in this country the next few years if your program is put into effect? THE PRESIDENT. I could tell you if I were going to submit a guess to Congress tomorrow, but it can't be submitted until we have the information about the military needs. I am not going to guess at it. When it comes time for the budget estimates I will have them ready. [i2.] Q. Mr. President, you said the other day you had been considering the St. Lawrence Waterway. THE PRESIDENT. I am considering it. Q. The question at that time was brief, and your answer was brief. I was wondering if there is anything further you can tell us on that. THE PRESIDENT. I can't tell you now, but I think I will be in a position in a few days to announce it. I will give you all the facts then. Q. Is the program of the various watersheds tied together? THE PRESIDENT. It is not. [I3.] Q. There are reports that you might name Ellis Arnall as Solicitor General. THE PRESIDENT. I have nothing to say about that at the present time. Q. There is a report that General Kutz is to be relieved as Engineer Commissioner; have you anything to say about that? THE PRESIDENT. I think he is probably reaching the retirement age; if he is, he will have a successor. That is a regular Army routing matter. Q. Can you say anything about the Office of Contingent Services now? THE PRESIDENT. No, I can't at the present time. Reporter: Thank you, Mr. President. THE PRESIDENT. You are entirely welcome. NOTE: President Truman's twenty- office at the White House at 4 p.m. on fourth news conference was held in his Thursday, September 6, 1945. 313

Page  314 [130] Sept. 8 Public Papers of the Presidents I30 Letter to the Surgeon General Concerning Termination of the Nurses Training Program. September 8, I945 [ Released September 8, 1945. Dated September 6, I945 ] My dear Dr. Parran: In view of recent developments in the course of the war, measures should be taken to bring about an early termination of the program for the training of nurses that was established by the act of June i5, 1943 (57 Stat. 153). It appears that it will not be necessary or in the public interest to continue to initiate training courses for this program after October I5, i945, for the purpose of assuring a supply of nurses for the armed services, Governmental and civilian hospitals, health agencies and war industries. I therefore request you to terminate the recruitment of student and graduate nurses immediately and to see to it that no students are enrolled in courses under the Act which begin after October I5, I945. Sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN [Dr. Thomas Parran, Surgeon General, Public Health Service] NOTE: The White House release of the services; furthermore, it would enable letter noted that the President's action some 30,000 young women enrolled unwould permit more than iioo nurses der the U.S. Cadet Nurse Corps in training schools to make necessary ad- classes then starting to receive Federal justments in their educational pro- assistance toward their education. grams, budgets, and hospital nursing 13I Citation Accompanying the Congressional Medal of Honor Presented to General Jonathan M. Wainwright. September 10, I945 CITATION FOR THE MEDAL OF HONOR GENERAL JONATHAN M. WAINWRIGHT, Commanding United States Army forces in the Philippines from 12 March to 7 May i942, distinguished himself by intrepid and determined leadership 3I4

Page  315 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. I2 [I32] against greatly superior enemy forces. At the repeated risk of life above and beyond the call of duty in his position, he frequented the firing line of his troops where his presence provided the example and incentive that helped make the gallant efforts of these men possible. The final stand on beleaguered Corregidor, for which he was in an important measure personally responsible, commanded the admiration of the nation's allies. It reflected the high morale of American arms in the face of overwhelming odds. His courage and resolution were a vitally needed inspiration to the then sorely pressed freedom-loving peoples of the world. HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: The presentation was made by General Wainwright's return to Washthe President in the Rose Garden at ington after his release from imprisonthe White House on the occasion of ment by the Japanese. I32 The President's News Conference of September I2, I945 THE PRESIDENT. [I.] I want to announce the appointment of Francis Biddle to represent the United States on the International Court to try war criminals. Federal Judge John J. Parker is his alternate. I announce the appointment of E. Barrett Prettyman of Washington, D.C., to succeed Justin Miller as Associate Justice of the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia. Q. Justin what? THE PRESIDENT. Justin Miller. Mr. Ross will have you a release on their lives and who they are succeeding, and everything, after this is over. I announce the appointment of former Senator Bennett Champ Clark to be Associate Justice of the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia, succeeding Thurman Arnold, resigned. I announce the appointment of Wilbur K. Miller to be an Associate Justice of the United States Court of Appeals for the District of Columbia to succeed Fred M. Vinson. 3I5

Page  316 [132] Sept. I2 Public Papers of the Presidents Q. Miller-where from? THE PRESIDENT. Owensboro, Kentucky. Q. Wilbur K., sir? THE PRESIDENT. Wilbur K., W-i-l-b-u-r. Q. What's that court again? THE PRESIDENT. United States Court of Appeals. I am appointing Alexander Holtzoff of Chicago to be Associate Justice of the District Court of the United States for the District of Columbia. Q. H-e-r-t — THE PRESIDENT. Holtzoff, H-o-l-t-z-o-f-f. Q. Where does he live? THE PRESIDENT. He lives here in Washington. Biographical sketches will be given out by the press office. I'm appointing John J. O'Connell of Pittsburgh to be Judge of the United States Circuit Court of Appeals for the Third Circuit, a new position created by the Congress. He lives at Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania. I announce the appointment of Harrington Wimberly of Oklahoma to be a member of the Federal Power Commission, succeeding — Q. Wimberly? THE PRESIDENT. W-i-m-b-e-r-l-y. Q. Where from? THE PRESIDENT. Altus, Oklahoma-A-l-t-u-s. Q. To be a member of the Federal Power Commission? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, succeeding Basil Manly, and you will be furnished details on that by Mr. Ross. Q. Succeeding Basil Manly? THE PRESIDENT. Yes. Manly's resignation takes place-is effective the ist of October. Q. Does the Commission elect its own chairman? THE PRESIDENT. Yes. I announce the appointment of Richard Sachse to be a member of the Federal Power Commission, succeeding John W. Scott. Q. Spelled how, sir? THE PRESIDENT [after a pause]. S-a-c-h-s-e. I had to look that up. 3i6

Page  317 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. I2 [I32] Q. Succeeding John W.THE PRESIDENT. Succeeding John W. Scott. Sachse is from California; I don't know what town. He's on the Railroad Commission of the State of California. I don't know what his home town is; I think he lives in southern California, though. I announce the resignation of Elmer Davis. Neil Dalton has been appointed to carry out the liquidation of the Office of War Information. You will find an exchange of letters on that. Q. Do you know where Mr. Dalton is from? THE PRESIDENT. NO, I don't. Voice: Louisville. Q. D-a-l-t-o-n? THE PRESIDENT. D-a-l-t-o-n. Q. N-e-i-1? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, Neil Dalton. Gael E. Sullivan to be Second Assistant Postmaster General in the place of Smith Purdum, effective October ist. Don't seem to have anything on him. He takes the place of Smith Purdum. Q. How do you spell that last name? THE PRESIDENT. Gael Sullivan, G-a-e-l S-u-l-l-i-v-a-n. He takes the place of Purdum, P-u-r-d-u-m. Q. Where is Mr. Sullivan from, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. Chicago. [2.] Q. Mr. President, can you tell us the reason why Justice Roberts turned down the job on the International Court? THE PRESIDENT. To quote Justice Roberts himself, he wanted to take it, but he said he had been working so long and so continuously that he thought he was entitled to a rest and he would rather not take it, so we had to let him off. [3.] Q. Would you tell us what you think of the Senate attitude on the unemployment compensation bill? THE PRESIDENT. My statement is in the message. When the bill comes to me I will comment on it. [4.] Q. The view was expressed in some quarters that the United States ought not to extend financial assistance to Britain because it 317

Page  318 [132] Sept. I2 Public Papers of the Presidents would be underwriting a Socialist government. What is your thought on that? THE PRESIDENT. I think it is a perfectly silly conclusion. [Laughterj Q. Mr. President, may we quote you on that? THE PRESIDENT. Yes. That is just what I think. Great Britain is entitled to the sort of government Great Britain wants, and I think it is none of our affair so long as we are friendly with Great Britain. [5.] Q. Mr. President, there's a feeling in Australia that the Japanese are getting rather kid-glove treatment. In view of the fact that Australia is very near Japan, they are very much worried. Would you like to comment on that? THE PRESIDENT. I think the government will be worked out in the manner that it should be worked out, and I think if Australia will be just a little patient she will be satisfied with what is done. [6.] Q. There seems to be some question about Korea, the use of Japanese overlords there to administer their government; is that a theater decision or a Washington decision? THE PRESIDENT. It is a theater decision and it is a practical matter. As soon as it is possible to remove the Japanese, they will be removed. The policy toward Korea will be announced later. Q. Would you have any comment, sir, on that announcement that the Japanese will be removed in due time? That might mean a day, a month, or a year. Would you like to put a limitation on the time? THE PRESIDENT. What do you mean? Q. Would you like to put a limitation on it to a month or a year? THE PRESIDENT. I would suggest that you ask General MacArthur what the conditions are. He can tell you better than anyone else. [7.] Q. Mr. President, this morning's Post has an editorial saying it thinks you ought to appoint a lot of Republicans. Would youTHE PRESIDENT. I'm a Democrat. [Laughter] Q. Would you tell us, sir-perhaps-do you have an analysis in your own mind as to the appointments you made this morning? THE PRESIDENT. I have not. I didn't appoint them from a political point of view but for their fitness for the place. 3i8

Page  319 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. I2 [ i32] Q. Are you a Democrat, Mr. President, who is going to the left, or to the right? THE PRESIDENT. You'll have to work that out by the acts as they come forward. I'll give you no leads on that. [8.] Q. Mr. President, is there anything to add on your trip south in November to North Carolina and Georgia? THE PRESIDENT. I'm going down there to pay a visit to the district of Mr. Doughton-a promise which I made while I was Vice President. It has no connection with his place with the Ways and Means Committee of the House. He and I have been friends for a long time. [9.] Q. Do you expect to attend the Annapolis centennial on October io? THE PRESIDENT. I have been trying to make arrangements to attend; I don't want to say definitely that I will go. [io.] Q. Dispatches out of Turkey this morning claim you had sent a communication on the Dardanelles. THE PRESIDENT. I read that communication at Potsdam. It is a conimunication for the foreign ministers conference in London. Q. In the meantime you have informed Turkey of your position? THE PRESIDENT. Not that I know of. I have had no direct communication with Turkey. [ii.] Q. Have you decided on the labor delegate to the International Labor Organization? THE PRESIDENT. That is a matter that the Labor Department will decide. Q. Mr. President, is there anything you can tell us about the Solicitor General appointment? THE PRESIDENT. Not yet. I will be able to make an announcement on that in a few days. Q. And the Supreme Court? THE PRESIDENT. I am still considering men for the Supreme Court. I have reached no decision. Q. Is Judge Clark under consideration for that? THE PRESIDENT. I don't want to answer that question. Q. There are reports that Mr. Stimson is retiring. 319

Page  320 Sept. 12 [132] Public Papers of the Presidents THE PRESIDENT. That is a matter for Mr. Stimson to announce at the proper time. I have no comment to make on that now. Voice: Thank you, Mr. President. THE PRESIDENT. You're welcome. NOTE: President Truman's twenty-fifth in the White House at 10:32 am. on news conference was held in his office Wednesday, September 12, 1945. 133 Message to General Pershing on His 85th Birthday. September 13, 1945 Dear General Pershing: This should be one of the happiest of your many birthdays as you remember that this time we went all the way through to Berlin, as you counseled in 1918. I hail a great soldier who happily exemplified also the vision of the statesman. With every good wish. Very sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN [General John J. Pershing, Walter Reed Hospital] 134 Letter to the Speaker of the House of Representatives Transmitting Proposed Reductions in Appropriations for the Navy. September 14, 1945 [ Released September 14, 1945. Dated September 13, 1945 ] The Speaker of the House of Representatives: Sir: With reference to appropriations and contract authorizations for the Navy Department and naval service, I have the honor to transmit for the consideration of Congress (i) proposed rescissions of several appropriations available in the fiscal year 1946, amounting to $8,305,859,122, (2) proposed rescissions of several contract authorizations available in the fiscal year 1946, amounting to $3,212,442,131, (3) proposed rescissions of the unrequired balances of prior year appropriations, amounting to $5,306,252,674, and (4) proposed decreases in the amounts 320

Page  321 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. I7 [I35] which may be transferred from various naval appropriations to the appropriations for printing and binding, and contingent expenses, for the fiscal year I946. In making these recommendations for reductions, consideration has been given to the tremendous problem of demobilization and the yet undetermined requirements for a peacetime Navy. As indicated in my letter of September 5, 1945, I plan a continuing review of naval appropriations with the view to recommending further adjustments as conditions warrant. It is also suggested that the appropriate committees of Congress give consideration to a complete review of existing legislation authorizing the construction of naval vessels. The details of these proposed rescissions are set forth in the letter of the Director of the Bureau of the Budget, transmitted herewith, in whose comments and observations thereon I concur. Respectfully yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: A White House release announcing the President's action pointed out that proposed rescissions (i) and (2) referred to in the first paragraph of the letter and totaling $11.5 billion included $3,212,442,131 of contract authorizations available in fiscal year 1946, and appropriations for the following major items: Savings because of demobilization in enlisted personnel from a strength of 3,300,000 at the rate of approximately 250,000 per month; cutbacks in ship construction which permitted withdrawal of $I,047,366,607 in cash which would not be expended during fiscal year 1946; maintenance and operation of ships and Navy yards, including fuel, $1,372,183,000; aviation program, $i,404,300,000; ordnance, $2,550,451,000. The details of the proposed rescissions as set forth in the letter of the Director of the Bureau of the Budget transmitted with the President's letter, are printed in House Document 286 (79th Cong., ist sess.). I35 Statement by the President on the European Relief and Rehabilitation Program. September 17, I945 THE UNITED STATES GOVERNMENT is now in a position to fulfill the main requests of Europe-with the exception of sugar, fats and oils-from this date until January i as these requests have been stated to it by the governments of the liberated countries and by UNRRA. 32I

Page  322 [135] Sept. 17 Public Papers of the Presidents Provision of the supplies thus requested does not, however, mean that the civilian populations of Europe will reach even a minimum level of subsistence, and much suffering may be expected during the coming winter in certain areas of the continent. The limiting factor in meeting the minimum needs of the liberated peoples is no longer one of shipping. For the moment, in the case of most commodities, it is no longer a problem of supply. Today it is primarily a twofold financial problem; first, to work out credits or other financial arrangements with the European governments; second, to make additional funds available to UNRRA for emergency relief. This Government is bending every effort to find solutions to this problem, in cooperation with the respective claimants, with a view to increasing the flow of urgently needed supplies. Pending such settlements this government is taking necessary measures in relation to production, distribution and shipping of supplies to insure a broad, equitable and continuous flow of current stocks and new production of relief and rehabilitation supplies for liberated areas, which it is anticipated will be required, in addition to those quantities which they have already requisitioned. One purpose of such measures is to prevent the dissipation of available supplies in domestic channels where they are not essential. When I returned from Potsdam I said, "If we let Europe go cold and hungry, we may lose some of the foundations of order on which the hoped for world-wide peace must rest. We must help to the limits of our strength. And we will." That pledge, made not only to our Allies, but to the American people, must be kept. It should be made perfectly clear that, contrary to the belief of many, relaxation of rationing on the home front is not a factor in the allocation of relief supplies to Europe. The Department of Agriculture reports that, despite the release of cheese from rationing controls, and the possible relaxation of domestic meat rationing, we have sufficient quantities of meat and dairy products to fulfill the requirements placed upon us by UNRRA and the paying governments for the last quarter of the year. Furthermore, should UNRRA secure the additional financial resources it so urgently needs, and the paying governments conclude more satis 322

Page  323 Harry S. Truman, '945 Sept. I 7 [ I35] factory financial arrangements, again raising the problem of supply, both the Department of Agriculture and the War Production Board have the authority to issue set-aside orders on specific quantities of commodities purchased, regardless of whether they are rationed, to insure deliveries abroad. This does not mean that it may not become necessary to resume ration controls of certain items if they become so short in supply that such controls are required to insure more equitable distribution. RELIEF NEEDS SUMMARIZED The most desperate needs of the liberated people are for coal, transportation and food, in that order of priority. Other commodities urgently required include hides and leather, cotton, wool, textiles, soap, farm equipment, including fertilizer and seeds, repair parts and machinery, medital supplies, and a general list of raw materials. The items which are causing major concern because of worldwide shortages are coal, sugar and fats, hides and leather, textiles, and a few of the raw materials, in minor quantities. Locomotives constitute a special and acute problem because of the time factor involved in their manufacture. Coal presents not only the most serious but the most complicated problem. Once self-sufficient in this commodity, Europe is now without the labor, the food, the transportation, the housing and the machinery needed to restore production quickly to its pre-war level. The Allied Control Commission is making every effort to speed the resumption of German production in order to supply the liberated areas, but despite considerable progress, the people of these areas face a winter of extreme hardship. /WHAT IS BEING DONE The United States is now shipping approximately I,400,000 tons of coal to Europe a month. For the period ending January I the goal is 8,ooo,ooo tons, or slightly more than one percent of our domestic production. The limiting factor is not primarily one of supply, but of inland transportation facilities both here and abroad. The Department of Agriculture reports that shipments of food to the 323

Page  324 I35] Sept. 17 Public Papers of the Presidents paying governments and UNRRA during the last quarter of this year will include approximately these quantities: I50 million pounds of meat and meat products; 70 million bushels of wheat; 28 thousand short tons of raw sugar; go million pounds of dried peas and beans; 13 million pounds of lard. In addition, the Department of Agriculture is prepared to ship the following supplies of dairy products, in at least these quantities, as soon as financial arrangements have been satisfactorily completed: 6o million pounds of cheese; 200 million pounds of evaporated milk; 25 million pounds of dry whole milk powder; 8o million pounds of dry skim milk powder; I5 million pounds of condensed milk. It should be remembered that these supplies will serve not to improve, but only to sustain the diet of the liberated peoples, which remains below the minimum level of subsistence. In some cases the doubling of these food shipments waits only upon the conclusion of satisfactory financial arrangements. This Government has abundant evidence that the American people are aware of the suffering among our allies. They have also made plain their determination that this country shall do its full part, along with other supplying nations, in helping to restore health and strength to those who fought at our side both in Europe and in the Far East. It is an American responsibility not only to our friends, but to ourselves, to see that this job is done and done quickly. I36 Statement by the President on the Liberation of Korea. September I8, I945 THE SURRENDER of the Japanese forces in Seoul, ancient Korean capital, heralds the liberation of a freedom-loving and heroic people. 324

Page  325 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. i8 [ I37] Despite their long and cruel subjection under the warlords of Japan, the Koreans have kept alive their devotion to national liberty and to their proud cultural heritage. This subjection has now ended. The Japanese warlords are being removed. Such Japanese as may be temporarily retained are being utilized as servants of the Korean people and of our occupying forces only because they are deemed essential by reason of their technical qualifications. In this moment of liberation we are mindful of the difficult tasks which lie ahead. The building of a great nation has now begun with the assistance of the United States, China, Great Britain and the Soviet Union, who are agreed that Korea shall become free and independent. The assumption by the Koreans themselves of the responsibilities and functions of a free and independent nation and the elimination of all vestiges of Japanese control over Korean economic and political life will of necessity require time and patience. The goal is in view but its speedy attainment will require the joint efforts of the Korean people and of the allies. The American people rejoice in the liberation of Korea as the Taegook-kee, the ancient flag of Korea, waves again in the Land of the Morning Calm. I37 The President's News Conference of September i8, I945 THE PRESIDENT. [I.] I am reorganizing the Labor Department, putting all the functions of the War Labor Board, the War Manpower Commission, and the USES into the Labor Department, and transferring their functions to the Secretary of Labor, giving him all their powers and appropriations and everything else that goes with them; and eventually we will centralize every labor function in the Labor Department, so far as possible. [2.] I am transferring OES, Office of Economic Stabilization, to War Mobilization and Reconversion; that is, to Mr. Snyder. [3.] I signed the act providing for a single Surplus Property Ad 325

Page  326 [137] Sept. I8 Public Papers of the Presidents ministrator this morning. I appointed Stuart Symington to that job. [4.] I received an acceptance from Judge Owen Roberts today to act as chairman of the committee to award Medals of Merit to civilians. [5.] Now I have accepted the resignation of Mr. Stimson today as Secretary of War and appointed Robert P. Patterson to be Secretary of War. I accepted Mr. Stimson's resignation very reluctantly. I think he is one of our great public servants. I want to announce also that the Assistant Secretaries, John J. McCloy and Robert Lovett, sent me their resignations at the same time Mr. Stimson did, but I am not accepting them immediately. [6.] I am appointing Senator Harold H. Burton of Ohio to be Associate Justice of the United States Supreme Court. [Subdued laughter and a surprised low whistle] Q. Anything else, Mr. President? [7.] Q. We do have a question, Mr. President. I wonder if you can tell us what action the reorganized Labor Department might be taking in the Detroit situation. THE PRESIDENT. That will be entirely in the hands of the Secretary of Labor, and he will take whatever action is necessary, whatever action he can, under the law. Q. Do you plan to put the FEPC under the Labor Department, too? THE PRESIDENT. If it belongs to the War Manpower Commission, that's where it will go. [8.] Q. What happens to the Chairman of OES? THE PRESIDENT. The Chairman of the OES? Well, he won't have anything to do. John Snyder will take his job. [9.] Q. Mr. President, did you have any advance information, or know what General MacArthur said about the number of troops needed in Japan? THE PRESIDENT. No, I didn't. I'm glad to see that the General won't need as many as he thought. He said first 500,000, later 400,000 and now 200oo000. It helps to get as many more men out of the Army as possible. X William H. Davis, Director, Office of Economic Stabilization. 326

Page  327 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. i9 [ I38] [io.] Q. Mr. President, is there going to be any change in the Executive order of August I8 on the loan policy? THE PRESIDENT. No. [ii.] Q. May I follow that with another question, sir? Mr. Davis, who was Economic Stabilizer, some few days ago said it was planned to increase wages 50 percent in 5 years without increasing prices. THE PRESIDENT. He wasn't speaking for the administration when he made that statement. [i2.] Q. With this cut in occupation troops in Japan, do you see an earlier end to the draft than previously? THE PRESIDENT. I can't answer that until I know the policy of the War Department and know how many troops of occupation are needed. The draft will not be continued any longer than is absolutely necessary. Q. Is there any indication General Eisenhower's request for troops may be reduced.? THE PRESIDENT. There has been some indication of that-yes. Reporter: Thank you, Mr. President. NOTE: President Truman's twenty-sixth conference: Lewis B. Schwellenbach, news conference was held in his office Secretary of Labor; John W. Snyder, at the White House at 4 p.m. on Tues- Director, Office of War Mobilization day, September i8, 1945. The White and Reconversion; and David R. CalHouse Official Reporter noted that the houn of St. Louis. following special guests attended this I38 Statement by the President Concerning Demobilization of the Armed Forces. September i9, I945 EVERY AMERICAN has an interest in when our soldiers and sailors will return to civilian life. With many of us, this is a personal interest. We all want to feel sure that no one is going to be held in the service a day longer than is necessary to see the job through. I think we should all be very clear about one thing. An impression has spread that the speed of demobilization is governed by our future needs for occupation and other forces. That is, of course, not true. No one now can accurately forecast what those needs are going to be. 327

Page  328 [138] Sept. i9 Public Papers of the Presidents Our earlier estimates are being constantly revised. For example, General MacArthur this week stated that he would be able to handle the occupation of Japan and Korea with half the troops that only a month ago he estimated he would need for that purpose. Carrying on our demobilization as rapidly as we can-which we are now doing-we shall not really face the problem of the size or makeup of the occupation forces until next Spring. By that time, we ought to know how many men we shall need for occupation and to what extent that need can be met through volunteers. I think the Army has given all of us good reason for the same confidence in its ability to win the battle of demobilization which we had in its ability to win the war. The day Japan surrendered the Army had to scrap all its plans for an all-out assault and do a right-about face. That was August i4th. In less than one month since then the number of men discharged from the Army each day has risen from 4,200 to more than i5,200. Our soldiers are now being returned to civilian life at a rate in excess of 650 per hour, 24 hours per day. This represents a speedup of better than 375 percent in 3o days. Such a performance justifies full confidence. The Army's plans call for the return to their homes of more than 2,000,000 soldiers between V-J Day and Christmas, I945. Between now and Christmas the discharge rate will steadily rise from the present daily figure of I5,200 to not less than 22,000 per day and by January, I946, to more than 25,000 per day. The Army and Navy mean to do the task set for them with the minimum number of men. There will be no padding in our armed forces. America is going to keep the full strength she needs for her national commitments. But the rest of the men are coming back home, and coming as fast as the Services can get them out. 328

Page  329 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. 20 [139] I39 Letter Accepting Resignation of Henry L. Stimson as Secretary of War. September 20, I945 [ Releascd September 20, 1945. Dated September i9, 1945 ] Dear Mr. Secretary: The time has come when a grateful Nation must recognize your right to enter into the retirement which you have earned through forty years of outstanding public service. I therefore accept, effective as of the close of business on Friday, September twenty-first, your resignation as Secretary of War. By a happy coincidence you will lay down the burden of office on your seventy-eighth birthday. I trust that the day may be as happy to you personally as it will be memorable in the national history. My warmest greetings to a hale veteran young in all save years. You richly merit the leisure which is now yours to enjoy. It is difficult to estimate the value of the long public service in which you have attained high eminence in such diverse fields of activity. You have held three Cabinet posts under four Presidents. To the discharge of the duties of each of these posts you have brought wisdom, vision and true statesmanship. No one saw more clearly than you how the shape of things to come was foreshadowed in the Japanese aggression in Manchuria. Historians will speculate whether the holocaust which spread over the whole world within a decade could not have been prevented had your advice as Secretary of State been followed. The Nation and the world are familiar with the inadequacy of our Army when you went back to the Department of War, 4a little more than five years ago. Under your administration it reached the greatest strength in our history and became the best trained and best equipped army in the world. These are but two phases of your public service. As I tender to you the thanks of the Nation, I cherish the hope that we may continue to rely on the counsel which you can give out of so rich an experience. Very sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN [Honorable Henry L. Stimson, Secretary of War] NOTE: Secretary Stimson served from July io, 1940, through September 21, I945. 329

Page  330 [140] Sept. 20 Public Papers of the Presidents 140 Letter to General William J. Donovan on the Termination of the Office of Strategic Services. September 20, 1945 My dear General Donovan: I appreciate very much the work which you and your staff undertook, beginning prior to the Japanese surrender, to liquidate those wartime activities of the Office of Strategic Services which will not be needed in time of peace. Timely steps should also be taken to conserve those resources and skills developed within your organization which are vital to our peacetime purposes. Accordingly, I have today directed, by Executive order, that the activities of the Research and Analysis Branch and the Presentation Branch of the Office of Strategic Services be transferred to the State Department. This transfer, which is effective as of October i, 1945, represents the beginning of the development of a coordinated system of foreign intelligence within the permanent framework of the Government. Consistent with the foregoing, the Executive order provides for the transfer of the remaining activities of the Office of Strategic Services to the War Department; for the abolition of the Office of Strategic Services; and for the continued orderly liquidation of some of the activities of the Office without interrupting other services of a military nature the need for which will continue for some time. I want to take this occasion to thank you for the capable leadership you have brought to a vital wartime activity in your capacity as Director of Strategic Services. You may well find satisfaction in the achievements of the Office and take pride in your own contribution to them. These are in themselves large rewards. Great additional reward for your efforts should lie in the knowledge that the peacetime intelligence services of the Government are being erected on the foundation of the facilities and resources mobilized through the Office of Strategic Services during the war. Sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN [Major General William J. Donovan, Director of Strategic Services] 330

Page  331 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. 20 [ WI4] I41 Letter to Secretary Byrnes Concerning the Development of a Foreign Intelligence Program. September 20, I945 My dear Mr. Secretary: I have today signed an Executive order which provides for the transfer to the State Department of the functions, personnel, and other resources of the Research and Analysis Branch and the Presentation Branch of the Office of Strategic Services. The order also transfers the remaining activities of the Office of Strategic Services to the War Department and abolishes that Office. These changes become effective October i, 1945. The above transfer to the State Department will provide you with resources which we have agreed you will need to aid in the development of our foreign policy, and will assure that pertinent experience accumulated during the war will be preserved and used in meeting the problems of the peace. Those readjustments and reductions which are required in order to gear the transferred activities and resources into State Department operations should be made as soon as practicable. I particularly desire that you take the lead in developing a comprehensive and coordinated foreign intelligence program for all Federal agencies concerned with that type of activity. This should be done through the creation of an interdepartmental group, heading up under the State Department, which would formulate plans for my approval. This procedure will permit the planning of complete coverage of the foreign intelligence field and the assigning and controlling of operations in such manner that the needs of both the individual agencies and the Government as a whole will be met with maximum effectiveness. Sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN [The Honorable, The Secretary of State] 33I

