The development of Philippine politics

THE REVOLUTIONARY GOVERNMENT

131

all possible rmeans of cohesion between the different elements here. Moreover, everybody is fully aware of the power
of the native priests, and to proclaim the separation of
Church and State at that time meant to remove that valuable
element of our people. In addition to these reasons, I was
influenced in my choice of the establishment of an official
church, which was of course, the Catholic, by the consideration that in case of separation between Church and State,
Rome could very well appoint foreign bishops and ecclesiastic
authorities and absolutely disregard the native clergy which
since the beginning of the revolution and a long time before,
had been the principal authors of the reform movement in
the Philippines. On the other hand, the question of the
ecclesiastic property was a problem of the most vital importance which could not, in my opinion, be solved but in
one of these two manners: either by entering into a concordat with Rome, for which purpose it was indispensable
for us to have an official religion, or by indemnifying the religious corporations for the value of their property which,
though admitting that their acquisition may have been
vicious in its origin, had, in the course of the years, been
redeemed by the acceptance of the tenants occupying the
same. If the religious corporations were paid the value of
their property holdings, all that wealth would leave the
Philippines instead of remaining here and being used for
the Catholic worship.
Even Mabini, who was a good Mason, saw the strength
of Calderon's argument although the proposal was
defeated.
Mabini was as much opposed to the Constitution as
ever.(1) He even tried to delay its promulgation, on the
ground that if it was enforced, the President would have
very little power, for the signature of the Secretary was
always necessary, and the President could not do what he
wanted. The cabinet would be responsible to congress and
not to him, and congress had tremendous powers other than
this. In time of war, Mabini went on, when unity of command and effective leadership were necessary, this plan
of government would not work well.
(1) It is surprising how such a well posted scholar as James A. Leroy could have
made the mistake of giving the exclusive paternity of the Malolos Constitution
to Apolinario Mabini. (See, Leroy, Americans in the Philippines, Vol. I,
p. 289).