The Philippines of yesteryears; the dawn of history in the Philippines.
Alip, Eufronio Melo, ed. 1904-

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Page  [unnumbered] THE PHILIPPINES OF YESTERYEARS Alip -

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Page  [unnumbered] ~~~~rB. dT 4, -- -- l..... ~~~./1mlk~~nrt ~~ — ~:,~ ~f ~~ ~~~~ ~ ~ n ~~ -'~~~~~~~~~~~~~. _~r'.-~~ ~11~.~~-'~,.~ ~ ~ ~~.. ~,,?? R.~...A III siC 9Rr A million years ago or so, during the Pleistocene Period, it is believed that the seas near the Philip and land bridges appeared. The light toned areas on this map indicate possible land bridges betwe mainland Asia. -Courtes, )pines rose and sank ten the islands and lBuret'11 of Scrinrve.

Page  I THE DAWN OF HISTORY IN THE PHILIPPINES With Illustrations EUFRONIO M. ALIP, Ph. Litt.D. Editor JOSE P. APOSTOL, M.A. GREGORIO C. BORLAZA, Ph.D. Associate Editors LINIITE[) EDITION 1R"ew'Inted with permis!simn frotm the Jom nal of Hlistory of the Philippine National iIlisto ical Society Volu Inme Xl, Nos. 1, 2, 8 and 4. (1 P6i)

Page  II &1)7i 61-1 Copyright 1964 ALIP & SONS, INC. Prin ted in the Philippines

Page  III PREFACE Little is known of the pre-Spanish history of the Philippines. Like the kaingeros who burn the forest before planting their crops, the early Spanish colonizers destroyed the early writings which they found in the Philippines to make it easier for them to propagate the Christian religion and the Western culture which they brought with them to the new soil. Much has been written about the Philippines from Spanish era to the present. But these writings are not enough. The impact of four centuries of Western Colonization (1565-1946) has made us like a tree with a luxuriant foliage but with stunted roots. Our society has become like a tall, top-heavy structure with a very weak foundation. If we must sustain the material progress which we have attained, we must rediscover and strengthen the desirable values in our ancient cultural moorings. We must dig whenever and wherever possible for buried historical treasures which contain the precious secrets of our pre-Spanish history. Buried in caves in unexplored jungles are artifacts and human bones which have interesting stories to tell. Hidden in ancient Chinese and European manuscripts are historical accounts of equal value to our people. The Philippine National Historical Society has published in the Journal of History the following articles which should be helpful in our quest for knowledge of the Philippines before the Western Colonization: The Philippines in Pre-Historic Times........ By Robert Fox Ma-Yi................................ By Chau Ju-Kua First Voyage Around the World...... By Antonio Pagaphetta De Moluccis Insulis.......... By Maximilianus Transylvanus The article by Fox is based mostly on his and some other eminent anthropologists' findings as they dug on caves and made excavations on other sites in the Philippines. Pagaphetta's narrative is based on his diary as a member of the Magellan expedition that circumnavigated the globe (1519-22). Chau-Ju-Kua's and Transylvanus' chronicles were written from testimonies given them by people who had come to the Philippines. Since the circulation of the. Journal of History is limited mostly to its few members, the undersigned thought it might help if he had the foregoing articles reprinted and put together in one handy volume even for a limited circulation outside of the Philippine National Historical Society. This reprint has therefore been made, with the permission of the PNHS, for the benefit of non-members of the PNHS who are interested in the early history of the Philippines. Some illustrations have been added to lend interest in the subject under treatment. Acknowledgments are hereby made to Prof. Jose P. Apostol and and Dean Gregorio Borlaza, my associates, for their invaluable assistance in the preparation of this volume. EUFRONIO M. ALIP Manila, June 19, 1964 Editor

Page  IV

Page  1 TABLE OF CONTENTS PREFA CE............................................ 1 EDITOR'S NOTE..................................... 3 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD.............. 5 by Antonio Pagaphetta DE MOLUCCIS INSULIS............................... 250 by Maximilianus Transylvanus MA-YI.............................................. 277 by Chao-Ju-Kua THE PHILIPPINES IN PRE-HISTORIC TIMES............ 283 by Robert Fox IN D E X............................................. 31 8

Page  2 SOME OTHER BOOKS BY E. M. ALIP * A Brief History of the Philippines * Philippine History (Political, Social, Economic) * lolitical and (ultural History of the Philippines * Vol. I-Since Time Began to British Occupation * Vol. II-Since the British Occupation * 'hilippine (overnment (Origin, Development, Organization, Functions) * The Government of the Republic * The Philippine Presidents * Philippine-Chinese Relations * Philippine-Japanese Relations * Philippine Social Life * Tagalog Literature * Ang Panitikang Pilipino * Mga Hiyas ng Wikang Pambansa * Our Heritage * Pambungad na Babasahin sa Panitikang Pilipino * I Traced Rizal's Footsteps in Foreign Lands * Jose Rizal: His Place in Foreign Affairs and Other Essays * The Rizal Readers * Book One: Rizal As A Child * Book Two: Rizal As A Student * Book Three: Rizal As A Leader * Book Four: Interesting Stories About Rizal * Book Five: Rizal, The Educator * Si Jose Rizal: Ang Magaaral

Page  3 EDITOR'S NOTE The Journal of History reprints in this issue the first three known writings in which the Philippines is mentioned, to make them available to the teachers of Philippine history and students of early Philippine life. These reference materials are difficult to obtain now, for the 5S-volume source book, Blair and Robertson's The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, in which they were published have become extremely rare as a result of the destruction of school and public libraries in the last war. MA-YI This short document is the oldest record so far published that describes some of the islands and people in tho Philippine archipelago. It is a chapter of a MS. known as Chu-fan-chih, written in the last quarter of the 13th century by Chao Ju-kua, a Chinese port official in Fo-Kien province. Because of his position, Chao had the opportunity to talk to traders, Chinese as well as foreigners, plying between the Asiatic mainland and the neighboring islands. The information he gathered were incorporated in the MS. together with some other data he found about these islands in old Chinese records. The Chu-fan-chih was translated in English by Dr. F. Hirth and from that translation, Professor Ferdinand Blumentritt translated in German the particular chapter which mentioned some of the Philippine islands. A student of the Philippines, Blumentritt identified with their modem names the islands and places mentioned by Chao. Jose Rizal to whom Blumentritt made known his translation wrote a commentary dated London, December 6, 1888, in which he agreed with Blumentritt as to the names of some of the places and expressed his doubts on the others. The Hirth translation which Rizal said was published in Globus for September, 1889, was cited by him in "La Indolencia de los Filipinos" that appeared in the La Solidaridad, Madrid, in 1890. While in exile in Dapitan Rizal wanted to resume his studies of the Chu-fan-chih, asked Blumentritt on July 31, 1894 for a copy of his translation and in January of 1895 wrote Blumentritt that with the knowledge of Visayas he had already acquired, he could not now agree to some of the geographical names in that translation. Rizal promised to clarify his points, but there is no record available that he did. On November 9, 1901, Clemente J. Zulueta, professor of history in the Liceo de Manila and a researcher of recognized ability, published a Spanish translation of Blumentritt's (probably that copy sent to Rizal) 3

Page  4 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY in Peri6dico Hebdomadario Escolar. And four years later Professor P. L. Stangi, also of Liceo de Manila, published his Spanish version with English translation in the Revista Historica de Filipinas, vol. I, no. 2, June 1905, dividing the article into two parts: xl, entitled "Ma-yr' and xli, "San-Hsii." When the editors of The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, heard about this material from Le Roy who lent them a copy of the Peri6dico, they tried to look for the Hirth's translation, but failing in this they retranslated Blumentritt to English from the Zulueta Spanish version. DE MOLUCCIS INSULIS This is a brief account of the voyage of Ferdinand Magellan around the world, in the form of a letter dated October 24, 1522, of a student at Valladolid, Spain, by the name of Maximilianus Transylvanus to his father Mathaeus Cardinal Lang of Salsburg, Germany. Transylvanus got his data from interviews with the officers and the men who rounded the world on the Victoria. It is the first published account of that famous voyage. FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD The relation of Magellan's notable voyage, written in Italian by Antonio Pagaphetfa who himself accompanied the great circumnavigator and discoverer, was translated by Dr. James A'exander Robertson, one of the editors of The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, and who became the director of the national library. This work of Robertson is outstanding in that it is a complete reproduction of Pigafetta's MS. in contrast to the earlier published versions, in French in 1525 and in Italian in 1536, which were in abridged form, and that his annotations are exhaustive. It may be mentioned that in 1889, Jose Rizal, who could read Italian, made use of Pagaphetta's relation (Carlo Amoretti edition) in his task of annotating the Morga's Sucesos de las Islas Filipinas. He quoted Pagaphetta to belie several writers who said that Magellan's death was due to treachery and poison, and that the wooden figure of Jesus found by Legazpi in Cebu was brought there by the angels.?:: I These three documents appear in this issue in inverse chronological order. 4

Page  5 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD By ANTONIO PAGAPHETTA PREFACE Of all the accounts of the first circumnavigation, by far the most important is that of the Venetian, Antonio Pigafetta, who accompanied Fernao Magalhaes, the greatest navigator, perhaps, of the modern age, on the expedition that disclosed secrets that had been so long hidden from man. Pigafetta's account is not only the most valuable and authentic of the few contemporary and early relations of the famous voyage. but is also the only source of information for many details of that voyage. Probably no other historical documents is more universally accepted by students as the final authority regarding the actual events with which it deals. Pigafetta's account is herewith presented for the first time in complete form. The value and interest of the relation are evident by its various manuscript versions, and were recognized by its publication in condensed form in both French and Italian during the first quarter-century 'after the return of the Victoria to Spain, and in English as early as 1555. These publications are very unsatisfactory, for much of great value to the modem historical student has been hurriedly slurred over, or entirely omitted. At the dawn of the nineteenth century, Dr. Carlo Amoretti, prefect of the Biblioteca Ambrosiana, at Milan, Italy, recognizing to a slight degree the value of the original manuscript which he discovered among the treasures entrusted to his care, published the relation in both Italian and French, but committed the sin of editing the precious document, almost beyond recognition in places. In the latter half of the same century, Lord Stanley of Alderley translated and edited the relation for the Hakluvt Society; but, unfortunately, in his translation he omitted passages of importance to ethnologists. and 5

Page  6 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY in addition, relied for his text, not on the original Italian, but in part on the older of the two French manuscripts of the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, and in part on Amoretti's garbled publication. Consequently, Stanley's, as well as Amoretti's edition, is unsatisfactory to students who prize accuracy. The text of the Italian manuscript, edited by Andrea da Mosto (part v, vol. iii, of Racolta di documenti e studi, published by the Italian government-Rome, 1894-in honor of the fourth centenary of the discovery of America) has proved, all things considered the most useful edition of Pigafetta's relation hitherto given to the public. Its usefulness is limited, however as it is available to only Italian readers. Mosto's transcript, although in general tolerably faithful, contains a few errors and some serious blemishes from the standpoint of historical accuracy, such as the spelling out of all abbreviations, the rendering of the frequently occurring Spanish abbreviation "q" (for "que") by the Italian "che", and the arbitrary insertion of punctuation not in the original. The present edition first gives the English reader access to a translation of the true text of Pigafetta, edited and extensively annotated. This, together with the original Italian of Pigafetta, places before the student abundant material, both for a study of the relation itself and of the wonderful voyage. The transcript of the Italian manuscript (the oldest and most complete of the four existing manuscripts) which is conserved in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan, was made personally by the editor, who enjoyed in that library full privileges for the work of transcription and reference. In the printing, great care has been taken to represent correctly the many peculiar characters and abbreviations occurring in the old Italian, and for this purpose many special characters have been designed and type specially cast. The peculiarities of the manuscript have been carefully preserved, even to the spacing, except that paragraphs in the original have a hanging indention, and the 6

Page  7 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD punctuation at the end of paragraphs is usually a dash or a series of dashes and dots. Throughout the document, the Italian text has been collated with the text of the earlier of the two French manuscripts of the Bibliotheque Nationale. Paris, and with the Eden version, as published by Arber, and all the variant readings are incorporated in the notes. The annotations have been made very extensive, and include not only a large amount of original matter gathered from the best sources, but also the most valuable comments of the various editors of former editions of the relation. Mosto's edition, mentioned above, has been of especial assistance in elucidating many matters. The bibliography is as complete as possible at the present time; in its preparation, the editor has had the advantage of personal assistance from librarians of many great libraries, public and private both in Europe and America, where rare Pigafetta manuscripts or books are conserved. He would call especial attention to the fact that more complete and definite details are presented of the four existing manuscripts than has yet appeared anywhere, especially of the Nancy Manuscript. An exhaustive analytical index has been added, which has been carefully prepared to meet the requirements of modern historical research. Pigafetta's numerous charts were photographed especially for this work from the original manuscripts: of other illustrations only those of distinct historical value have been admitted. Pigafetta's account, as here published, was prepared for issue in Blair and Robertscn's The Philippine Islands: 1493 -1898. The decision of the publishers a few months since to limit the edition of the The Philippine Islands: 1493-1898 to about one-half the edition originally announced, and the fact that more than half of the sets issued are permanently located in the large European and other foreign libraries, has led many scholars, and some librarians, to urge the editors and publishers to make this work more widely accessible to '7 i