Page  332 [I42] Sept. 2i Public Papers of the Presidents I42 Citation Accompanying the Distinguished Service Medal Presented to Henry L. Stimson. September 21, I945 CITATION FOR DISTINGUISHED SERVICE MEDAL AS SECRETARY OF WAR from the beginning of the actual mobilization of the Army to the final victory over Japan, HENRY LEWIS STIMSON gave the United States of America a measure of distinguished service exceptional in the history of the nation. Following 40 years of conspicuous public service in which he fought as a combat officer in one war and twice served in the cabinets of Presidents, Mr. Stimson unhesitatingly accepted the vast responsibility for the development of the American armies to play a determining part in the desperate human conflict now victoriously terminated. His fearlessness, his integrity, his rich experience, his wisdom and his statesmanship were largely contributory to the successful mobilization, deployment and operations of an Army in which his countrymen may take everlasting pride. His steadfast purpose and unselfish devotion were an inspiration to men-at-arms in American forces throughout the world in their bitter fight to maintain moral right, freedom, justice and civilization itself. HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: The presentation was made by day of Mr. Stimson's term of service as the President in a ceremony in the Rose Secretary of War. Garden at the White House on the last 143 Statement of Policy, Approved by the President, Relating to Post-War Japan. September 22, I945 [Released September 22, I945. Dated September 6, 1945 ] U.S. INITIAL POST-SURRENDER POLICY FOR JAPAN Purpose of this Document This document is a statement of general initial policy relating to Japan after surrender. It has been approved by the President and distributed to the Supreme Commander for the Allied Powers and to 332

Page  333 Harry S. Truman, I945 Sept. 22 [I431 appropriate U.S. departments and agencies for their guidance. It does not deal with all matters relating to the occupation of Japan requiring policy determinations. Such matters as are not included or are not fully covered herein have been or will be dealt with separately. PART i-Ultimate Objectives The ultimate objectives of the United States in regard to Japan, to which policies in the initial period must conform, are: (a) To insure that Japan will not again become a menace to the United States or to the peace and security of the world. (b) To bring about the eventual establishment of a peaceful and responsible government which will respect the rights of other states and will support the objectives of the United States as reflected in the ideals and principles of the Charter of the United Nations. The United States desires that this government should conform as closely as may be to principles of democratic self-government but it is not the responsibility of the Allied Powers to impose upon Japan any form of government not supported by the freely expressed will of the people. These objectives will be achieved by the following principal means: (a) Japan's sovereignty will be limited to the islands of Honshu, Hokkaido, Kyushu, Shikoku and such minor outlying islands as may be determined, in accordance with the Cairo Declaration and other agreements to which the United States is or may be a party. (b) Japan will be completely disarmed and demilitarized. The authority of the militarists and the influence of militarism will be totally eliminated from her political, economic, and social life. Insti. tutions expressive of the spirit of militarism and aggression will be vigorously suppressed. (c) The Japanese people shall be encouraged to develop a desire for individual liberties and respect for fundamental human rights, par. ticularly the freedoms of religion, assembly, speech, and the press. They shall also be encouraged to form democratic and representative organizations. (d) The Japanese people shall be afforded opportunity to develop for themselves an economy which will permit the peacetime requirements of the population to be met. 333

Page  334 [I43] Sept. 22 Public Papers of the Presidents PART II-Allied Authority i. Military Occupation. There will be a military occupation of the Japanese home islands to carry into effect the surrender terms and further the achievement of the ultimate objectives stated above. The occupation shall have the character of an operation in behalf of the principal allied powers acting in the interests of the United Nations at war with Japan. For that reason, participation of the forces of other nations that have taken a leading part in the war against Japan will be welcomed and expected. The occupation forces will be under the command of a Supreme Commander designated by the United States. Although every effort will be made, by consultation and by constitution of appropriate advisory bodies, to establish policies for the conduct of the occupation and the control of Japan which will satisfy the principal Allied powers, in the event of any differences of opinion among them, the policies of the United States will govern. 2. Relationship to Japanese Government. The authority of the Emperor and the Japanese Government will be subject to the Supreme Commander, who will possess all powers necessary to effectuate the surrender terms and to carry out the policies established for the conduct of the occupation and the control of Japan. In view of the present character of Japanese society and the desire of the United States to attain its objectives with a minimum commitment of its forces and resources, the Supreme Commander will exercise his authority through Japanese governmental machinery and agencies, including the Emperor, to the extent that this satisfactorily furthers United States objectives. The Japanese Government will be permitted, under his instructions, to exercise the normal powers of government in matters of domestic administration. This policy, however, will be subject to the right and duty of the Supreme Commander to require changes in governmental machinery or personnel or to act directly if the Emperor or other Japanese authority does not satisfactorily meet the requirements of the Supreme Commander in effectuating the sur 334

Page  335 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. 22 [143] render terms. This policy, moreover, does not commit the Supreme Commander to support the Emperor or any other Japanese governmental authority in opposition to evolutionary changes looking toward the attainment of United States objectives. The policy is to use the existing form of Government in Japan, not to support it. Changes in the form of Government initiated by the Japanese people or government in the direction of modifying its feudal and authoritarian tendencies are to be permitted and favored. In the event that the effectuation of such changes involves the use of force by the Japanese people or government against persons opposed thereto, the Supreme Commander should intervene only where necessary to ensure the security of his forces and the attainment of all other objectives of the occupation. 3. Publicity as to Policies. The Japanese people, and the world at large, shall be kept fully informed of the objectives and policies of the occupation, and of progress made in their fulfilment. PART iii-Political i. Disarmament and Demilitarization. Disarmament and demilitarization are the primary tasks of the military occupation and shall be carried out promptly and with determination. Every effort shall be made to bring home to the Japanese people the part played by the military and naval leaders, and those who collaborated with them, in bringing about the existing and future distress of the people. Japan is not to have an army, navy, airforce, secret police organization, or any civil aviation. Japan's ground, air and naval forces shall be disarmed and disbanded and the Japanese Imperial General Headquarters, the General Staff and all secret police organizations shall be dissolved. Military and naval materiel, military and naval vessels and military and naval installations, and military, naval and civilian aircraft shall be surrendered and shall be disposed of as required by the Supreme Commander. High officials of the Japanese Imperial General Headquarters, and 335

Page  336 [I43] Sept. 22 Public Papers of the Presidents General Staff, other high military and naval officials of the Japanese Government, leaders of ultra-nationalist and militarist organizations and other important exponents of militarism and aggression will be taken into custody and held for future disposition. Persons who have been active exponents of militarism and militant nationalism will be removed and excluded from public office and from any other position of public or substantial private responsibility. Ultra-nationalistic or militaristic social, political, professional and commercial societies and institutions will be dissolved and prohibited. Militarism and ultra-nationalism, in doctrine and practice, including paramilitary training, shall be eliminated from the educational system. Former career military and naval officers, both commissioned and noncommissioned, and all other exponents of militarism and ultra-nationalism shall be excluded from supervisory and teaching positions. 2. War Criminals. Persons charged by the Supreme Commander or appropriate United Nations Agencies with being war criminals, including those charged with having visited cruelties upon United Nations prisoners or other nationals, shall be arrested, tried and, if convicted, punished. Those wanted by another of the United Nations for offenses against its nationals, shall, if not wanted for trial or as witnesses or otherwise by the Supreme Commander, be turned over to the custody of such other nation. 3. Encouragement of Desire for Individual Liberties and Democratic Processes. Freedom of religious worship shall be proclaimed promptly on occupation. At the same time it should be made plain to the Japanese that ultra-nationalistic and militaristic organizations and movements will not be permitted to hide behind the cloak of religion. The Japanese people shall be afforded opportunity and encouraged to become familiar with the history, institutions, culture, and the accomplishments of the United States and the other democracies. Association of personnel of the occupation forces with the Japanese population 336

Page  337 Harry S. Truman, t945 Sept. 22 L I43] should be controlled, only to the extent-necessary, to further the policies and objectives of the occupation. Democratic political parties, with rights of assembly and public discussion, shall be encouraged, subject to the necessity for maintaining the security of the occupying forces. Laws, decrees and regulations which establish discriminations on grounds of race, nationality, creed or political opinion shall be abrogated; those which conflict with the objectives and policies outlined in this document shall be repealed, suspended or amended as required; and agencies charged specifically with their enforcement shall be abolished or appropriately modified. Persons unjustly confined by Japanese authority on political grounds shall be released. The judicial, legal and police systems shall be reformed as soon as practicable to conform to the policies set forth in Articles i and 3 of this Part III and thereafter shall be progressively influenced, to protect individual liberties and civil rights. PART iv-Economic i. Economic Demilitarization. The existing economic basis of Japanese military strength must be destroyed and not be permitted to revive. Therefore, a program will be enforced containing the following elements, among others; the immediate cessation and future prohibition of production of all goods designed for the equipment, maintenance, or use of any military force or establishment; the imposition of a ban upon any specialized facilities for the production or repair of implements of war, including naval vessels and all forms of aircraft; the institution of a system of inspection and control over selected elements in Japanese economic activity to prevent concealed or disguised military preparation; the elimination in Japan of those selected industries or branches of production whose chief value to Japan is in preparing for war; the prohibition of specialized research and instruction directed to the development of war-making power; and the limitation of the size and character of Japan's heavy industries to its future peaceful requirements, and restriction of Japanese merchant shipping to the ex 337

Page  338 [143] Sept. 22 Public Papers of the Presidents tent required to accomplish the objectives of demilitarization. The eventual disposition of those existing production facilities within Japan which are to be eliminated in accord with this program, as between conversion to other uses, transfer abroad, and scrapping will be determined after inventory. Pending decision, facilities readily convertible for civilian production should not be destroyed, except in emergency situations. 2. Promotion of Democratic Forces. Encouragement shall be given and favor shown to the development of organizations in labor, industry, and agriculture, organized on a democratic basis. Policies shall be favored which permit a wide distribution of income and of the ownership of the means of production and trade. Those forms of economic activity, organization and leadership shall be favored that are deemed likely to strengthen the peaceful disposition of the Japanese people, and to make it difficult to command or direct economic activity in support of military ends. To this end it shall be the policy of the Supreme Commander: (a) To prohibit the retention in or selection for places of importance in the economic field of individuals who do not direct future Japanese economic effort solely towards peaceful ends; and (b) To favor a program for the dissolution of the large industrial and banking combinations which have exercised control of a great part of Japan's trade and industry. 3. Resumption of Peaceful Economic Activity. The policies of Japan have brought down upon the people great economic destruction and confronted them with the prospect of economic difficulty and suffering. The plight of Japan is the direct outcome of its own behavior, and the Allies will not undertake the burden of repairing the damage. It can be repaired only if the Japanese people renounce all military aims and apply themselves diligently and with single purpose to the ways of peaceful living. It will be necessary for them to undertake physical reconstruction, deeply to reform the nature and 338

Page  339 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. 22 [I43] direction of their economic activities and institutions, and to find useful employment for their people along lines adapted to and devoted to peace. The Allies have no intention of imposing conditions which would prevent the accomplishment of these tasks in due time. Japan will be expected to provide goods and services to meet the needs of the occupying forces to the extent that this can be effected without causing starvation, widespread disease and acute physical distress. The Japanese authorities will be expected, and if necessary directed, to maintain, develop and enforce programs that serve the following purposes: (a) To avoid acute economic distress. (b) To assure just and impartial distribution of available supplies. (c) To meet the requirements for reparations deliveries agreed upon by the Allied Governments. (d) To facilitate the restoration of Japanese economy so that the reasonable peaceful requirements of the population can be satisfied. In this connection, the Japanese authorities on their own responsibility shall be permitted to establish and administer controls over economic activities, including essential national public services, finance, banking, and production and distribution of essential commodities, subject to the approval and review of the Supreme Commander in order to assure their conformity with the objectives of the occupation. 4. Reparations and Restitution. Reparations. Reparations for Japanese aggression shall be made: (a) Through the transfer-as may be determined by the appropriate Allied authorities-of Japanese property located outside of the territories to be retained by Japan. (b) Through the transfer of such goods or existing capital equipment and facilities as are not necessary for a peaceful Japanese economy or the supplying of the occupying forces. Exports other than those directed to be shipped on reparation account or as restitution may be made only to those recipients who agree to provide necessary imports in exchange or agree to pay for such exports in foreign exchange. No form of reparation shall be exacted which will interfere with or 339

Page  340 [i43] Sept. 22 Public Papers of the Presidents prejudice the program for Japan's demilitarization. Restitution. Full and prompt restitution will be required of all identifiable looted property. 5. Fiscal, Monetary, and Banking Policies. The Japanese authorities will remain responsible for the management and direction of the domestic fiscal, monetary, and credit policies subject to the approval and review of the Supreme Commander. 6. International Trade and Financial Relations. Japan shall be permitted eventually to resume normal trade relations with the rest of the world. During occupation and under suitable controls, Japan will be permitted to purchase from foreign countries raw materials and other goods that it may need for peaceful purposes, and to export goods to pay for approved imports. Control is to be maintained over all imports and exports of goods, and foreign exchange and financial transactions. Both the policies followed in the exercise of these controls and their actual administration shall be subject to the approval and supervision of the Supreme Commander in order to make sure that they are not contrary to the policies of the occupying authorities, and in particular that all foreign purchasing power that Japan may acquire is utilized only for essential needs. 7. Japanese Property Located Abroad. Existing Japanese external assets and existing Japanese assets located in territories detached from Japan under the terms of surrender, including assets owned in whole or part by the Imperial Household and Government, shall be revealed to the occupying authorities and held for disposition according to the decision of the Allied authorities. 8. Equality of Opportunity for Foreign Enterprise within Japan. The Japanese authorities shall not give, or permit any Japanese business organization to give, exclusive or preferential opportunity or terms to the enterprise of any foreign country, or cede to such enterprise control of any important branch of economic activity. 340

Page  341 Harry S. Truman, ~945 Sept. 23 [ I44] 9. Imperial Household Property. Imperial Household property shall not be exempted from any action necessary to carry out the objectives of the occupation. NOTE: The White House release of the ber 6. The release further stated that text of this document stated that it was "the document in substance was sent to prepared jointly by the Department of General MacArthur by radio on August State, the War Department, and the 29 and after approval by the President Navy Department, and that it was ap- by messenger on September 6." proved by the President on SeptemI44 Letter to Henry J. Kaiser Calling Upon Him To Head the Second United National Clothing Collection Campaign. September 23, I945 [ Released September 23, I945. Dated August 2i, 1945] Dear Henry: Again the need for used clothing for war sufferers all over the world is urgent. It is imperative that we act at once to provide clothing for the relief of men, women and children in war ravaged lands. I am, therefore, calling upon you again to lead the Nation in this campaign to alleviate incalculable hardships which will be endured next winter unless we act without delay. The results achieved under your leadership earlier this year were magnificent. Splendid as were the results of that effort, however, it is plainly evident that additional quantities of clothing must be secured to meet the tremendous war relief needs which the world now faces, not only in Europe but also in liberated areas in the Pacific. Other countriesCanada, Australia, New Zealand-will conduct collections to help meet this urgent situation, but the dire need justified another appeal to the people in the United States. Without adequate clothing and other necessities of life to sustain victims of war on the long road to rehabilitation there can be no peace. I, therefore, ask you and the more than seven thousand local chairmen of the United National Clothing Collection to lead the Nation in another clothing collection drive for the relief of victims of war. 34I

Page  342 [I44] Sept. 23 Public Papers of the Presidents The universal response last spring, when all groups concerned with problems of war relief joined with United Nations Relief and Rehabilitation Administration in one great national appeal, has proven beyond any doubt the value and efficiency of the united endeavor which I now request you to carry on again. Very sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN [Honorable Henry J. Kaiser, I522 Latham Square Building, Oakland, California] NOTE: Mr. Kaiser's letter of acceptance, dated August 24, 1945, was also released. 145 Message Approved by the President Concerning the Extent of General MacArthur's Authority in Japan. September 24, 1945 [ Released September 24, 1945. Dated September 6, 1945 ] I. THE AUTHORITY of the Emperor and the Japanese Government to rule the State is subordinate to you as Supreme Commander for the Allied powers. You will exercise your authority as you deem proper to carry out your mission. Our relations with Japan do not rest on a contractual basis, but on an unconditional surrender. Since your authority is supreme, you will not entertain any question on the part of the Japanese as to its scope. 2. Control of Japan shall be exercised through the Japanese Government to the extent that such an arrangement produces satisfactory results. This does not prejudice your right to act directly if required. You may enforce the orders issued by you by the employment of such measures as you deem necessary, including the use of force. 3. The statement of intentions contained in the Potsdam Declaration will be given full effect. It will not be given effect, however, because we consider ourselves bound in a contractual relationship with Japan as a result of that document. It will be respected and given effect because the Potsdam Declaration forms a part of our policy stated in good faith with relation to Japan and with relation to peace and security in the Far East. 342

Page  343 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept.:z5 [146] NOTE: The White House release of the message stated that it was approved by the President on September 6 and was transmitted the same day to General MacArthur through the Joint Chiefs of Staff. It further stated that the message was prepared jointly by the Department of State, the War Department, and the Navy Department. I46 Letter to the Speaker of the House of Representatives Transmitting Proposed Reductions in Appropriations for the War Department. September 25, I945 The Speaker of the House of Representatives: Sir: I have the honor to transmit herewith for the consideration of the Congress (i) proposed rescissions of portions of appropriations for the Military Establishment available for the fiscal year 1946, amounting to $28,692,772,ooo, and (2) a proposed provision authorizing certain transfers of appropriated funds. I plan a continuing review of appropriations for the Military Establishment and will recommend such further adjustments as conditions warrant. The details of these proposed rescissions and the proposed provision pertaining to existing appropriations are set forth in the letter of the Director of the Bureau of the Budget, transmitted herewith, in whose comments and observations thereon I concur. Respectfully yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: A White House release describing the President's proposal pointed out that, in addition to the recommended rescissions amounting to $28.7 billion, another half billion dollars would be returned to the Treasury by the War Department from funds available in special replacing accounts. The release also stated that the recommended reductions reflected savings due to the decrease in the strength of the Army and reduced requirements for supplies and equipment made possible by the surrender of Japan. The release further stated that it was contemplated that the Army would be reduced to a strength of I,950,000 by June 30, I946. It added that allowances had been made for an adequate research program, limited procurement of newly developed weapons of warfare, and for continued production on a reduced scale of advanced types of aircraft. The details of the proposal as set 343

Page  344 [146] Sept. 25 Public Papers of the Presidents forth in the letter of the Director of the House Document 290 (79th Cong., 1st Bureau of the Budget, transmitted with sess.). the President's letter, are printed in 147 The President's News Conference of September 26, I945 THE PRESIDENT. Well, I've no particular announcements to make to you this morning; I just thought maybe it was time to have a press conference, and if you[I.] Q. Mr. President, what is your reaction to proposals from abroad for the establishment of an Allied Control Commission for Japan? THE PRESIDENT. Well, the establishment of the Japanese Government was agreed to by all the Allied nations interested, and it is satisfactory to them. I hadn't received any notice there would be a discussion of that sort. [2.] Q. Getting a little closer home, some weeks ago I asked you about the St. Lawrence Seaway, and you said you expected to have something for us soon. THE PRESIDENT. I'm still expecting it; I haven't it ready yet. Q. In view of the fact that Governor Dewey has sent in his protest about New York State being excluded from that proposed bill, can you tell us when you are going to reply to Governor Dewey? THE PRESIDENT. Probably tomorrow. I'll give it to you when it's ready. [3.] Q. There has been a lot of curiosity about the gift of that C-54 to General de Gaulle. The Treasury, the State Department, the White House, and the Attorney General don't seem to know under what statute or Executive order a President is authorized to make such a gift. I wonder if you could make some comment on that? THE PRESIDENT. The gift was made to General de Gaulle the same as the gift to former Prime Minister Churchill, General Chiang Kai-shek, and the King of Saudi Arabia under the War Powers Act, and was done as a matter of good will, because we had more C-54's than we could use 344

Page  345 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept.:26 [ i47] and General de Gaulle needed one. It was the Government of the United States in a gesture of friendship to the Government of France. [4.] Q. May I return to the first question? I believe the statement from the White House the other day said that when the other countries are not in agreement on occupation policy, that the policy of the United States will prevail. THE PRESIDENT. That is correct. Q. The question I wanted to ask is, is there a mechanism to bring about a concerted policy on Japan? Is there a periodical opportunity to see that others agree? THE PRESIDENT. The appointment of General MacArthur as Allied Commander in Chief was concurred in by all the interested powers, and he is designated to act for all the interested powers. Q. Do the other interested powers have the opportunity to express views on evolving occupation policies? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, they do, through the Joint Chiefs of Staff. Q. What if the Russians desire to get in touch with General MacArthur and they are not members of the Joint Chiefs of Staff? THE PRESIDENT. They have a representative with General MacArthur through whom they can get in touch with him, or through me if they desire. Q. Mr. President, do you have any comments to make on reports from London yesterday saying, I believe, that the Russians might want more part in the control of Japan? THE PRESIDENT. No, I have no comment, because all I know is what I have seen in the papers. Q. When do they expect Mr. Byrnes back, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. I think sometime within the next io days. I don't know exactly. Q. Mr. President, do you think General MacArthur may come or send someone to the United States for consultation? THE PRESIDENT. No, I don't look for him to do that; unless he feels it is necessary, I have no reason to ask him to come. [5.] Q. Any plans in the works for another Big Three conference? THE PRESIDENT. Any what? 345

Page  346 [I47] Sept. 26 Public Papers of the Presidents Q. Any plans for another Big Three meeting? THE PRESIDENT. No. [6.] Q. Anything to say on the reports of the failure of the Big Five foreign ministers' conference in London? THE PRESIDENT. They're all surmises. You don't know a thing about the meeting until it's over. Let's wait until we hear the official report of the Big Five and see whether it's a failure or not. [7.] Q. Mr. President, do you propose to send up a message this week on the atomic bomb and its disposition? THE PRESIDENT. Sometime soon. [8.] Q. Mr. President, do you care to comment on the Ways and Means Committee's killing the unemployment compensation bill? THE PRESIDENT. I didn't know they had killed it. If they have, I'm sorry, and they'll hear from me later.' [9.] Q. Mr. President, the papers in Arkansas say you are to be there October 5 and 6 for the cotton-picking championship. Is that so? THE PRESIDENT. I was expecting to go to Caruthersville to the fair on the 6th, and I had said to the Governor of Arkansas that if I could manage it I would stop there, but it looks now as if I am not going to get to either one. [IO.] Q. May I ask you another question about the St. Lawrence Waterway: will there be a bill on that? THE PRESIDENT. That's up to the Congress whether there'll be a bill. I have voted for that twice. Q. You are expecting to send a message soon? THE PRESIDENT. Yes. [ii.] Q. To go back from the St. Lawrence to Japan: what is the disposition of the fleet units that have been seized? Do we fall heir to the title to these, or are we going to split them up with the otherTHE PRESIDENT. They will probably be worked out as a reparations 1 A White House release of September 30, 1945, stated that some of the comment on the President's supplementary unemployment compensation proposal had indicated a complete misunderstanding of the significance of the $25 a week maximum. As the President sought to make clear in his message to Congress on September 6th, the release continued, the $25 was a ceiling and not a guarantee that everyone would get $25 a week. All existing State laws which calculated weekly benefits as a percentage of wage loss would remain In effect, the release added. 346

Page  347 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. 26 [147] question, just the same way the German and Italian fleets were worked out. [I2.] Q. Mr. President, do you think we are in more of an isolationist mood in this country now? David Lawrence wrote an article in the Star last night saying we are in more of an isolationist mood than in the past. THE PRESIDENT. I don't agree with him. If we ever get to that point, we are on the road to ruin just as in 1920. [I3.] Q. Mr. President, did Mr. Roosevelt, in his past conferences, make a commitment to the King of Arabia that the United States would not make an issue out of the Palestine question? THE PRESIDENT. No, there is no record of any conference between the King of Arabia and the President in which any such statement was made. I have looked for it very carefully. [14.] Q. Is Leo Crowley planning to get out of Government? THE PRESIDENT. Leo-Mr. Crowley-has been trying to resign for some time, and I have persuaded him to stay so far. He may want to do it again, and I will probably talk with him some more.1 [I5.] Q. Mr. President, have you taken up with Senator Downey anything about his proposed bill-that 20 percent wage increase bill? THE PRESIDENT. He was in and talked with me, but no conclusion was reached on it. He has a perfect right to introduce it if he wants to. Q. Mr. President,Q. Mr. President, do you have a nomination on the Solicitor General? THE PRESIDENT. Let the lady ask a question; you had one before. [16.] Q. [Lady reporter] The strike situation was apparently a factor in the House Ways and Means Committee's shelving of the jobless bill; I wonder if you have anything to say on the strike situation? THE PRESIDENT. No, the Secretary of Labor is working on the situation and I think he will bring it to a successful conclusion. Q. Can you tell us anything on the increase of wages at all? THE PRESIDENT. I would rather not make a comment on it now. 1 A White House release dated September 27 announced that the President had that day accepted Mr. Crowley's resignation as Administrator of the Foreign Economic Administration and as a member of the board of directors of the Federal Deposit Insurance Corporation, effective at the close of business October 15. The release also included the text of the letters exchanged between the President and Mr. Crowley. 347

Page  348 [147] Sept. 26 Public Papers of the Presidents [I7.] Q. Mr. President, what are the chances of the United Nations headquarters being in the United States? THE PRESIDENT. That is a matter that will be up to the United Nations to be settled by vote. They're welcome to come to the United States if they so desire. [I8.] Q. I may have misunderstood you, but do you, by your Downey reference, do you mean to say that you have no views on the subject of the Downey bill? THE PRESIDENT. No, I have no comment to make on the Downey bill. [I9.] Q. Mr. President, has this disposition of the remainder of the German fleet been worked out? THE PRESIDENT. The disposition was worked out at Berlin. It was to be divided into three sections, one to go to Russia, one to Great Britain, and one to the United States. Q. Will that same split likely be made with the Japanese fleet? THE PRESIDENT. I can't answer that until I have more information. [20.] Q. What about General Eisenhower's new directive on Germany? THE PRESIDENT. He is following out the directive he received from the Potsdam conference-I like to call it the Berlin conference. [21.] Q. Mr. President, do you favor sharing the atomic bomb with other nations? THE PRESIDENT. I will answer that question in my message to Congress. [22.] Q. Anything on the Labor conference agenda? THE PRESIDENT. You better speak to the Secretary on that. [23.] Q. How do you feel about the Alaska statehood question? THE PRESIDENT. Of course when Alaska is ready for statehood, it will be given to her. Reporter: Thank you, Mr. President. NOTE: President Truman's twenty- [Ransome J.] Williams of South seventh news conference was held in his Carolina; Mayor Edwin Wehman of office at the White House at 10:05 a.m. Charleston; Mayor H. L. Smith, on Wednesday, September 26, 1945. Georgetown, S.C.; Mr. Julian Mitchell, The White House Official Reporter Chairman of the Board, National noted that the following special guests Banks, S.C.; Mr. B. M. Edwards, Presiattended this conference: "Governor dent of all National Banks, S.C.; Mr. 348

Page  349 Harry S. Truman, I945 Sept. 27 [148] Arthur Simmons, Chairman of the Mr. Robert Figg, Solicitor of S.C.; Mr. Board, Ports Authority; Mr. James Coatsworth Means, Director, Ports AuSmith, State Auditor; Mr. Morrison thority; Mr. Howard Danna, Ports AuTuten, Chairman, Ways and Means thority; Hon. J. D. Parler, State Committee; Mr. Thaddeus Street; Mr. Senator, S.C.; Hon. Solomon Blatt, Milton Pearlstine, on Ports Authority; Speaker of House of Representatives." 148 Telegram to the Governor of New York Concerning the St. Lawrence Seaway and Power Projects. September 27, I945 [ Released September 27, I945. Dated September 26, 1945 ] Honorable Thomas E. Dewey The Governor of the State of New York Albany, New York This is to acknowledge receipt of your telegram of September nineteenth with reference to the Great Lakes-St. Lawrence Seaway and Power Projects. I am sure that you are aware of the fact that I have been and still am in favor of constructing both the Seaway and the Power projects; and was happy and proud to vote for them on December I2, I944 when I was Vice President-elect but still a member of the United States Senate. I continue to be enthusiastically in favor not only of the development of the St. Lawrence Waterway but also of the water power on the river. I also continue to believe very strongly that the necessary power facilities should be built by the Federal Government and turned over to the appropriate New York State agency in accordance with the agreement recommended by the Corps of Engineers of the United States Army and the Power Authority of the State of New York dated February 7, I933. This was the program of President Roosevelt, and I have always been in favor of it. A group of Senators interested in these same objectives, composed of Republicans and Democrats, have been holding meetings to discuss the best means of obtaining these results. I am informed that you have been kept fully advised about these conferences as they have progressed. 349

Page  350 [I48] Sept. 27 Public Papers of the Presidents The conferees have been advising with my representatives as to the best manner to bring the proposals to a successful conclusion in the Congress of the United States. Inasmuch as it is a legislative matter, I am inclined to follow their ultimate conclusions on the best means of avoiding continued fruitless discussion and of getting some early, definite action toward accomplishing both of these objectives. It is the early construction of the projectboth power and seaway-which will benefit the people of New York and the Great Lakes area, and not the form of any particular bill. As you know, I have always been, and still am, ready to cooperate in any way I can to have the Congress of the United States ratify as soon as possible the Canadian-American agreement of March i9, i94i for the development of the Great Lakes-St. Lawrence Basin, and also take the appropriate steps to transfer to the State of New York the ownership and management of the St. Lawrence power facilities at the International Rapids. I am not so much interested in the details of legislative procedure; nor do I feel that it is proper for me to interfere with the sponsors of the legislation as to the legislative procedure to be followed. I am, however, most interested in the ultimate objectives which I am sure you wish to attain just as I do. Copies of this telegram are being sent to the interested Senators and to the members of the New York State Power Authority. HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: Governor Dewey's telegram, released with the President's reply, stated that he had been informed that the President intended to sponsor 'a bill which would merely ratify the international agreement for the development of the St. Lawrence and completely omit the accord between the Federal Government and the State of New York for the development of its power resources. The telegram further stated that it had been suggested that the President would urge an amendment to the bill, after introduction, to permit the inclusion of the Federal-State accord. Governor Dewey stated that he was opposed to this procedure. "If the Federal-State accord is ultimately to be part of the bill," he added, "in fairness to the committee members considering it and to the vital interests of the people of the State of New York the accord should be a part of the bill from the very beginning." The telegram concluded with a statement that copies were being sent to interested Senators and members of the New York State Power Authority. 350

Page  351 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept. 27 [ I49] I49 Veto of Bill for the Relief of the City of Council Bluffs, Iowa. September 27, I945 To the House of Representatives: I return herewith, without my approval, H.R. i634, 79th Congress, ist Session, a bill for the relief of the City of Council Bluffs, Iowa. The purpose of the measure is to authorize and direct payment of the sum of $8,750.I3 to the City of Council Bluffs, Iowa, in full settlement of all claims against the United States for 50,i44 sacks purchased by the city which were used together with other sacks furnished by the Engineer Corps, United States Army, to strengthen embankments along the Missouri River in order to avert the flood which threatened the city in the spring of I943. The sacks for which payment is sought were purchased directly by the City of Council Bluffs from a private concern in advance of the threatened high waters. It appears that during the high water conditions encountered, the U.S. District Engineer at Omaha, Nebraska, rendered all possible assistance to local interests in the protection of private and public property at Council Bluffs and in strengthening all flood protection systems. This assistance also included rescue work. As indicated in the report on the measure, it has been the policy of the Engineer Department over a period of years to furnish Government property such as boats, barges and other equipment to stricken communities for emergency use in protection of life and property when no suitable private equipment was on hand. The cost of this assistance has been borne by the War Department. It has never been the practice of the Engineer Department to make monetary restitution for efforts or materials expended by local authorities in flood fighting. The emergency flood protection measures taken by the City of Council Bluffs do not appear to differ from those taken by other cities and municipalities similarly affected by flood conditions. Because the enactment of the bill would have the effect of establishing a precedent for the payment of similar expenditures made by local interests during the 1943 flood emergency, as well as other emergencies which might arise on all navigable waters and their tributaries which 35'

Page  352 [I49] Sept. 27 Public Papers of the Presidents have been improved in the aid of navigation, and for flood control purposes, I feel obliged to withhold my approval of the legislation. HARRY S. TRUMAN I50 Proclamation 2667: Policy of the United States With Respect to the Natural Resources of the Subsoil and Sea Bed of the Continental Shelf. September 28, I945 By the President of the United States of America a Proclamation: WHEREAS the Government of the United States of America, aware of the long range world-wide need for new sources of petroleum and other minerals, holds the view that efforts to discover and make available new supplies of these resources should be encouraged; and WHEREAS its competent experts are of the opinion that such resources underlie many parts of the continental shelf off the coasts of the United States of America, and that with modern technological progress their utilization is already practicable or will become so at an early date; and WHEREAS recognized jurisdiction over these resources is required in the interest of their conservation and prudent utilization when and as development is undertaken; and WHEREAS it is the view of the Government of the United States that the exercise of jurisdiction over the natural resources of the subsoil and sea bed of the continental shelf by the contiguous nation is reasonable and just, since the effectiveness of measures to utilize or conserve these resources would be contingent upon cooperation and protection from the shore, since the continental shelf may be regarded as an extension of the land-mass of the coastal nation and thus naturally appurtenant to it, since these resources frequently form a seaward extension of a pool or deposit lying within the territory, and since self-protection compels the coastal nation to keep close watch over activities off its shores which are of the nature necessary for utilization of these resources; Now, THEREFORE, I, HARRY S. TRUMAN, President of the United States of America, do hereby proclaim the following policy of the United 352

Page  353 Harry S. Truman, '945 Sept. 28 [I50] States of America with respect to the natural resources of the subsoil and sea bed of the continental shelf. Having concern for the urgency of conserving and prudently utilizing its natural resources, the Government of the United States regards the natural resources of the subsoil and sea bed of the continental shelf beneath the high seas but contiguous to the coasts of the United States as appertaining to the United States, subject to its jurisdiction and control. In cases where the continental shelf extends to the shores of another State, or is shared with an adjacent State, the boundary shall be determined by the United States and the State concerned in accordance with equitable principles. The character as high seas of the waters above the continental shelf and the right to their free and unimpeded navigation are in no way thus affected. IN WITNESS WHEREOF, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States of America to be affixed. DONE at the City of Washington this twenty-eighth day of September, in the year of our Lord nineteen hundred and forty-five, and [SEAL] of the Independence of the United States of America the one hundred and seventieth. HARRY S. TRUMAN By the President: DEAN ACHESON Acting Secretary of State NOTE: The White House press release issued with this proclamation reads in part as follows: "The policy proclaimed by the President in regard to the jurisdiction over the continental shelf does not touch upon the question of Federal versus State control. It is concerned solely with establishing the jurisdiction of the United States from an international standpoint. It will, however, make possible the orderly development of an underwater area 750,000 square miles in extent. Generally, submerged land which is contiguous to the continent and which is covered by no more than i00 fathoms (6oo feet) of water is considered as the continental shelf. "Petroleum geologists believe that portions of the continental shelf beyond the 3-mile limit contain valuable oil deposits. The study of subsurface structures associated with oil deposits which have been discovered along the gulf coast of Texas, for instance, indicates that corresponding deposits may underlie the offshore or submerged land. The trend of oil-productive salt domes extends directly into the Gulf of Mexico off the Texas coast. Oil is also being 353

Page  354 [X5o] Sept. 28 Public Papers of the Presidents taken at present from wells within the 3-mile limit off the coast of California. It is quite possible, geologists say, that the oil deposits extend beyond this traditional limit of national jurisdiction. "Valuable deposits of minerals other than oil may also be expected to be found in these submerged areas. Ore mines now extend under the sea from the coasts of England, Chile, and other countries. "While asserting jurisdiction and control of the United States over the mineral resources of the continental shelf, the proclamation in no wise abridges the right of free and unimpeded navigation of waters of the character of high seas above the shelf, nor does it extend the present limits of the Territorial waters of the United States. "The advance of technology prior to the present war had already made possible the exploitation of a limited amount of minerals from submerged lands within the 3-mile limit. The rapid development of technical knowledge and equipment occasioned by the war now makes possible the determination of the resources of the submerged lands outside of the 3-mile limit. With the need for the discovery of additional resources of petroleum and other minerals, it became advisable for the United States to make possible orderly development of these resources. The proclamation of the President is designed to serve this purpose." Executive Order 9633, reserving and setting aside the resources of the continental shelf and placing them for administrative purposes, pending legislative action, under the jurisdiction and control of the Secretary of the Interior, was released with the foregoing proclamation. For text see 3 CFR, 1943 -I948 Comp., p. 437 - 151 Statement by the President on Announcing the Termination of the American Production Mission in China. September 29, I945 WHILE concluding this war mission, the American Government desires to continue its close cooperation with China. The American Production Mission is tangible evidence of the enduring friendship of our two nations. Out of our work together on problems of war production have come practical experience and mutual high regard which will be of great value to the future economic relations of our two countries and the world. NOTE: This statement is part of a White House release announcing that the President was sending his Personal Representative, Edwin A. Locke, Jr., to China to discuss with Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek and key Chinese officials ways in which the industrial experience of the United States could best be utilized to aid sound peacetime economic reconstruction and development 354

Page  355 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Sept.t 29 [ I 52] of China. The release stated that Mr. Locke would give particular attention to the situation confronting the Chinese as a result of China's acquisition of large industries in Manchuria and other liberated provinces. The release further stated that Mr. Locke would be accompanied by his Economic Adviser, Albert Z. Carr. In announcing that Mr. Locke would make arrangements for terminating the work of the American Production Mission, established late in i944 to aid China's war effort, the release stated that the Mission had maintained a staff of about 20 American industrial specialists in Chungking. The release continued: "Their close collaboration with the Chinese Government has been instrumental in obtaining increased production of munitions and basic raw materials from Free China's industrial facilities. Since the Japanese surrender the Mission has been aiding the Chinese Government in dealing with the initial problems of reconversion and industrial revival." 152 Letter to General Eisenhower Concerning Conditions Facing Displaced Persons in Germany. September 29, I945 [ Released September 29, 1945. Dated August 31, I945] My dear General Eisenhower: I have received and considered the report of Mr. Earl G. Harrison, our representative on the Intergovernmental Committee on Refugees, upon his mission to inquire into the condition and needs of displaced persons in Germany who may be stateless or non-repatriable, particularly Jews. I am sending you a copy of that report. I have also had a long conference with him on the same subject matter. While Mr. Harrison makes due allowance for the fact that during the early days of liberation the huge task of mass repatriation required main attention, he reports conditions which now exist and which require prompt remedy. These conditions, I know, are not in conformity with policies promulgated by SHAEF, now Combined Displaced Persons Executive. But they are what actually exists in the field. In other words, the policies are not being carried out by some of your subordinate officers. For example, military government officers have been authorized and even directed to requisition billeting facilities from the German popula 355

Page  356 [152] Sept. 29 Public Papers of the Presidents tion for the benefit of displaced persons. Yet, from this report, this has not been done on any wide scale. Apparently it is being taken for granted that all displaced persons, irrespective of their former persecution or the likelihood that their repatriation or resettlement will be delayed, must remain in camps-many of which are overcrowded and heavily guarded. Some of these camps are the very ones where these people were herded together, starved, tortured and made to witness the death of their fellow-inmates and friends and relatives. The announced policy has been to give such persons preference over the German civilian population in housing. But the practice seems to be quite another thing. We must intensify our efforts to get these people out of camps and into decent houses until they can be repatriated or evacuated. These houses should be requisitioned from the German civilian population. That is one way to implement the Potsdam policy that the German people "cannot escape responsibility for what they have brought upon themselves." I quote this paragraph with particular reference to the Jews among the displaced persons: "As matters now stand, we appear to be treating the Jews as the Nazis treated them except that we do not exterminate them. They are in concentration camps in large numbers under our military guard instead of S.S. troops. One is led to wonder whether the German people, seeing this, are not supposing that we are following or at least condoning Nazi policy." You will find in the report other illustrations of what I mean. I hope you will adopt the suggestion that a more extensive plan of field visitation by appropriate Army Group Headquarters be instituted, so that the humane policies which have been enunciated are not permitted to be ignored in the field. Most of the conditions now existing in displaced persons camps would quickly be remedied if through inspection tours they came to your attention or to the attention of your supervisory officers. I know you will agree with me that we have a particular responsibility toward these victims of persecution and tyranny who are in our zone. 356

Page  357 Harry S. Truman, I945 Oct. I [ I53] We must make clear to the German people that we thoroughly abhor the Nazi policies of hatred and persecution. We have no better opportunity to demonstrate this than by the manner in which we ourselves actually treat the survivors remaining in Germany. I hope you will report to me as soon as possible the steps you have been able to take to clean up the conditions mentioned in the report. I am communicating directly with the British Government in an effort to have the doors of Palestine opened to such of these displaced persons as wish to go there. Very sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN [General of the Army D. D. Eisenhower, G. Hq. USFET] NOTE: Mr. Harrison's report, in the made public General Eisenhower's reform of a letter to the President, was ply, dated October 8, 1945. The letter also released. It is published in the De- is published in the Department of State partment of State Bulletin (vol. 13, p. Bulletin (vol. I3, p. 607). 456). See also Items i87 and i88. On October i6, the White House 153 Letter to Harry L. Hopkins Concerning the Roosevelt National Memorial Committee. October i, I945 Dear Mr. Hopkins: I have your letter of September twenty-ninth and approve the action taken by the committee appointed by me at the meeting of September fifth. Now that your recommendations have been made, we can all proceed to take speedy action to set up a national memorial worthy of the historic achievements in war and peace of the late illustrious President. Very sincerely, HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: Mr. Hopkins' letter, released cers and enlarging the membership of with the President's reply, dealt with the memorial committee. plans for designating permanent offi 357

Page  358 [I54] OCt. 2 Public Papers of the Presidents I54 Radio Address Opening the I945 National War Fund Campaign. October 2, I945 [ Broadcast from the White House at 1o:30 p.m. ] My fellow citizens of the United States: This is the month when in cities and towns throughout the country the community war fund is making its annual appeal. Perhaps you wonder why I am coming to you in behalf of a war fund drive, now that all our enemies have surrendered. I shall tell you why. First let me explain that your community war fund joins in one combined appeal the agencies of the National War Fund serving our own armed forces and merchant marine and those agencies helping to relieve the suffering and want of war victims among our Allies. The same federated fund also unites-in Community Chest cities-with the appeal for local agencies guarding the health and welfare of our own American homes and families. We must support these war fund agencies because of their support of our armed forces. Of course we gave our armed forces in the field the best equipment and supplies that we could provide. We gave our men the best training and leadership we could secure. We gave them everything we could. But there was one thing that we had to depend on the member agencies of the National War Fund to supply. That was the plain, human friendship, the good-neighborliness, the little bit of home, that they provided our service men and women through every USO club and unit. I am speaking to you tonight because it is important, because it is imperative, that these War Fund agencies finish the job they were set up to do. War service has not ended. I don't need to tell that to anyone whose son is still serving with the occupation forces or with the service troops in this country. For them, the war is still going on. That's why USO and USO-Camp Shows must go on with the fine work they've been doing-until all our service men and women are back home with us again. Our returning veterans are looking forward to happy homes in which their children can grow up the way they should. They are looking 358

Page  359 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oct. 3 [ I55] forward to living in a community which is concerned with the welfare of its citizens. They may not think of this in terms of a child welfare program, a family service society, a scout troop, a recreation program, a visiting nurse or a clinic. But these services, which in most of our cities are performed by agencies of the local Community Chest, help to determine the quality of living in their community. These are the services from which everyone in the community benefits. The appeal of the National War Fund and your local Community War Fund is a human appeal for three causes-for continued friendly services for the men and women who still have a job to do in the armed forces; for health and welfare services for our own people at home; and for relief and assistance for the war stricken people of liberated countries-our Allies who fought by our side. We have won the victory of arms; now let us push on to greater conquests-to the total victory of human justice and decency and faith in mankind. Let us be generous, and let us give abundant thanks to God in victory through our generosity. I55 Special Message to the Congress on the St. Lawrence Seaway. October 3, I945 To the Congress of the United States: As a part of our program of international cooperation, expanding foreign trade, and domestic progress in commerce and industry, I recommend the speedy approval by the Congress of the Agreement of March I9, I94i between the United States and Canada for the development of the Great Lakes-St. Lawrence Basin. When approved, the two countries will be able to harness for the public benefit one of the greatest natural resources of North America, opening the Great Lakes to ocean navigation, and creating 2,200,000 horsepower of hydroelectric capacity to be divided equally between the people of the United States and Canada. The development, utilization and conservation of our natural re 359

Page  360 [155] Oct. 3 Public Papers of the Presidents sources are among those fields of endeavor where the government's responsibility has been well recognized for many generations. During the war we were forced to suspend many of the projects designed to harness the waters of our great rivers for the promotion of commerce and industry and for the production of cheap electric power. We must now resume these projects and embark upon others. The Congress and the people of our country can take just pride and satisfaction in the foresight they showed by developing the Tennessee and Columbia Rivers and the rivers in the Central Valley of California. Without the power from these rivers the goal of 50,000 airplanes a year-considered fantastic only five short years ago, but actually surpassed twice over-would have been impossible. Nor could we have developed the atomic bomb as early as we did without the large blocks of power we used from the Tennessee and Columbia Rivers. The timely development of these rivers shortened the war by many years, and saved countless American lives. We must ever be grateful for the vision of the late President Franklin D. Roosevelt and the wisdom of the Congress in urging and approving the harnessing of these priceless natural resources. One of the great constructive projects of the North American continent, in fact, one of the great projects of the world, which was delayed by the exigencies of war, is the St. Lawrence Seaway and Power project. For fifty years the United States and Canada under both Republican and Democratic administrations, under Liberal and Conservative governments, have envisioned the development of the project together, as a joint enterprise. Upon the expectation that we would join with them in completing this great engineering project, Canada has already built more than half its share of the undertaking. We, however, still have our major contribution to make. Every engineering investigation during the past fifty years, every economic study in the past twenty-five years has found the project feasible and economically desirable. The case has been proved; the plans are ready. The St. Lawrence Seaway will make it possible to utilize our war ex 360

Page  361 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oct. 3 [I55] panded factories and shipping facilities in the development of international economic cooperation and enlarging world commerce. New and increasing opportunities for production and employment by private enterprise can be expected from this cheap water transportation. It is the kind of useful construction which will furnish lucrative employment to many thousands of our people. The completion of the Seaway will bring many benefits to our great neighbor and ally on the North. The experience of two wars and of many years of peace has shown beyond question that the prosperity and defense of Canada and of the United States are closely linked together. By development of our natural water power resources, we can look forward with certainty to greater use of electricity in the home, in the factory and on the farm. The national average annual consumption of electricity by domestic consumers has almost doubled in the past ten years. Even with that increase, the national average is only 65 per cent as high as in the Tennessee Valley where electric rates are lower. Increase in the consumption of electricity will mean more comforts on the farms and in city homes. It will mean more jobs, more income and a higher standard of living. We are only on the threshold of an era of electrified homes and mechanical aids to better living. We can encourage this trend by using the bounty of nature in the water power of our rivers. If we develop the water power of the St. Lawrence River, the United States' share of that power will be available for distribution within a radius of 300 miles. This will include most of New York State and its neighbor states to the East. Public and private agencies will be able to pass on to the consumers in that area all the advantages of this cheap power. Under the leadership of Governor and later President Roosevelt, the State of New York created the framework of a state power program. I have always been, and still am, in favor of that program. Under it, the power facilities are to be constructed by the Federal Government and turned over by it to the State of New York. The terms of allocation of costs to the State of New York have been agreed upon in a memorandum of agreement dated February 7, I933, recom 36I

Page  362 [ I55] Oct. 3 Public Papers of the Presidents mended for execution by the United States Army Corps of Engineers and the Power Authority of the State of New York. This basis of allocation is fair and acceptable. It has always been understood by the responsible proponents of this development that the water power project should become the property of the State of New York, and that the electric power should be developed and handled by the State. That should continue to be the policy, and I recommend that it be so declared by the Congress. Any agreement with the State of New York to this end must protect the interests of the United States as well as the interests of neighboring states; and will, of course, have to be submitted for approval by the Congress before it can become effective. I urge upon the Congress speedy enactment of legislation to accomplish these objectives so that work may start on this great undertaking at the earliest possible time. HARRY S. TRUMAN I56 Special Message to the Congress on Atomic Energy. October 3, I945 To the Congress of the United States: Almost two months have passed since the atomic bomb was used against Japan. That bomb did not win the war, but it certainly shortened the war. We know that it saved the lives of untold thousands of American and Allied soldiers who would otherwise hake been killed in battle. The discovery of the means of releasing atomic energy began a new era in the history of civilization. The scientific and industrial knowledge on which this discovery rests does not relate merely to another weapon. It may some day prove to be more revolutionary in the development of human society than the invention of the wheel, the use of metals, or the steam or internal combustion engine. Never in history has society been confronted with a power so full of potential danger and at the same time so full of promise for the future 362

Page  363 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oct. 3 [ I56] of man and for the peace of the world. I think I can express the faith of the American people when I say that we can use the knowledge we have won, not for the devastation of war, but for the future welfare of humanity. To accomplish that objective we must proceed along two fronts-the domestic and the international. The first and most urgent step is the determination of our domestic policy for the control, use and development of atomic energy within the United States. We cannot postpone decisions in this field. The enormous investment which we made to produce the bomb has given us the two vast industrial plants in Washington and Tennessee, and the many associated works throughout the country. It has brought together a vast organization of scientists, executives, industrial engineers and skilled workers-a national asset of inestimable value. The powers which the Congress wisely gave to the Government to wage war were adequate to permit the creation and development of this enterprise as a war project. Now that our enemies have surrendered, we should take immediate action to provide for the future use of this huge investment in brains and plant. I am informed that many of the people on whom depend the continued successful operation of the plants and the further development of atomic knowledge, are getting ready to return to their normal pursuits. In many cases these people are considering leaving the project largely because of uncertainty concerning future national policy in this field. Prompt action to establish national policy will go a long way towards keeping a strong organization intact. It is equally necessary to direct future research and to establish control of the basic raw materials essential to the development of this power whether it is to be used for purposes of peace or war. Atomic force in ignorant or evil hands could inflict untold disaster upon the nation and the world. Society cannot hope even to protect itself-much less to realize the benefits of the discovery-unless prompt action is taken to guard against the hazards of misuse. I therefore urge, as a first measure in a program of utilizing our 363

Page  364 [ I56] Oct. 3 Public Papers of the Presidents knowledge for the benefit of society, that the Congress enact legislation to fix a policy with respect to our existing plants, and to control all sources of atomic energy and all activities connected with its development and use in the United States. The legislation should give jurisdiction for these purposes to an Atomic Energy Commission with members appointed by the President with the advice and consent of the Senate. The Congress should lay down the basic principles for all the activities of the Commission, the objectives of which should be the promotion of the national welfare, securing the national defense, safeguarding world peace and the acquisition of further knowledge concerning atomic energy. The people of the United States know that the overwhelming power we have developed in this war is due in large measure to American science and American industry, consisting of management and labor. We believe that our science and industry owe their strength to the spirit of free inquiry and the spirit of free enterprise that characterize our country. The Commission, therefore, in carrying out its functions should interfere as little as possible with private research and private enterprise, and should use as much as possible existing institutions and agencies. The observance of this policy is our best guarantee of maintaining the pre-eminence in science and industry upon which our national well-being depends. All land and mineral deposits owned by the United States which constitute sources of atomic energy, and all stock piles of materials from which such energy may be derived, and all plants or other property of the United States connected with its development and use should be transferred to the supervision and control of the Commission. The Commission should be authorized to acquire at a fair price, by purchase or by condemnation, any minerals or other materials from which the sources of atomic energy can be derived, and also any land containing such minerals or materials, which are not already owned by the United States. The power to purchase should include real and personal property outside the limits of the United States. 364

Page  365 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Ot 16 Oct. 3 [i56] The Commission should also be authorized to conduct all necessary research, experimentation, and operations for the further development and use of atomic energy for military, industrial, scientific, or medical purposes. In these activities it should, of course, use existing private and public institutions and agencies to the fullest practicable extent. Under appropriate safeguards, the Commission should also be permitted to license any property available to the Commission for research, development and exploitation in the field of atomic energy. Among other things such licensing should be conditioned of course upon a policy of widespread distribution of peacetime products on equitable terms which will prevent monopoly. In order to establish effective control and security, it should be declared unlawful to produce or use the substances comprising the sources of atomic energy or to import or export them except under conditions prescribed by the Commission. Finally, the Commission should be authorized to establish security regulations governing the handling of all information, material and equipment under its jurisdiction. Suitable penalties should be prescribed for violating the security regulations of the Commission or any of the other terms of the Act. The measures which I have suggested may seem drastic and farreaching. But the discovery with which we are dealing involves forces of nature too dangerous to fit into any of our usual concepts. The other phase of the problem is the question of the international control and development of this newly discovered energy. In international relations as in domestic affairs, the release of atomic energy constitutes a new force too revolutionary to consider in the framework of old ideas. We can no longer rely on the slow progress of time to develop a program of control among nations. Civilization demands that we shall reach at the earliest possible date a satisfactory arrangement for the control of this discovery in order that it may become a powerful and forceful influence towards the maintenance of world peace instead of an instrument of destruction. Scientific opinion appears to be practically unanimous that the essential theoretical knowledge upon which the discovery is based is already 365

Page  366 [I56] Oct. 3 Public Papers of the Presidents widely known. There is also substantial agreement that foreign research can come abreast of our present theoretical knowledge in time. The hope of civilization lies in international arrangements looking, if possible, to the renunciation of the use and development of the atomic bomb, and directing and encouraging the use of atomic energy and all future scientific information toward peaceful and humanitarian ends. The difficulties in working out such arrangements are great. The alternative to overcoming these difficulties, however, may be a desperate armament race which might well end in disaster. Discussion of the international problem cannot be safely delayed until the United Nations Organization is functioning and in a position adequately to deal with it. I therefore propose to initiate discussions, first with our associates in this discovery, Great Britain and Canada, and then with other nations, in an effort to effect agreement on the conditions under which cooperation might replace rivalry in the field of atomic power. I desire to emphasize that these discussions will not be concerned with disclosures relating to the manufacturing processes leading to the production of the atomic bomb itself. They will constitute an effort to work out arrangements covering the terms under which international collaboration and exchange of scientific information might safely proceed. The outcome of the discussions will be reported to the Congress as soon as possible, and any resulting agreements requiring Congressional action will be submitted to the Congress. But regardless of the course of discussions in the international field, I believe it is essential that legislation along the lines I have indicated be adopted as promptly as possible to insure the necessary research in, and development and control of, the production and use of atomic energy. HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: The Atomic Energy Commission was established by the Atomic Energy Act of 1946 (60 Stat. 755). 366

Page  367 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oct. 3 [I57] I57 The President's News Conference of October 3, I945 THE PRESIDENT. [I.] I want to announce some appointments first: Watson B. Miller, of Maryland, to be Federal Security Administrator. Lowell B. Mason, of Illinois, to be on the Federal Trade Commission for an unexpired term from September 25, i942, succeeding Commissioner March, deceased. Q. Do you know Commissioner March's full name? THE PRESIDENT. No, I don't; I can get it for you, Tony.' John F. Sonnett-S-o-n-n-e-t-t-to be Assistant Attorney General, succeeding Francis M. Shea, whose resignation was announced today; he's gone to work for Mr. Jackson over in Europe. Q. Francis M. Shea? THE PRESIDENT. Yes; he's the one that resigned, and John F. Sonnett is taking his place. [2.] I have a statement here on the Philippines I'm going to read: "As you know, President Osmenla of the Philippines is in Washington. On Monday, I conferred with him and with the High Commissioner to the Philippines, Mr. McNutt, and the Acting Secretary of the Interior, Mr. Fortas. I propose to confer again with President Osmenfa and to formulate a broad program for this government with respect to the Philippines. This program will, of course, reflect the traditional friendship of the people of the United States and of the Philippines, and it will take account of the heroic and loyal conduct of the Filipinos during the war. In preparation for my further conferences with President Osmenfa, I have asked Mr. McNutt and Mr. Fortas to consult with the President of the Philippines with respect to all matters of mutual interest. "At the moment, I want to clarify the question of the date upon which Philippine independence may be expected. Under the statutes now in force, independence is scheduled for July 4, I946, or sooner if the President of the United States shall so proclaim. There has been wide speculation as to whether a date prior to July 4, i946, will be fixed. I Ernest B. Vaccaro, Associated Press. 367

Page  368 [157] Oct. 3 Public Papers of the Presidents This speculation has introduced a high degree of uncertainty at a very critical time in Philippine affairs, and has resulted in some confusion in the programs of both the Commonwealth government and United States agencies. "It would be neither just nor fair to the loyal people of the Philippines who have been our brothers in war as well as in peace, to proclaim their independence until the necessary program for rehabilitation has been worked out and until there has been a determination of the fundamental problems involved in our mutual relationship after independence. Additional time is also required to enable the Philippine government to set its own house in order and to hold a free democratic election. "To assist in the orderly working out of these problems, I am taking this opportunity to state that I do not intend to consider advancing the proclamation of Philippine independence to a date earlier than July 4, i946, until the necessary measures which I have outlined have been taken." I want to be sure that the Filipinos have been properly reconditioned so that when they do become a free and independent nation they can stand as a free and independent nation; and we owe that to the Filipinos because they have been our friends in this war. [3.] I've got a new board-issued an Executive order setting up a new board to replace the existing board to make recommendations on the awarding of medals of merit to civilians who have performed meritorious service in the war. I appointed Judge Owen J. Roberts to be the chairman and Lt. Gen. William Knudsen and Stephen T. Early to be members of that board. [4.] I sent down to Congress a few minutes ago a message on the atomic bomb, a copy of which will be available to you when you go out. It suggests to Congress that they set up a commission to control the atomic energy development so that it may not become a monopoly, and that the plants which we now have for the creation of atomic energy be maintained and kept in operation, and that further research and development be pursued for the welfare of humanity; and I also informed the Congress that I will send them at a later date a message with regard to the atomic bomb. On this first message the first part 368