Page  8 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY students. In response to this demand the present small separate edition is published. In the preparation and editing of this manuscript, the thanks of the editor are due to Rev. Antonio Ceriani, prefect of the Biblioteca Ambrosiana, Milan, Italy, for his courtesy in allowing the free use of the manuscript and library; to the officials of the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, for permission to examine and transcribe Pigafetta manuscripts; to Mr. T. FitzRoy Fenwick, Thirlestaine House. Cheltenham, England, for definite information concerning the Nancy MS. of Pigafetta's relation which was owned by his grandfather, Sir Thomas Philipps; to Mr. Edward E. Ayer, of Chicago, for the use of his edition of Mosto's work; and to various others mentioned in the annotations. The editor is under a deep sense of obligation to Signore Andrea da Mosto, for the use of his excellent annotations and bibliographical notices which have been drawn upon freely. In the compilation of the bibliography, the most hearty cooperation has been experienced from the following: Mr. Herbert Putnam, and officials, of the Library of Congress, for the loan of books and bibliographical material; Mr. George Parker Winship, of the John Carter Brown Library, Providence, who has kindly examined and compared the Colines and Italian (1536) edition of Pigafetta's relation, supplied titles, and otherwise rendered valuable aid; Mr. Victor Hugo Paltsits of Lenox Library, New York City, who has generously supplied titles, and examined bibliographies and collections; Miss Clara A. Smith, librarian of the Ayer (private) Library, Chicago, who has cordially loaned books and supplied titles; the officials and staff of the libraries of the Wisconsin Historical Society and of the University of Wisconsin, Madison, for the free use of library facilities; and from Mr. Thomas J. Kiernan, of Harvard University Library; Mr. Horace G. Wadlin, of Boston Public Library; Mr. Samuel A. Green, Librarian of the Massachussetts Historical Society; Prof. Addison Van Name, of Yale University Library; Mr. H. M. Lydenberg, of Astor Library, New 8

Page  9 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD York City; and Mr. Robert H. Kelly, Librarian of the New York Historical Society. Many friends and well-wishers, too numerous to mention, have also merited many thanks.,Especial thanks are due to Miss Emma Helen Blair. the present editor's colleague in The Philippine Islands: 1493-1898, whose quiet and unselfish helpfulness and generosity of spirit have proved the greatest inspiration in this work. J. A. R. Madison, Wisconsin, October, 1905. SYNOPSIS * After a brief dedication to the grand master of the Hospitaler knights of Rhodes or Malta, as they were called later, and of which order he is a member, Pigafetta relates that, being at Barcelona in 1519 with the papal legate, he first hears of the expedition about to set out under Magalhaes. Being desirous of seeing the world, he gains permission to accompany the expedition, and soon joins the fleet at Seville, whence it is to depart. Magalhaes, as a wise commander, issues his instructions to the various commanders of the vessels are port is left, so that they may keep together in the unknown seas before them, and that they may act in harmony. Setting sail from Seville on August 10, 1519, the fleet of five small vessels starts on its long journey amid salvos of artillery. At the mouth of the Guadalquivir, San Lucar de Barrameda, they anchor until September 20, when setting sail once more, they make for the Canaries, which are reached September 26. There they reprovision and taking their departure on October 3, coast southward along Africa amid alternating calms and violent storms (cheered however by the welcome appari. tion of St. Elmo's fire, which promises them safety), until *Extracted from the preface in volumes xxxiii and xxxiv of Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898. 9

Page  10 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY they cross the line. Thereupon taking a general westerly course, the cape of St. Augustine on the Brazilian coast is soon sighted. The fresh provisions, so essential to sea voyages, are procured on the coast of Brazil, where occurs the first communication with the natives, with whom wonderful bargains are made. Those Indians, cannibals though they be, and whom Pigafetta describes briefly (not failing to inscribe some of their language) receive the mariners hospitably, and thinking that the latter are come to remain among them, build them a house. But after a stay of eighteen days, the sails are again trimmed toward the south, and descending the coast, Magalhaes anchors next at the Rio de la Plata which had formerly proved so disastrous to Juan de Solis and his men. Unable here to hold converse with the anthropophagous natives, who flee at their approach, the fleet retakes its course, anchoring at two islands where many sea-wolves and penguins are taken, and thus fresh food obtained. The next anchorage is at the famous Bay of St. Julian along the desolate Patagonian coast, where for five months they winter. For two months not an individual is seen, but one day they gain their first sight of the Patagonians whose huge bulk strikes all with surprise, and who are held as giants. Amicable relations are entered into with various of these wandering Indians, and finally Magalhaes, with the taste for the wonderful that characterized his period, as strongly, or more strongly than our own, determines to capture two of them to take back to Spain as novelties. His ruse is successful, but an attempt to induce the wife of one of the Indians to go to the ships fails. Very interesting are these giants to the curious Pigafetta, and to him is due the earliest description of their manners and customs and the earliest specimens of their language. The two captured giants are placed in separate vessels, but unfortunately both die ere reaching the end of the journey, one in the deserting ship San Antonio, and the other in Magalhaes's own ship, the Trinidad. 10

Page  11 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD During the five months at the port "many things happened there." Shortly after entering the port, the most critical moment of all Magalhaes's life comes. and one which he has perhaps, dreaded from the beginning of the expedition. This is the mutiny headed by Juan de Cartagena. captain of one of the vessels, and other malcontents, who hate Magalhaes because he is a Portuguese. The latter, however, proves equal to the emergency, and by his prompt action and the punishments tempered by mercy that he inflicts, quiets the trouble. Joao Serrao, captain of the Santiago is sent to explore the coast, but is shipwrecked, although all the crew are saved. Their rescue (not well told by Pigafetta) is a thrilling and arduous matter, and calls into play the endurance of men already tried by misfortune and buffetings with Nature. With the fleet reduced to four vessels, the mariners leave port St. Julian and proceeding along the coast, anchor at the river of Sardines, where stormy weather threatens a disastrous end to the expedition. A stay of two months is made, during which the ships are enabled to lay in a good supply of provisions, wood, and water. Before leaving that river, the crews (for Magalhaes looks after the spiritual welfare of his men) confess and take communion. Then resuming the voyage, the great object of the first half of the expedition is attained, namely. the discovery of the strait, which occurs October 21, 1520. "That strait is one hundred and ten leguas... long, and it is one half legua broad, more or less." Its discovery is due to the indomitable energy and endurance of Magalhaes, and his certain knowledge (probably overstated by Pigafetta) of its existence. Continuing, Pigafetta briefly narrates the passage through the starit, and the desertion of the San Antonio, which returns to Spain, after putting the captain, Alvaro de Mesquita, a relative of Magalhaes, in irons; for the pilot, a Portuguese named Esteban Gomez, is jealous of Magalhaes, as the latter expedition has destroyed ambitious plans of his own. The other three ships, leaving letters and signals in the strait, in case the 11

Page  12 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY San Antonio tries to regain them, proceeds on its way, debouching from the strait November 28. Then begins a long voyage over the trackless Pacific "in truth... very pacific;" and the three ships sail on steadily for three and two-thirds months without being able to reprovision. To the horrors of famine are added the sufferings of the dread scurvy. Pigafetta, whose curiosity is always alert and active, and who remains well, diverts himself with talking to the Patagonian, who is finally baptized but who is one of those to die. In the vast stretch from the strait to the Ladrones (first seen by them of all Europeans), only two islands, both desert, are sighted, and those, since they are unable to find anchorage there, are called the "Unfortunate Isles." Pigafetta mentions the southern constellation Crux and the star clouds since called after Magalhaes. His geographical information, as one might expect, is not always accurate, for he places Cipangu (Japan) in the open Pacific. Thoughts of relief that come upon sighting various islands (which they called the Ladrones because of the thievishness of the inhabitants) are quickly dissipated by the hostility there encountered. So bold are these natives (whose appearance, life, and customs, Pigafetta describes briefly), that they even steal the ship's boat. from the stern of the Trinidad, thus necessitating a raid into one of the islands, where some of the natives are killed, and some houses burned, but the boat recovered. On March 16, 1521, the first of the Philippines (by them called the archipelago of San Lazaro) to be seen by Europeans, is sighted. Anchor is cast at a small desert island called Humunu, (but which the mariners call "The watering-place of good signs" because the first traces of gold are found there), near Samar, where two tents are quickly set up for the sick, whom Magalhaes himself tends with solicitude. March 18, they gain their first acquaintance with the natives, who prove hospitable, and promise fresh provisions. These are brought on the twenty-second of March, and the Europeans have their first sight of the tattooed Visayan chief, who, as well as his men, 12

Page  13 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD is decked out in gold ornaments. After a week's stay, the ships again set sail, Pigafetta almost coming to an untimely end by slipping over the side of the vessel while fishing, but happily saved by the aid of "that fount of mercy," the Virgin. March 28, anchor is cast at the island of Limasaua (Mazava), where Enrique, the Malaccan slave of Magalhaes, serves as interpreter. Amicable relations are speedily entered into and confirmed by the Malayan rite of blood brotherhood. The king of Limasaua, and his brother, the king of certain districts in Mindanao, prove most helpfuli and are completely won over by a judicious presentation of gifts. Greatly are the natives impressed by the power of the new comers, as seen in the artillery and armor, and their astonishment is increased when Magalhaes relates his course to their islands and the discovery of the strait. On Good Friday, Pigafetta and a companion visit the natives ashore, where they spend the night in the king's palace, a typical Visayan house raised aloft on supports and thatched with nipa. Here the various ceremonies that he witnesses impress Pigafetta, and his companion, cast in coarser mould than he, becomes intoxicated. Pigafetta, always interested in the language of the new peoples whom he meets, writes down certain of their words, whereat they are greatly astonished. He records that he "ate meat on Holy Friday, for I could not help myself." On Easter Sunday, the natives are deeply impressed by the mass that is celebrated ashore and the cross which is planted in the highest part of the island, and which they promise to adore. The limited amount of food in Limasaua, which is used only as a place of recreation by the two kings, who go there to visit one another and hunt, leads Magalhaes to seek a more abundant harbor. Among the places pointed out where food is abundant is the island of Cebu, and there Magalhaes determines to go, "for so did his unhappy fate will". After a seven days' stay at Limasaua, the course is laid to Cebui under the pilotage 13

Page  14 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY of the king of Limasaua, who is finally taken aboard the Trinidad as his vessel is unable to keep up with the swifter-moving European vessels. Entering the port of Cebu on April 7, amid the thunder of their guns, the settlement is thrown into consternation, but the Malaccan being sent ashore reassures them of his master's good intentions, whom he proclaims to be a "captain of the greatest king and prince in the world," who "was going to discover Malucho," but hearing of the great fame of the king of Cebu, wishes trade with him. The king of Cebu is willing to accord friendship to the Europeans, but asks a tribute, as it is the custom for all visitors to pay it to him. But no tribute will be paid him, asserts Enrique, and the king, at the advice of a Moro merchant who has heard of the deeds of the Portuguese along Malacca and the Indian coast, and confuses the strangers with them, until undeceived by Enrique (who declares them to be much greater than the Portuguese), expresses his willingness to make friendship with Magalhaes. With the help of the friendly king of Limasaua, peace is made according to Malay rites, and gifts exchanged. Magalhaes deeply religious, in common with many of his age, early seeks to lure the natives of Cebu to holy baptism, by presenting to them its most attractive side, and promising the king if he becomes a Christian, a suit of armor; but they must become willing converts, and not for the hope of gain or fear. The peace is more firmly cemented by the visit of Pigafetta and a companion to the king, where they witness ceremonies similar to those of Limasaua, and where gifts are bestowed upon the king and some others. They also visit the house of the prince apparent, where they hear their first concert of Visayan music and see a native dance. On the following Wednesday two of the crew are buried ashore on consecrated ground with as much pomp as possible. Trading is instituted by carrying a quantity of merchandise ashore, the safety of which is assured by the king. Those people are found to have weights and measures for their trad14