Page  369 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oct. 3 [ I57] has to do with the control of atomic energy for peacetime purposes, and the control of it for wartime use is a matter that will be taken up at a later date. I am ready for cross-examination. [5.] Q. Mr. President, is there anything you can say on the lack of policy on wages? MTE PRESIDENT. I think the only thing I can say-I thought somebody might ask me a question like that-will be to read an extract from an Executive order issued on August i8, 1945, which establishes wage policy. This is part IV; there are three paragraphs of it, and if you will bear with me I will read them to you. It's rather dry: "i. The National War Labor Board, and such other agencies as may be designated"It has been said by a lot of people that there is no wage policy, nationally. -"by the Director of Economic Stabilization with the approval of the Director of War Mobilization and Reconversion, are authorized to provide that employers may, through collective bargaining with duly certified or recognized representatives of the employees involved or, if there is no such representative, by voluntary action, make wage or salary increases without the necessity of obtaining approval therefor, upon the condition that such increases will not be used in whole or in part as the basis for seeking an increase in price ceilings, or for resisting otherwise justifiable reductions in price ceilings, or, in the case of products or services being furnished under contract with a federal procurement agency, will not increase the costs to the United States. "2. In addition to the authority to approve increases to correct gross inequities and for other specified purposes, conferred by Section 2 of Title II of Executive Order 9250, the National War Labor Board or other designated agency is hereby authorized to approve, without regard to the limitations contained in any other orders or directives, such increases as may be necessary to correct maladjustments or inequities which would interfere with the effective transition to a peacetime economy; provided, however, that in dispute cases this additional authority shall not be used to direct increases to be effective as of a date prior to the date of this order. 369

Page  370 [I57] Oct. 3 Public Papers of the Presidents "Where the National War Labor Board or other designated agency, or the Price Administrator, shall have reason to believe that a proposed wage or salary increase will require a change in the price ceiling of the commodity or services involved, such proposed increase, if approved by the National War Labor Board or such other designated agency under the authority of this section shall become effective only if also approved by the Director of Economic Stabilization. "3. Officials charged with the settlement of labor disputes in accordance with the terms of Executive Order 90I7 and Section 7 of the War Labor Disputes Act shall consider that labor disputes which would interrupt work contributing to the production of military supplies or interfere with effective transition to a peacetime economy are disputes which interrupt work contributing to the effective prosecution of the war." That has been in effect ever since August i8, and I think is a definite labor policy-wage policy, I mean. Q. Mr. President, that's a wage policy put into effect during the war, and — THE PRESIDENT. No, August i8. Q. What date did you say? THE PRESIDENT. August I8, I945. And that was set up with the approval of the Secretary of Labor, the labor organizations, and of industry. They all sat right here and approved that. Q. You call attention to it because it's still — THE PRESIDENT. It's still the policy of the Government; that's sure. [6.] Q. Mr. President, anything to say about the London conference? THE PRESIDENT. No, I haven't; Mr. Byrnes will be here in a short time, and we'll let him make the necessary report. [7.] Q. What do you think of the Russian renewal of their demand for a four-power control commission for Japan? THE PRESIDENT. I only know what I've seen in the papers; I've had no official notice, and I'll have to discuss it with Mr. Byrnes. [8.] Q. Do you have any comment on the situation in Argentina? THE PRESIDENT. NO, I haven't. 370

Page  371 Harry S. Truman, '945 Oct. 3 [ I57] [9.] Q. Mr. President, have you received any request from the British to send troops to Palestine? THE PRESIDENT. No. I haven't. [io.] Q. Mr. President, there seems to be a dispute about the use of funds for child-care centers; have you taken notice of that? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, I have extended it to October 3i, and I am considering seriously sending up a request to Congress that they extend it to March 31' But that will require several million dollars. [ii.] Q. Has there been any request for this Government to assume joint responsibility with the people of Great Britain in the Palestine situation? THE PRESIDENT. No. [I2.] Q. Have you talked with Ed Pauley about his future activities? THE PRESIDENT. No, I haven't; I haven't seen Mr. Pauley for some time. He said he would come to see me. [Ii.] Q. We hear from London that the United Nations has decided to locate within the United States; have you any particular sites in mind? THE PRESIDENT. No, I haven't. I do have a message from Mr. Stettinius that they did vote to locate the headquarters in the United States, and that China and Australia favor San Francisco. He pointed out there were other available locations in the United States. The specific message will be discussed later. I just got it before this conference. [I4.] Q. Is it your intention to keep the Coast Guard under the Navy? THE PRESIDENT. It will be returned to the Treasury at the proper time. [15.] Q. Can you tell us anything about your conference with Mr. Mollison? THE PRESIDENT. I appointed him to be judge of the Court of Customs. Q. The nomination gone up? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, it went up at noon. Q. We didn't get it. See Item 159. 37I

Page  372 [ I57] Oct. 3 Public Papers of the Presidents THE PRESIDENT. It was supposed to be in your hands. I thought I would be repeating it. [i6.] Q. It has been about a week since your conference with the Democratic Ways and Means Committee, and nothing has happened on the compensation bill. Are you thinking ofTHE PRESIDENT. I think if you give the Ways and Means Committee time, they'll do something about it. [Iv.] Q. During Mr. Mackenzie King's call Sunday was there any consideration of the atomic bomb? THE PRESIDENT. We discussed every subject in which Canada and the United States are interested, but I am not at liberty to make any statement. [i8.] Q. Mr. President, in your message about the atomic bomb do you have any recommendation about mineral lands not owned by the Government? THE PRESIDENT. There's a recommendation that a commission be given power to purchase all such land. Reporter: Thank you, Mr. President. THE PRESIDENT. You are entirely welcome. NOTE: President Truman's twenty- office at the White House at 4:05 p.m. eighth news conference was held in his on Wednesday, October 3, 1945. I58 Statement by the President Concerning Government Operation of Petroleum Refineries Closed by Strikes. October 4, I945 I REGRET that it has become necessary for the Government to take over the plants of twenty-six oil producing and refining companies which have been shut down by strikes. It has become necessary to take this action in order to maintain adequate oil reserves for the needs of our armed forces. During the past two weeks some fifty petroleum refineries, together with a number of related transportation and distribution facilities, have been shut down due to work stoppages. The shut down daily capacity 372

Page  373 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oct. 4 [I59] amounts to I,675,000 barrels, representing about one-third of the total refinery capacity of the Nation. The plants remaining in operation are insufficient to produce enough petroleum to supply both the direct military requirements and the minimum essential war supporting activities on the home front. So critical has the supply situation become that essential military operations are already jeopardized. Throughout the Nation, serious shortages are developing which would, if not corrected immediately, impair essential industrial and agricultural production, and all forms of transportation. Oil is so vital to the continuing military operation, and so essential to production for the armed services and national security at home, that we must move without further delay to protect our petroleum supply positions. The public interest, in an emergency of this character, transcends the interests of any group. There is no other way, except by the action taken today, to prevent our armed forces from suffering through lack of necessary oil. Nothing will be permitted to stand in the way of the adequate supplies of any kind for our armed forces and for their proper redeployment and demobilization. NOTE: The text of Executive Order Processing of Petroleum and Petroleum 9639 "Authorizing the Secretary of the Products" (3 CFR, I943-1948 Comp., Navy To Take Possession of and Op- p. 440) was released with the Presierate Certain Plants and Facilities Used dent's statement. in the Transportation, Refining and 159 Letter to the President of the Senate and to the Speaker of the House of Representatives Concerning Federal Assistance for Child Care Centers. October 4, I945 Dear Mr.: In my communication of September 5, I945, I transmitted for the consideration of the Congress proposed rescissions of portions of several war-related appropriations, including appropriations available to the Federal Works Agency under the heading "Office of the Administrator: War public works (community facilities)" to the extent of $19,15,600. 373

Page  374 [ I59] Oct. 4 Public Papers of the Presidents This item included funds that had been appropriated by the Congress for war-time child care centers on the understanding with the Federal Works Agency that when the need for women in war production and essential supporting services ended, Federal funds would be withdrawn. Therefore, my communication of September fifth was based upon that understanding. On August twenty-seventh I requested the Federal Works Administrator to present to the Congress the problem which had arisen where local communities were not able to continue needed child care centers for children whose mothers are the wives or widows of servicemen. The Federal Works Administrator now advises me that the appropriate Committees of the Congress do not believe it feasible to enact special legislation to take care of this problem for this particular group of mothers. Although some communities have already arranged with local funds to operate centers for children of working mothers, the majority of them have not yet completed such arrangements. In some communities, State or local laws or other limitations make it impossible for them to assume this responsibility by October thirty-first, the presently scheduled date for the termination of Federal assistance. The reconversion of the war-time child care program to peacetime operations under which the local communities would assume the financial responsibility requires Federal assistance for a few more months. This extension of time would give working mothers more time to make other arrangements for the care of their children and would give local communities additional time to provide the necessary State or local funds. Included in the amount which I have heretofore recommended for rescission is an item of $7,ooo,ooo for service projects. If this amount is not repealed, the Federal Works Agency would be able to make Federal funds available for the operation of needed child care centers until March i, I946. I therefore now recommend that the amount of the proposed rescission for "War public works (community facilities)" be reduced to $I2,I15,000. Yours very truly, HARRy S. TRUMAN 374

Page  375 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oct. 5 L i6o] NOTE: This is the text of identical let- of the Senate, and to the Honorable ters addressed to the Honorable Ken- Sam Rayburn, Speaker of the House of neth McKellar, President pro tempore Representatives. i6o Remarks at the Presentation of the Congressional Medal of Honor to Fourteen Members of the Navy and Marine Corps. October 5, I945 THIS IS ONE of the pleasant duties of the President of the United States. These are the young men who represent us in our fighting forces. They said we were soft, that we would not fight, that we could not win. We are not a warlike nation. We do not go to war for gain or for territory; we go to war for principles, and we produce young men like these. I think I told every one of them that I would rather have that medal, the Congressional Medal of Honor, than to be President of the United States. We fought a good fight. We've won two great victories. We're facing another fight, and we must win the victory in that. That is a fight for a peaceful world, a fight so we won't have to do this again, so we won't have to maim the flower of our young men, and bury them. Now let us go forward and win that fight, as we have won these other two victories, and this war will not have been in vain. Thank you. NOTE: The President presented the Jackson, USMC; Sgt. William G. Harmedals in a ceremony held at 10:30 a.m. rell, USMCR; Pharmacist's Mate on the South Lawn at the White George E. Wahlen, USNR; Cpl. RichHouse. The citations were read by ard E. Bush, USMCR; Cpl. Douglas T. Vice Adm. L. E. Denfeld. Jacobson, USMCR; Cpl. Hershel W. A list of the recipients, in order of Williams, USMCR; Hospital Apprenpresentation, follows: Lt. Col. Gregory tice First Class Robert Eugene Bush, Boyington, USMCR; Lt. Comdr. USNR; Pfc. Jacklyn H. Lucas, George L. Street, USN; Maj. Louis H. USMCR; Pvt. Franklin E. Sigler, Wilson, USMC; Capt. Joseph J. Mc- USMCR; and Pvt. Wilson D. Watson. Carthy, USMCR; 2nd Lt. Arthur J. USMCR. 375

Page  376 [i6i] Oct. 5 Public Papers of the Presidents i6i Citation Accompanying the Distinguished Service Medal Presented to Admiral Chester W. Nimitz. October 5, I945 THE PRESIDENT of the United States takes pleasure in presenting the Gold Star in lieu of the Third Distinguished Service Medal to FLEET ADMIRAL CHESTER WILLIAM NIMITZ, UNITED STATES NAVY for service as set forth in the following CITATION For exceptionally meritorious service to the Government of the United States as Commander in Chief, United States Pacific Fleet and Pacific Ocean Areas, from June i944, to August 1945. Initiating the final phase in the battle for victory in the Pacific, Fleet Admiral Nimitz attacked the Marianas, invading Saipan, inflicting a decisive defeat in the Japanese Fleet in the First Battle of the Philippines and capturing Guam and Tinian. In vital continuing operations, his Fleet Forces isolated the enemy-held bastions of the Central and Eastern Carolines and secured in quick succession Peleliu, Angaur and Ulithi. With reconnaissance of the main beaches on Leyte effected, approach channels cleared and opposition neutralized in joint operations to reoccupy the Philippines, the challenge by powerful task forces of the Japanese Fleet resulted in a historic victory in the three-phased Battle for Leyte Gulf, October 24 to 26, i944. Accelerating the intensity of aerial offensive by pressure exerted at every hostile strong point, Fleet Admiral Nimitz culminated long-range strategy by successful amphibious assault on Iwo Jima and Okinawa. A wise, steadfast and indomitable leader, Fleet Admiral Nimitz, by his daring strategy and his faith in the courage and skill of the officers and men under his command, finally placed representative forces of the United States Navy in the harbor of Tokyo for the formal capitulation of the Japanese Empire. Through his mastery of naval warfare, his strategical skill, his sound judgment and his inspiring leadership, he demonstrated the highest qualities of a naval officer and rendered services of the greatest distinction to his country. HARRY S. TRUMAN 376

Page  377 Harry S. Truman, I945 Oct. 5 [i62] NOTE: The President read the citation Although the ceremony called for the to Admiral Nimitz and presented him Gold Star, the President also pinned the with the award in a ceremony held in Distinguished Service Medal on Adthe Rose Garden at the White House. miral Nimitz. I62 Letter Accepting Resignation of J. A. Krug as Chairman of the War Production Board. October 5, 1945 [ Released October 5, I945. Dated October 4, 1945 ] My dear Cap: I have your letter in which you request to be relieved of your responsibilities as Chairman of the War Production Board. It is with regret that I accede to your wishes and accept your resignation as Chairman, effective at the close of business on November 3, I945. You have earned the thanks of the Nation-indeed of the United Nations-for an epic achievement in industrial production. During the critical months which have ensued since you assumed duties, first as Acting Chairman, and now for more than a year as Chairman, the results have been little short of miraculous. The prodigious tasks which have been performed by American industry under your leadership are reflected in the capitulation of our enemies in unconditional surrender. For the magnificent work that you have done I desire to express the Nation's gratitude. As we go into the reconversion period, we shall like to think that we can call upon you from time to time for the counsel which you can give us out of your great experience. Very sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: Mr. Krug served as Acting November 3, 1945. His letter of resigChairman of the War Production Board nation, dated September 25, 1945, was from August 27, I944, to October i, released with the President's reply. 1944, and then as Chairman through 377

Page  378 [I63] Oct. 7 Public Papers of the Presidents i63 Remarks at the Pemiscot County Fair, Caruthersville, Missouri. October 7, I945 Jim Ahern, my friends of Southeast Missouri, Northeast Arkansas, Tennessee, Kentucky, and Illinois: It is a pleasure to be here today. Once again I am your guest at the American Legion Fair. It is a customary procedure for me. This is number twelve. I came down here the first time, if I remember correctly, in I934. At that time I was the Presiding Judge of the County Court of Jackson County, and a candidate for United States Senator. The next time I came I was the United States Senator from Missouri, and for nine times I came down here as the Senator from Missouribecause I liked to come. I have almost as many friends in this part of the great State of Missouri as I have in Jackson County, and that is really saying something. Last year I came as the candidate for Vice President of the United States. Mr. Roosevelt and myself were the candidates on the Democratic ticket. We won that election, as you know, and I settled down as President of the Senate and its Presiding Officer to happily enjoy a 4-year term. Then suddenly, like a bolt out of the blue, Mr. Roosevelt passed away-a great leader, a great humanitarian, the greatest of our war Presidents. And the greatest responsibility that ever has fallen to a human being in the history of the world fell to me. In my first address to the Congress, after that happeied, I explained to them that I had not sought that responsibility, nor had I sought the honor which goes with that responsibility. But I have been a public servant in one phase or another for the past 30 years, and I have never shirked a job. I shall not shirk this one. I told the Members of Congress and the Nation that if we were to be successful-and we will be, undoubtedly-it would require the cooperation not only of the Congress but of the country as a whole, for us to accomplish the things which Almighty God intended this great Nation to accomplish. Just to rehearse for your benefit a few of the things that have hap 378

Page  379 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oct. 7 [ I63] pened since April 12, I945-just about 6 months ago. The San Francisco Conference was convened on the 25th day of April-just 13 days after I was sworn in as President of the United States. That conference was successful, and just about 4 months after it was convened, the United States Senate approved the Charter of the United Nations by an overwhelming majority. There were only two Senators against it, and I never did understand why they were against it. At any rate, the United States entered on an entirely new development of its foreign policy. Some 3 months after that I went to Berlin to meet with the heads of the Governments of Russia, Great Britain, and the United States, in order to discuss the world outlook for the coming peace. The deliberations of that conference will be felt for generations in the final peace. Just a little less than a month after I became President, that is, 26 days after I was inaugurated, the Axis powers in Europe folded up. On the I2th day of August, Japan folded up. In the meantime, one of the most earth-shaking discoveries in the history of the world was made-the development of atomic energy was discovered. That discovery was used in the last war effort against Japan, and the effect of that atomic bomb is too terrible for contemplation. But we have only begun on the atomic energy program. That great force, if properly used by this country of ours, and by the world at large, can become the greatest boon that humanity has ever had. It can create a world which, in my opinion, will be the happiest world that the sun has ever shone upon. Now I am reminding you of all these things which have taken place in the last short 6 months to impress upon you the terrible responsibilities of the President of the United States. The President of the United States is your President. I am telling you just what his responsibilities are, because you are my friends and I think you understand the difficulties which I face. Now it is just as necessary to have the cooperation of every branch, and every member of every part of the Government of the United States, from the constable in this township to the President of the Senate. We must have that cooperation. We must go forward-we are going forward. 379

Page  380 [I631 Oct- 7 [163] ct. 7 Public Papers of the Presidents We understand that the road to peace is just as difficult and maybe more difficult than was the road to victory during the war. And the reason for that difficulty is that we all distinctly understand that after every war there is bound to be a letdown, there is bound to be a change of attitude, there are bound to be a great many of us who say, "Oh well, I don't have to work any more. I don't have to take any interest in the welfare of my Government any more." We can't have that attitude. We must cooperate now as we never have before in the history of this country. We have the greatest production machine that the world has ever seen. We conclusively proved that free government is the most efficient government in every emergency. We conclusively proved that, by our victories over Germany and Italy and Japan and their allies. In order to prove to the world that our reconversion program can be handled just as efficiently, and that our tremendous production machine can be operated for peace as well as for war, we must all get in and push. That doesn't require anything in the world but plain understanding among ourselves. That requires the cooperation of management and labor and the farmers, and every storekeeper, and every man who has an interest in the Government of the United States. And by showing that we ourselves know where we are going and why, we can show the rest of the world the road to liberty and to peace. We are not anywhere near stalled on that road. We are only beginning to travel it. We are going to have difficulties. You can't do anything worthwhile without difficulties. No man who ever accomplishes anything can expect to do it without making mistakes. The man who never does anything never makes any mistakes. We may make mistakes. We may have difficulties, but I am asking you to exercise that admonition which you will find in the Gospels, and which Christ told us was the way to get along in the world: Do by your neighbor as you would be done by. And that applies to you, and you, just as it applies to Great Britain and France and China and Russia and Czechoslovakia, and Poland and Brazil. When the nations decide that the welfare of the world is much more important than any individual gain which they themselves can make at the expense of another nation, then we can take this discovery 380

Page  381 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oct. 8 [I64] which we have made and make this world the greatest place the sun has ever shone upon. Now, in I938, I stood on this platform right here and explained to you that our then isolationism would eventually lead to war. I made that speech after President Roosevelt made his speech at Chicago in I937, in which he warned the world that we were approaching another world war. We can't stand another global war. We can't ever have another war, unless it is total war, and that means the end of our civilization as we know it. We are not going to do that. We are going to accept that Golden Rule, and we are going forward to meet our destiny which I think Almighty God intended us to have. And we are going to be the leaders. Thank you very much. NOTE: The President spoke at 4:30 p.m. T. Ahern, president of the American at the Fair grounds. His opening Legion Fair Association. words "Jim Ahern" referred to James I64 The President's News Conference at Tiptonville, Tennessee. October 8, 1945 [i.] Q. Mr. President, you made a statement, as near as I can remember, in your speech at the fair, that when the nations of the world learn to put total world progress ahead of individual gain at the expense of other states, then we could put this great discovery of the release of atomic energy to work, to make the world a better place to live in. Would it be too long a "bone" as to interpret your remark there as meaning that the atomic secret would not be shared, unless and until we had positive assurance that the world had progressed to that point? THE PRESIDENT. No, that would not be true, for this reason. The scientific knowledge that resulted in the atomic bomb is worldwide knowledge already. It is only the know-how of putting that knowledge practically to work that is our secret; just the same as know-how in the construction of the B-29, and the plane that is following the B-29, the greatest long-distance bomber in the world, and the know-how to make 38I

Page  382 [ i64] Oct. 8 Public Papers of the Presidents automobiles by mass production, and anything else. So far as the scientific knowledge is concerned, all the scientists know the answer, but how to put it to work practically is our secret. Q. What I am getting at is, would it apply to letting them in on the know-how? THE PRESIDENT. Well, I don't think it would do any good to let them in on the know-how, because I don't think they could do it, anyway. You would have to have the industrial plant and our engineering ability to do the job, as well as the scientific knowledge, and there isn't any reason for trying to keep the scientific knowledge covered up, because all the great scientists know it in every country; but the practical know-how is our ability to do the job. Q. Mr. President, what you mean-. THE PRESIDENT. That is our job. If they catch up with us on that, they will have to do it on their own hook, just as we did. Q. You mean, then, that we will not share that knowledge with our allies? THE PRESIDENT. Just the same as we haven't shared our engineering knowledge, or any of our engineering secrets. But so far as the scientific knowledge is concerned, they all know that, anyway. Q. But so far as the bomb secret is concerned, we will not share that? THE PRESIDENT. Not the know-how of putting it together, let's put it that way. Mr. Ross: Are you talking on or off the record, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. I am talking on the record, Charlie. Mr. Ross: You understand that the President is not to be directly quoted, all you men who are not familiar with the rules. Q. Mr. President, isn't Great Britain also in on that know-how? THE PRESIDENT. Great Britain and Canada. Q. Have they — THE PRESIDENT. They are our partners. Q. -have they also agreed not to let the information out? THE PRESIDENT. It hasn't been discussed with them, because we have all the information so far as. the practical know-how is concerned, but I 382

Page  383 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oct. 8 [ i64] am sure they would agree. You see, Great Britain started the program by the expenditure of about $ioo million in the beginning; and when we got into the war, it was decided that it was such a great program and required the expenditure of so much money that nobody could do it but us, and that was true. We spent more than $2 billion in creating it. Q. Isn't it true that they couldn't do it themselves, and neither could Canada? THE PRESIDENT. No, they couldn't. Q. Who are you going to name to conduct conversations with Britain and Canada? THE PRESIDENT. The Secretary of State. Q. Will you name any special advisers for him? THE PRESIDENT. No. That's what I have the Secretary of State for. [2.] Q. Mr. President, on the general foreign situation, are you disturbed at all, or how do you feel about the apparent failure of the London conference to produceTHE PRESIDENT. I don't think it's a failure. I think it was one step in arriving at a final conclusion. I am not in the slightest alarmed at the world situation. It will work out. Just as much as the domestic situation will work out in the long run. Mr. Ross: Mr. President, you might want to say a word, in addition to what you said yesterday, about world leadership in the application of the Golden Rule. THE PRESIDENT. Well, the world leadership I was referring to was leadership in the application of the Golden Rule. I did not want to assume that we would automatically take leadership in every field, but I think we can take leadership in that thing, that we would treat the other nations as we would like to be treated. [3.] Q. What do you think accounts for this wave of work stoppages and general labor unrest? THE PRESIDENT. Reaction. Reaction of the-from the tremendous war effort. Everybody feels like letting down, and that has been the case after every war we have ever fought, the Revolution, the War of 18I2, the Mexican War, War Between the States, Spanish-American 383

Page  384 [ i64] Oct. 8 Public Papers of the Presidents War, the First World War, and this one. And this one, of course, is much greater than any of the rest of them, and we are going to have comparatively greater difficulty in getting people to realize that the readjustment job is their job. And they will finally realize it. I am not worried about it at all. Q. Mr. President, there has been a reduction in take-home pay in most-in many cases. Isn't that a part of it? THE PRESIDENT. To some extent. Doesn't make any difference, because it would be about the same whether there was a reduction in pay or not. Well, that is one of the contributing causes. [4.] Q. Mr. President, if we can return to the atomic bomb subject for just a minute, sirTHE PRESIDENT. Sure. Q. have any of these other countries that are our allies asked for the secret of the know-how? THE PRESIDENT. No. Q. They have not? THE PRESIDENT. No. Q. Mr. President, in that connection, I have read that one of the causes for the lack of accord between this country and Russia-or on Russia's part, at least-grows out of the fact that we have the atomic bomb, and Russia doesn't. THE PRESIDENT. It isn't true-it isn't true at all. The difficulty, I think, is a matter of understanding between us and Russia. There has always been a difficulty, principally because we don't speak the same language. It is a most difficult matter to translate the meaning of what I am saying right now into Russian, so it will mean the same thing in Russian as it means in English. The same thing is true when you translate Russian into English. When I was at the conference with Stalin at Berlin, he had an interpreter and I had one, and it took the four of us to be sure that we each understood the meaning of the other; and when we did, there was no difficulty in arriving at an agreement. Q. Mr. President, in connection with that last question on the atomic bomb subject again, when will you send your message down to Congress? 384

Page  385 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oct. 8 [ i64] THE PRESIDENT. On the foreign situation? Q. On the atomic bomb. You remember you said at your last conference you were going to send one on the international phase of the bombTHE PRESIDENT. That's right, but I am not ready to do that yet, so I can't make any specific statement on the subject. I will do it when I get ready. I will tell you about it. [5.] Q. Mr. President, there has been a lot written about your making some sort of direct appeal to management and labor to get together, along the lines of the cooperation you spoke about at the fair? THE PRESIDENT. I made it yesterday. Q. Is that all? I see. THE PRESIDENT. That's all. I wouldn't say that's all, but I don't want to answer the question. Q. Thank you, sir. [6.] Q. Mr. President, not for use now, but when you do make your speech at Gilbertsville-we have been reading the text of the speech today, preparing for our advance stories-are you retreating at all from your idea of the big basic regional power authoritiesTHE PRESIDENT. No, I am not. Q. -- directed by the Federal Government? THE PRESIDENT. I am not retreating at all. I think if you read the speech carefully, it is consistent and stays with the program as outlined in my New Orleans speech in I944. You were there, Eddie.' Q. Yes, sir. [7.] Q. You described this reaction from the war as a letdown, and you said you are not terribly worried about it. Can you elaborate on that, and tell us what you foresee in the working out of this thing? There is tremendous interest in it. THE PRESIDENT. Well, I think we are facing the greatest era in the history of the world, and I don't think we need be alarmed at the difficulties that will be in the way of arriving at the consummation of that era. It doesn't worry me, because there hasn't been a war in which we fought that we finally haven't come out in much better shape than 1 Edward B. Lockett, Time Magazine. 385

Page  386 [i64] Oct. 8 Public Papers of the Presidents we were previous to the period, and I don't think there is going to be any change from that. [8.] Q. Mr. President, if you don't mind my going back to the speechTHE PRESIDENT. Shoot. Q. -when you said that in each case you think the local peoplein your speech I am speaking about the next one-should make the final decision, I didn't know whether you were speaking of the decision as to whether greater emphasis should be put on flood control, or power, or other things, or on the decision of who would have responsibility for the operationTHE PRESIDENT. Well, being from Missouri, I think always of the Missouri River as a common example. That river has four different projects, each one of which is important in a certain section of that river. The river from Sioux City, Iowa, to St. Louis-or from Omaha to St. Louis, if you want to make it easier-is interested in flood control first, and then in navigation. From the mouth of the Platte River in Nebraska up to Montana, they are interested in irrigation, and when you get to the "clear" sections of the river, in power. Those four things will have to be coordinated, and each section of the river developed for the benefit of the people of the river in those various sections, but there isn't any reason why an authority couldn't do that. Q. Including TVA? THE PRESIDENT. That's right. Q. Just a question of emphasis? THE PRESIDENT. That's right. Q. Your idea is that these other developments in the country should be patterned along the lines of the TVA? THE PRESIDENT. I think so. I think it has been very successful. The Columbia River, I think, can easily be developed along the lines of the TVA, because it's the same sort of river-it's a "clear" river, if you know what I mean. It doesn't carry a lot of silt. Q. In other words, there were seven other regional authorities, which I believe Mr. Roosevelt proposed;THE PRESIDENT. I think so, yes. 386

Page  387 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oct. 8 [I64] Q. — and you were pretty much in accord with that at the time, as I remember? THE PRESIDENT. That's right. [9.] Q. Mr. President, to return to the original question, as I get your reply, there is nothing on the horizon, or foreseeable in the immediate future that would influence your administration to give away the engineering know-how to any country? THE PRESIDENT. We never have done that. Q. That is what I understand. Q. Is anybody in position to use that know-how, if we offered it to them? THE PRESIDENT. No. That is the best answer. Q. At some future time, Mr. President, wouldn't Russia be able to use it? THE PRESIDENT. Your guess is as good as mine on that. I can't answer that. You will have to go there and take a look around. I have never been there. Q. Are you going there? [Laughter] THE PRESIDENT. No, Smitty, I am not. Q. Said he, hopefully! [More laughter] THE PRESIDENT. I would like very much to go, and to see Russia as it is, for my own information; but, of course, there isn't a chance of my getting to do that. I think Russia has been badly misrepresented in this country, as we have been badly misrepresented in Russia. If there is complete understanding, there wouldn't be very many difficulties between us, because Russia's interests and ours do not clash, and never have. We have always been friends, and I hope we always will be. Q. Are there more difficulties, Mr. President, than merely a question of expenditure of the large sums of money in the development of the know-how of the atomic bomb? THE PRESIDENT. Well, it's the engineering know-how, and it's the scientific knowledge, the practical use. That is the only difficulty there is. 1 Merriman Smith, United Press Associations. 387