Page  15 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD ing; and besides their gongs, a flute-like instrument. Their houses are entered by ladders. On Friday begins the trading, gold being given for metals and large articles, and food for the smaller wares. The good bargains obtained by the Europeans would have been materially less and the trade spoiled forever had it not been for Magalhaes's watchfulness, for so eager are the men at the sight of the gold, that they would have given almost anything for it. On the following Sunday, the king and his chief men, and the queen and many women. are baptized and given European names, and ere the week closes all the Cebuans have become Christians, as well as some from neighboring islands. The queen at her earnest request, is given a small image of the Christ child, the same afterward recovered by Legazpi, and still held in the greatest of reverence at Cebu. The opposition of certain chiefs to the king of Cebu is satisfactorily ended by the inducements and threats of Magalhaes. The latter swears to be faithful in his friendship with the natives, who likewise swear allegiance to the king of Spain. However, the natives are loath to destroy their idols, according to their promise, and Magalhaes finds them still sacrificing to them for the cure of sickness. Substituting therefore the assurance that the new faith will work a cure, in lieu of which he offers his head, the sick man (who is the prince's brother and the bravest and wisest man in the island) is miraculously cured. Thereupon many idols are burned amid great demonstrations. Vivid descriptions are given of the people and their customs and ceremonies, especially those of sacrifice and mourning. April 20, a chief from the neighboring island of Mactan sends a small present to Magalhaes, with the request to aid him with a boat load of men against the chief Cilapulapu, who refuses allegiance to Spain. Magalhaes in his ardor, and notwithstanding the remonstrances of his friends, leads three boat loads of men (sixty in all) to the island, where having ordered the king of Cebui to be a witness of the battle only, he engages 15

Page  16 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY the natives. Disastrous indeed does that day prove, for beset by multitudes of foes, the Europeans are compelled to retreat, and the retreat becomes a rout, the personal bravery of Magalhaes and a few of his closest friends only saving the men from almost complete massacre. Recognizing the leader, the natives make their greatest efforts against him, and finally he is killed while knee deep in the wcter, but after all the others are saved. Pigafetta's lament is tragic and sorrowful; they "killed our mirror, our light, our comfort, and our true guide." Insolent in their victory, the natives refuse to give up the body of the slain leader at the request of the king of Cebu. The Europeans stunned by the loss of their leader, withdraw their merchandise and guards to the ship. and make preparations for de. parture. Duarte Barbosa and Joao de Serrao are chosen leaders. The second act: in the drama follows speedily. The slave Enrique, enraged at a severe reprimand and threats by Barbosa, conspires with the king of Cebui; with the result that twentysix men, including both the leaders, are murdered at a banquet on May 1, to which the king invites them. Joao Carvalho, deaf to the entreaties of Joao Serrao, his comrade, and anxious to become leader, sails away leaving him to his death. Pigafetta names the products of Cebui, and gives a valuable vocabulary of Visayan words, most of which are still in use by those people. By mutual consent, the three vessels proceed to Bohol, where the Concepcion is burned, as there are too few men left to work all three ships; although its supplies and all else possible are transferred to the Victoria and Trinidad. Then, cruising along, they put in at Mindanao where Pigafetta goes ashore alone, after the king has made blood friendship at the ships. There they hear of Luz6n, where the Chinese trade annually. Departing from Mindanao, they anchor at Cagayan Sulu, a penal settlement for Borneo, where the blowpipe and poisoned arrows are used, and the daggers adorned with gold. The next anchorage is at Paragua, although before reaching that island 16

Page  17 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD the men have been tempted to abandon the ships because of hunger. There the rice is cooked under the fire in bamboos and is better than that cooked in earthen pots. Those people raise fighting cocks and bet on their favorite birds. Ten leguas from Paragua is the great island of Borneo, whither the ships next go, and anchor at the city of Brunei. which is built over the water, and contains twenty-five thousand fires. Hospitably received by eight chiefs who visit the ships, they enter into relations with the Borneans. Seven men go as ambassadors to visit the king, and bear presents to him and the chief men. Here some of the grandeurs of an oriental court are spread before their eyes, which Pigafetta briefly describes. The strangers are graciously given permission to take on fresh supplies of food, water, and wood, and to trade at pleasure. Later actions of the Borneans cause the men of the shins to fear treachery, and forestalling any action by that people, they attack a number of junks near them, and capture foyur. Among the captives is the son of the king of Luz6n, who is the chief captain in Borneo, and whom Carvalho allows to escape, without consulting the others, for a large sum of gold. His action in so doing reacts on himself, for the king refuses to allow two men who were ashore and Carvalho's own son (born of a native woman in Brazil) to return to the ships, and they are left behind. The Borneans and their junks are described. They use porcelain dishes which are made from a fine white clay that is buried under the ground for fifty years in order to refine, and inherited from father to son. Camphor is obtained there, and the island is so large that it can be circumnavigated by a prau only in three months' time. On leaving Borneo, a number of prisoners from the captured junks are kept, among them three women whom Carvalho ostensibly retains as presents for the queen of Spain, but in reality for himself. Happily escaping from the point on which one of the ships has become grounded, and the fear of explosion from a candle which is snuffed into a barrel of powder, the ships anchor at a point of Borneo. where for forty-two days, 17

Page  18 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY the men are busied in repairing, calking, and furnishing the vessels. The journey is resumed back toward Paragua, the governor of a district of that island being captured on the way; with whom, however, they enter into friendly relations. Thence the ships cruise along between Cagayan, Jo16, and Mindanao, capturing a native boat from Maingdanao of the latter island. from the captive occupants of which they learn news of the Moluccas. Pushing on amid stormy weather, they anchor at the island of Sarangani, just south of Mindanao; and thence proceed in a generally southerly direction amid many islands until the Moluccas are reached, and they enter the harbor of Tidore on Friday, November 8, 1521, after twenty-seven months, less two days since their departure from Spain. At Tidore a warm welcome awaits them from the king, who is a powerful astrologer and has been expecting their arrival. He promises them many cloves as they wish, even offering to go outside his island, contrary to the practice of kings, to provide them the sooner; in return for his services hoping for their aid in his designs for power in the Moluccas, especially against the king of Ternate. There they learn that Francisco Serrao, the great friend of Magalhaes, has perished some eight months previously from poison administered by the king of Tidore, whom he had visited because he had aided the king of Ternate against Tidore. This Serrao, says Pigafetta, was the cause of Magalhaes undertaking his expedition, and he had been in the Moluccas for ten years, for so long ago had Portugal discovered those islands. The efforts of the Ternatans to gain the new strangers fail, for they are already pledged to the king of Tidore. On November 12, a house is built ashore and on the thirteenth the merchandise is carried there, among it being that captured with the various junks at and near Borneo. The sailors are somewhat careless of their bargains for they are in haste to return to Spain. The king continues his kindness, and to humor him, as he is a Mahometan, all the swine in the boats are killed. 18

Page  19 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD Pigafetta relates that on November 13, a Portuguese named Pedro Affonso de Lorosa, who had gone to Terrenate after the death of Serrao. comes to the ships. From him they learn the efforts made by the Portuguese to prevent their expedition, and various news of the region: and they ply him so well that on departing he promises to return to the ships and go to Spain with them. On November 16 and 17, the Moro king of Gilolo visits the ship, and is delighted with the artillery and fighting qualities of the ships and men, for he had been a great warrior in his youth, and is feared throughout that region. On the eighteenth also, Pigafetta goes ashore to see how the clove grows; and the result of his visit is given in a tolerably correct description of the clove and nutmeg trees. The women of that region, he says, are ugly, and the men are jealous of them and fearful of the Europeans. Meanwhile, the Ternatans bring daily boatloads of cloves and other things to the boat, but only food is bought from them as the clove trade is kept for the king of Tidore. The latter returns to the islands on November 24, with news that many cloves will soon be brought. On the following day the first cloves are stowed in the hold amid the firing of the artillery. The king, in accordance with the custom of that district, invites the sailors to a banquet in honor of the first cloves iaden. But they, mindful of the fatal May-day banquet, suspect treachery and make preparations for departure. The king, learning of their intended departure, is beside himself and entreats them to stay with him, or if they will go, to take back all the presents, as he would otherwise be considered a traitor by all his neighbors. After his entreaties have availed, it is learned that some chiefs had endeavored in vain to turn the king against the Spaniards, in hopes of currying favor with the Portuguese. On November 27 and 28, many cloves are traded. The governor of the island of Machian comes to the ships on November 29, but refuses to land, as his father and brother are living in exile at Tidore (a curious evidence of Oriental government 19

Page  20 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY customs). The king proves his friendliness once more by returning them some of their presents, as their stock had given out, in order that they might give them to the governor. Again on December 2, the king leaves his island to hasten their departure, and on the fifth and sixth the last trading is done, the men in their eagerness bartering articles of clothing for cloves. Then after many visits from the kings and chiefs of the various Moluccas and other islands; after Lorosa, the Portuguese. has come aboard, notwithstanding the efforts of one of the Ternatan princes to seize him; and after the witnessing of various ceremonies between the kings of Batchian and Tidore, the new sails are bent to the yards, and the ships prepare to depart. Leaving the king of Tidore certain of the artillery and powder captured with the junks, and their Bornean captives (having previously given him all their other prisoners); and having made peace with various potentates of the region roundabout. the Victoria lifts anchor and stands out to await the Trinidad. The latter vessel, however, is unable to lift anchor, and suddenly springs a leak. The Victoria puts back to port; the Trinidad is lightened; but all endeavors to locate the leak are unavailing. The king, solicitous lest his plans of future greatness go astray, if the ships, cannot return to Spain, is tireless in his efforts, but his best divers are unable to accomplish anything. Finally it is decided that the Victoria will take advantages of the winds and return to Spain by way of the Cape of Good Hope, while the Trinidad, after being overhauled will return by way of the Isthmus of Panama. Having lighted the former vessel of sixty quintales of cloves, as it is overladen, the ships separate, forty-seven Europeans and thirteen natives sailing in the Victoria and fifty-three men remaining with Joao Carvalho. Amid tears from each side, the Victoria departs and passing by the island of Mare, where wood has been cut for them, soon stows the wood aboard, and then takes its path among the numerous islands of the East Indian archipelagoes. To Pigafetta, the world is indebted for the first Malayan voca20

Page  21 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THIE WORLD bulary, and for many descriptions of islands, peoples and products. Stopping occasionally at various islands, for fresh supplies and wood, the Victoria picks its way toward the open Indian Ocean, Pigafetta meanwhile plying the Malayan pilot with questions regarding all the region, and learning much, partly true and partly legendary, of various islands, China. Malacca, and the Indian coast. Their longest stay is at Timur, where two men desert and which they leave on Wednesday. February 11, 1522, passing to the south of Sumatra for fear of the Portuguese. On the way to the cape, some, constrained by hunger, wish to stop at the Portuguese settlement of Mozambique, but the majority, loving honor more than life, decide that they must return to Spain at all hazards. For nine weeks they are buffeted about the cape, which is finally doubled in May, but only after the loss of a mast. They sail for two months longer without fresh supplies, and finally on Wednesday, July 9, reach Santiago, one of the Cape Verde Islands. Sending a boat ashore. with a story invented to throw the Portuguese off the scent, they are given two boatloads of rice for their merchandise. They are surprised to find themselves out one day in their reckoning, a fact that puzzles Pigafetta, until he finds out the reason later, for he has been most sedulous in setting down the record of each day. The boat with thirteen men returns once more, but the secret leaks out in part, and the ship with only eighteen Europeans (for twenty one men, counting Europeans and Malays, have died since leaving Timur, part of whom have been executed for their crimes), hastily departs to avoid capture. On Saturday, September 6, the ship enters San Lucar, with most of its crew sick, and on Monday, September 8, they are anchored once more at Seville. Next day, the men visit two famous shrines in procession to give thanks for their return. Pigafetta, still restless, goes to Valladolid, where he presents a book to Carlos I; to Portugal and France, where he tells his wonderful experiences; and finally to Venice in Italy, where he proposes to pass the remainder of his days. December, 1905 - The Editors 21

Page  22 RELATION OF THE VOYAGE* Antonio Pigafetta,l patrician of Venezia and knight of Rhodi [i.e., Rhodes],2 to the most illustrious and excellent Lord, Philipo de Villers Lisleadam,3 renowned grand master of Rhodi, his most honored lord.4 Inasmuch as, most illustrious and excellent Lord, there are many curious persons who not only take pleasure in knowing and hearing the great and wonderful things which God has permitted me to see and suffer during my long and dangerous voyage, hereto appended, but who also wish to know the means and manners and paths that I have taken in making that voyage [literally: "in going thither"; and who do not lend that entire faith to the end unless they have a perfect assurance of the beginning: therefore, your most illustrious Lordship must know that, finding myself, in the year of the nativity of our Savior MCCCCCXIX in Spagnia, in the court of the most serene king of the Romans,5 with the reverend Monsignor, Francesco Chieregato, then apostolic protonotary and nuncio of Pope Leo X of holy memory (and who has since become bishop of Aprutino and prince of Teramo),6 and having learned many things from many books that I had read, as well as from various persons,7 who discussed the great and marvelous things of the Ocean Sea with his Lordship, I determined, by the good favor of his Caesarean Majesty, and of his Lordship abovesaid, to experience and to go to see those things for myself, so that I might be able thereby to satisfy myself somewhat, and so that I might be able to gain some renown for later posterity.8 Having heard that a fleet composed of five vessels had been fitted out in the city of Siviglia for the pur* Reproduced from Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 1493 -1898, vol. Xxxiii, p. 27 and vol. xxxiv, p. 39. The Arthur H. Clark Company. 22

Page  23 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD pose of going to discover the spicery in the islands of Maluco, under command of Captain general Fernando de Magaglianes,. a Portuguese gentleman. comendador of the [Order of] Santo Jacobo de la Spada [i. e., "St. James of the Sword,1 [who] had many times traversed the Ocean Sea in various directions, whence he had acquired great praise. I set out from the city of Barsalonna, where his Majesty was then residing. bearing many letters in my favor. I went by ship as far as Malega. where, taking the highroad, I went overland to Siviglia. Having been there about three full months, waiting for the said fleet to be set in order for the departure.1 finally. as your most excellent Lordship will learn below, we commenced our voyage under most happy auspices. And inasmuch as when I was in Ytalia and going to see his Holiness. Pope Clement,"2 you by your grace showed yourself very kind and good to me at Monteroso, and told me that you would be greatly pleased if I would write down for you all those things which I had seen and suffered during my voyage; and although I have had little opportunity, yet I have tried to satisfy your desire according to my poor ability; therefore, I offer you. in this little book of mine, all my vigils, hardships, and wanderings, begging you, although you are busied with continual Rhodian cares, to deign to skim through it, by which I shall be enabled to receive a not slight remuneration from your most illustrious Lordship. to whose good favor I consign and commend myself.'3 The captain-general having resolved to make so long a voyage through the Ocean Sea, where furious winds and great storms are always reigning, but not desiring to make known to any of his men the voyage that he was about to make. so that they might not be cast down at the thought of doing so great and extraordinary a deed, as he did accomplish with the aid of God (the captains who accompanied him, hated him exceedingly, I know not why, unless because he was a Portuguese, and they Spaniards), with the desire to conclude what he promised under oath to the emperor, Don Carlo, 23

Page  24 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORCAI, SOCIETY king of Spagnia, prescribed the following orders and gave them to all the pilots and masters of his ships, so that the ships might not become separated from one another during the storms and night.'4 These were [to the effect] that he would always precede the other ships at night, and they were to follow his ship which would have a large torch of wood. which they call farol.15 He always carried that farol set at the poop of his ship as a signal so that they might always follow him. Another light was made by means of a lantern or by means of a piece of wicking made from a rush and called sparto rope16 which is well beaten in the water, and then dried in the sun or in the smoke - a most excellent material for such use. They were to answer him so that he might know by that signal whether all of the ships were coming together. If he showed two lights besides that of the farol, they were to veer or take another tack, [doing this] when the wind was not favorable or suitable for us to continue on our way, or when he wished to sail slowly. If he showed three lights, they were to lower away the bonnet-sail, which is a part of the sail that is fastened below the mainsail, when the weather is suitable for making better time. It is lowered so that it may be easier to furl the mainsail when it is struck hastily during sudden squall.17 If he showed four lights, they were to strike all the sails;18 after which he showed a signal by one light, [which meant] that he was standing still. If he showed a greater number of lights or fired a mortar, it was a signal of land or of shoals.19 Then he showed four lights when he wished to have the sails set full, so that they might always sail in his wake by the torch on the poop. When he desired to set the bonnet-sail, he showed three lights.20 When he desired to alter his course, he showed two2' and then if he wished to ascertain whether all the ships were following and whether they were coming together, he showed one light, so that each one of the ships might do the same and reply to him. Three watches were set nightly: the first at the beginning of the night, the 24

Page  25 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD second, which is called the midnight;22 and the third at the end [of the night]. All of the men in the ships were divided into three parts: the first was the division of the captain or boatswain, those two alternating nightly; the second, of either the pilot or boatswain's mate; and third, of the master.23 Thus did the captain-general order that all the ships observe the above signals and watches, so that their voyage might be more propitious.24 On Monday morning, August x, St. Lawrence's day, in the year abovesaid, the fleet, having been supplied with all the things necessary for the sea,25 (and counting those of every nationality, we were two hundred and thirty-seven men), made ready to leave the harbor of Siviglia.26 Discharging many pieces of artillery, the ships held their forestaysails to the wind, and descended the river Betis. at present called, Gadalcavir, passing by a village called Gioan dal Farax, once a large Moorish settlement. In the midst of it was once a bridge that crossed the said river, and led to Siviglia. Two columns of that bridge have remained even to this day at the bottom of the water, and when ships sail by there, they need men who know the location of the columns thoroughly, so that the ships may not strike against them. They must also be passed when the river is highest with the tide; as must also many other villages along the river, which has not sufficient depth [of itself] for ships that are laden and which are not very large to pass. Then the ships reach another village called Coria, and passed by many other villages along the river, until they came to a castle of the duke of Medina Cidonia, called San Lucar, which is a port by which to enter the Ocean Sea.27 It is in an east and west direction with the cape of Sanct Vincent, which lies in 37 degrees of latitude and x leguas from the said port.28 From Siviglia to this point [i.e., San Lucar], it is 17 or 20 leguas by river.29 Some days after, the captain-general, with his other captains, descended the river in the small boats belonging to their ships. We remained there for a considerable 25

Page  26 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY number of days in order to finish30 [providing] the fleet with some things that it needed. Every day we went ashore to hear mass in a village called Nostra Dona de Baremeda [our Lady of Barrameda], near San Lucar. Before the departure, the captain-general wished all the men to confess, and would not allow any31 woman to sail in the fleet for the best of considerations. We left that village, by name of San Luchar, on Tuesday, September xx of the same year, and took a southwest course.32 On the 26th33 of the said month, we reached an island of the Great Canaria, called Teneriphe, which lies in a latitude of 28 degrees, [landing there] in order to get flesh, water. and wood.34 We stayed there for three and one-half days in order to furnish the fleet with the said supplies. Then we went to a port of the same island called Monte Rosso35 to get pitch,36 staying [there] two days. Your most illustrious Lordship must know that there is a particular one of the islands of the Great Canaria, where one can not find a single drop of water which gushes up [from a spring];37 but that at noontide a cloud descends from the sky and encircles a large tree which grows in the said island, the leaves and branches of which distil a quantity of water. At the foot of the said tree runs a trench which resembles a spring, where all the water falls, and from which the people living there, and the animals, both domestic and wild, fully satisfy themselves daily with this water and no other.38 At midnight of Monday, October three, the sails were trimmed toward the south39, and we took to the open Ocean Sea, passing between Cape Verde and its islands in 14 and onehalf degrees. Thus for many days did we sail along the coast of Ghinea, or Ethiopia, where there is a mountain called Siera Leona, which lies in 8 degrees of latitude, with contrary winds, calms, and rains without wind, until we reached the equinoctial line, having sixty days of continual rain.40 Contrary to the opinion of the ancients,41 before we reached the line many furious squalls of wind, and currents of water struck us head on in 14 degrees. As we could not advance, and in order that 26

Page  27 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD the ships might not be wrecked,4" all tie sails were struck: and in this manner did we wander hither and yon on the sea xaiting for the tempest to cease. for it w\as very futrious.4" When it rained there was no wind. When the sun shone, it was calm. Certain large fishes called tiblhroni I i.e., sharks] came to the side of the ships. They have terrible teeth, and when ever they find men in the sea they devour them. We caught many of them with iron hooks,44 although they are not good to eat unless they are small, and even then they are not very good. During those storms the holy body. that is to say St. Elmo, appeared to us many t ines, int light - among other times on an exceedingly dark night,i^; with the brightness of a blazing torch, on the ma:intop, where ihe stayed for about two hours or more, to our consolation, for we were weeping. When that blessed light was about to leave us. so dazzling was the brightness that it cast into our eyes, that we all remained for more than an eighth of an hour4" blinded and calling for mercy. And truly when we thought that we were dead men. the sea suddenly grew calm.47 I saw many kinds of birds, among them one that had no anus; and another, [which] when the female wishes to lay its eggs, it does so on the back of the male and there they are hatched. The latter bird has no feet, and always lives in the sea. [There is] another kind which live on the ordure of the other birds, and in no other manner; for I often saw this bird, which is called Cagassela, fly behind the other birds, until they are constrained to drop their ordure, which the former seizes immediately and abandons the latter bird. I also saw many flying fish, and many others collected together, so that they resembled an island.48 After we had passed the equinoctial line going south, we lost the north star, and hence we sailed south south-west,49 until [we reached] a land called the land of Verzin50 which lies in 23 1/2 degrees of the Antarctic Pole [i.e., south latitude]. It is the land extending from the cape of Santo Augustino, which 27

Page  28 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY lies in 8 degrees of the same pole. There we got a plentiful refreshment of fowls, potatoes [batate], many sweet pine-apples in truth the most delicious fruit that can be found-the flesh of the anta,51 which resembles beef. sugarcane, and innumerable other things, which I shall not mention in order not to be prolix. For one fishhook or one knife, those people gave 5 or six chickens; for one comb, a brace of geese; for one mirror or one pair of scissors, as many fish as would be sufficient for x men; for a bell or one leather lace, one basketful of potatoes [batate]. These potatoes resemble chestnuts in taste, and are as long as turnips.52 For a king of diamonds [danari],53 which is a playing card, they gave me 654 fowls and thought that they had even cheated me. We entered that port on St. Lucy's day, and on that day had the sun on the zenith;55 and we were subjected to greater heat on that day and on the other days when we had the sun on the zenith, than when we were under the equinoctial line.56 That land of Verzin is wealthier and larger than Spagnia, Fransa, and Italia,57 put together, and belongs to the king of Portugalo. The people of that land are not Christians, and have no manner of worship. They live according to the dictates of nature,58 and reach an age of one hundred and twentyfive and one hundred and forty years.59 They go naked, both men and women. They live in certain long houses which they call boii,60 and sleep in cotton hammocks called amache, which are fastened in those houses by each end to large beams. A fire is built on the ground under those hammocks. In each one of those boii, there are one hundred men with their wives and children,61 and they make a great racket. They have boats called canoes made of one single huge tree,62 hollowed out by the use of stone hatchets. Those people employ stones as we do iron, as they have no iron. Thirty or forty men occupy one of those boats. They paddle with blades like the shovels of a furnace, and thus, black, naked, and shaven, they resemble, when paddling, the inhabitants of the Stygian marsh.63 Men 28

Page  29 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD and women are as well proportioned as we. They eat the human flesh of their enemies, not because it is good, but because it is a certain established custom. That custom, which is mutual, was begun by an old woman,64 who had but one son who was killed by his enemies. In return some days later, that old woman's friends captured one of the company who had killed her son, and brought him to the place of her abode. She seeing him, and remembering her son, ran upon him like an infuriated bitch, and bit him on one shoulder. Shortly afterward he escaped to his own people, whom he told that they had tried to eat him, showing them [in proof the marks on his shoulder. Whomever the latter captured afterward at any time from the former they ate, and the former did the same to the latter, so that such a custom has sprung up in this way. They do not eat the bodies all at once, but every one cuts off a piece. and carries it to his house, where he smokes it. Then every week,65 he cuts off a small bit. which he eats thus smoked with his other food to remind him of his enemies. The above was told me by the pilot, Johane Carnagio66 who came with us, and who had lived in that land for four years. Those people paint the whole body and the face in a wonderful manner with fire in various fashions, as do the women also. The men are [are: doublet in original manuscript] smooth shaven and have no beard, for they pull it out. They clothe themselves in a dress made of parrot feathers, with large round arrangements at their buttocks made from the largest feathers, and it is a ridiculous sight. Almost all the people, except the women and children,67 have three holes pierced in the lower lip, where they carry round stones, one finger or thereabouts in length and hanging down outside. Those people are not entirely black, but of a dark brown color. They keep the privies uncovered, and the body is without hair,68 while both men and women always go naked. Their king is called cacich [i. e., cacique]. They have an infinite number of parrots, and gave us 8 or 10 for one mirror; and little monkeys that look like lions, only 29

Page  30 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY [they are] yellow. and very beautiful.69 They make round white [loaves of] bread from the marrowy substance of trees, which is not very good, and is found between the wood and the bark and resembles buttermilk curds.70 They have swine which have their navels [lombelico] on their backs,7' and large birds with beaks like spoons and no tongues.72 The men gave us one or two of their young daughters as slaves for one hatchet or one large knife, but they would not give us their wives in exchange for anything at all. The women will not shame their husbands under any considerations whatever, and as was told us, refuse to consent to their husbands by day, but only by night.73 The women cultivate the fields, and carry all their food from the mountains in panniers or baskets on the head or fastened to the head.74 But they are always accompanied by their husbands, who are armed only with a bow of brazil-wood or of black palm-wood, and a bundle of cane arrows, doing this because they are jealous [of their wives]. The women carry their children hanging in a cotton net from their necks. I omit other particulars in order not to be tedious. Mass was said twice on shore, during which those people remained on their knees with so great contrition and with clasped hands raised aloft, that it was an exceeding great pleasure75 to behold them. They built us a house as they thought that we were going to stay with them for some time, and at our departure they cut a great quantity of brazil-wood [verzin] to give us.76 It had been about two months since it had rained in that land, and when we reached that port, it happened to rain, whereupon they said that we came from the sky and that we had brought the rain with us.77 Those people could be converted easily to the faith of Jesus Christ. At first those people thought that the small boats were the children of the ships, and that the latter gave birth to them when they were lowered into the sea from the ships, and when they were lying so alongside the ships (as is the custom), they believed that the ships were nursing them.78 One day a beau 30