Page  388 I i64] Oct. 8 Public Papers of the Presidents Q. Is it a matter of resources also? THE PRESIDENT. Yes. Q. Mineral resources? THE PRESIDENT. Resources and industrial plant, principally. [io.] Q. Mr. President, you were asked at a White House press conference one day if the meeting in Berlin was the last of the Big Three meetings, as I remember; and you said you didn't know at that time. THE PRESIDENT. I don't know yet. Q. You don't know? That story keeps popping up, particularly from London, saying that there is another Big Three meeting in the wind. THE PRESIDENT. I don't know. Your guess is as good as mine. I am not in on the inside. [Laughter] Q. You can't write all the copy. THE PRESIDENT. No, I can't. That's the truth. I am telling you the truth. Q. Mr. President, how far would you go into the future on that phase of it-not having a meeting now, or in the near future? THE PRESIDENT. Well, I can't go into it because I don't know what the developments will be. If a Big Three meeting would be necessary to clarify the program, I would not stand in the way of a Big Three meeting. In fact, we had a very successful one in Berlin. At least, I thought it was a successful one. Q. In other words, if things-a Big Three meeting would help understanding, we would have it? THE PRESIDENT. Certainly we would have it. That's the best answer. But I see no reason for one in the immediate future. Reporter: Well, thank you, Mr. President. NOTE: President Truman's twenty- near Tiptonville, Tenn., at 8:I5 p.m. ninth news conference was held on the on Monday, October 8, 1945. porch of Linda Lodge on Reelfoot Lake, 388

Page  389 Harry S. Truman, '945 Oct. io [ i65] i65 Address and Remarks at the Dedication of the Kentucky Dam at Gilbertsville, Kentucky. October IO, I945 Ladies and gentlemen: Nine years ago the first dam of the Tennessee Valley Authoritythe Norris Dam on the Clinch River-was dedicated by my illustrious predecessor-Franklin D. Roosevelt. At the very start of his Presidency, he had the great vision and foresight to recommend and encourage the comprehensive development of this entire great Valley. It is now a matter of great pride to me to dedicate the sixteenth great structure built by the TVA-the Kentucky Dam. The system of dams across the Tennessee now puts under the control of man a whole vast river-and harnesses it to do his work. This has not yet happened on any other river. The completion of this dam marks a new high point in modern pioneering in America. Nine years ago TVA was a highly controversial subject. Today it is no longer an experiment, but a demonstration. By all except a small minority it is now regarded as a great American accomplishment, of which all of us are proud. Here in this great valley American enterprise and courage and skill have come through again with a genuine achievement. The TVA does not belong to the people of the Tennessee Valley alone. It belongs to all the United States. And indeed, it has inspired regional resource development all over the world. Distinguished observers from more than fifty countries have come to this historic American Valley. They came here to study what has been done. They went away to try to adapt to their own regions the lessons that have been learned here from actual experience. As a Senator I was always a strong supporter of the TVA. And I can say to you that I have never had occasion to regret my support of the TVA and of the idea it represents. Its record has fully justified the hopes and the confidence of its old friends. But it is more than dams and locks and chemical plants and power lines. It is an important experiment in democracy. In it, administrative methods have been devised which bring the people and their Fed 389

Page  390 [165] Oct. io Public Papers of the Presidents eral Government closer together-not in Washington, but right where the people live. Here in this Valley there has been firmly established the basic principle of development of resources on an autonomous regional basis. Why has TVA succeeded so well? Why does it have the esteem of the people of this Valley, and attract the attention of other regions of America, and of the entire world? To me the answer is clear-TVA is just plain commonsense. It is commonsense hitched up to modern science and good management. And that's about all there is to it. Instead of going at the river piecemeal with a dam here and a dam there, the river was treated as a whole. The dams were all designed so that they would fit together as a unit and in that way get the most service out of the river for mankind. Consider Kentucky Dam itself. This dam will hold back four million acre feet of flood water from the lower Ohio and Mississippi Rivers. The people behind the levees on those rivers know how much that will mean to them in protection from disaster. When the danger of flood is past, those flood waters are not to be wasted. They will be put through the water wheels here at the dam to produce great quantities of electricity. That electricity will rush to serve the people of the Valley, their homes and farms and industries. Kentucky Dam also provides a deep-water, navigable channel I83 miles long. The other TVA dams carry that reliable deep water channel all the way to Knoxville in east Tennessee, 650 miles away. As a result, the South and the Middle West of this Nation are now connected by water transportation. The benefits of this dam go not only to the Tennessee Valley; they go to Saint Paul and Minneapolis, to New Orleans and Memphis, to Saint Louis and Kansas City, to Omaha and Sioux City-to all the communities in the great Mississippi Valley that are served by our inland waterways. In addition to power and flood control and navigation, there is recreation. TVA has joined with the various States and local communities in the development of great lakes here in the South. Here we have boating, fishing, and hunting where thousands upon thousands of 390

Page  391 Harry S. Truman, I945 Oct. IO [ i65] people in the Tennessee Valley and the Middle West may enjoy themselves. As President Roosevelt said when he first recommended the creation of the Tennessee Valley Authority in April of I933: "... The usefulness of the entire Tennessee River... transcends mere power development; it enters the wide fields of flood control, soil erosion, afforestation, elimination from agricultural use of marginal lands, and distribution and diversification of industry." His prophecy has been fulfilled, for in the TVA the Congress has provided for a tying together of all the things that go to make up a well rounded economic development. It is easy to see that most of these commonsense principles can be applied to other valleys, and I have already recommended to the Congress that a start be made in that direction. Careful planning and commonsense development can convert the idle and wasting resources of other valleys into jobs and better living. No two valleys are exactly alike, of course. For that reason, the details of just how this region or that region should be developed are matters that require study and judgment in each particular case. The procedure in each valley may have to be a little different. The details of administration and control may have to be different. But the underlying commonsense principles of this development here in the Tennessee Valley can provide guidance and counsel to the people in other regions who likewise aspire to put their resources to the greatest use. Let me emphasize that in the last analysis such development is a matter for the people themselves to decide. Here in this Valley, State and local agencies, public and private, have joined with TVA in a twoway partnership. This was a natural result of the policy of regional decentralization. That same policy ought to be followed in the other river valleys as regional agencies are created by the Congress and set to work. We must continue all over the United States to wage war against flood and drought. Our vast store of natural resources can be made to serve us in peace with the same efficiency as they did in war. We should exercise our commonsense, go ahead, and continue to get the job done. 39I

Page  392 [i65] Oct. io Public Papers of the Presidents Much has already been done in the past I2 years on river development in other parts of the country-on the Columbia and Colorado, on the Missouri, on the rivers of the Central Valley of California. They are all designed to make the rivers and their generous bounty serve instead of injuring mankind. Waters are now being harnessed and changed into electricity-electricity which has helped supply the weapons of victory in war-electricity which can be used to improve the standards of living and comfort and efficiency in the farms and homes of thousands of American families. Waters are now making crops grow on land where recently there was only desert dust. The valleys of America await their full development. The time has come-now that materials and manpower are more plentiful-to press forward. The days of the pioneer are not dead. The development of our natural resources calls for men of courage, of vision, of endurance, just as in the pioneering days of old. The Nation, I am sure, is determined to march forward. We will not listen to the whispers of the timid, that dreams like those of the Tennessee Valley are impossible to accomplish. In the great valleys of America there is a challenge to all that is best in our tradition. Ahead of us lies a great adventure in building even stronger the foundations of our beloved country. America will not hesitate to meet that challenge. [Informal remarks at the conclusion of the address] Now I want to say to you how very happy and how glad I am to be your guest here today. I am particularly glad because Senator Barkley and Congressman Gregory informed me that people always turn out like this for them when they come home. Barkley whispered to me coming over here that if people keep treating him like this, there is no possible way for him to retire from public life. I hope that time will never come, because Barkley is a good public servant. As for Congressman Gregory, I had the pleasure of giving him his first plane ride the other day. He said he didn't like riding in a plane. A lot of people are averse to riding in a plane, even my wife hates to 392

Page  393 Harry S. Truman, I945 Oct. IO [ 65] ride in a plane; but after I got Gregory aboard, he confessed that if he was going to get his neck broken, he would just as soon break his neck with Barkley and me as anybody he knew. I hope that the development of this great Valley here will result in the development of our other river valleys along the same line. You know, our resources have barely been touched. Some of our natural resources-lumber, for instance-have been exhausted by senseless deforestation. We are trying to remedy that situation now by reforestation. This great development has proven conclusively that a free people can do anything that is necessary for the welfare of the human race as a whole. We created the greatest production machine in the history of the world. We made that machine operate, to the disaster of the dictators. Now then, we want to keep that machine operating. We must keep that machine operating. We have just discovered the source of the sun's power-atomic energy; that is, we have found out how to turn it loose. We had to turn it loose in the beginning for destruction. We are not going to use it for destruction any more, I hope. But that tremendous source of energy can create for us the greatest age in the history of the world if we are sensible enough to put it to that use and to no other. I think we are going to do just that. I think our Allies are going to cooperate with us in peace, just as we cooperated with them in war. I think we can look forward to the greatest age in history, and I have said that every time I have had an opportunity to address anybody. The greatest age in history is upon us. We must assume that responsibility. We are going to assume it, and every one of you, and all of us, are going to get in and work for the welfare of the world in peace, just as we worked for the welfare of the world in war. That is absolutely essential and necessary. We are having our little troubles now-a few of them. They are not serious-just a blowup after the letdown from war. You remember what a terrible time we had the first two days after the Japanese folded up. Everybody had to blow off steam. Well, there is still some of that steam that wants to be blown off, and we still have a few selfish 393

Page  394 [i65] Oct. io Public Papers of the Presidents men who think more of their own personal interests than they do of the public welfare. But they are not going to prevail. You are not going to let them prevail. You are going to force everybody to get into this harness, and push and pull until that great age I am prophesying comes about. We can't do it tomorrow. We can't do it next month. We probably can't do it all next year. It is going to take some time for us to realize just exactly what we have and what we will do with it. Now, let's all go home and go to work. Cut out the foolishness and make this country what it ought to be-the greatest nation the sun has ever shone upon. Thank you very much. i66 Statement by the President on the 34th Anniversary of the Chinese Republic. October IO, 1945 THE AMERICAN PEOPLE today join the people of all free nations in saluting the people of China upon this thirty-fourth anniversary of China's national revolution. For the first time in fourteen years China is able to celebrate the Double Tenth without fear of aggression. The tremendous sacrifices which the Chinese people made for so long in their stirring and effective resistance to the Japanese invader have finally been rewarded in complete victory over the enemy, and the American people take pride in the decisive role played by our gallant ally in this titanic struggle for world freedom. With final victory in the war achieved, China now faces the urgent problems of reconstruction of her devastated nation-a task which will require all of the inspired leadership and full cooperation of the Chinese people which have been so evident during these years of desperate struggle for survival and without which Japan's savage aims of aggression might have succeeded. On behalf of the American people I take pleasure in reaffirming our abiding faith in the ability of the Chinese nation to accomplish the democratic objectives established for it by Dr. Sun Yat-sen and in pledging our assistance and support to the attainment of this end. 394

Page  395 Harry S. Truman, '945 OCt. I2 [ i67] i67 Remarks on Presenting the Congressional Medal of Honor to Fifteen Members of the Armed Forces. October I2, I945 WELL, once again I have had a very great privilege. I would rather do what I have been doing this morning than any other one of my arduous duties. This one is a pleasure. When you look at these young men, you see the United States of America, the greatest republic on earth, the country that can meet any situation when it becomes necessary. These young men were doing their duty. They didn't think they were being heroes. They didn't think they were doing anything unusual. They were just doing what the situation called for. As I have told the rest of these young men who have been here before me, I would much rather have that Medal around my neck than to be President of the United States. It is the greatest honor that can come to a man. It is an honor that all of us strive for, but very few of us ever achieve. Now these young men will go back and become citizens of this great country, and they will make good citizens; and you won't find any of them bragging about what they have done or what they propose to do. They are just going to be good citizens of the United States, and they are going to help us take this Republic to its leadership in the world, where it belongs, and where it has belonged for the past 25 years. Thank you very much for giving me this pleasure and this privilege. NOTE: The presentation was made by Cpl. M. E. Biddle, Capt. J. M. Burt, the President in a ceremony on the Cpl. C. B. Craft, Cpl. Desmond T. Doss, South Lawn at the White House. The T. Sgt. F. V. Homer, T. Sgt. C. H. Congressional Medal of Honor was Karaberis, Sgt. T. J. Kelly, Sgt. D. J. awarded to the following mem- Kerstetter, Sgt. N. Oresko, T. Sgt. C. bers of the Armed Forces from the Rodriguez, Ist Lt. E. A. Silk, 2d Lt. European and Pacific theaters: Cpl. T. J. C. Sjogren, and Pfc. W. A. SoderA. Atkins, Cpl. Edward A. Bennett, man. 395

Page  396 [i68] Oct. I2 Public Papers of the Presidents i68 Letter to Representative Powell of New York Regarding the Refusal of Permission to His Wife for a Concert in Constitution Hall. October I2, 1945 Dear Congressman Powell: I have your telegram in which you inform me that your wife, Miss Hazel Scott, has been refused the use of Constitution Hall for a concert on October twentieth. Artistic talent is not the exclusive property of any one race or group. One of the marks of a democracy is its willingness to respect and reward talent without regard to race or origin. We have just brought to a successful conclusion a war against totalitarian countries which made racial discrimination their state policy. One of the first steps taken by the Nazis when they came to power was to forbid the public appearance of artists and musicians whose religion or origin was unsatisfactory to the "Master-race." I am sure that you will realize however the impossibility of any interference by me in the management or policy of a private enterprise such as the one in question. Very sincerely, HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: The White House also released permission to Miss Scott to give a cona telegram from Mrs. Truman to Rep- cert in Constitution Hall. In her teleresentative Powell, acknowledging his gram Mrs. Truman called attention to telegram of October i i concerning the the fact that the invitation was extended invitation she had accepted to attend a and accepted prior to the controversy tea given by the Daughters of the over the use of Constitution Hall by American Revolution, who had refused Miss Scott. I69 Special Message to the Congress on Puerto Rico. October i6, I945 To the Congress of the United States: It is the settled policy of this Government to promote the political, social and economic development of people who have not yet attained 396

Page  397 Harry S. Truman, i945 Oct. i6 [I69] full self-government, and eventually to make it possible for them to determine their own form of government. It is our pride that this policy was faithfully pursued in the case of the Philippines. The people of the Philippines determined that they desired political independence, and the Government of the United States made provision to this effect. It is now time, in my opinion, to ascertain from the people of Puerto Rico their wishes as to the ultimate status which they prefer, and, within such limits as may be determined by the Congress, to grant to them the kind of government which they desire. The present form of government in the Island appears to be unsatisfactory to a large number of its inhabitants. Different groups of people in Puerto Rico are advocating various changes in the present form of government. These advocated changes include different possibilities: (i) the right of the Puerto Ricans to elect their own Governor with a wider measure of local self-government; (2) Statehood for Puerto Rico; (3) complete independence; and (4) a Dominion form of government. Each of these propositions is being urged in the Island, and each has its own advocates. Uncertainty has been created among the people as to just what the future of Puerto Rico is to be. These uncertainties should be cleared away at an early date. To this end, I recommend that the Congress consider each of the proposals, and that legislation be enacted submitting various alternatives to the people of Puerto Rico. In that way, the Congress can ascertain what the people of Puerto Rico themselves most desire for their political future. However, in the interest of good faith and comity between the people of Puerto Rico and those of us who live on the mainland, Congress should not submit any proposals to the Puerto Ricans which the Congress is not prepared to enact finally into law. We should be prepared to carry into effect whatever options are placed before the people of Puerto Rico, once the Puerto Ricans have expressed their preference. I hope that this problem can be considered by the Congress at an 397

Page  398 [i69] Oct. i6 Public Papers of the Presidents early date, and that appropriate legislation be enacted designed to make definite the future status of Puerto Rico. HARRY S. TRUMAN NOTE: A bill providing for the organi- Res. 430 approving the constitution of zation of a constitutional government by the Commonwealth of Puerto Rico, as the people of Puerto Rico (S. 3336), enacted July 3, I952, is Public Law 447, as enacted July 3, 1950, is Public Law 82d Congress (66 Stat. 327), which be6oo, 8ist Congress (64 Stat. 3i9). H.J. came effective on July 25, 1952. I70 Statement by the President Following the Visit of President Rios of Chile. October i6, 1945 PRESIDENT RIOS of Chile left Washington yesterday after an official visit, during which it was my privilege to have him as a guest at the White House. It was a great pleasure to meet him, not only as a friend and statesman, but also as the representative of a democratic people and a functioning democracy. We discussed the mutual desire to strengthen the solidarity of the republics of the Western Hemisphere on the basis of the ideals for which the war was fought and won. 17I Memorandum on the Community War Fund Campaign in the National Capital Area. October I7, 1945 To the Heads of the Executive Departments and Agencies: Analysis of the present situation in the Community War Fund drive in the government service shows that to date only $900,625 has been pledged, or 4I.6 percent of the Government's quota. There are only I3 days left in which to complete the quota, and clear the way for the Victory Bond drive. I ask the members of the Cabinet and heads of independent establishments of the Federal and District Governments in this metropolitan area to do their utmost personally to hasten the coverage of their departments and agencies and to explain to the officials and employees under them the real necessity for obtaining the funds necessary to keep the 398

Page  399 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oct. I8 [172] various welfare and service organizations supported by the Fund going successfully for another year. I believe that a generous response may be expected if it can be made clear to everyone that these services are still needed, in spite of the cessation of hostilities, to aid and comfort our Armed Forces at home and abroad, to give assistance to our allies in lands devastated by the war, and to maintain in our own locality the Community Chest activities which are so essential to the health and welfare of our National Capital. The fact that more than half of these latter services during the past year were rendered to government employees makes me feel certain that all will wish to contribute. Twelve government agencies have already exceeded their quota. I ask the others to push the campaign so that the cuota may be reached in time to avoid overlapping the Victory Bond Drive. This will call for immediate measures on the part of department heads to speed up the campaign. It will also require special devotion and effort on the part of all the volunteer workers, as well as sympathetic understanding and response on the part of those asked to contribute. HARRY S. TRUMAN 172 The President's News Conference of October I8, 1945 THE PRESIDENT. I have no particular announcements to make today, but I thought maybe you might like to ask me some questions and would rather come in and do it. [i.] Q. Mr. President, do you think the passage of the Hatch-BallBurton bill at this time might be helpful? THE PRESIDENT. I am not familiar enough with the provisions of the Hatch-Ball-Burton bill, because it was introduced just a short time before I left the Senate, and I can't answer the question. [2.] Q. Mr. President, Generalissimo Chiang Kai-shek says in an interview today with the U.P. that he had told the late President Roosevelt that the fate of the Emperor of Japan should be decided by the 399

Page  400 [172] Oct. I8 Public Papers of the Presidents Japanese people themselves, through free elections. Is there any such plan? THE PRESIDENT. Not that I know of. I think it's a good plan, however. [3.] Q. Mr. President, Mr. Snyder in a series of speeches indicated that it is his purpose to hold the line firmly on price stabilization, while letting management and labor bargain it out collectively within the present price structure. Does that represent the settled policy of the administration? THE PRESIDENT. That is in accordance with the Executive order of August i8 which I read to you, I think, at another press conference.' Q. Mr. President, in that connection, after a talk with you the other day, Mr. Garrison said that you had asked or suggested some machinery outside the War Labor Board for wage and price settlements. Could you tell us anything about your ideas on that point? THE PRESIDENT. We are discussing that tomorrow at a Cabinet meeting. I will have an announcement to make on it, I think, after the Cabinet meeting. Q. Is there anything you might say at this point about the type of machinery? THE PRESIDENT. No, there isn't. [4.] Q. Mr. President, have you received any message from Mr. Stalin lately? THE PRESIDENT. No-yes, I have received one message, but it was merely a formal message in answer to some former correspondence. It had nothing to do with the present situation. Q. Thank you, sir. [5.] Q. Have there been any developments looking toward resumption or possible elevation to the executive level of the London Council — THE PRESIDENT. I couldn't hear you. Q. Have there been any developments looking toward carrying through to the Truman-Stalin level the difficulties that developed in London? I ee Item 157 [5]. 400

Page  401 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oct. i8 [ i72] THE PRESIDENT. No. Q. In other words, there is no Big Three meeting now planned? THE PRESIDENT. Not in contemplation. Q. Do you know why the Russian Ambassador came back here? THE PRESIDENT. I wish I did. [Laughter] It seems to be interesting to most everybody. I suppose he was on his own personal business. Q. Mr. President, is the State Department-or you-taking any initiative in any way to attempt to break the stalemate that developed in London, and has now developed here, on the Far East? THE PRESIDENT. In correspondence with the other governments. I hope it will eventually be worked out. I am sure it will. Q. Does that correspondence, sir, I presume, include Mr. Stalin as well as -- THE PRESIDENT. Naturally. It includes all the interested governments. Q. Is that more than the Big Five, or just the Big Five? THE PRESIDENT. All the interested governments in the Far East. There are io or I2. [6.] Q. Mr. President, would you favor repeal of the SmithConnally Act-the labor disputes act? THE PRESIDENT. That matter is to be considered by the Congress. It is up to them to decide what ought to be done with that. When it comes up for consideration, I shall express an opinion on it. Q. Mr. President, could you cast any light on the sudden determination of John L. Lewis to call off the coal strike? Were there any conferencesTHE PRESIDENT. Mr. Lewis stated that he did it in the public interest, which made me very happy. If all these gentlemen will work in the public interest, you will have very little trouble. [7.] Q. Mr. President, what is the administration's policy on the aluminum plants owned by the Government? THE PRESIDENT. The policy has not been established as yet, but we hope as many of them as possible will be kept in operation. Q. By the Government? THE PRESIDENT. No. By private industry. Q. Would you favor Government subsidies to run these plants? 40I

Page  402 [I72] Oct. i8 Public Papers of the Presidents THE PRESIDENT. I don't think it will be necessary. [8.] Q. Mr. President, is there anything you can tell us as to the length or content of your message to Congress Tuesday? THE PRESIDENT. No. I will furnish you that message in plenty of time so you can study it before I deliver it. [9.] Q. Mr. President, I was wondering if Attorney General Clark has made any recommendation on that district judgeship vacancy out in Kansas? THE PRESIDENT. No, he hasn't. Q. You haven't made up your mind? THE PRESIDENT. No. I haven't considered it at all. I just signed the bill yesterday. [io.] Q. Mr. President, have you had any further correspondence with Mr. Attlee relative to the Palestine question? THE PRESIDENT. Not right recently. I had quite a voluminous correspondence with him at one time, and made some suggestions to him, which are still being considered. Q. The time ripe yet for disclosure of his reply, or of your original note? THE PRESIDENT. No, because the matter is still under consideration by the British Government, and I don't want to appear to be pushing them unduly. I think that request which I made of Mr. Attlee was a reasonable one, and I am hoping that he will comply with it. I asked him to admit a hundred thousand Jews into Palestine.1 Q. That would seem to indicate that his reply that has been received here was not conclusive? THE PRESIDENT. He didn't want to admit as many as I asked him to. Q. Was the figure quoted in Congress as i,8oo a month approximately correct? THE PRESIDENT. No-well, it is approximately correct, but it is more than that. He would agree to more than that. [ii.] Q. Mr. President, is there anything you can tell us on the selection for Chairman of the Federal Deposit Insurance? THE PRESIDENT. No. No decision has been reached on it. 1 See Item 188. 402

Page  403 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oct. i8 [ I72] [12.] Q. Mr. President, there has been some talk on the Hill that you have urged prompt action on the atomic bomb bill, which is in your message. Do you object to the resumption of hearings, and to a delay of 2 or 3 weeks on that legislation? THE PRESIDENT. I want the Congress to have all the information that it feels it needs, so that it can legislate intelligently, but I don't think there ought to be any undue delay. [I3.] Q. Mr. President, have your plans crystallized for the period between your Georgia trip and your next Missouri trip in about io days? THE PRESIDENT. I will be right here at this desk. Q. You are not going to Florida? THE PRESIDENT. No. Q. In other words, you are coming back from Warm Springs to Washington? THE PRESIDENT. That's right. I will be right here at this desk. [14.1 Q. Mr. President, Members of Congress returning from overseas criticize UNRRA very severely. Do you have any other plan in mind for relief, other than UNRRA? THE PRESIDENT. No. That is an implemented and agreed on plan between the interested governments, and unless we want to assume the whole burden ourselves, we will have to go through UNRRA. Q. Would you consider the latter? THE PRESIDENT. No, I would not. I think every nation ought to assume its part of the burden. [I5.] Q. Mr. President, returning to the atomic bomb question, does the May-Johnson bill seem satisfactory to you? THE PRESIDENT. I think it is satisfactory. I don't know, because I haven't studied it carefully. When it comes up here for me to sign it, I will make up my mind on what I shall do with it. It is substantially in line with the suggestion in the message, I think. Reporters: Thank you, Mr. President. NOTE: President Truman's thirtieth at the White House at io:o5 a.m. on news conference was held in his office Thursday, October i8, 1945. 403

Page  404 [I73] OCt. 22 Public Papers of the Presidents I73 Statement by the President on the Anniversary of the Founding of the Czechoslovak Republic. October 22, I945 ON THE anniversary of Czechoslovak independence I wish to extend my own personal greetings and the wholehearted congratulations of the American people to President Benes and the people of Czechoslovakia. This commemoration of the founding of the Czechoslovak Republic is of particular significance in marking the first time since the German occupation that the Czechoslovak people have been able to celebrate their independence in their own homeland as a free people. The realization that the principles of democracy and freedom, out of which the Republic was born twenty-seven years ago, have been victorious in two world wars, will inspire the Czechoslovak people to make once more their contribution to world peace. The American people watch with sympathetic interest the diligent efforts now being made by the Czechoslovak people to erase the effects of the Nazi rule and to restore their independent national life on the traditions which have always been identified with the Czechoslovak Republic. I am confident that the American people will aid the Czechoslovak people in every way possible to achieve this goal. I74 Address Before a Joint Session of the Congress on Universal Military Training. October 23, I945 Mr. Speaker, Mr. President, and Members of the Congress of the United States: In my message to the Congress of September 6, I945, I stated that I would communicate further with respect to a long range program of national military security for the United States. I now present to the Congress my recommendations with respect to one essential part of this program-universal training. The United States now has a fighting strength greater than at any other time in our history. It is greater than that of any other nation in the world. 404

Page  405 Harry S. Truman, I945 Oct. 23 [174] We are strong because of many things: our natural resources which we have so diligently developed; our great farms and mines, our factories, shipyards and industries which we have so energetically created and operated. But above all else, we are strong because of the courage and vigor and skill of a liberty loving people who are determined that this nation shall remain forever free. With our strength comes grave responsibility. With it must also come a continuing sense of leadership in the world for justice and peace. For years to come the success of our efforts for a just and lasting peace will depend upon the strength of those who are determined to maintain that peace. We intend to use all our moral influence and all our physical strength to work for that kind of peace. We can ensure such a peace only so long as we remain strong. We must face the fact that peace must be built upon power, as well as upon good will and good deeds. Our determination to remain powerful denotes no lack of faith in the United Nations Organization. On the contrary, with all the might we have, we intend to back our obligations and commitments under the United Nations Charter. Indeed, the sincerity of our intention to support the Organization will be judged partly by our willingness to maintain the power with which to assist other peace-loving nations to enforce its authority. It is only by strength that we can impress the fact upon possible future aggressors that we will tolerate no threat to peace or liberty. To maintain that power we must act now. The latent strength of our untrained citizenry is no longer sufficient protection. If attack should come again, there would be no time under conditions of modern war to develop that latent strength into the necessary fighting force. Never again can we count on the luxury of time with which to arm ourselves. In any future war, the heart of the United States would be the enemy's first target. Our geographical security is now gone-gone with the advent of the robot bomb, the rocket, aircraft carriers and modern airborne armies. The surest guaranty that no nation will dare again to attack us is 405

Page  406 [I74] Oct. 23 Public Papers of the Presidents to remain strong in the only kind of strength an aggressor understands-military power. To preserve the strength of our nation, the alternative before us is clear. We can maintain a large standing Army, Navy, and Air Force. Or we can rely upon a comparatively small regular Army, Navy and Air Force, supported by well trained citizens, who in time of emergency could be quickly mobilized. I recommend the second course-that we depend for our security upon a comparatively small professional armed force, reinforced by a well trained and effectively organized citizen reserve. The backbone of our military force should be the trained citizen who is first and foremost a civilian, and who becomes a soldier or a sailor only in time of danger-and only when Congress considers it necessary. This plan is obviously more practical and economical. It conforms more closely to long-standing American tradition. In such a system, however, the citizen reserve must be a trained reserve. We can meet the need for a trained reserve in only one wayby universal training. Modern war is fought by experts-from the atomic scientist in his laboratory to the fightingo man with his intricate modern weapons. The day of the minute man who sprang to the flintlock hanging on his wall is over. Now it takes many months for men to become skilled in electronics, aeronautics, ballistics, meteorology, and all the other sciences of modern war. If another national emergency should come, there would be no time for this complicated training. Men must be trained in advance. The sooner we can bring the maximum number of trained men into service, the sooner will be the victory and the less tragic the cost. Universal training is the only means by which we can be prepared right at the start to throw our great energy and our tremendous force into the battle. After two terrible experiences in one generation, we have learned that this is the way-the only way-to save human lives and material resources. The importance of universal training has already been recognized by the Congress, and the Congress has wisely taken the initiative in this program. 406