Page  31 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD tiful young woman came to the flagship. where I was, for no other purpose than to seek what chance might offer. While there and waiting, she cast her eves upon the master's room, and saw a nail longer tlha: one's finger. Picking it up very delightedly and ne-.tly. she thrust it through the lips of her vagina [naturel, and bendilng downI low immediately departed, the captain general and I hl;ving seen that action.7" Some words of those people of Verzin"' For Millet maiz For Flour hui For Fishhook pinda For Knife tacse For Comb chigap For Scissors pirame For Bell itanmaraca Good, better turn maragathum We remained in that land for 13 days. Then proceeding on our way. we went as far as 34 and one-third degrees8' toward the Antarctic Pole. where we found people at a freshwater river, called Canibali [i.e. cannibals], who eat human flesh. One of them. in stature almost a giant, came to the flagship in order to assure [the safety of the others his friends.82 He had a voice like a bull. While he was in the ship, the others carried away their possessions from the place where they were living into the interior. for fear of us. Seeing that, we landed one hundred men in order to have speech and converse with them, or to capture one of them by force. They fled, and in fleeing they took so large a step that we although running could not gain on their steps. There are seven islands in that river, in the largest of which precious gems are found. That place is called the cape of Santa Maria, and it was formerly thought that one passed thence to the sea of Sur, that is to say the South Sea, but nothing further was ever discovered. Now the name is not [given to! a cape, but [to] a river, with a mouth 17 leguas in width." A Spanish captain, called 31

Page  32 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY Johan de Solis and sixty men, who were going to discover lands like us, were formerly eaten at that river by those cannibals because of too great confidence.84 Then proceeding on the same course toward the Antarctic Pole, coasting along the land, we came to anchor at two islands full of geese and seawolves.85 Truly, the great number of those geese cannot be reckoned; in one hour we loaded the five ships [with them]. Those geese are black and have all their feathers alike both on body and wings. They do not fly, and live on fish. They were so fat that it was not necessary to pluck them but to skin them. Their beak is like that of a crow. Those seawolves are of various colors, and as large as a calf, with a head like that of a calf, ears small and round, and large teeth. They have no legs but only feet with small nails attached to the body, which resemble our hands and between their fingers the same kind of skin as the geese. 'They would be very fierce if they could run. They swim, and live on fish. At that place the ships suffered a very great storm, during which the three holy bodies appeared to us many times, that is to say St. Elmo, St. Nicholas, and St. Clara, whereupon the storm quickly ceased. Leaving that place, we finally reached 49 and one half degrees toward the Antarctic Pole. As it was winter, the ships entered a safe port to winter.86 We passed two months in that place without seeing anyone. One day we suddenly saw a naked man of giant stature on the shore of the port, dancing,87 singing, and throwing dust on his head. The captain-general sent one of our men to the giant so that he might perform the same actions as a sign of peace. Having done that, the man led the giant to an islet in the presence of the captaingeneral. When the giant was in the captain-general's and our presence, he marveled greatly88 and made signs with one finger raised upward, believing that we had come from the sky. He was so tall that we reached only to his waist, and he was well proportioned. His face was large and painted red all over, 32

Page  33 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD while about his eyes he was painted yellow; and he had two hearts painted on the middle of his cheeks. His scanty hair was painted white.' He was dressed in the skins of animals skilfully sewn together. Thaet animal has a head and ears as large as those of a mule, a neck and body like those of a camel, the legs of a deer, and the tail of a horse, like which it neighs, and that land has very many of them.9" His feet were shod with the same kind of skins which covered his feet in the manner of shoes.9' In his hand he carried a short, heavy bow, with a cord somewhat thicker than those of the lute,92 and made from the intestines of the same animal, and a bundle of rather short cane arrows feathered like ours, and with points of white and black flint stones in the manner of Turkish arrows, instead of iron. Those points were fashioned by means of another stone.93 The captain-general had the giant given something to eat and drink. and among other things which were shown to him was a large steel mirror. When he saw his face, he was greatly terrified, and jumped back throwing three or four94 of our men to the ground. After that he was given some bells, a mirror, a comb, and certain Pater Nosters. The captain-general sent him ashore with 4 armed men. When one of his companions, who would never come to the ships, saw him coming with our men, he ran to the place where the others were who came [down to the shore] all naked one after the other. When our men reached them. they began to dance and to sing, lifting one finger to the sky. They showed our men some white powder made frcm the roots of an herb, which they kept in earthen pots, and which they ate because they had no thing else. Our men made signs inviting them to the ships, and that they would help them carry their possessions. Thereupon, those men quickly took only their bows, while their women laden like asses carried everything. The latter are not so tall as the men but are very much fatter. When we saw them we were greatly surprised. Their breasts are one-half braza long, and they are painted and clothed like their hus33

Page  34 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY bands, except that before their privies [natura] they have a small skin which covers them. 'They led four of those young animals fastened with tongs like a halter. When those people wish to catch some of those animals, they tie one of these young ones to thornbush. Thereupon, the large ones come to play with the little ones; and those people kill them with their arrows from their place of concealment. Our men led eighteen of those people, counting men and women, to the ships, and they were distributed on the two sides of the port so that they might catch some of the said animals. Six days after the above, a giant painted95 and clothed in the same manner was seen by some Fof our men] who were cutting wood. He had a bow and arrows in his hand. When our men approached him, he first touched his head, face,96 and body, and then did the same to our men, afterward lifting his hands toward the sky. When ihe captain-general was informed of it, he ordered him to be brought in the small boat. H-e was taken to that island in the port where our men had built a house for the smiths97 and for the storage of some things from the ships. That man was even taller and better built than the others and as tractable and amiable. Jumping up and down, he danced, and when he danced, at every leap, his feet sank a palmo into the earth. He remained with us for a considerable number of days, so long that we baptized him, calling him Johanni. He uttered [the words] "Jesu," "Pa'ter Noster", "Ave Maria," and "Jovani" [i.e., John] as distinctly as we, but with an exceedingly loud voice. 'Then the captain-general gave him a shirt, a woolen jerkin [camisota de panno], cloth breeches, a cap, a mirror, a comb, bells, and other things. and sent him away like his companions. He left us very joyous and happy. The following day he brought one of those large animals to the captaingeneral, in return for which many things were given to him, so that he might bring some more to us; but we did not see him again. We thought that his companions had killed him because he had conversed with us. 34

Page  35 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD A fortnight later we saw four of those giants without their arms for they had hidden them in certain bushes as the two whom we captured showed us. Each one was painted differently. The captain-general kept two of them-the youngest and best proportioned-by means of a very cunning trick, in order to take them to Spagnia.98 Had he used any other means [than those he employed], they could easily have killed some of us." The trick that he employed in keeping them was as follows. He gave them many knives, scissors, mirror, bells and glass beads; and those two having their hands filled with the said articles, the captain-general had two pairs of iron manacles brought, such as are fastened on the feet.'0 He made motions that he would give them to the giants, whereat they were very pleased since those manacles were of iron, but they did not know how to carry them. They were grieved at leaving them behind, but they had no place to put those gifts; for they had to hold the skin wrapped about them with their hands.'01 The other two giants wished to help them, but the captain refused. Seeing that they were loth to leave those manacles behind, the captain made them a sign that he would put them on their feet, and that they could carry them away. They nodded assent with the head. Immediately, the captain had the manacles put on both of them at the same time. When our men were driving home the cross bolt, the giants began to suspect something, but the captain assuring them, however, they stood still. When they saw later that they were tricked, they raged like bulls, calling loudly for Setebos'~2 to aid them. With difficulty could we bind the hands of the other two, whom we sent ashore with nine of our men, in order that the giants might guide them to the place where the wife of one of the two whom we had captured'~0 was; for the latter expressed his great grief at leaving her by signs so that we understood [that he meant] her. While they were on their way, one of the giants freed his hands, and took to his heels with such swiftness that our men lost sight of 35

Page  36 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY him. He went to the place where his associates were, but he did not find [there] one of his companions, who had remained behind with the women. and who had gone hunting. He immediately went in search of the latter, and told him all that had happened.104 The other giant endeavored so hard to free himself from his bonds, that our men struck him, wounding him slightly on the head, whereat he raging led them to where the women were. Gioan Cavagio, the pilot and commander of those men, refused to bring back the woman105 that night, but determined to sleep there, for night was approaching. The other two giants came, and seeing their companion wounded, hesitated,106 but said nothing then. But with the dawn, they spoke107 to the women, [whereupon] they immediately ran away (and the smaller ones ran faster than the taller), leaving all their possessions behind them. Two of them turned aside to shoot their arrows at our men. The other was leading away those small animals of theirs in order to hunt.'08 Thus fighting, one of them pierced the thigh of one of our men with an arrow, and the latter died immediately. When the giants saw that, they ran away quickly. Our men had muskets and crossbows, but they could never hit any of the giants, [for] when the latter fought, they never stood still, but leaped hither and thither. Our men buried their dead companion, and burned all the possessions left behind by the giants. Of a truth those giants run swifter than horses and are exceedingly jealous of their wives. When those people feel sick at the stomach, instead of purging themselves,'09 they thrust an arrow down their throat for two palmos or more110 and vomit [substance of a] green color mixed with blood, for they eat a certain kind of thistle. When they have a headache, they cut themselves across the forehead; and they do the same on the arms or on the legs and in any part of the body, letting a quantity of blood. One of those whom we had captured and whom we kept in our ship said that the blood refused to stay there [i.e., in the place of the pain], and consequently causes them suffering. They wear 36

Page  37 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD their hair cut with the tonsure, like friars, but it is left longer;"' and they have a cotton cord wrapped about the head. to which they fasten their arrows when they go hunting. They bind their privies close to their bodies because of the exceeding great cold.!"2 When one of those people die, ten or twelve demons all painted appear to them and dance very joyfully about the corpse. They notice that one of those demons is much taller than the others and he cries out and rejoices more."3 They paint themselves exactly in the same manner as the demon appears to them painted. They call the larger demon Setebos,"' and the others Cheleulle. That giant also told us by signs that he had seen the demons with two horns on their heads, and long hair which hung to the feet, belching forth fire from mouth and buttocks. The captain-general called those people Patagoni.'5 They all clothe themselves in the skins of that animal above mentioned; and they have no house except those made from the skin of the same animal, and they wander hither and thither with those houses just as the Cingani"6 do. They live on raw flesh and on a sweet root which they call chapae."' Each of the two whom we captured ate a basketful of biscuit, and drank one-half pailful of water at a gulp. They also ate rats without skinning them. In that port which we called the port of Santo Julianno, we remained about five months."8 Many things happened there. In order that your most illustrious Lordship may know some of them, it happened that as soon as we had entered the port, the captains of the other four ships plotted treason in order that they might kill the captain-general. Those conspirators consisted of the overseer of the fleet, one Johan de Cartagena, the treasurer, Alouise de Mendosa, the accountant, Anthonio Cocha, and Gaspar de Cazada. The overseer of the men having been quartered, the treasurer was killed by dagger blows, for the treason was discovered. Some days after that, Gaspar de Casada, was banished with a priest in that land of Patagonia. The captain-general did not wish to have him killed, because 37

Page  38 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY the emperor, Don Carlo, had appointed him captain.1'9 A ship called Sancto Jacobo was wrecked in an expedition made to explore the coast. All the men were saved as by a miracle, not even getting wet. Two of them came to the ships after suffering great hardships, and reported the whole occurrence to us. Consequently, the captain-general sent some men with bags full of biscuits [sufficient to last] for two months. It was necessary for us to carry them the food, for daily pieces of the ship [that was wrecked] were found. The way thither was long, [being] 24 leguas,'20 or one hundred millas, and the path was very rough and full of thorns. The men were 4 days on the road, sleeping at night in the bushes. They found no drinking water, but only ice, which caused them the greatest hardship.121 There were very many long shellfish which are called missiglioni'22 in that port [of Santo Julianno]. They have pearls, although small ones in the middle, but could not be eaten. Incense, ostriches,123 foxes, sparrows, and rabbits much smaller than ours were also found. We erected a cross on the top of the highest summit there, as a sign in that land that it belonged to the king of Spagnia; and we called that summit Monte de Christo [i.e., Mount of Christ]. Leaving that place, we found, in 51 degrees less one-third124 degree, toward the Antarctic Pole, a river of fresh water. There the ships almost perished because of the furious winds; but God and the holy bodies125 aided them. We stayed about two months in that river in order to supply the ships with water, wood, and fish, [the latter being] one braccio in length and more, and covered with scales. They were very good although small.126 Before leaving that river, the captain-general and all of us confessed and received communion as true Christians.127 Then going to fifty-two degrees toward the same pole12' we found a strait on the day of the [feast of the]129 eleven thousand virgins [i.e., October 21], whose head is called Capo 38