Page  407 Harry S. Truman, I945 Oct. 23 [I74] The Select Committee of the House of Representatives on Postwar Military Policy has organized hearings and has heard extended testimony from representatives of churches and schools, labor unions, veterans organizations, the armed services, and many other groups. After careful consideration the Committee has approved the broad policy of universal military training for the critical years ahead. I concur in that conclusion, and strongly urge the Congress to adopt it. In the present hour of triumph, we must not forget our anguish during the days of Bataan. We must not forget the anxiety of the days of Guadalcanal. In our desire to leave the tragedy of war behind us, we must not make the same mistake that we made after the first World War when we sank back into helplessness. I recommend that we create a postwar military organization which will contain the following basic elements: First-A comparatively small regular Army, Navy and Marine Corps; Second-A greatly strengthened National Guard and Organized Reserve for the Army, Navy and Marine Corps; Third-A General Reserve composed of all the male citizens of the United States who have received training. The General Reserve would be available for rapid mobilization in time of emergency, but it would have no obligation to serve, either in this country or abroad, unless and until called to the service by an Act of the Congress. In order to provide this General Reserve, I recommend to the Congress the adoption of a plan for Universal Military Training. Universal Military Training is not conscription. The opponents of training have labeled it conscription, and by so doing, have confused the minds of some of our citizens. "Conscription" is compulsory service in the Army or Navy in time of peace or war. Trainees under this proposed legislation, however, would not be enrolled in any of the armed services. They would be civilians in training. They would be no closer to membership in the armed forces than if they had no training. Special rules and regulations would have to be adopted for their organization, discipline and welfare. 407

Page  408 [I74] Oct. 23 Public Papers of the Presidents Universal training is not intended to take the place of the present Selective Service System. The Selective Service System is now being used to furnish replacements in the armed forces for the veterans of this war who are being discharged. Only the Congress could ever draw trainees under a Universal Training Program into the Army or the Navy. And if that time ever came, these trainees could be inducted only by a selective process, as they were inducted for World War I and World War II. The great difference between having universal training and no training, however, is that, in time of emergency, those who would be selected for actual military service would already have been basically trained. That difference may be as much as a year's time. That difference may be the margin between the survival and the destruction of this great nation. The emphasis in the training of our young men will not be on mere drilling. It will be on the use of all the instruments and weapons of modern war. The training will offer every qualified young man a chance to perfect himself for the service of his country in some military specialty. Under the plan which I propose, provisions should be made within the armed services to help trainees improve their educational status. The year of universal training should provide ample opportunity for self-improvement. Some part of the training could be used to develop skills which would be useful in future civilian life just as such skills have been developed during the present war. The period of training could well be used to raise the physical standards of the nation's manpower, to lower its illiteracy rate, and to develop in our young men the ideals of responsible American citizenship. Medical examinations of the young trainees would do much toward removing some of the minor disabilities which caused the rejection of so many men during this war by the Selective Service System. The moral and spiritual welfare of our young people should be a consideration of prime importance, and, of course, facilities for worship in every faith should be available. But the basic reason for universal training is a very simple one-to 408

Page  409 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oct. 23 [174] guarantee the safety and freedom of the United States against any potential aggressor. The other benefits are all by-products-useful indeed, but still by-products. The fundamental need is, and always will be, the national security of the United States, and the safety of our homes and our loved ones. Since training alone is involved, and not actual military service, no exemptions should be allowed for occupation, dependency, or for any other reason except total physical disqualification. All men should be included in the training, whether physically qualified for actual combat service or not. There should be a place into which every young American can fit in the service of our country. Some would be trained for combat, others would be trained for whatever war service they are physically and mentally qualified to perform. I recommend that the training should be for one year. Each young man should enter training either at the age of eighteen or upon his graduation from high school-whichever is later; but in any event before his twentieth birthday. A trainee who completes his high school education in his seventeenth year should be eligible, with parental consent, to enter the course of training. After the first few months of training, selected trainees who are not physically qualified for military service could be trained in certain skills so that if war came, they could take their places in shipyards, munitions factories and similar industrial plants. Upon completion of a full year's training, the trainee would become a member of the General Reserve for a period of six years. After that he should be placed in a secondary reserve status. Present personnel in the Army and Navy Reservesawould, of course, be retained, and the new trainees would provide the source from which Reserves of the future would draw their personnel. Commissions would be granted to qualified men who complete the course of training and who then take additional instruction in Officer Candidate Schools, in the Reserve Officers Training Corps or Naval Reserve Officers Training Corps. Outstanding trainees could be selected after an adequate period of training, and sent to college with Government financial aid, on condition that they return, after gradua 409

Page  410 [I741 Oct. 23 Public Papers of the Presidents tion and with ROTC training, as junior officers for a year or more of additional training or service. Such a system as I have outlined would provide a democratic and efficient military force. It would be a constant bulwark in support of our ideals of government. It would constitute the backbone of defense against any possible future act of aggression. It has been suggested in some quarters that there should be no universal training until the shape of the peace is better known, and until the military needs of this country can be estimated and our commitments under the United Nations Organization can be determined. But it is impossible today to foresee the future. It is difficult at any time to know exactly what our responsibilities will require in the way of force. We do know that if we are to have available a force when needed, the time to begin preparing is right now. The need exists today-and must be met today. If, at some later time, conditions change, then the program can be reexamined and revalued. At the present time we have the necessary organization, the required camp installations, and the essential equipment and training grounds immediately available for use in a training program. Once we disband and scatter this set-up, it will be much harder and more expensive to reestablish the necessary facilities. The argument has been made that compulsory training violates traditional American concepts of liberty and democracy, and even that it would endanger our system of government by creating a powerful military caste. The purpose of the program, however, is just the contrary. And it will have just the contrary result. The objective is not to train professional soldiers. It is to train citizens, so that if and when the Congress should declare it necessary for them to become soldiers, they could do so more quickly and more efficiently. A large trained reserve of peace-loving citizens would never go to war or encourage war, if it could be avoided. It is no valid argument against adopting universal training at this time that there are now millions of trained veterans of this war. No fair minded person would suggest that we continue to rely indefinitely upon those veterans. They have earned the heartfelt gratitude of us 41O

Page  411 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oc.2[74 Oct- 23 [ I741 all-and they have also earned the right to return promptly to civilian life. We must now look to our younger men to constitute the new reserve military strength of our nation. There are some who urge that the development of rocket weapons and atomic bombs and other new weapons indicates that scientific research, rather than universal training, is the best way to safeguard our security. 'It is true that, if we are to keep ahead in military preparedness, continuous research in science and new weapons is essential. That is why in my message to the Congress of September sixth I urged that there be created a national research agency, one of whose major functions would be to carry on fundamental military research. It is true that there must be continuous exploration into new fields of science in order to keep ahead in the discovery and manufacture of new weapons. No matter what the cost, we cannot afford to fall behind in any of the new techniques of war or in the development of new weapons of destruction. Until we are sure that our peace machinery is functioning adequately, we must relentlessly preserve our superiority on land and sea and in the air. Until that time, we must also make sure that by planning-and by actual production-we have on hand at all times sufficient weapons of the latest nature and design with which to repel any sudden attack, and with which to launch an effective counter-attack. That is the only way we can be sure-until we are sure that there is another way. But research, new materials, and new weapons will never, by themselves, be sufficient to withstand a powerful enemy. We must have men trained to use these weapons. As our armed forces become more and more mechanized, and as they use more and more complicated weapons, we must have an ever-increasing number of trained men. Technological advances do not eliminate the need for men. They increase that need. General of the Army George C. Marshall, in his recent report to the Secretary of War, has made this very clear. I quote from his report: "The-number of men that were involved in the delivery of the atomic bomb on Hiroshima was tremendous. First we had to have the base in 4"I

Page  412 [174] Oct. 23 Public Papers of the Presidents the Marianas from which the plane took off. This first required preliminary operations across the vast Pacific, thousands of ships, millions of tons of supply, the heroic efforts of hundreds of thousands of men. Further, we needed the B-29's and their fighter escort which gave us control of the air over Japan. This was the result of thousands of hours of training and preparation in the United States and the energies of hundreds of thousands of men. "The effect of technology on the military structure is identical to its effect on national economy. Just as the automobile replaced the horse and made work for millions of Americans, the atomic explosives will require the services of millions of men if we are compelled to employ them in fighting our battles. "This war has made it clear that the security of the Nation, when challenged by an armed enemy, requires the services of virtually all able-bodied male citizens within the effective military age group." That is the end of General Marshall's quotation. The atomic bomb would have been useless to us unless we had developed a strong Army, Navy and Air Force with which to beat off the attacks of our foe, and then fight our way to points within striking distance of the heart of the enemy. Assume that on December 7, i94i, the United States had had a supply of atomic bombs in New Mexico or Tennessee. What could we have done with them? Assume that the United States and Japan both had had a supply of the bombs on December 7, I941. Which would have survived? Suppose that both England and Germany had had the atomic bomb in September of 1940 during the "Blitz" over England. Which country would have been destroyed? The answer is clear that the atomic bomb is of little value without an adequate Army, Air and Naval Force. For that kind of force is necessary to protect our shores, to overcome any attack and to enable us to move forward and direct the bomb against the enemy's own territory. Every new weapon will eventually bring some counterdefense against it. Our ability to use either a new weapon or a counterweapon will ultimately depend upon a strong Army, Navy and Air 412

Page  413 Harry S. Truman, r945 Oct. 23 [174] Force, with all the millions of men needed to supply them-all quickly mobilized and adequately equipped. Any system which is intended to guarantee our national defense will, of course, cause some inconvenience-and perhaps even some hardship-to our people. But we must balance that against the danger which we face unless we are realistic and hard-headed enough to be prepared. Today universal training is the only adequate answer we have to our problem in this troubled world. There will be better answers, we hope, in the days to come. The United States will always strive for those better answers-for the kind of tried and tested world cooperation which will make for peace and harmony among all nations. It will continue to strive to reach that period quickly. But that time has not yet arrived. Even from those who are loudest in their opposition to universal training, there has come no other suggestion to furnish the protection and security which we must have-nothing but pious hope and dangerous wishful thinking. I urge that the Congress pass this legislation promptly-while the danger is still fresh in our minds-while we still remember how close we came to destruction four years ago-while we can vividly recall the horrors of invasion which our Allies suffered-and while we can still see all the ravages and ruin of war. Let us not by a short-sighted neglect of our national security betray those who come after us. It is our solemn duty in this hour of victory to make sure that in the years to come no possible aggressor or group of aggressors can endanger the national security of the United States of America. NOTE: The President spoke at 12:31 (62 Stat. 604), redesignated as the Unip.m. in the chamber of the House of versal Military Training and Service Representatives. Act by amendment of June 19, 1951 (65 On June 24, 1948, the President ap- Stat. 75). proved the Selective Service Act of 1948 4I3

Page  414 [I75] OCt. 25 Public Papers of the Presidents I75 The President's News Conference of October 25, 1945 THE PRESIDENT. [i.] The first announcement is the appointment of John R. Steelman as Special Assistant to the President. Q. S-t-e-eTHE PRESIDENT. John R. S-t-e-e-l-m-a-n. Q. Executive Assistant? THE PRESIDENT. No. Special Assistant. Q. What field is he going to operate in, labor? THE PRESIDENT. He is going to be a Special Assistant to the President, to act in any field in which I want to use him. Q. Is that a temporary appointment or a permanent one, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. Temporary. Q. Dealing with labor relations, sir? THE PRESIDENT. He will act in any capacity in which I want to use him. Q. His background has been mostly labor conciliation though, hasn't it, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. He is a labor expert. [2.] I want to make a short statement about the Philippines, and tomorrow morning some letters will be released to you on that subject.' [Reading] "Since President Osmenia's arrival in Washington early this month, I have had several conferences with him, Secretary Ickes, and High Commissioner McNutt. "All Americans feel a very warm friendship for the Filipino people, who stood by us so heroically throughout the war and who now are in dire need of help. I consider a program of assistance to the Philippines essential to our relationship with the people there. "We have made some progress and further conferences will be held before President Osmefia and High Commissioner McNutt return to Manila." [3.] I have a letter from William Green, Philip Murray, Ira Mosher, ' For letters, see Item 176. 414

Page  415 Harry S. Truman, I945 Oct- 25 [ I751 and Eric Johnston on the labor-management conference, and also the agenda for the conference, which will be furnished you in mimeographed form. There are copies for everybody.1 [4.] I am going to speak over the radio at 10 o'clock on Tuesday night, and discuss the wage-price program. Q. Next Tuesday, sir? THE PRESIDENT. Next Tuesday night, at 10 o'clock. Q. All networks, sir? THE PRESIDENT. All networks. Q, What time, sir? THE PRESIDENT. Ten o'clock. Q. Half-hour speech, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. Yes. Q. Is the policy yet decided, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. The policy is in the stage of being decided. It will be decided before I make the announcement on Tuesday night. [5.] I have a new Presidential flag, Executive order for which will be issued. President Roosevelt had ordered the Navy Department to go to work on a new flag just before he died, and I thought maybe you might be interested in the history of the Presidential flag and the Presidential seal; and I have got a release for you in mimeographed form on that. [To General Vaughan] Now raise that flag up, there. This flag here-in President Wilson's time there were two flags for the President, an Army flag for the President with a red star and a Navy flag for the President with a blue star. 1 The letter (from William Green, President, American Federation of Labor; Ira Mosher, President, National Association of Manufacturers; Philip Murray, President, Congress of Industrial Organizations; and Eric Johnston, President, United States Chamber of Commerce), released October 25, was in response to a request by President Truman that the writers nominate delegates and plan the agenda for the National Labor-Management Conference scheduled to begin November 5. The letter stated that 36 delegates had been chosen, representing a wide diversity of interests In both management and labor. The agenda, it stated, was agreed upon unanimously by a subcommittee "chosen by ourselves and the Secretaries of Labor and Commerce." While stating that "no conference can possibly... clean the slate of all present and potential sources of friction in the highlycomplicated American economy," the writers added that "it is equally obvious... that the establishment of long-range and agreed-upon policies designed to reduce industrial disagreement, and the provision of predetermined means of dealing with unavoidable disagreements will go far toward bringing about a new era of industrial harmony and progress." 415

Page  416 [I75] Oct. 25 Public Papers of the Presidents President Wilson ordered a single flag for the President, and this was the result of that-[General Vaughan displays flag]-with the white eagle facing toward the arrows, which is the sinister side of the heraldic form, and no color. This new flag- [to General Vaughan]-if you will raise that one up, now you will see-you can see the difference. It will all be explained in the release which you will get. This new flag faces the eagle toward the staff which is looking to the front all the time when you are on the march, and also has him looking at the olive branches for peace, instead of the arrows for war; and taking the 4 stars out of the corner and putting 48 stars around the Presidential seal. You will get a release that will tell you all about it, and the why and the wherefore. 1 The release contained the text of Executive Order 9646 "Coat of Arms, Seal, and Flag of the President of the United States" (October 25, 1945, 8 CFR, 1943-1948 Comp., p. 445), together with background material reading in part as follows: The Executive order establishes for the first time a legal definition of the President's coat of arms and his seal. The design of the coat of arms and, the seal has been changed slightly from the former design, and the Presidential flag has also been changed. The flag will consist of the coat of arms in full color, surrounded by 48 white stars on a blue field. The former Presidential flag was adopted in 1916 by President Wilson. Prior to that time, the Army and the Navy had had separate flags for the Commander in Chief. President Wilson instructed his Assistant Secretary of the Navy, Franklin D. Roosevelt, and the Aide to the Secretary of the Navy, Commander Byron McCandless, USN, to design a Presidential flag which would be suitable for use by both the Army and the Navy. On May 29, 1916, President Wilson signed an Executive order adopting the flag suggested by Assistant Secretary Roosevelt and Commander McCandless. The flag consisted of the Presidential coat of arms on a blue field with a white star in each of the corners. That flag was in use from 1916 until today. In March of this year, President Roosevelt discussed with his Naval Aide, Vice Admiral Wilson Brown, the advisability of changing the President's flag. It seemed inappropriate to President Roosevelt for the flag of the Commander in Chief to have only four stars when there were five stars in the flags of Fleet Admirals and Generals of the Army, grades which had been created in December 1944. It was natural that President Roosevelt should turn at this time to the officer who had worked with him in 1916, and who now holds the rank of Commodore, Byron McCandless. For many years Commodore McCandless, who now commands the U.S. Naval Repair Base at San Diego, Calif., has studied the histories of the various flags of the United States. When Vice Admiral Brown wrote to him, at President Roosevelt's request, late in March for suggestions for a new design for the President's flag, Commodore McCandless prepared several designs based upon early American flags. His proposed designs arrived in Washington after the death of President Roosevelt and the President did not have the opportunity of seeing them until early in June. The President and members of his staff examined them carefully and, preferring one design to the others, the President made several suggestions to Commodore McCandless concerning it. The President believed that all of the States in the Union should be represented on the Commander in Chief's flag, and he asked Commodore McCandless to submit a new design with a circle of 48 stars around the coat of arms. Commodore McCandlese sent a painting of the proposed flag, with the circle of 48 stars, to the White House in July and when the President returned from Berlin In August, he tentatively approved that design. It was then sent to the War and Navy Departments for comment and suggestions. The 416

Page  417 Harry S. Truman, I945 Oct. 25 [175] Now I am ready for questions. [6.] Q. Mr. President, can we clear up a little bit about the November trips? Is the southern trip still on? THE PRESIDENT. It is; unless conditions here are such that require my presence here. All Presidential trips are tentative. Q. Mr. President, will you go to Waco, Texas, December 5? Is that decided? THE PRESIDENT. That is another tentative appointment. They have asked me to come down and get a degree of Doctor of Laws from the great Baptist school down there, and I am inclined to go. [7.] Q. Mr. President, have you decided as yet to accept the resignation of John Snyder? THE PRESIDENT. John Snyder's resignation has never been under contemplation. John Snyder will stay with me as long as I want him, and until his job is finished. Q. He hasn't resigned to you in a letter, sir? THE PRESIDENT. No, sir. He never made any attempt to. Q. Thank you very much. TME PRESIDENT. He is a patriotic citizen, and he will stay here as long as I need him, although he is doing it at a very great sacrifice. Chief of the Heraldic Section of the Office of the Quartermaster General of the Army, Mr. Arthur E. DuBois, like Commodore McCandless, has studied the history of flags and heraldic emblems for many years. Mr. DuBois made several suggestions to the President He pointed out that there was no known basis in law for the coat of arms and the seal which has been used by Presidents since 1880 and which was reproduced on the flag. The seal had originated during the administration of President Hayes, apparently as an erroneous rendering of the Great Seal of the United States. It is a curious fact that the eagle on the Great Seal faces to its own right, whereas the eagle on the seal in use by Presidents since 1880 faces to its own left. According to heraldic custom, the eagle on a coat of arms, unless otherwise specified in the heraldic description, is always made to face to its own right. There is no explanation for the eagle facing to its own left in the case of the President's coat of arms. To conform to heraldic custom, and since there was no authority other than usage for the former Presidential coat of arms, the President had Mr. DuBois redesign the coat of arms in accordance with the latter's suggestions. In the new coat of arms, seal and flag, the eagle not only faces to its right-the direction of honor-but also toward the olive branches of peace which it holds in its right talon. Formerly the eagle faced toward the arrows in its left talon-arrows, symbolic of war. The President also decided that the eagle on his seal and his flag should appear in the full color of the natural bird as is customary in most flags, rather than in white as ft had been on the former flag. The 48 stars in the circle represent the States collectively; no single star represents any particular State. 4I7

Page  418 [I75] Oct. 25 Public Papers of the Presidents [8.] Q. Mr. President, the Washington Post this morning suggested that General Marshall be placed in charge of the program for universal military training. Granted that he needs a rest, but that he ought to add his prestige to that. THE PRESIDENT. I think General Marshall will add his prestige to that universal training program, but General Marshall is still the Chief of Staff, and I need him as Chief of Staff. [9.] Q. Mr. President, what would be the betting odds on whether you go to Georgia or not? [Laughter] Those people are worrying us to death. THE PRESIDENT. Tony,' I'll let you make your own book. [Laughter] Q. Mr. President, we are getting an awful lot of messages from down there, saying they have been told you are not coming down there? THE PRESIDENT. Rumors are always circulating in Washington. It wouldn't be a good town if it weren't for the rumors. [Io.] Q. Did Henry Ford 2d call on you this week? THE PRESIDENT. No, he hasn't. He came here to see the Secretary of Labor. [ii.] Q. Mr. President, after Mr. Wilson of General Motors visit here, he announced the 45-hour week idea. Did he get any encouragement here on that? THE PRESIDENT. He did not. [I2.] Q. Mr. President, did you discuss the Alaska Highway with Governor Wallgren here? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, and with Senator Magnuson, and with the Secretary of State. Q. Making any progress? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, we are making some progress. [I3.] Q. Mr. President, there have been a lot of stories that Leo Crowley might be appointed to the Export-Import Bank. Do you have any such intention? THE PRESIDENT. I haven't made up my mind on the directors for the Export-Import Bank. I have been considering Mr. Crowley for a member of that Board. x Ernest B. Vaccaro, Associated Press. 418

Page  419 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oct. 25 [175] Q. Mr. President, on that point, there still seems to be some mystery about Mr. Crowley's departure from both the FDIC and the FEA. He wrote a letter specifically resigning from the FDIC. You accepted both resignations. Two Congressmen have told me that he testified that there was an additional letter dealing with his reasons for wanting to get out of FEA, and that it was up to the White House to release that. Would you release that letter now? THE PRESIDENT. The letter is around here somewhere, but our conversations were verbal-sitting here in that chair; and the only reason I accepted Mr. Crowley's release was because he insisted on giving it to me, and said that he had been in public service for a long time, and he would like to be in a position to attend to his own business a little while. I didn't urge him in any way. Q. But is there any reason why that letter should not be public knowledge? THE PRESIDENT. No, there is no reason at all. It can be made public. [I4.] Q. Mr. President, upon whose advice-if you were, sir-were you relying upon, in the decision to keep the know-how of the atomic bomb a secret in the United States? Did Mr. Vannevar BushTHE PRESIDENT. I was relying on my own judgmentQ. It was published that you were relying on Bush's. THE PRESIDENT. - if that's worth anything to you. Q. Mr. President, there has been some concern on the Hill regarding reported German scientists in Spain. Do you contemplate any inquiry or action? THE PRESIDENT. That's the first I've heard of it. Q. Mr. President, when do you expect to begin discussions for the control of the atomic bomb? THE PRESIDENT. I will make an announcement on that at a later date which will clarify the whole situation. I am not ready to make it now. [I5.] Q. Mr. President, have you received any word now, whether Russia will attend this Far Eastern Advisory Commission meeting next week? THE PRESIDENT. That is a matter that has been handled by the Secretary of State; and I have not been in touch with him on the subject. 1 See footnote on page 347. 419

Page  420 [I75] Oct. 25 Public Papers of the Presidents Q. Mr. President, the Secretary of State yesterday referred us to you on the question as to whether there had been any response to the correspondence that may have gone to Mr. Stalin. Has there been any response on the subject? THE PRESIDENT. Not to me personally, no. [i6.] Q. In that same press conference, Mr. President, Mr. Byrnes said that he had not seen or read the Italian armistice. Have you studied the Italian armistice? THE PRESIDENT. I have not. [I7.] Q. Mr. President, have you made a selection for the chairmanship of the Federal Deposit Insurance? THE PRESIDENT. No, I haven't. Q. You are considering a Congressman on the Hill, are you? THE PRESIDENT. No, I am not considering anybody at the present time. [i8.] Q. Mr. President, have you made a request of the Congressman in charge of the full employment bill to speed action on it in the House? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, I have. I am very anxious for that full employment bill to be reported out and passed. I am for it with everything that I have. Q. Mr. President, do you expect to talk to the president of the United Rubber Workers Union this week? THE PRESIDENT. I expect to talk to all the people who are on thatwho have been invited to the Conference during the week. If he is on that list, he will be talked to. Q. Does that include John L. Lewis, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. Yes. Q. When will you see him? THE PRESIDENT. The program hasn't been made up. I will see him along with the other labor leaders. Q. Mr. President, did Congressman Manasco tell you this morningas he did to us outside-that that bill would not be passed or reported out without very great amendments? THE PRESIDENT. He said there would be some difficulty about report 420

Page  421 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oct. 26 [ Ii6] ing the bill out. He didn't say anything about great amendments, or anything else; but I told him I wanted the bill reported out, to give the House a chance to vote on it. [19.] Q. Mr. President, coming back to John Snyder, has Mr. Snyder-if I may ask-expressed a desire to you to resign? THE PRESIDENT. No, he hasn't. Reporter: Thank you, Mr. President. NOTE: President Truman's thirty-first at the White House at 4 p.m. on news conference was held in his office Thursday, October 25, 1945. I76 Letters to the High Commissioner to the Philippines and to the Heads of Federal Agencies Recommending Measures for the Assistance of the Philippines. October 26, I945 [ Released October 26, I945. Dated October 25, 1945 ] To the High Commissioner to the Philippines: My dear Mr. High Commissioner: In the provinces near Manila thousands of share croppers organized some years ago to demand a more equitable division of the product of their labor. For several years there was no effective solution of the problem. During the war the tenants organized a guerrilla army which reportedly did good work against the enemy. After the enemy was defeated in their localities, they did not disband and today they constitute a special problem which threatens the stability of government. On the other hand, their legitimate claim to fair treatment and the assistance they rendered in resistance to the enemy require that they be not dealt with in a ruthless manner. I therefore request you to order a prompt investigation of agrarian unrest in the Philippines with the cooperation of the Commonwealth Government, and to recommend the remedies or reforms which ought to be taken by the Commonwealth government and by the United States Government. Sincerely, HARRY S. TRUMAN [The Honorable, The High Commissioner to the Philippines, Washington, D.C.] 421

Page  422 [i76] Oct. 26 Public Papers of the Presidents To the Alien Property Custodian: My dear Mr. Markham: The United States Army has found and taken custody of considerable valuable property belonging to enemy nationals in the Philippines. Enemy property includes agricultural leaseholds held through "dummies". It is desirable that all property in which the enemy has or had interest should pass under the civil control of the United States government which is responsible for its custody under the usually accepted terms of international law. I therefore direct that the Alien Property Custodian vest title in all enemy property in the Philippines and make lawful disposition of it. Should these operations extend beyond the date of independence, I shall endeavor to arrange by treaty, or otherwise, for the completion of the processes of vesting and liquidation. Sincerely, HARy S. TRUMAN [Honorable James E. Markham, Alien Property Custodian, Washington, D.C.I To the Attorney General: My dear Mr. Attorney General: While the mass of the Filipino people and many of their leaders remained staunchly loyal during invasion and rendered invaluable assistance to our arms, it is necessary to admit that many persons served under the puppet governments sponsored by the enemy. Some of these, especially those engaged in health and educational work, remained at their posts of duty with an evident intention to sustain the physical and cultural welfare of their people. Others of the clerical and custodial services continued in office in order to earn their accustomed livelihood and participated in no way in enemy policy. But, regretably, a number of persons prominent in the political life of the country assisted the enemy in the formulation and enforcement of his political policies and the spread of his propaganda. Others in the field of trade and finance seized upon the occasion to enrich themselves in property and money at the expense of their countrymen. Reports have appeared in the press which indicate that a number of 422

Page  423 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oct. 26 [ I76] persons who gave aid and comfort to the enemy are now holding important offices in the Commonwealth government. Reports further indicate that the Commonwealth government is only beginning to investigate, charge, and try the offenders. It is essential that this task be completed before the holding of the next Commonwealth general election. Considering that disloyalty to the Commonwealth is equally disloyalty to the United States, I request that you send experienced personnel to the Philippines to discover the status and to recommend such action as may be appropriately taken by the United States. Such recommendations should be made through the United States High Commissioner to the Philippine Islands. I am further requesting that the Secretaries of War and Navy direct the staffs of their intelligence sections to cooperate with you and make available to you all records and evidence bearing on this important problem. Representatives of the Federal Bureau of Investigation assigned to the Philippines should be directed to report through the United States High Commissioner in connection with this and other operations in the Philippine Islands. Sincerely, HARRY S. TRUMAN [The Honorable, The Attorney General, Washington, D.C.] To the Secretary of War: My dear Mr. Secretary: As a result of prolonged enemy occupation of the Philippines the law enforcement agencies of the Commonwealth Government were seriously disorganized. Bearing in mind the fact that the War Department was responsible originally for the organization of the Philippine Constabulary, which had such an excellent record prior to the war, I believe that the War Department should assist in every possible way by the assignment of officers and men and the transfer of necessary equipment in reorganizing the Constabulary on a non-military basis. President Osmena has advised me that the War Department has already been of assistance in this task and that considerable progress 423