Page  39 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD de le Undici Millia Vergine [i.e. cape of the Eleven Thousand Virgins] because of that very great miracle. That strait is one hundred and ten leguas or 440 millas long, and it is one half legua broad, more or less.13~ It leads to another sea called the Pacific Sea, and is surrounded by very lofty mountains laden with snow. There it was impossible to find bottom [for anchoring]. but [it was necessary to fasten] the moorings'"' on land 25 or 30 brazas away. Had it not been for the captaingeneral, we would not have found that strait, for we all thought and said that it was closed on all sides. But the captaingeneral who knew where to sail to find a well-hidden strait, which he saw depicted on a map in the treasury of the king of Portugal, which was made by that excellent man, Martin de Boemia, sent two ships, the Santo Anthonio and the Conceptiono (for thus they were called), to discover what was inside the cape de la Baia [i.e., of the Bay]."'2 We, with the other two ships [namely] the flagship, called Trinitade, and the other the Victoria, stayed inside the bay to await them.'33 A great storm struck us that night, which lasted until the middle of next day, which necessitated our lifting anchor, and letting ourselves drift hither and thither about the bay. The other two ships suffered a headwind and could not double a cape'34 formed by the bay almost at its end, as they were trying to return to join us; so that they thought that they would have to run aground. But on approaching the end of the bay, and thinking that they were lost, they saw a small opening which did not [exceed: crossed out in original MS.I appear to be an opening, but a sharp turn [cantone].'35 Like desperate men they hauled into it, and thus they discovered the strait by chance. Seeing that it was not a sharp turn, but a strait with land, they proceeded farther, and found a bay.136 And then farther on they found another strait and another bay larger than the first two.'37 Very joyful they immediately turned back to inform the captaingeneral. We thought that they had been wrecked, first, by reason of the violent storm, and second, because two days had 39

Page  40 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY passed and they had not appeared, and also because of certain [signals with] smoke made by two of their men who had been sent ashore to advise us.138 And so, while in suspense, we saw the two ships with sails full and banners flying to the wind, coming toward us. When they neared us in this manner, they suddenly discharged a number of mortars, and burst into cheers.139 Then all together thanking God and the Virgin Mary, we went to seek [the strait] farther on. After entering that strait, we found two openings, one to the southeast, and the other to the southwest.140 The captain-general sent the ship Sancto Anthonio together with the Conceptione to ascertain whether that opening which was toward the southeast had an exit into the Pacific Sea. The ship Sancto.4nthonio would not await the Conceptione, because it intended to flee and return to Spagnia --- which it did. The pilot of that ship was one Stefan Gomes,"14 and he hated the captaingeneral exceedingly, because before that fleet was fitted out, the emperor had ordered that he be given some caravels with which to discover lands, but his Majesty did not give them to him because of the coming of the captain-general. On that account he conspired with certain Spaniards, and next night they captured the captain of their ship, a cousin142 of the captain-general, one Alvaro de Meschita, whom they wounded and put in irons, and in this condition took to Spagnia. The other giant whom we had captured was in that ship, but he died when the heat came on. The Conceptione as it could not follow that ship, waited for it, sailing about hither and thither. The Sancto Anthonio turned back at night and fled along the same [port: crossed out in original MS.] strait.143 We had gone to explore the other opening toward the southwest. Finding, however, the same [port: crossed out in the original MS.] strait continuously, we came upon a river which we called the river of Sardine [i.e., Sardines], because there were many sardines near it.144 So we stayed there for four days in order to await the two ships. During that period we sent a well-equipped boat to explore 40

Page  41 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD the cape of the other sea. The men returned within three days, and reported that they had seen the cape and the open sea. The captain-general wept for joy, and called that cape, Cape Dezeado [i.e., Desire],;4s for we had been desiring it for a long time. We turned back to look for the two ships,46 but we found only the Conceptione. Upon asking them where the other one was. Johan Seranno,'47 who was captain and pilot of the former ship (and also of that ship that had been wrecked) replied that he did not know, and that he had never seen it after it had entered the opening. We sought it in all parts of the strait, as far as that opening whence it had fled, and the captaingeneral sent the ship Victoria back to the entrance of the strait to ascertain whether the ship was there. Orders were given them, if they did not find it, to plant a banner on the summit of some small hill with a letter in an earthen pot buried in the earth near the banner, so that if the banner were seen the letter might be found, and the ship might learn the course that we were sailing. For this was the arrangement made between us in case that we went astray one from the other.'48 Two banners were planted with their letters - one on a little eminence in the first bay, and the other in an islet in the third bay149 where there were many sea-wolves and large birds. The captain-general waited for the ship with his other ship near the river of Isleo,150 and he had a cross set up in an islet near that river, which flowed between high mountains covered with snow and emptied into the sea near the river of Sardine. Had we not discovered that strait, the captain-general had determined to go as far as seventy-five degrees toward the Antarctic Pole. There in that latitude, during the summer season, there is no night, or if there is any night it is but short, and so in the winter with the day. In order that your most illustrious Lordship may believe it, when we were in that strait, the nights were only three hours long, and it was then the month of October.151 'The land on the left-hand side of that strait turned toward the southeast152 and was low. We called that strait the strait of 41

Page  42 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY Patagonia. One finds the safest of ports every half legua in it,153 water, the finest of wood (but not of cedar), fish, sardines, and missiglioni, while smallage,54 a sweet herb (although there is also some that is bitter) grows around the springs. We ate of it for many days as we had nothing else. I believe that there is not a more beautiful or better strait in the world than that one.155 In that Ocean Sea one sees a very amusing fish hunt. The fish [that hunt] are of three sorts, and are one braza and more in length, and are called dorado, albicore, and bonito.15' Those fish follow the flying fish called colondrini,157 which are one palmo and more"58 in length and very good to eat. When the above three kinds [of fish] find any of those flying fish, the latter immediately leap from the water and fly as long as their wings are wet - more than a crossbow's flight. While they are flying, the others run along back of them under the water following the shadow of the flying fish. The latter have no sooner fallen into the water than the others immediately seize and eat them. It is in fine a very amusing thing to watch. Words of the Patagonian giants For Head for Eye for Nose for Eyebrows for Eyelids for Nostrils for Mouth for Lips for Teeth for Tongue for Chin for Hair for Face for Throat her other or occhechel sechechiel oresche xiam schiahame phor schial sechen archiz cogechel ohumez 42

Page  43 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD for Occiput for Shoulders for Elbow for Hand for Palm of the hand for Finger for Ears for Armpit for Teat for Bosom for Body for Penis for Testicles for Vagina'60 for Communication with women for Thighs for Knee for Rump for Buttocks for Arm for Pulse for Legs for Foot for Heel for Ankle for Sole of the foot for Fingernails for Heart for to Scratch for Cross-eyed man for Young man for Water for Fire for Smoke schialeschin'59 pelles cotel chene caimeghin cori sane salischin othen ochij gechel sachet sacancas isse jo hoi chiane tepin schiaguen hoij maz holion coss thee tere perchi caotscheni colim thol gechare calischen calemi holi ghialeme giaiche 43

Page  44 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY for No for Yes for Gold for Lapiz lazuli for Sun for Stars for Sea for Wind for Storm for Fish for to Eat for Bowl for Pot for to Ask Come here for to Look for to Walk for to Fight for Arrows for Dogs for Wolf for to Go a long distance for Guide for Snow for to Cover for Ostrich, a bird for its Eggs for the powder of the herb which they eat for to Smell for Parrot * Rey for "yes" and for "to walk." inscription? -Ed. 44 ehen rey* pelpeli secheg calexcheni settere aro oni ohone hoi mechiere elo aschanie ghelhe hai si chonne rey* oamaghce sethe holl ani schien anti theu hiani hoihoi jani capac os cheche Is there a possibility of error in

Page  45 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD for Birdcage cleo for Misiglioni siameni for Red Cloth terechae for Cap aichel for Black ainel for Red taiche for Yellow peperi for to Cook yrocoles for Belt catechin for Goose cache for their big Devil Setebos for their small Devils Cheleule All the above words are pronounced in the throat. for such is their method of pronunciation.'6 That giant whom we had in our ship told me those words; for when he, upon asking me for capac,'62 that is to say bread, as they call that root which they use as bread, and oli, that is to say. water, saw me write those words quickly, and afterward when I, with pen in hand, asked him for other words, he understood me. Once I made the sign of the cross, and, showing it to him, kissed it. He immediately cried out "Setebos", and made me a sign that if I made the sign of the cross again, Setebos would enter into my body and cause it to burst. When that giant was sick, he asked for the cross, and embracing it and kissing it many times, desired to become a Christian before his death. We called him Paulo. When those people wish to make a fire, they rub a sharpened piece of wood against another piece until the fire catches in the pith of a certain tree, which is placed between those two sticks.'63 Wednesday, November 28, 1520, we debouched from that strait, engulfing ourselves in the Pacific Sea.'64 We were three months and twenty days without getting any kind of fresh food. We ate biscuit, which was no longer biscuit, but 45

Page  46 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY powder of biscuits swarming with worms, for they had eaten the good. It stank strongly of the urine of rats.165 We drank yellow water that had been putrid for many days. We also ate some ox hides that covered the top of the mainyard to prevent the yard from chafing the shrouds, and which had become exceedingly hard because of the sun, rain, and wind.16' We left them in the sea for four or five days, and then placed them for a few moments on top of the embers, and so ate them; and often we ate sawdust from boards. Rats were sold for one-half ducado apiece, and even then we could not get them.167 But above all the other misfortunes the following was the worst. The gums of both the lower and upper teeth of some of our men swelled, so that they could not eat under any circumstances and therefore died.168 Nineteen men died from that sickness, and the giant together with an Indian from the country of Verzin. Tweny-five or thirty men fell sick [during that time], in the arms, legs, or in another place, so that but few remained well. However, I. by the Grace of God, suffered no sickness. We sailed about four thousand leguas during those three months and twenty days through an open stretch in that Pacific Sea.169 In truth it is very pacific,170 for during that time we did not suffer any storm. We saw no land except two desert islets where we found nothing but birds and trees, for which we called them the Ysolle Infortunate [i.e., the Unfortunate Isles]. They are two hundred leguas apart. We found no anchorage, [but] near them saw many sharks.171 The first islet lies in fifteen degrees of south lati tude, and the other in nine. Daily we made runs of fifty, sixty, or seventy leguas at the catena or at the stern.172 Had not God and His blessed Mother given us so good weather we would all have died of hunger in that exceeding vast sea. Of a verity I believe no such voyage will ever be made [again]. When we left that strait, if we had sailed continuously westward we should have circumnavigated the world without finding other land than the cape of the xi thousand Vir46

Page  47 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD gins.'7 The latter is a cape of that strait at the Ocean Sea, straight east and west with Cape Deseado of the Pacific Sea. Both of those capes lie in a latitude of exactly fifty-two degrees toward the Antarctic Pole. The Antarctic Pole is not sc starry as the Arctic. Many small stars clustered together are seen. which have the appearance of two clouds of mist. There is but little distance between them, and they are somewhat dim. In the midst of them are two large and not very luminous stars, which move only slightly. Those two stars are the Antarctic Pole. Our loadstone, although it moved hither and thither, always pointed toward its own Arctic Pole, although it did not have so much strength as on its own side. And on that account when we were in that open expanse, the captain-general, asking all the pilots whether they were always sailing forward in the course which we had laid down on the maps, all replied: "By your course exactly as laid down." He answered them that they were pointing wrongly - which was a fact - and that it would be fitting to adjust the needle of navigation, for it was not receiving so much force from its side. When we were in the midst of that open expanse, we saw a cross with five extremely brights stars straight toward the west, those stars being exactly placed with regard to one another.'74 During those days'75 we sailed west northwest, northwest by west, and northwest, until we reached the equinoctial line at the distance of one hundred and twenty-two degrees from the line of demarcation. The line of demarcation is thirty degrees from the meridian, and the meridian is three degrees eastward from Capo Verde."" We passed while on that course a short distance from two exceedingly rich islands, one in twenty degrees of the latitude of the Antarctic Pole, by name Cipangu, and the other in fifteen degrees, by name Sumbdit Pradit.'77 After we had passed the equinoctial line we sailed west northwest, and west by north, and then for two hundred leguas toward the west. changing our course to west by south until we 47

Page  48 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY reached thirteen degrees toward the Arctic Pole in order that we might approach nearer to the land of cape Gaticara. That cape (with the pardon of cosmographers, for they have not seen it), is not found where it is imagined to be, but to the north in twelve degrees or thereabouts.178 About seventy'79 leguas on the above course, and lying in twelve degrees of latitude and 146 in longitude, we discovered on Wednesday, March 6, a small island to the northwest. and two others toward the southwest, one of which was higher and larger than the other two. The captain-general wished to stop at the large island and get some fresh food, but he was unable to do so because the inhabitants of that island entered the ships and stole whatever they could lay their hands on, so that we could not protect ourselves. The men were about to strike the sails so that we could go ashore, but the natives very deftly stole from us the small boat'80 that was fastened to the poop of the flagship. Thereupon, the captain-general in wrath went ashore with forty armed men, who burned some forty or fifty houses together with many boats, and killed seven men.'18 He recovered the small boat and we departed immediately pursuing the same course. Before we landed. some of our sick men begged us if we should kill any man or woman to bring the entrails to them, as they would recover immediately.'82 When we wounded any of those people with our crossbow-shafts, which passed completely through their loins from one side to the other, they looking at it, pulled on the shaft now on this and now on that side,'83 and then drew it out, with great astonishment, and so died. Others who were wounded in the breast did the same, which moved us to great compassion. Those people seeing us departing followed us with more than one hundred'84 boats for more than one legua. They approached the ships showing us fish, feigning that they would give them to us; but then threw stones at us and fled. And although the ships were under full sail, they passed between them and the small boats [fastened astern], very ad48

Page  49 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THIE WORLD roitly in those small boats of theirs. We saw some women in their boats who were crying out and tearing their hair, for love, I believe, of those whom we had killed.185 Each one of those people lives according to his own will, for they have no seignior.16 They go naked, and some are bearded and have black hair that reaches to the waist. They wear small palmleaf hats as do the Albanians. They are as tall as we, and well built. They have no worship. They are tawny, but are born white. Their teeth are red and black for they think that is most beautiful. The women go naked except that they wear a narrow strip of bark as thin as paper which grows between the tree and the bark of the palm, before their privies. They are goodlooking and delicately formed, and lighter complexioned than the men; and wear their hair which is exceedingly black, loose and hanging quite down to the ground. The women do not work in the fields but stay in the house, weaving mats,'87 baskets [casse: literally boxes], and other things needed in their houses, from palm leaves. They eat cocoanuts, camotes [batate],88 birds, figs one palmo in length [i.e., bananas], sugarcane, and flying fish, besides other things. They189 anoint the body and the h'air with cocoanut and beneseed oil. Their houses are all built of wood covered with planks and thatched with leaves of the fig-tree [i.e., banana tree] two brazas long; and they have floors and windows. The rooms and the beds are all furnished with the most beautiful palmleaf mats.190 They sleep on palm straw which is very soft and fine. They use no weapons, except a kind of a spear pointed with a fishbone at the end. Those people are poor, but ingenious and very thievish, on account of which we called those three islands the islands of Ladroni [i.e., of thieves].191 Their amusement, men and women, is to plough the seas with those small boats of theirs.192 Those boats resemble fucelere,'93 but are narrower, and some are black, [some] white, and others red. At the side opposite the sail, they have a large piece of wood pointed at the top, with poles laid across it and resting on the water, in order that the boat may sail more safely. 49

Page  50 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY The sail is made from palmleaves sewn together and is shaped like a lateen sail. For rudders they use a certain blade resembling a hearth shovel which have a piece of wood at the end. They can change stern and bow at will [literally: they make the stern, bow, and the bow, stern ],94 and those boats resemble the dolphins which leap in the water from wave to wave. 'Those Ladroni [i.e., robbers] thought, according to the signs which they made, that there were no other people in the world but themselves.'95 At dawn on Saturday, March sixteen,'96 1521, we came upon a high land at a distance of three hundred leguas from the islands of Ladroni - an island named Zamal [i.e., Samar]. The following day, the captain-general desired to land on another island which was uninhabited and lay to the right of the above-mentioned island, in order to be more secure, and to get water and have some rest. He had two tents set up on the shore for the sick and had a sow killed for them. On Monday afternoon, March 18, we saw a boat coming toward us with nine men reached the shore, their chief went immediately to the capshould move or say a word without his permission. When those men reached the shore, their chief went immediately to the captain-general, giving signs of joy because of our arrival. Five of the most ornately adorned of them remained with us, while the rest went to get some others who were fishing, and so they all came. The captain-general seeing that they were reasonable men, ordered food to be set before them, and gave them red caps, mirrors, combs, bells, ivory, bocasine,197 and other things. When they saw the captain's courtesy, they presented fish, a jar of palm wine, which they call uraca [i.e., arrack], figs more than one palmo long [i.e., bananas]'98 and others which were smaller and more delicate, and two cocoanuts. They had nothing else then, but made us signs with their hands that they would bring umay or rice, 99 and cocoanuts and many other articles of food within four days. Cocoanuts are the fruits of the palmtree.200 Just as we have bread, wine, oil, and milk, so those people get everything from 50

Page  51 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD that tree. They get wine in the following manner. They bore a hole into the heart of the said palm at the top called palmito [i.e., stalk], from which distils a liquor201 which resembles white must. That liquor is sweet but somewhat tart, and [is gathered in canes [of bamboo] as thick as the leg and thicker. They fasten the bamboo to the tree at evening for the morning, and in the morning for the evening. That palm bears a fruit, namely, the cocoanut, which is as large as the head or thereabouts. Its outside husk is green and thicker than two fingers. Certain filaments are found in that husk, whence is made cord for binding together their boats. Under the husk there is a hard shell, much thicker than the shell of the walnut, which they burn and make therefrom a powder that is useful to them.202 Under that shell there is a white marrowy substance one finger in thickness, which they eat fresh with meat and fish as we do bread; and it has a taste resembling the almond. It could be dried and made into bread. There is a clear, sweet water in the middle of that marrowy substance which is very refreshing. When that water stands for a while after having been collected, it congeals and becomes like an apple. When the natives wish to make oil. they take that cocoanut, and allow the marrowy substance and the water to putrefy. Then they boil it and it becomes oil like butter. When they wish to make vinegar, they allow only the water to putrefy, and then place it in the sun, and a vinegar results like [that made from] white wine. Milk can also be made from it for we made some. We scraped that marrowy substance and then mixed the scrapings with its own water which we strained through a cloth, and so obtained milk like goat's milk. Those palms resemble date-palms, but although not smooth they are less knotty than the latter. A family of x persons can be supported on two trees, by utilizing them week about for the wine; for if they did otherwise, the trees would dry up. They last a century.203 Those people became very familiar with us. They told us many things, their names and those of some of the islands that could be seen from that place. Their own island was 51

Page  52 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL, HISTORICAL SOCIETY called Zuluan and it is not very large.24 We took great pleasure with them for they were very pleasant and conversable. In order to show them greater honor, the captain-general205 took them to his ship and showed them all his merchandise - cloves, cinnamon, pepper, ginger, nutmeg, mace, gold, and all the things in the ship. He had some mortars fired for them, whereat they exhibited great fear, and tried to jump out of the ship.206 They made signs to us that the above said articles grew in that place where we were going. When they were about to retire they took their leave very gracefully and neatly, saying that they would return according to their promise. The island where we were is called Humunu: but inasmuch as we found two springs there of the clearest water, we called it Acquada da li buoni Segnialli [i.e., "the Watering-place of good Signs"], for there were the first signs of gold which we found in those districts.207 We wound a great quantity of white coral there, and large trees with fruit a trifle smaller than the almond and resembling pine seeds. 'There are also many palms, some of them good and others bad. There are many islands in that district, and therefore we called them the archipelago of San Lazaro, as they were discovered on the Sabbath of St. Lazurus.208 They lie in x degrees of latitude toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-one degrees from the line of demarcation. At noon on Friday, March 22, those men came as they had promised us in two boats with cocoanuts, sweet oranges, a jar of palm-wine, and a cock,209 in order to show us that there were fowls in that district. They exhibited great signs of pleasure at seeing us.210 We purchased all those articles from them. 'Their seignior was an old man who was painted [i.e., tattooed]. He wore two gold earrings [schione] in his ears,21 and the others many gold armlets on their arms and kerchiefs about their heads. We stayed there one week, and during that time our captain went ashore daily to visit the sick, and212 every morning gave them cocoanut water from his own hand, which comforted them greatly. There are people living near 52

Page  53 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND TI'E WORLD that island213 who have holes in their ears so large that they can pass their arms through them. Those people are caphri"' that is to say, heathen. They go naked, with a cloth woven from the bark of a tree about their privies, except some of the chiefs who wear cotton cloth embroidered with silk at the ends by means of a needle. They are dark, fat. and painted. They anoint themselves with cocoanut and with beneseed oil, as a protection against sun and wind. They have very black hair that falls to the waist, and use daggers, knives. and spears"' ornamented with gold, large shields, fascines,':" javelins, and fishing nets that resemble rizali;217 and their boats are like ours. On the afternoon of holy Monday, the day of our Lady. March twenty-five, while we were on the point of weighing anchor, I went to the side of the ship to fish, and putting my feet upon a yard leading down into the storeroom, they slipped, for it was rainy, and consequently I fell into the.sec so that no one saw me. When I was all but under, my left hand happened to catch hold of the clew-garnet of the mainsail, which was dangling [ascosa] in the water. I held on tightly, and began to cry out so lustily that I was rescued by the small boat. I was aided, not, I believe, indeed, through my merits, but through the mercy of that font of charity [i.e., of the Virgin]. That same day we shaped our course toward the west south west between four small islands namely, Cenalo, Hiunanghan218 Ibusson, and Abarien. On Thursday morning, March twenty-eight, as we had seen a fire on an island the night before, we anchored near it.2l We saw a small boat which the natives call bo!oto with eight men in it, approaching the flagship. A slave belonging to the captain-general, who was a native of Zamatra [i.e., Sumatra], which was formerly called Traprobana, spoke to them. They immediately understood him, came alongside the ship, unwilling to enter but taking a position at some little distance.220 The captain seeing that they would not trust us, threw them out a red cap and other things tied to a bit of wood. They received them very gladly, and went away quickly to ad53

Page  54 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY vise their king. About two hours later we saw two balanghai coming. They are large boats and are so called [by those people]. They were full of men, and their king was in the larger of them, being seated under an awning of mats. When the king came near the flagship, the slave spoke to him. The king understood him, for in those districts the kings know more languages than the other people. He ordered some of his men to enter the ships, but he always remained in his balanghai, at some little distance from the ship until his own men returned; and as soon as they returned he departed. The captain-general showed great honor to the men who entered the ship. and gave them some presents, for which the king wished before his departure to give the captain a large bar22 of gold and a basketfull of ginger. The latter, however, thanked the king heartily but would not accept it. In the afternoon we went in the ships [and anchored] near the dwellings of the king. Next day, holy Friday. the captain-general sent his slave, who acted as our interpreter, ashore in a small boat to ask the king if he had any food to have it carried to the ships;222 and to say that they would be well satisfied with us, for he [and his men] had come to the island as friends and not as enemies. The king came with six or eight men22 in the same boat and entered the ship. He embraced the captain-general to whom he gave three porcelain jars covered with leaves and full of raw rice, two very large orade,224 and other things. The captain-general gave the king a garment of red and yellow cloth made in the Turkish fashion, and a fine red cap; and to the others [the king's men], to some knives and to others mirrors. Then the captain-general had a collation spread for them, and had the king told through the slave that he desired to be casi casi225 with him, that is to say, brother. The king replied that he also wished to enter the same relations with the captain-general. Then the captain showed him cloth of various colors, linen. coral [ornaments]. and many other articles of merchandise, and all the artillery, some of which he had discharged for him, whereat the natives were greatly frightened. Then the captain-general had a man 54

Page  55 FIRST VOYAGE AW OUND THE WORLD armed as a soldier"y and placed him in the midst of three men armed with swords and daggers, who struck him on all parts of the bodv. There,)b was the king rendered almost speechless. The captain-general told him through the slave that one of those armed men was worth one hundred of his own men. The king answered that that was a fact. The captaingeneral said that he had two hundred men in each ship who were armed in that manner.227 He showed the king cuirasses, swords, and bucklers, and had a review made for him.2'" Then he led the king to the deck of the ship, that is located above at the stern; and had his sea chart and compass brought.229 He told the king through the interpreter how he had found the strait in order to voyage thither, and how many moons he had been without seeing land, whereat the king was astonished. Lastly, he told the king that he would like, if it were pleasing to him, to send two of his men with him so that he might show them some of his things. The king replied that he was agreeable, and I went in company with one of the other men.230 When I reached shore, the king raised his hands toward the sky and then turned toward us two. We did the same toward him31' as did all the others. The king took me by the hand; one of his chiefs took my companion: and thus they led us under a bamboo covering, where there was a balanghai,232 as long as eighty of my palm length, and resembling a fusta. We sat down upon the stern of that balanghai, constantly conversing with signs. The king's men stood about us in a circle with swords, daggers, spears, and bucklers.23 The king had a plate of pork brought in and a large jar filled with wine. At every mouthful, we drank a cup of wine. The wine that was left [in the cup] at any time, although that happened but rarely, was put into a jar by itself. The king's cup was always kept covered and no one else drank from it but he and I. Before the king took the cup to drink he raised his clasped hands toward the sky, and then toward me; and when he was about to drink, he extended the fist of his left hand toward me (at first I thought that he was about to strike me) and 55