Page  424 [176] Oct. 26 Public Papers of the Presidents has been made by the Commonwealth Government. Both he and I feel, however, that continued assistance until the reorganization is completed would be helpful. I ask that this continued assistance be extended to the Commonwealth Government so that law and order may be fully restored in the shortest possible time, and that you submit a report to me as soon as a program has been formulated. Sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN [Honorable Robert P. Patterson, Secretary of War] Memorandum for the Secretary of the Treasury, the Secretary of War: It is my understanding that due to a shortage of legal currency in certain areas in the Philippine Islands early in the war and continually thereafter until the reoccupation of the islands by our forces, a considerable quantity of emergency currency was issued, some by properly authorized officers of the United States Government and some by representatives of the Philippine government. It would appear that to the extent that this currency was used either directly or indirectly for the prosecution of the war, its redemption is a responsibility of the United States Government. I request that the War and Treasury Departments make a careful analysis of this situation and submit recommendations as to the necessary steps which should be taken to discharge the obligations that are properly responsibilities of the United States Government. Any arrangement proposed for the redemption of this currency should include provisions designed so far as possible to avoid any windfall to speculators. HARRY S. TRUMAN To the Secretary of the Treasury: My dear Mr. Secretary: During the period of their military invasion of the Philippine Islands, the Japanese issued an unbacked fiat peso and tried unsuccess 424

Page  425 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oct. 26 [ i76] fully to force its parity with the legitimate Philippine peso. The issue was so unlimited that it came to be worthless, and upon our landing in Leyte it was officially and quite properly declared not to be legal tender. However, during the invasion period it had a rapidly declining value as a medium for local trade, and numerous contracts which involved the enemy currency were settled or entered into. While it would be against the public interest to validate completely these contracts and settlements, a measure is needed to serve as a standard for judgments between debtors and creditors. Since you have representation in the Philippines through a mission of the Foreign Funds Division, I request that you cooperate with the High Commissioner and the Commonwealth Government in drawing up a schedule showing the relative trend of the purchasing power and exchange rates of the Japanese Philippine peso during the period of invasion. Sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN [The Honorable, The Secretary of the Treasury, Washington, D.C.] To the Surplus Property Administrator: My dear Mr. Administrator: Prolonged enemy occupation and active warfare in the Philippine Islands have left in their wake a tremendous problem of relief and rehabilitation. It seems apparent that there must be large supplies of surplus government property now available which could be used to great advantage in the Philippines in the program which must be undertaken there by the Philippine Government. Such items as construction equipment, medical supplies and hospital equipment are badly needed. Where such supplies can be used directly by the government of the Philippine Commonwealth, I believe this Government should make the supplies available without cost to the Commonwealth. It might perhaps be desirable to arrange the transfer on such terms as would prevent the property from being later offered for sale to the general public. 425

Page  426 [ is] OCt. 26 Public Papers of the Presidents Since there is at present no legal authority to effect such transfers, I believe we should seek such authority. Sincerely, HARRY S. TRUMAN [Honorable W. Stuart Symington, Surplus Property Administration, Washington, D.C.] To the Administrator of Veterans' Affairs: My dear General Bradley: In connection with a general program of reestablishment of orderly government in the Philippine Islands and the discharge of just obligations of the United States Government therein, I request that the Veterans' Administration make a careful analysis of all phases of past and current benefits payable in the Philippine Islands to American and Filipino veterans, and submit to me at the earliest possible date a report which should be accompanied by recommendations for any new legislation which may be required. Sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN [Gen. Omar N. Bradley, Administrator of Veterans' Affairs] To the President of the Export-Import Bank: My dear Mr. Taylor: In connection with the rehabilitation of the Philippine Islands and the restoration of the normal economic life of the Islands, I believe that the Export-Import Bank should participate in this progranq. It should, it seems to me, be possible to work out a program to operate in the Islands on a purely business basis which would be of great assistance in restoring normal economic conditions. May I have your comment on this suggestion, and in the event that you feel that the bank is at present without legal authority to function in the Philippines, your suggestions as to steps that might be necessary. you sugsin aose to permit it to do so? Sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN [Honorable Wayne C. Taylor, President, Export-Import Bank of Washington] 426

Page  427 Harry S. Truman, I945 Oct. 26 [I76] To the Administrator of the War Shipping Administration: My dear Admiral Land: In connection with the rehabilitation of the Philippines and the restoration of normal economic life of the Islands, I am very anxious that all possible steps, consistent with our obligations elsewhere, be taken to supply adequate shipping to the Philippine Islands. I would be glad to have a statement from you as to the plans of the War Shipping Administration and the amount of tonnage which is expected to be available for Philippine trade, particularly in the near future. Sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN [Vice Admiral Emory S. Land, Administrator, War Shipping Administrationl To the Chairman of the Reconstruction Finance Corporation: My dear Mr. Chairman: The almost complete lack of consumers goods in the Philippinesgoods ordinarily imported from the United States-has brought about serious price inflation and black markets which cause great distress among the people. An excellent start has been made by the Foreign Economic Administration in cooperation with the War Shipping Administration to eliminate inflation by facilitating normal import trade. You are, therefore, requested to direct the United States Commercial Company to use resources and personnel within its jurisdiction to continue and to advance the Philippine program which it has undertaken, and, where necessary, to sell goods on credit terms not exceeding two years in duration. Sincerely, HARRY S. TRUMAN [Honorable Charles B. Henderson, Chairman, Reconstruction Finance Corporation, Washington, D.C.] 427

Page  428 [I77] Oct. 27 Public Papers of the Presidents I77 Address in New York City at the Commissioning of the U.S.S. Franklin D. Roosevelt. October 27, I945 Admiral Daubin, Captain Soucek, Mrs. Roosevelt, ladies and gentlemen: One of the pleasant duties in the exacting life of a President is to award honors to our fighting men for courage and valor in war. In the commissioning of this ship, the American people are honoring a stalwart hero of this war who gave his life in the service of his country. His name is engraved on this great carrier, as it is in the hearts of men and women of good will the world over-Franklin D. Roosevelt. If anyone can be called the father of the new American Navy which is typified by this magnificent vessel, it is he. From his first day as President he started to build that Navy. Even as he started to build the Navy, he began to work for world peace. By his realistic good-neighbor policy, by reciprocal trade agreements, by constant appeal to international arbitration instead of force, he worked valiantly in the cause of peace. By his constant battle for the forgotten man he sought to remove the social and economic inequalities which have so often been at the root of conflict at home and abroad. And when he saw the clouds of aggression forming across the seas to the East and to the West, he issued warning after warning which, had they been heeded in time, might have staved off this tragic conflict. But through it all, he never faltered in his work to build up the American Navy. For he understood, as few men did, the importance to the survival of this country of the mission of its Navy —the control of the sea. The Axis powers understood. That is why Germany sought to drive us from the sea by her submarines. That is why Japan tried to destroy our Navy. They knew that if they succeeded, they might conquer all the nations of the earth one by one, while the Allies were helpless to reach each other across the oceans of the world. We won the Battle of the Oceans. By that victory the United Nations were knitted into a fighting whole, and the Axis powers were doomed to defeat everywhere. That victory we owe to the men and women in the shipyards of the 428

Page  429 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oct. 27 [ I 77] Nation who in the last five and one-half years built carriers like this one, and over a hundred thousand other ships. We owe it to the workers in our factories who built 85,ooo naval planes such as those which will soon take their places on the flight deck of this ship. We owe that victory to the fighting men who took those ships across the seas, running them right up to the home shores of the enemy; to the men who flew those planes against the enemy and dropped destruction on his fleet and aircraft and war industries. We owe it to that great leader whose name this mighty carrier bears, who understood the importance of overwhelming naval power, and who rolled up his sleeves and got it. Building this Navy was only a part of a still larger program of war production with which the workers and industries of this Nation amazed the whole world, friend and foe alike. It showed the abundant richness of our Nation in natural resources. But it also showed the skill and energy and power and devotion of our free American people. Having done all this for war, can we do any less for peace? Certainly we should not. The same riches, the same skill and energy of America must now be used so that all our people are better fed, better clothed, better housed; so that they can get work at good wages, adequate care for their health, decent homes for their families, security for their old age, and more of the good things of life. When we set these goals before ourselves we know that we are carrying on the work and vision, and the aims of the man whose name is on this ship. And no man in our generation, or in any generation, has done more to enable this Nation to move forward toward those objectives. Commissioning this ship symbolizes another objective toward which Franklin D. Roosevelt started this Nation and the other nations of the world-the objective of world cooperation and peace. He who helped to formulate the Atlantic Charter, to organize the United Nations, he who pointed the way in cooperation among nations at Casablanca, Cairo, Quebec, Teheran, Dumbarton Oaks, and Yalta, and who planned the Conference at San Francisco-he knows as he looks down 429

Page  430 [I77] OCt. 27 Public Papers of the Presidents upon us today that the power of America as expressed in this mighty mass of steel is a power dedicated to the cause of peace. For fourteen years, ever since Japan first invaded Manchuria, men and women have lived in a world ruled or threatened by force intended for aggression and conquest. Until El Alamein, Stalingrad, and Midway, the powers of evil were stronger than the powers of goodthreatening to spread their rule across the world. We will not run that risk again. This ship is a symbol of our commitment to the United Nations Organization to reach out anywhere in the world and to help the peace-loving nations of the world stop any international gangster. A hundred hours after leaving New York this ship could be off the coast of Africa. In five days she could cross the western Pacific from Pearl Harbor to the Philippines. This vessel alone could put more than one hundred fighting planes over a target. We all look forward to the day when law rather than force will be the arbiter of international relations. We shall strive to make that day come soon. Until it does come, let us make sure that no possible aggressor is going to be tempted by any weakness on the part of the United States. These, then, are the two huge tasks before us: realizing for our own people the full life which our resources make possible; and helping to achieve for people everywhere an era of peace. Franklin D. Roosevelt gave his life in search for the fulfillment of these tasks. And now, the American people are determined to carry on after him. He did not find either of these tasks easy. Neither shall we. But we approach them in the spirit of Franklin D. Roosevelt whose words are inscribed in bronze on this vessel: "We can, we will, we must!" NOTE: The President spoke shortly Rear Adm. Freeland A. Daubin, comafter i i a.m. at the New York Navy mandant of the New York Navy Yard, Yard from a platform erected on the Capt. Apollo Soucek, captain of the carisland of the U.S.S. Franklin D. Roose- rier, and Mrs. Franklin D. Roosevelt. velt. His opening words referred to 430

Page  431 Harry S. Truman, I945 Oct. 27 [ 78] I78 Address on Foreign Policy at the Navy Day Celebration in New York City. October 27, I945 Mayor La Guardia, ladies and gentlemen: I am grateful for the magnificent reception which you have given me today in this great city of New York. I know that it is given me only as the representative of the gallant men and women of our naval forces, and on their behalf, as well as my own, I thank you. New York joins the. rest of the Nation in paying honor and tribute to the four million fighting Americans of the Navy, Marine Corps, and Coast Guard-and to the ships which carried them to victory. On opposite sides of the world, across two oceans, our Navy opened a highway for the armies and air forces of the United States. They landed our gallant men, millions of them, on the beachheads of final triumph. Fighting from Murmansk, the English Channel and the Tyrrhenian Sea, to Midway, Guadalcanal, Leyte Gulf and Okinawathey won the greatest naval victories in history. Together with their brothers in arms in the Army and Air Force, and with the men of the Merchant Marine, they have helped to win for mankind all over the world a new opportunity to live in peace and dignity-and we hope, in security. In the harbor and rivers of New York City and in other ports along the coasts and rivers of the country, ships of that mighty United States Navy are at anchor. I hope that you and the people everywhere will visit them and their crews, seeing for yourselves what your sons and daughters, your labor and your money, have fashioned into an invincible weapon of liberty. The fleet, on V-J Day, consisted of I200 warships, more than 50,000 supporting and landing craft, and over 40,000 navy planes. By that day, ours was a seapower never before equalled in the history of the world. There were great carrier task forces capable of tracking down and sinking the enemy's fleets, beating down his airpower, and pouring destruction on his war-making industries. There were submarines which roamed the seas, invading the enemy's own ports, and destroying his shipping in all the oceans. There were amphibious forces capable 431

Page  432 [I78] Oct. 27 Public Papers of the Presidents of landing soldiers on beaches from Normandy to the Philippines. There were great battleships and cruisers which swept the enemy ships from the seas and bombarded his shore defense almost at will. And history will never forget that great leader who, from his first day in office, fought to reestablish a strong American Navy-who watched that Navy and all the other might of this Nation grow into an invincible force for victory-who sought to make that force an instrument for a just and lasting peace-and who gave his life in the effort-Franklin D. Roosevelt. The roll call of the battles of this fleet reads like a sign post around the globe-on the road to final victory: North Africa, Sicily, Italy, Normandy, and Southern France; the Coral Sea, Midway, Guadalcanal, and the Solomons; Tarawa, Saipan, Guam, the Philippine Sea, Leyte Gulf; Iwo Jima and Okinawa. Nothing which the enemy held on any coast was safe from its attack. Now we are in the process of demobilizing our naval force. We are laying up ships. We are breaking up aircraft squadrons. We are rolling up bases, and releasing officers and men. But when our demobilization is all finished as planned, the United States will still be the greatest naval power on earth. In addition to that naval power, we shall still have one of the most powerful air forces in the world. And just the other day, so that on short notice we could mobilize a powerful and well-equipped land, sea, and air force, I asked the Congress to adopt universal training. Why do we seek to preserve this powerful Naval and Air Force, and establish this strong Army reserve? Why do we need to do that? We have assured- the world time and again-and I repeat it nowthat we do not seek for ourselves one inch of territory in any place in the world. Outside of the right to establish necessary bases for our own protection, we look for nothing which belongs to any other power. We do need this kind of armed might, however, for four principal tasks: First, our Army, Navy, and Air Force, in collaboration with our allies, must enforce the terms of peace imposed upon our defeated enemies. 432

Page  433 Harry S. Truman, I945 Oct. 27 [I78] Second, we must fulfill the military obligations which we are undertaking as a member of the United Nations Organization-to support a lasting peace, by force if necessary. Third, we must cooperate with other American nations to preserve the territorial integrity and the political independence of the nations of the Western Hemisphere. Fourth, in this troubled and uncertain world, our military forces must be adequate to discharge the fundamental mission laid upon them by the Constitution of the United States-to "provide for the common defense" of the United States. These four military tasks are directed not toward war-not toward conquest-but toward peace. We seek to use our military strength solely to preserve the peace of the world. For we now know that this is the only sure way to make our own freedom secure. That is the basis of the foreign policy of the people of the United States. The foreign policy of the United States is based firmly on fundamental principles of righteousness and justice. In carrying out those principles we shall firmly adhere to what we believe to be right; and we shall not give our approval to any compromise with evil. But we know that we cannot attain perfection in this world overnight. We shall not let our search for perfection obstruct our steady progress toward international cooperation. We must be prepared to fulfill our responsibilities as best we can, within the framework of our fundamental principles, even though we recognize that we have to operate in an imperfect world. Let me restate the fundamentals of that foreign policy of the United States: i. We seek no territorial expansion or selfish advantage. We have no plans for aggression against any other state, large or small. We have no objective which need clash with the peaceful aims of any other nation. 2. We believe in the eventual return of sovereign rights and selfgovernment to all peoples who have been deprived of them by force. 433

Page  434 [I78] Oct. 27 Public Papers of the Presidents 3. We shall approve no territorial changes in any friendly part of the world unless they accord with the freely expressed wishes of the people concerned. 4. We believe that all peoples who are prepared for self-government should be permitted to choose their own form of government by their own freely expressed choice, without interference from any foreign source. That is true in Europe, in Asia, in Africa, as well as in the Western Hemisphere. 5. By the combined and cooperative action of our war allies, we shall help the defeated enemy states establish peaceful democratic governments of their own free choice. And we shall try to attain a world in which Nazism, Fascism, and military aggression cannot exist. 6. We shall refuse to recognize any government imposed upon any nation by the force of any foreign power. In some cases it may be impossible to prevent forceful imposition of such a government. But the United States will not recognize any such government. 7. We believe that all nations should have the freedom of the seas and equal rights to the navigation of boundary rivers and waterways and of rivers and waterways which pass through more than one country. 8. We believe that all states which are accepted in the society of nations should have access on equal terms to the trade and the raw materials of the world. 9. We believe that the sovereign states of the Western Hemisphere, without interference from outside the Western Hemisphere, must work together as good neighbors in the solution of their common problems. IO. We believe that full economic collaboration between all nations, great and small, is essential to the improvement of living conditions all over the world, and to the establishment of freedom from fear and freedom from want. ii. We shall continue to strive to promote freedom of expression and freedom of religion throughout the peace-loving areas of the world. I2. We are convinced that the preservation of peace between nations requires a United Nations Organization composed of all the peaceloving nations of the world who are willing jointly to use force if necessary to insure peace. 434

Page  435 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oct. 27 [ I78] Now, that is the foreign policy which guides the United States. That is the foreign policy with which it confidently faces the future. It may not be put into effect tomorrow or the next day. But nonetheless, it is our policy; and we shall seek to achieve it. It may take a long time, but it is worth waiting for, and it is worth striving to attain. The Ten Commandments themselves have not yet been universally achieved over these thousands of years. Yet we struggle constantly to achieve them, and in many ways we come closer to them each year. Though we may meet setbacks from time to time, we shall not relent in our efforts to bring the Golden Rule into the international affairs of the world. We are now passing through a difficult phase of international relations. Unfortunately it has always been true after past wars, that the unity among allies, forged by their common peril, has tended to wear out as the danger passed. The world cannot afford any letdown in the united determination of the allies in this war to accomplish a lasting peace. The world cannot afford to let the cooperative spirit of the allies in this war disintegrate. The world simply cannot allow this to happen. The people in the United States, in Russia, and Britain, in France and China, in collaboration with all the other peace-loving people, must take the course of current history into their own hands and mold it in a new direction-the direction of continued cooperation. It was a common danger which united us before victory. Let it be a common hope which continues to draw us together in the years to come. The atomic bombs which fell on Hiroshima and Nagasaki must be made a signal, not for the old process of falling apart but for a new era-an era of ever-closer unity and ever-closer friendship among peaceful nations. Building a peace requires as much moral stamina as waging a war. Perhaps it requires even more, because it is so laborious and painstaking and undramatic. It requires undying patience and continuous application. But it can give us, if we stay with it, the greatest reward that there is in the whole field of human effort. 435

Page  436 [I78] Oct. 27 Public Papers of the Presidents Differences of the kind that exist today among nations that fought together so long and so valiantly for victory are not hopeless or irreconcilable. There are no conflicts of interest among the victorious powers so deeply rooted that they cannot be resolved. But their solution will require a combination of forbearance and firmness. It will require a steadfast adherence to the high principles which we have enunciated. It will also require a willingness to find a common ground as to the methods of applying those principles. Our American policy is a policy of friendly partnership with all peaceful nations, and of full support for the United Nations Organization. It is a policy that has the strong backing of the American people. It is a policy around which we can rally without fear or misgiving. The more widely and clearly that policy is understood abroad, the better and surer will be the peace. For our own part we must seek to understand the special problems of other nations. We must seek to understand their own legitimate urge toward security as they see it. The immediate, the greatest threat to us is the threat of disillusionment, the danger of insidious skepticism-a loss of faith in the effectiveness of international cooperation. Such a loss of faith would be dangerous at any time. In an atomic age it would be nothing short of disastrous. There has been talk about the atomic bomb scrapping all navies, armies, and air forces. For the present, I think that such talk is Ioo percent wrong. Today, control of the seas rests in the fleets of the United States and her allies. There is no substitute for them. We have learned the bitter lesson that the weakness of this great Republic invites men of ill-will to shake the very foundations of civilization all over the world. And we had two concrete lessons in that. What the distant future of the atomic research will bring to the fleet which we honor today, no one can foretell. But the fundamental mission of the Navy has not changed. Control of our sea approaches and of the skies above them is still the key to our freedom and to our ability to help enforce the peace of the world. No enemy will ever strike us directly except across the sea. We cannot reach out to help stop and defeat an aggressor without crossing the sea. Therefore, the 436

Page  437 Harry S. Truman, 1945 OCt. 27 [I78] Navy, armed with whatever weapons science brings forth, is still dedicated to its historic task: control of the ocean approaches to our country and of the skies above them. The atomic bomb does not alter the basic foreign policy of the United States. It makes the development and application of our policy more urgent than we could have dreamed 6 months ago. It means that we must be prepared to approach international problems with greater speed, with greater determination, with greater ingenuity, in order to meet a situation for which there is no precedent. We must find the answer to the problems created by the release of atomic energy —we must find the answers to the many other problems of peace-in partnership with all the peoples of the United Nations. For their stake in world peace is as great as our own. As I said in my message to the Congress, discussion of the atomic bomb with Great Britain and Canada and later with other nations cannot wait upon the formal organization of the United Nations. These discussions, looking toward a free exchange of fundamental scientific information, will be begun in the near future. But I emphasize again, as I have before, that these discussions will not be concerned with the processes of manufacturing the atomic bomb or any other instruments of war. In our possession of this weapon, as in our possession of other new weapons, there is no threat to any nation. The world, which has seen the United States in two great recent wars, knows that full well. The possession in our hands of this new power of destruction we regard as a sacred trust. Because of our love of peace, the thoughtful people of the world know that that trust will not be violated, that it will be faithfully executed. Indeed, the highest hope of the American people is that world cooperation for peace will soon reach such a state of perfection that atomic methods of destruction can be definitely and effectively outlawed forever. We have sought, and we will continue to seek, the attainment of that objective. We shall pursue that course with all the wisdom, patience, 437

Page  438 [I78] Oct. 27 Public Papers of the Presidents and determination that the God of Peace can bestow upon a people who are trying to follow in His path. NOTE: The President spoke at i:43 p.m. to Mayor Fiorello H. La Guardia. The from a stand at the south end of the address was carried over all radio netSheep Meadow in Central Park, New works. York City. His opening words referred 179 Letter to Dr. Lyman J. Briggs on His Retirement as Director of the National Bureau of Standards. October 29, I945 Dear Dr. Briggs: Your retirement as the Director of the National Bureau of Standards will deprive the nation of the services of an eminent scientist and government administrator. You have well merited the wide recognition which has come to you by virtue of your personal achievements in the field of scientific research and by your competent direction of the Bureau's diversified operations. I should like to take this occasion to comment on your long and unique record of public service. In World War I, military and naval developments which you sponsored and actively developed were a potent factor in our victory. In the decades of peace thereafter, you guided the Bureau's activities into fruitful channels and added to your own accomplishments, particularly in the then undeveloped field of aerodynamics. As World War II approached, President Roosevelt expressed his confidence in your capabilities by designating you as Chairman of the First Committee on the Investigation of Atomic Energy. The findings and recommendations of that Committee were an important factor in the decision to initiate the vast national effort for developing atomic weapons, and the subsequent discoveries of the National Bureau of Standards contributed greatly to the success of that effort. Your record has been one of ever-increasing achievement, and you represent an outstanding example of the integrity and competence of government-sponsored science and research. I hope that you will filly 438

Page  439 Harry S. Truman, I945 Oct. 30 [ i8o] enjoy your well-earned retirement, but that your rich fund of knowledge and experience will remain available for the guidance and counsel of those who continue the work of expanding the boundaries of scientific knowledge. Sincerely yours, HARRY S. TRUMAN [Dr. Lyman J. Briggs, Director, National Bureau of Standards, Washington, D.C.] i8o Radio Address to the American People on Wages and Prices in the Reconversion Period. October 30, I945 [ Broadcast from the White House at io p.m. ] Fellow citizens: On August i8, I945, four days after the surrender of Japan, I issued Executive Order 9599 which laid down the guiding policies of your Government during the transition from war to peace. Briefly stated these policies are: First, to assist in the maximum production of civilian goods. Second, as rapidly as possible to remove Government controls and restore collective bargaining and free markets. Third, to avoid both inflation and deflation. Those are still our policies. One of the major factors determining whether or not we shall succeed in carrying out those policies is the question of wages and prices. If wages go down substantially, we face deflation. If prices go up substantially, we face inflation. We must be on our guard, and steer clear of both these dangers to our security. What happens to wages is important to all of us-even to those of us who do not work for wages. It is important to business, for example, not only because wages represent an essential item in the cost of producing goods, but because people cannot buy the products of industry unless they earn enough wages generally. What happens to wages is also important to the farmer. The in 439

Page  440 [i8o] Oct. 30 Public Papers of the Presidents come he earns depends a great deal on the wages and purchasing power of the workers in our factories and shops and stores. They are the customers of the farmer and cannot buy farm products unless they earn enough wages. The fact is that all of us are deeply concerned with wages, because all of us are concerned with the well-being of all parts of our economic system. That is a simple truth. But like all simple truths, it is too often forgotten. Management sometimes forgets that business cannot prosper without customers who make good wages and have money in their pockets; labor sometimes forgets that workers cannot find employment and that wages cannot rise unless business prospers and makes profits. Like most of you, I have been disturbed by the labor difficulties of recent weeks. These difficulties stand in the way of reconversion; they postpone the day when our veterans and displaced war workers can get back into good peacetime jobs. We need more of the good sense, the reasonableness, the consideration for the position of the other fellow, the teamwork which we had during the war. It has been my experience in public life that there are few problems which cannot be worked out, if we make a real effort to understand the other fellow's point of view, and if we try to find a solution on the basis of give-and-take, of fairness to both sides. I want to discuss the wage problem in just that spirit, and I hope that all of us in the United States can start thinking about it that way. Let me begin by putting labor's position before you. I do not think all of us understand how hard a blow our industrial workers have suffered in the shift from war production to peace production. You do know that sudden total victory caused millions of war workers to be laid off with very short notice or none at all. While we hope to overcome that condition before too many months have passed, unemployment is hardly a suitable reward for the contribution which veterans and war workers have made to victory. Several months ago, I urged the Congress to amend the unemployment compensation law so as to help workers through the difficult 440

Page  441 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oc.3 [8] Oct. 3o [i8o] months of unemployment until reconversion could be effected. The Congress has not yet passed that legislation. The responsibility for that is solely up to Congress-and specifically I mean the Ways and Means Committee of the House of Representatives. I hope that this Committee will fulfill its obligation to the people of the Nation, and will give the Members of the House an early chance to vote on this important legislation. We must all recognize that legislation which will help sustain the purchasing power of labor until reconversion is completed, benefits not labor alone but all of usbusiness, agriculture, white-collar workers, and every member of our economic society. I am sure that the workers of the Nation, those who depend upon manual labor for a livelihood, also feel a deep concern about full employment legislation which is now pending in the Congress. It is essential that the Congress speedily adopt some effective legislation which embodies the principles underlying full employment. The American people are entitled to know now that this Government stands for prosperity and jobs-not depression and relief. Passage of a full employment bill will give the American people this assurance. The responsibility for the damaging delay in enacting this legislation is definitely at the door of the Committee on Expenditures in the Executive Departments of the House of Representatives. I am also sure that the workers of the Nation feel the same way about what is now happening to the United States Employment Service in the Senate and in the House. During the -next Xear, millions of workers will have to look to efficient and centralized employment offices to find jobs for them anywhere in the country. The United States Employment Service has done so much during the war, and can do so much during the months ahead if it can continue to operate as a nationwide and unified organization, that I hope the Congress, for the time being, will keep this great public service under Federal management. But quite as important as these problems of unemployment is the fact that the end of the war has meant a deep cut in the pay envelopes 44'

Page  442 [i8o] Oct. 30 Public Papers of the Presidents of many millions of workers. I wonder how many of you know that many war workers have already had to take, or will soon have to take, a cut in their wartime pay by one quarter or more. Think of what such a decrease in your own income would mean to you and to your families. How does it happen that pay envelopes are being cut so deeply? There are three reasons. First, there is the present decrease in the number of hours of employment. During the past few years of war, millions of workers were asked to put in abnormally long hours of work. Now that the need is past, the forty-hour week is being restored. The changeover from a forty-eight to a forty-hour week means a decrease in take-home pay, the amount in the pay envelope. That decrease is much more than just the loss of eight hours pay. Workers have been receiving time and a half for overtime-for all the hours they worked over forty. That overtime pay is now gone in the change to a forty-hour week. The result has been a decrease of almost one quarter in the workers' weekly pay. Second, weekly pay is being cut because many jobs are being reclassified to lower paying grades. The individual worker will feel these particularly when he changes from one job to another, starting at the bottom of the grade. Third, the pay envelopes of workers will be thinner because millions of workers who were employed in the highly paid war industries will now have to find jobs in lower-wage, peacetime employment. These three factors added together mean a drastic cut in the takehome pay of millions of workers. If nothing is done to help the workers in this situation, millions of families will have to tighten their beltsand by several notches. It has been estimated that, unless checked, the annual wage and salary bill in private industry will shrink by over twenty billions of dollars. That is not going to do anybody any good-labor, business, agriculture, or the general public. The corner grocer is going to feel it, just as well as the department 442

Page  443 Harry S. Truman, '945 Oct. 3o [i8o] store, the railroads, the theaters, and the gas stations-and all the farmers of the Nation. It is a sure road to wide unemployment. This is what is known as deflation, and it is just as dangerous as inflation. However, we must understand that we cannot hope, with a reduced work week, to maintain now the same take-home pay for labor generally that it has had during the war. There will have to be a drop. But the Nation cannot afford to have that drop too drastic. Wage increases are therefore imperative-to cushion the shock to our workers, to sustain adequate purchasing power and to raise the national income. There are many people who have said to me that industry cannot afford to grant any wage increases, however, without obtaining a corresponding increase in the price of its products. And they have urged me to use the machinery of Government to raise both. This proposal cannot be accepted under any circumstances. To accept it would mean but one thing-inflation. And that invites disaster. An increase in wages if it were accompanied by an increase in the cost of living would not help even the workers themselves. Every dollar that we put in their pay envelopes under those circumstances would be needed to meet the higher living expenses resulting from increased prices. Obviously, such a juggling of wages and prices would not settle anything or satisfy anyone. A runaway inflation would be upon us. When inflation comes and the cost of living begins to spiral, nearly everybody suffers. Wage increases, under those conditions, would defeat their own purpose and mean nothing to labor. White-collar workers would find that their fixed salaries buy less food and clothing than before. Farmers' incomes would shrink because they would have to pay so much more for what they buy. Increased earnings would mean nothing to business itself. War bonds, insurance policies, pensions, annuities, bonds of all kinds would shrink in value, and their incomes would dwindle in buying power. 443

Page  444 [i8o] Oct. 30 Public Papers of the Presidents Therefore, wherever price increases would have inflationary tendencies, we must above all else hold the line on prices. Let us hold vigorously to our defense against inflation. Let us continue to hold the price line as we have held it since the spring of I943. If we depart from this program of vigorous and successful price control, if we now begin to let down the bars, there will be no stopping place. After the last war this Nation was confronted by much the same problem. At that time we simply pulled off the few controls that had been established, and let nature take its course. The result should stand as a lesson to all of us. A dizzy upward spiral of wages and the cost of living ended in the crash of ig2o-a crash that spread bankruptcy and foreclosure and unemployment throughout the Nation. If these twin objectives of ours-stability of prices and higher wage rates-were irreconcilable, if one could not be achieved without sacrificing the other, the outlook for all of us-labor, management, the farmer, and the consumer-would be very black indeed. Fortunately, this is not so. While the positions of different industries vary greatly, there is room in the existing price structure for business as a whole to grant increases in wage rates. And if all of us would approach the problem in a spirit of reasonableness and give-and-take-if we would sit down together and try to determine how much increase particular companies or industries could allow at a particular time-I think most businessmen would agree that wage increases are possible. Many of them, in fact, have already negotiated substantial wage increases without asking for any increase of prices. There are several reasons why I believe that industry as a whole can afford substantial wage increases without raising prices. First, the elimination of the time and a half for overtime has reduced labor costs per hour. Second, the increase in the number of people needing jobs is resulting in a downward reclassification of jobs in many industries and in many sections of the country. There is a third reason for believing that business can afford to pay wage increases-namely, increased output per hour of work or what is 444

Page  445 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oct. 30 [I8o] generally called increased productivity. While increased production rests ultimately with labor, the time will soon come when improvements in machinery and manufacturing know-how developed in the war can certainly result in more goods per hour and additional room for wage increases. As a fourth reason, business is in a very favorable profit position today, with excellent prospects for the period that lies ahead. Again, that is not true of all companies. Nevertheless, throughout industry and in every branch of industry, profits have been and still are very good indeed. Finally, the Congress at my suggestion is now considering the elimination of the excess profits tax. Provision has already been made in our tax laws to enable corporations whose earnings dropped below their normal peacetime level to recapture a high proportion of the excess profits taxes which they have paid during the preceding two years. These and other provisions of the tax laws were designed to reduce to a minimum the risks entailed in reconversion-and that is precisely what they accomplish. They also add to the ability of industry to increase wages. There are, however, important limits upon the capacity of industry to raise wages without raising prices. Let me put industry's position before you. Industry has many risks and problems ahead that labor must recognize. For many companies, wartime products which were very profitable will have to be replaced by civilian products which will not be so profitable. There are also problems of reconverting plants, of developing new sources of supply, new products, and new markets, of training inexperienced workers, of meeting increased costs of raw materials and supplies. All these will mean, at the beginning, lower volume and higher unit costs. These problems and difficulties are particularly true in the case of small business-which is the backbone of the American competitive system. I have said that not all companies can afford these wage increases. I 445

Page  446 [i8o] Oct. 30 Public Papers of the Presidents want to make clear, further, that there are companies where wages and even overtime pay continue high, and where no suffering will be caused to the workers during reconversion. Labor must recognize these differences and not demand more than an industry or a company can pay under existing prices and conditions. It has a stern responsibility to see that demands for wage increases are reasonable. Excessive demands would deny to industry reasonable profits to which it is entitled, and which are necessary to stimulate an expansion of production. We must not kill the goose which lays the golden egg. Labor itself has a responsibility to aid industry in reaching this goal of higher production and more jobs. It must strive constantly for greater efficiency and greater productivity-good work done, for good wages earned. Only in that way can we reach the mass production that has brought this country to the front of the industrial countries of the world. Labor must constantly find ways within its own ranks of cutting down on absenteeism, reducing turn-over, avoiding jurisdictional disputes and "wild-cat" strikes. Labor and management must adopt collective bargaining as the effective and mature way of doing business. The extent to which industry can grant wage increases without price increases will vary from company to company and from industry to industry. What can be paid today when we are on the threshold of our postwar production will be different from what can be paid next year and the year after, when markets have been established and earnings have become apparent. Both management and labor must keep on exploring these developments and determine from time to time to what extent costs have been reduced and profits have been increased, and how far these can properly be passed on in the form of increased wages. Let me now turn to the question of just how wages are to be increased. Many people have asked the Government to step in and decide who is to increase wages and by exactly how much. I have, indeed, been criticised because I have not stepped in to lay down the law to business and labor. My refusal to do so has been deliberate. 446

Page  447 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oct. 30 [ i8o] Curiously enough, the same people who urge me to use Government wartime machinery of control to determine wage adjustments have on other occasions been the first to point out that the continued intervention of Government must spell the end of our system of free enterprise. I am convinced that we must get away as quickly as possible from Government controls, and that we must get back to the free operation of our competitive system. Where wages are concerned, this means that we must get back to free and fair collective bargaining. As a free people, we must have the good sense to bargain peaceably and sincerely. We must be determined to reach decisions based upon our long-range interest. Let me emphasize, however, that the decisions that are reached in collective bargaining must be kept within the limits laid down by the wage-price policy of the Government. This policy was described in the order of last August which I have already mentioned. Briefly, it allows management to make wage increases without Government approval, but requires Government approval before the wage increase can be reflected in higher price ceilings. That is still the policy of the United States. To guide labor and management in their interpretation of this Executive order, I have today issued an amendment-which I hope every one of you will read carefully in your newspapers tomorrow-amplifying the order and setting forth three classes of cases in which wage increases may be granted even though price ceiling increases may result. They are all situations where wage increases are necessary, irrespective of price consequences. They will not cause many price increases. In addition, the amendment makes two points of importance which I wish to emphasize here. The first point has been true all along, but it has not been generally understood. If management does grant a wage increase, it is not prevented from coming in thereafter and requesting Government approval to have the wage increase considered for purposes of increasing prices. Whether such approval is sought before or after the wage increase is given, it receives the same consideration. 447

Page  448 [I80] Oct. 30 Public Papers of the Presidents The second point is new and is very important. It is something which I am sure will help industry get over this very difficult period of readjustment. In cases where no approval of the wage increase has been requested by management, or even where a request has been made and denied by the Government, industry will not be asked by the Government to take an unreasonable chance in absorbing such wage increases. After a reasonable test period which, save in exceptional cases, will be six months, if the industry has been unable to produce at a fair profit, the entire wage increase will be taken into account in passing upon applications for price ceiling increases. The Office of Price Administration will have to give its prompt consideration to all applications for price increases. This is your Government's wage-price policy. For the time being, the machinery that administers it will remain the same as during the war. But, as you know, I have called a conference here in Washington of the representatives of management and labor. It will start next week. One of their jobs is to recommend machinery for mediating or arbitrating differences wherever collective bargaining fails to work. I hope the American people recognize how vital this conference actually is. Out of it can come the means of achieving industrial harmony and a new approach to human relationships in industry. Until that machinery can be worked out, I urge upon labor and upon management the necessity of getting together on their problems. Public opinion will not countenance a refusal on the part of either management or labor to proceed in a peaceful, free, and democratic manner to arrive at just conclusions. This is a time for proving the lessons we have learned during the war, the lessons of fair play, of give-and-take on a democratic basis, of working together in unity for the future. We all have a common aim, which is prosperity and security, and a just share of the good things of life. We can help attain this aim if we sit down at the conference table and iron out our troubles together. There is no room in our economy for unfair dealing or for greedy individuals or groups on either side 448

Page  449 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oct. 30 [ i8o] who want their own way regardless of the cost to others. The people will not stand for it. Their Government will not stand for it. The country is entitled to expect that industry and labor will bargain in good faith, with labor recognizing the right of industry to a fair profit, and industry recognizing labor's need to a decent and sustained standard of living-and with both of them realizing that we cannot have either deflation or inflation in our economy. The country, on the other hand, should be patient and realize that many of the parties are out of practice in collective bargaining. The point at which the people of the country are entitled to become impatient, and to consider the need of Government action, is when one of the parties fails to bargain in good faith or refuses a reasonable offer of conciliation or arbitration. I know that this is not an easy way to solve the wage problem, but it is the sound way. It is the American way. I am convinced that if labor and management will approach each other, with the realization that they have a common goal, and with the determination to compose their differences in their own long-range interest, it will not be long before we have put industrial strife behind us. Labor is the best customer management has; and management is the source of labor's livelihood. Both are wholly dependent on each other; and the country in turn is dependent upon both of them. Americans have always responded well in times of national need. There are no easy answers, there is no simple formula, for solving our difficult problems. I have boundless faith in the commonsense and ultimate fairness of the American people. Given unity of purpose and a determination to meet the challenge of the times, there is nothing too difficult for them to accomplish. They have performed miracles during the war. They can, they will, surmount the difficulties which face them now on their road to continued peace and well-being. 449

Page  450 [I8I] Oct. 31 Public Papers of the Presidents I8I The President's News Conference of October 31, 1945 THE PRESIDENT. [I.] I thought maybe-I didn't have much to tell you this morning, I said it all last night-but I thought maybe you might be interested in the Hooper rating of the radio situation last night. It was 43.8 percent-32 million listeners. And 98.4 percent of all the radios that were in use were listening to the conversation. I will give you a copy of this, here. [2.] I have a letter here from General Eisenhower, which is a most interesting document; and I haven't had a chance to have it mimeographed, but will have it mimeographed for you immediately after the conference so you can all have copies. It is dated October 26, and is from the headquarters of the United States Forces in the European theater, and it is addressed to me through the Chief of Staff. I am going to read it to you because it is a very, very interesting document. Q. Slowly, will you, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. I will read it slowly, but I will have it mimeographed so you can all have copies, if you don't get the gist of it, but I think you will. [Reading] "You will recall that when you were in Frankfurt, you and I agreed upon the desirability of so organizing the Army's current functions in Europe as to facilitate turning U.S. participation in the government of Germany over to civil authority at the earliest possible moment. It is my understanding that the War Department completely supports this view. Every organizational step we have taken has been accomplished in such a way as to facilitate eventual transfer. Nevertheless, I am quite sure that there is a very widespread lack of realization as to the governing intent along this line, basing this statement upon the frequency with which visitors express astonishment that this purpose exists as a guiding policy. "Naturally, I am not in position to recommend an exact date on which such transfer should take place, since I have assumed that the four interested governments would first have to agree in principle, and thereafter to make arrangements for simultaneous change from military 450

Page  451 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oct. 31 [i8i] to civil representatives. Moreover, there may be considerations, important to our government, of which I am unaware. However, from our local viewpoint, other governments could well be asked to agree to the proposal at the earliest date that can be mutually agreed upon, in no event later than June i, I946. As quickly as the matter could be agreed in principle, but not before, then actual completion of the American civil organization should be undertaken by whatever civilian you might, at that time, designate as its eventual head. Such things as these require time, but I am confident that we should not allow this detail to obscure, in the mind of any interested person, the clarity of the objective toward which we are striving. "The matter of civil government of Germany is entirely separate from the occupational duty of the Army, which responsibility will persist as long as our own Government deems necessary. The true function of the Army in this region is to provide for the United States that reserve of force and power that can -insure within our zone the prompt enforcement of all laws and regulations prescribed by the Group Council, or in the absence of such law and regulation, the policies laid down by our own Government for the United States zone. "As you pointed out when here, separation of occupational and governmental responsibility is sound just as soon as there is no longer any military or security reason for holding them together, if for no other reason than because of its conformity to the American principle of keeping the Army as such out of the civil government field. Respectfully, Dwight D. Eisenhower." I am in agreement with what the General has said. We discussed it while he was in Frankfurt, and eventually it will be carried out. Q. Mr. President, may I ask you, was that June ist or June 30ththat date? THE PRESIDENT. June ist, i946. Q. Mr. President, in other words, he wants to turn over by June ist, i946, theTHE PRESIDENT. The civil government, which in no way affects the occupational forces as occupational forces; but the civil government would be under a civilian. 45I

Page  452 [i8i] Oct. 3I Public Papers of the Presidents Q. The American civilian has to be appointed? THE PRESIDENT. That's right. Q. Mr. President, have we had any expressions from the other governments on that? THE PRESIDENT. No. This is since I had the conversation at Frankfurt. This is the first discussion that I have had on it. And the State Department and the War Department and the President are in agreement on this policy. Q. Will the next step be to see if that can be worked out with the other governments? THE PRESIDENT. It will. Q. Mr. President, will the principle eventually be followed as well in Japan? THE PRESIDENT. Yes. Q. Mr. President, would that entail the establishment of a German police force under American command to handle the direct policingTHE PRESIDENT. Well, that is already in effect. Q. That would be the general principle of theTHE PRESIDENT. That is already in effect, and the military forces would be kept there merely as occupational forces to enforce the law, in case the local police could not do it. Q. Would that government be under the State Department, or would it be a separate organization? THE PRESIDENT. It would be a direct organization under the President of the United States. Q. Mr. President, is it in connection with that letter from General Eisenhower that General Clay has now returned to the United Statesor is now returning? THE PRESIDENT. No. It has no connection. General Clay-as I know-is not returning only maybe on leave, or on some business of his own, because General Clay is one of our ablest generals, and we are trying to keep him over there. Q. He is the military government man, more or less, and I thought he might be working out-. 452

Page  453 Harry S. Truman, I945 Oct. 3i [i8i] THE PRESIDENT. No. He is still working on the details of the government that is now in force over there. [3.] Q. Mr. President, it was said in the House of Commons yesterday that President Roosevelt and former Prime Minister Churchill reached a secret agreement at Quebec on the peacetime use of the atom bomb. Do you — THE PRESIDENT. I don't think that is true. As nearly as I can find out on the atom energy release program, Great Britain, Canada, and the United States are in equal partnership on its development. And Mr. Attlee is coming over here to discuss that phase of the situation with the President of the United States. Q. Well, Mr. President, are these three countries in equal possession of the knowledge of how we produced that bomb? THE PRESIDENT. They are. Q. Great Britain knows as much about how we produce that as we do? THE PRESIDENT. They do. Q. Is that going to be the only topic that you and Mr. Attlee are going to discuss? THE PRESIDENT. That is the only topic that has been requested to be discussed. Q. But that doesn't foreclose the — THE PRESIDENT. Mr. Attlee can talk to me about anything he chooses, but he is coming over here to talk to me about the atom bomb. Q. Mr. President, a London paper suggested that-I believe the London Herald, a labor paper-suggested that this might be the prelude of a new Big Three conference. Do you feel that way about it, or is there any possibility of that? THE PRESIDENT. I don't think I can intelligently answer that question, because the next step, after the Governments of Great Britain, Canada, and the United States have agreed on an international policy, will be to discuss the matter with the other governments of the world. [4.] Q. In connection with this Big Three, have you had any reply from Mr. Stalin from the material presented to him by Mr. Harriman? 453

Page  454 [i8i] Oct. 31 Public Papers of the Presidents THE PRESIDENT. Yes, I have. Q. Is there anything you can tell us about that reply? THE PRESIDENT. It was a satisfactory reply. Q. Does that mean, Mr. President, that you expect Russia will be represented at this Far Eastern Advisory Commission meeting? THE PRESIDENT. I do. Q. Can you say when that reply was received, sir? THE PRESIDENT. While I was in New York City making a speech on Navy Day. Q. Mr. Truman, does that also mean that there would be an early convening or reconvening of the Council of Foreign Ministers, possibly? THE PRESIDENT. I can't answer that question until further developments. Q. Mr. President, when you say you expect Russia to take part in the meeting now going on here, does that mean that an agreement has been reached on the control council? THE PRESIDENT. No. This meeting is for the purpose of discussing that program, for the other Allies to join us in the occupation of Japan. Q. Has direct acceptance or direct indication of Russia's intention to participate been received? THE PRESIDENT. No, it has not. Q. But you expect it to come in? THE PRESIDENT. I do. Q. Soon? THE PRESIDENT. Yes. Q. Did the letter from-or the answer from Marshal Stalin postulate any specific steps? THE PRESIDENT. No. It was just a friendly answer to my communication to him. Q. Is there any reason why it couldn't be made public, Mr. President? THE PRESIDENT. Yes, there is. When the time comes for it to be made public, that will be made public; but the reason has not yet appeared. 454

Page  455 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Oct. 3i [i8i] [5.] Q. What do you think about the legislation reported out by the House Military Affairs Committee yesterday, on prescribing penalties for breaking no-strike contracts? THE PRESIDENT. When that comes to me for consideration, I will give you my opinion of it. Q. Mr. PresidentQ. Mr. President, do you have any answer from Mr. Attlee on the Palestine question? THE PRESIDENT. Let the lady ask her question, and then I will answer you. [6.] Q. Mr. President, would you assent to Congress recessing before it has dealt with the legislation you dealt with last night? THE PRESIDENT. The Congress has a right to vote its own recess, but I hope the Congress will not recess until the program is finished. Q. Doesn't the Congress usually ask the President if he has further business? THE PRESIDENT. I haven't been here long enough to answer that question. [Laughter] I'm sorry, I didn't mean to be sarcastic. [7.] Q. Mr. President, last week you told us that the Crowley letter was "somewhere around the White House." Could you tell us whether-. THE PRESIDENT. It had been released. The one to which I had referred had been released.' Q. There is no other letter? THE PRESIDENT. No other letter for release. I have had several letters from Mr. Crowley. The conversation with Mr. Crowley on his resignation from his job was verbal, and took place right here in this office, and I let him go reluctantly. [8.] Q. Mr. President, I repeat that question, have you had any answer from Mr. Attlee on the Palestine question? THE PRESIDENT. I have had two or three messages from Mr. Attlee with regard to the Palestine question. Q. Would you care to give us any indication as to what our Government's policy is in regard to that? 1 See footnote on page 347. 455

Page  456 [i8I] Oct. 31 Public Papers of the Presidents THE PRESIDENT. No, because it is still under discussion.1 [9.] Q. Mr. President, pursuing this Crowley thing, have you decided on the question of the Export-Import Bank appointments that you said you were considering last week? THE PRESIDENT. I am trying to make a decision today. I have several people under consideration. Q. Is Mr. Crowley still on that list? THE PRESIDENT. Yes. [Io.] Q. Mr. President, have you named the Government delegate to the ILO meeting in Denmark next month? THE PRESIDENT. I don't think I have. There have been so many things across my desk, I can't remember having made that. I will look it up here and find out. [II.] Q. Mr. President, on your wage-price policy announcement last night, could you tell us what the maximum percentage wage increase on an industrywide basis — THE PRESIDENT. There is no such maximum thing on an industrywide basis. Each case is an individual case, and that is the reason we have got to do it by collective bargaining. [12.] Q. Mr. President, you said recently that politics is in the air again. Would you be a candidate for re-election in 1948? [Laughter] THE PRESIDENT. On my individual rights, I don't think I have to testify against myself at this time. [Laughter] Q. That's pretty good. THE PRESIDENT. That matter has not entered my thoughts. I am too busy with other things. Q. Is Mr. Hannegan too busy? THE PRESIDENT. Mr. Hannegan is the political representative of the Democratic Party in the Cabinet of the President, and that is his job to look after those things, but I don't think he is working on anything of that kind. Q. He seems to think he is, Mr. President. [Laughter] 1 On November 13 the White House released a statement by the President concerning the problem of immigration of Jews into Palestine, together with a letter to Prime Minister Attlee dated August 31. See Items 187 and 188. 456

Page  457 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Nov. I [i82] THE PRESIDENT. You will have to question him on that. I don't answer for him. Reporter: Thank you, Mr. President. THE PRESIDENT. You're welcome. NOTE: President Truman's thirty-second at the White House at io a.m. on news conference was held in his office Wednesday, October 31, I945. 182 Statement by the President on Announcing the Mission to Japan of Ambassador Edwin W. Pauley, Personal Representative of the President on Reparations Matters. November i, I945 THE PROBLEM of what to do with Germany and Japan is one of the greatest challenges in the whole effort to achieve lasting peace. The program for reparations from Germany which was developed by Ambassador Pauley and adopted at the Berlin Conference will go a long way toward helping us achieve complete victory over Germany, by depriving her of the means ever again to wage another war. The reparations program which Ambassador Pauley will develop for Japan will be directed toward the same fundamental goal-to put an end for all time to Japanese aggression. In carrying out this mission for me Ambassador Pauley and his staff will work in close cooperation with General MacArthur and his staff and will make full use of the surveys which have already been made by the industrial experts now on General MacArthur's staff. NOTE: The White House release mak- of Ambassador.Pauley's staff. The list ing public the statement noted that the is published in the Department of State President also announced the members Bulletin (vol. 13, p. 729). 457

Page  458 [ i83] Nov. i Public Papers of the Presidents 183 Letter to Edgar F. Puryear on Receiving Report of the Review Committee on Deferment of Government Employees. November I, 1945 [Released November i, 1945. Dated October 31, 1945 ] Dear Mr. Puryear: Thank you for sending me the report of the Review Committee on Deferment of Government Employees under your chairmanship. I think that a splendid job has been done in keeping down the number of deferments of employees of the Federal Government. I know that a great deal of this accomplishment is due to your own patience, energy and patriotic determination to see that the Selective Service System opcrated fairly and efficiently among government employees without disrupting the Federal service too much. I take this opportunity of thanking you and congratulating you on the results achieved. Very sincerely, HARRY S. TRUMAN [Honorable Edgar F. Puryear, Chairman, Review Committee on Deferment of Government Employees, Washington, D.C. ] NOTE: The 4-page report, which was released with the letter, is printed in the Congressional Record (vol. 91, p. A4825). The report stated that Committee activities had resulted in the approval of a far smaller proportion of deferments than had been secured for non-Federal employees during the period covered by the report (February 1944-August 1945). The report also noted that due to Committee policies occupational deferments for Federal employees had been constantly reduced over the preceding i8 months, and that as of August 15, 1945, 80 percent of all agencies of the Executive Branch of the Government had no approved occupational deferments. 184 Address at the Opening Session of the LaborManagement Conference. November 5, 1945 Ladies and gentlemen of the Labor-Management Conference: In a radio broadcast to the American people last Tuesday night, I said: 458

Page  459 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Nov. 5 [ I84] "I am convinced that if labor and management will approach each other, with the realization that they have a common goal, and with the determination to compose their differences in their own long-range interest, it will not be long before we have put industrial strife behind us. Labor is the best customer that management has; and management is the source of labor's livelihood. Both are wholly dependent upon each other; and the country in turn is dependent upon both of them." This conference has been called to provide a nationwide opportunity to fulfill that objective. Representatives of labor and management are meeting here at this conference table, to discuss their common problems, and to settle differences in the public interest. Here is the democratic process in action-in its very best form. On this conference have been based many high hopes of the American people. Their eyes are turned here in the expectation that you will furnish a broad and permanent foundation for industrial peace and progress. I want to make it clear that this is your conference-a managementlabor conference-and not a Government conference. You have not been chosen by me or by any other Government official. You have been selected by the leading labor and industrial organizations in the United States. There has been no interference by their Government in that selection. By the very nature of the task before you, you appear here not as representatives merely of the organizations which chose you; but as public spirited citizens, who during the deliberations will consider the interests of all groups of our people. Each of you is now a member of the team which the American people hope will recommend definite policy in the field of industrial relations. We must begin with the firm realization that every citizen in our Nation has an identity of interest and a great stake in the maintenance of industrial peace and in the development of mature and effective ways of achieving it. The time has come for labor and management to handle their own affairs in the traditional, American, democratic way. I hope that I can give up the President's wartime powers as soon as possible, so that management and labor can again have the full and undivided responsibility 459

Page  460 [i84] Nov. 5 Public Papers of the Presidents for providing the production that we must have to safeguard our domestic economy and our leadership in international affairs. Your Government, although it is acting as your host, has no hand in the direction or recommendations of this conference. It has no vote. This is your opportunity to prove that you can come to understanding and agreement without political or Government pressure. The outcome of this conference rests with the representatives of management and labor. But-as in all other public affairs-the outcome also rests with the American public who, by their interest and concern, can be a constant reminder that arbitrary selfishness and a refusal to see the other fellow's point of view have no place in these meetings. Our country is worried about our industrial relations. It has a right to be. That worry is reflected in the Halls of Congress in the form of all kinds of proposed legislation. You have it in your power to stop that worry. I have supreme confidence in your ability to find a democratic way to compose industrial difficulties. Under the patriotic pressure of a desperate war crisis, management and labor have performed a miracle of production for four yearsworking together voluntarily but under a measure of Government control. Those controls must soon disappear. Many have already gone. And yet as soon as the first ones were taken off, industrial strife appeared. Some of it was expected by the American people in this period of adjustment. But I am sure that they never expected anything like the amount of strife which has been threatened. And I know that the American people do not like it-especially after the solemn promise by representatives of both management and labor that they would cooperate with their Government through the reconversion period. I make no effort to fix the blame. I have tried to lay fairly before the people the position of labor and the position of industry. They both have problems-grave and worrisome problems. But they are not insoluble problems. Essentially they are problems of adjustment to the drastic changes brought about by three and a half years of war. The important thi'ng is to remember that those problems-and their solution-cannot be allowed to stop us in our struggle to reconvert from war to peace. For until we successfully reconvert our productive ca 460

Page  461 Harry S. Truman, i945 Nov. 5 [I84] pacity, we cannot hope to proceed toward our goal of full employment and an increased standard of living. If labor and management, in an industry or in a company, find that they cannot come to agreement, a way must be found of resolving their differences without stopping production. Finding the best way to accomplish that result without Government directive to either labor or industry-that is your job. There are many considerations involved. At the basis of them all, is not only the right, but the duty, to bargain collectively. I do not mean giving mere lip service to that abstract principle. I mean the willingness on both sides, yes, the determination, to approach the bargaining table with an open mind, with an appreciation of what is on the other side of the table-and with a firm resolve to reach an agreement fairly. If that fails, if bargaining produces no results, then there must be a willingness to use some impartial machinery for reaching decisions on the basis of proven facts and realities, instead of rumor or propaganda or partisan statements. That is the way to eliminate unnecessary friction. That is the way to prevent lockouts and strikes. That is the way to keep production going. We shall have to find methods not only of peaceful negotiation of labor contracts, but also of insuring industrial peace for the lifetime of such contracts. Contracts once made must be lived up to, and should be changed only in the manner agreed upon by the parties. If we expect confidence in agreements made, there must be responsibility and integrity on both sides in carrying them out. Some substitute must be found for jurisdictional strikes. Business simply cannot stop, life and property just cannot be endangered, merely because of some internal disagreement between factions of labor, in which management can rightfully have no part or interest. There can be no moral or economic justification for stopping production while rival organizations contend with each other. Labor has a particular interest in this matter-for nothing is so destructive of public confidence in the motives of trade unionism as a jurisdictional strike. On the other hand, management too often has looked upon labor relations as a stepchild of its business, to be disregarded until the con 46I

Page  462 [i84] Nov. 5 Public Papers of the Presidents troversy has reached a point where real collective bargaining becomes very difficult-if not almost impossible. It happens all too frequently that in the actual process of collective bargaining, delaying tactics are practised with the result that there is no real bargaining. There can be no justification for such tactics at the present time, or in the future. If this conference can recommend answers to the public demand for machinery to prevent or settle industrial disputes, it will have made vast progress toward industrial peace. It will have laid a foundation for an era of prosperity and security. The whole world now needs the produce of our mills and factorieseverything stands ready and primed for a great future. But situations and circumstances can change rapidly. Our unparalleled opportunity may not long remain open. We must have production-vast production. We must have it soon. In order to have it, labor and management must work together to expand the economy of our Nation-as they worked together to protect the safety of our Nation during the war. If we get the production that we need-the production which our resources and industrial skill make possible, the present problem of wages and prices will be easier to solve. Production means employment. It means economic wealth. It means higher wages and lower prices. It means the difference between strength and prosperity on the one hand, and uncertainty and depression on the other. The men in this room direct a cross section of American industry, and lead American labor of all opinions. But you will fully succeed only if labor and industry as a whole willingly accept your decisions, and will adopt the convictions developed out of this conference. The American people know the enormous size of your task. But the stakes are enormous too. If the people do not find the answers here, they will find them some place else. For these answers must and will be found. The whole system of private enterprise and individual opportunity depends upon finding them. When industrial strife becomes widespread, all of us lose the things we need-the wages that labor wants, the earnings and dividends that businessmen and investors want, and the products that the consumers 462

Page  463 Harry S. Truman, 1945 Nov. 7 [I85] want. No realist can expect the millennium of a perfect no-strike, no lock-out era at once. But continued production and an expanding industry-unh