Page  56 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY then drank. I did the same toward the king. They all make those signs one toward another when they drink. We ate with such ceremonies and with other signs of friendship. I ate meat on holy Friday, for I could not help myself. Before the supper hour I gave the king many things which I had brought. I wrote down the names of many things in their language. When the king and the others saw me writing, and when I told them their words, they were all astonished.234 While engaged in that the supper hour was announced. Two large porcelain dishes were brought in, one full of rice and the other of pork with its gravy. We ate with the same signs and ceremonies, after which we went to the palace of the king which was built like a hayloft and was thatched with fig [i.e., banana] and palm leaves. It was built up high from the ground on huge posts of wood and it was necessary to ascend to it by means of ladders.235 'The king made us sit down there on a bamboo mat with our feet drawn up like tailors. After a half hour a platter of roast fish cut in pieces was brought in, and ginger freshly gathered, and wine. The king's eldest son, who was the prince, came over to us, whereupon the king told him to sit down near us, and he accordingly did so. Then two platters were brought in (one with fish and its sauce, and the other with rice), so that we might eat with the prince. My companion became intoxicated as a consequence of so much drinking and eating. They used the gum of a tree called anime wrapped in palm or fig [i.e., banana] leaves for light. The king made us a sign that he was going to go to sleep. He left the prince with us, and we slept with the latter on a bamboo mat with pillows made of leaves. When day dawned the king kissed our hands with great joy, and we his. One of his went to where we had had supper, in order to partake of refreshments, but the boat came to get us. Before we left, the king kissed our hands with great joy, and we his. One of his brothers, the king of another island, and three men came with us. The captain-general kept him to dine with us, and gave him many things.236 56

Page  57 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD Pieces of gold, of the size of walnuts and eggs are found by sifting the earth in the island of that king who came to our ships. All the dishes of that king are of gold and also some portion of his house, as we were told by that king himself. According to their customs he was very grandly decked out [molto in ordine]2'7 and the finest looking man that we saw among those people. His hair was exceedingly black, and hung to his shoulders. He had a covering of silk on his head, and wore two large golden earrings fastened in his ears. He wore a cotton cloth all embroidered with silk, which covered him from the waist to his knees. At his side hung a dagger, the haft of which was somewhat long and all of gold, and its scabbard of carved wood. He had three spots of gold on every tooth, and his teeth appeared as if bound with gold.238 He was perfumed with storax and benzoin. He was tawny and painted [i.e., tattooed] all over. That island of his was called Butuan and Calagan.239 *When those kings wished to see one another. they both went to hunt in that island where we were. The name of the first king is Raia Colambu, and the second Raia Siaui.240 Early on the morning of Sunday, the last of March, and Easter-day, the captain-general sent the priest with some men to prepare the place where mass was to be said:24' together with the interpreter to tell the king that we were not going to land in order to dine with him, but to say mass. Therefore the king sent us two swine that he had had killed. When the hour for the mass arrived, we landed with about fifty men, without our body armor, but carrying our other arms, and dressed in our best clothes.242 Before we reached the shore with our boats, six pieces were discharged as a sign of peace. We landed: the two kings embraced the captain-general and placed him between them. We went in marching order to the place consecrated, which was not far from the shore. Before the commencement of mass, the captain sprinkled the entire bodies of the two kings with musk water.243 The mass was offered up. 57

Page  58 JOURNAL OF THF PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY The kings went forward to kiss the cross as we did, but they did not offer the sacrifice.244 When the body of our Lord was elevated, they remained on their knees and worshipped Him with clasped hands. The ships fired all their artillery at once when the body of Christ was elevated, the signal having been given from the shore with muskets. After the conclusion of mass, some of our men took communion.245 The captain-general arranged a fencing tournament,246 at which the kings were greatly pleased. Then he had a cross carried in and the nails and a crown, to which immediate reverence was made.247 He told the kings through the interpreter that they were the standards given to him by the emperor his sovereign, so that whereever he might go he might set up those his tokens. [He said] that he wished to set it up in that place for their benefit, for whenever any of our ships came,248 they would know that we had been there by that cross, and would do nothing to displease them or harm their property [property: doublet in original MS.]. If any of their men were captured, they would be set free immediately on that sign being shown. It was necessary to set that cross on the summit of the highest mountain, so that on seeing it every morning, they might adore it; and if they did that, neither thunder, lightning, nor storms would harm them in the least. They thanked him heartily and [said] that they would do everything willingly. The captain-general also had them asked whether they were Moros or heathen, or what was their belief. They replied that they worshipped nothing, but that they raised their clasped hands and their face to the sky; and that they called their god "Abba."249 Thereat the captain was very glad, and seeing that, the first king raised his hands to the sky, and said that he wished that it were possible for him to make the captain see his love for him. The interpreter asked the king why there was so little to eat there. The latter replied that he did not live in that place except when he went hunting and to see his brother, but that he lived in another island where all his family were. The captain-general 58

Page  59 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD had him asked to declare whether he had any enemies, so that he might go with his ships to destroy them and to render them obedient to him."5' The king thanked him and said that he did indeed have two islands hostile to him, but that it was not then the season to go there. The captain told him that if God would again allow him to return to those districts, he would bring so many men that he would make the king's enemies subject to him by force. He said that he was about to go to dinner, and that he would return afterward to have the cross set up on the summit of the mountain. They replied that they were satisfied, and then forming in battalion and firing the muskets, and the captain having embraced the two kings, we took our leave. After dinner we all returned clad in our doublets, and that afternoon251 went together with the two kings to the summit of the highest mountain there. When we reached the summit, the captain-general told them that he esteemed highly having sweated for them, for since the cross was there, it could not but be of great use to them. On asking them which port was the best to get food, they replied that there were three, namely, Ceylon, Zubu, and Calaghann, but that Zubu was the largest and the one with most trade. They offered of their own accord to give us pilots to show us the way. The captain-general thanked them, and determined to go there, for so did his unhappy fate will. After the cross was erected in position each of us repeated a Pater Noster and an Ave Maria, and adored the cross; and the kings did the same. Then we descended through their cultivated fields, and went to the place where the balanghai was.252 The kings had some cocoanuts brought in so that we might refresh ourselves. The captain asked the kings for the pilots for he intended to depart the following morning, and [said] that he would treat them as if they were the kings themselves, and would leave one of us as hostage. The kings replied that every hour he wished the pilots were at his command, but that night the first king changed his mind, and in the morning when we were about to depart, sent word to the captain-gen59

Page  60 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY eral, asking him for love of him to wait two days until he should have his rice harvested, and other trifles attended to. He asked the captain-general to send him some men to help him, so that it might be done sooner; and said that he intended to act as our pilot himself. The captain sent him some men, but the kings ate and drank so much that they slept all the day. Some said to excuse them that they were slightly sick. Our men did nothing on that day, but they worked the next two days.253 One of those people brought us about a porringer full of rice and also eight or ten figs [i.e., bananas] fastened together to barter them for a knife which at the most was worth three catrini.254 The captain seeing that that native cared for nothing but a knife, called him to look at other things. He put his hand in his purse and wished to give him one real for those things, but the native refused it. The captain showed him a ducado but he would not accept that either. Finally the captain tried to give him a doppione255 worth two ducados, but he would take nothing but a knife; and accordingly the captain had one given to him. When one of our men went ashore for water, one of those people wanted to give him a pointed crown of massy gold, of the size of a colona256 for six strings of glass beads, but the captain refused to let him barter, so that the natives should learn at the very beginning that we prized our merchandise more than their gold.257 Those people are heathens?58 and go naked and painted. They wear a piece of cloth woven from a tree about their privies.259 They are very heavy drinkers.260 Their women are clad in tree cloth from their waist down, and their hair is black and reaches to the ground. They have holes pierced in their ears which are filled with gold. Those people are constantly chewing a fruit which they call areca, and which resembles a pear. 'They cut that fruit into four parts, and then wrap it in the leaves of their tree which they call betre [i.e., betel] Those leaves resemble the leaves of the mulberry. They mix 60

Page  61 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD it with a little lime, and when they have chewed it thoroughly, they spit it out.26' It make the mouth exceedingly red. All the people in those parts of the world use it. for it is very cooling to the heart, and if they ceased to use it they would die. There are dogs, cats, swine, fowls. goats, rice, ginger, cocoanuts, figs [i.e., bananas], oranges, lemons, millet, panicum, sorgo,262 wax, and a quantity of gold in that island. It lies in a latitude of nine and two-thirds degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty two degrees from the line of demarcation. It is twenty-five from the Acquada, and is called Mazaua.263 We remained there seven days, after which we laid out course toward the northwest, passing among2"' five islands, namely, Ceylon, Bohol, Canighan, Baybai, and Gatighan.2"5 In the last-named island of Gatighan, there are bats as large as eagles. As it was late we killed one of them,-"' which resembled chicken in taste. There are doves, turtle-doves,2"7 parrots, and certain black birds as large as domestic chickens, which have a long tail. The last mentioned birds lay eggs as large as the goose, and bury them under the sand, through the great heat of which they hatch out. When the chicks are born, they push up the sand, and come out. Those eggs are good to eat. There is a distance of twenty leguas from Mazaua to Gatighan. We set out westward from Gatighan, but the king of Mazaua could not follow us [closely], and consequently, we awaited him near three islands, namely, Polo, Ticobon, and Pozon.628 When he caught up with us he was greatly astonished at the rapidity with which we sailed. The captain-general had him come into his ship with several of his chiefs at which they were pleased. Thus did we go to Zubu from Gatighan, the distance to Zubu being fifteen leguas.269 At noon on Sunday, April seven, we entered the port of Zubu, passing by many villages, where we saw many houses built upon logs. On approaching the city, the captain-general ordered the ships to fling their banners. The sails were lowered 61

Page  62 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAI HISrORICAL SOCIETY and arranged as if for battle, and all the artillery was fired, an action which caused great fear to those people. The captain sent a foster-son of his as ambassador to the king of Zubu with the interpreter. When they reached the city, they found a vast crowd of people together with the king, all of whom had been frightened by the mortars. The interpreter told them270 that that was our custom when entering into such places, as a sign of peace and friendship, and that we had discharged all our mortars to honor the king of the village. The king and all of his men were reassured, and the king ha.d us asked by his governor what we wanted. The interpreter replied that his master was a captain of the greatest king and prince in the world, and that he was going to discover Malucho;271 but that he had come solely to visit the king because of the good report which he had heard of him from the king of Mazaua, and to buy food with his merchandise. The king told him that he was welcome [literally: he had come at a good time], but that it was their custom for all ships that entered their ports to pay tribute, and that it was but four days since a junk from Ciama [i.e., Siam] laden with gold and slaves had paid him tribute. As proof of his statement the king pointed out to the interpreter a merchant from Ciama, who had remained to trade the gold and slaves. The interpreter told the king that, since his master was the captain of so great a king, he did not pay tribute to any seignior in the world, and that if the king wished peace he would have peace, but if war instead, war. Thereupon, the Moro merchant said to the king Cata raia chita, that is to say,272 "Look well, sire. These men are the same who have conquered Calicut, Malaca, and all India Magiore [i.e., India Major].73 If they are treated well, they will give good treatment, but if they are treated evil, evil and worse treatment, as they have done to Calicut and Malaca." The interpreter understood it all and told the king that his master's king was more powerful in men and ships than the king of Portogalo, that he was the king of Spagnia and emperor of all the Christians, and that if the king did not care to 62

Page  63 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD be his friend274 he would next time send so many men that they would destroy him. The Moro related everything to the king,"7' who said thereupon that he would deliberate with his men, and would answer the captain on the following day. Then he had refreshments of many dishes, all made from meat and contained in porcelain platters, besides many jars of wine brought in. After our men had refreshed themselves, they returned and told us everything. The king of Mazaua,27' who was the most influential after that king and the seignior of a number of islands, went ashore to speak to the king of the great courtesy of our captain-general. Monday morning, our notary, together with the interpreter, went to Zubu. The king. accompanied by his chiefs, came to the open square where he had our men sit down near him. He asked the notary whether there were more than one captain in that company, and whether that captain wished him to pay tribute to the emperor his master. The notary replied in the negative, but that the captain wished only to trade with him and with no others. The king said that he was satisfied, and that if the captain wished to become his friend, he should send him a drop of blood from his right arm, and he himself would do the same [to him] as a sign of the most sincere friendship.277 The notary answered that the captain would do it. Thereupon, the king told him that all the captains who came to that place, were wont to give presents one to the other [i.e., mutual presents between the king and the captain], and asked whether our captain or he ought to commence.278 The interpreter told the king that since he desired to maintain the custom, he should commence, and so he did.2'7 Tuesday morning the king of Mazaua came to the ships with the Moro. He saluted the captain-general in behalf of the king [of Zubu], and said that the king of Zubu was collecting as much food as possible to give to him, and that after dinner he would send one of his nephews and two others of his chief men to make peace. The captain-general had one of his men 63

Page  64 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY armed with his own arms, and had the Moro told that we all fought in that manner. The Moro was greatly frightened, but the captain told him not to be frightened for our arms were soft towards our friends and harsh toward our enemies; and as handkerchiefs wipe off the sweat so did our arms overthrow and destroy all our adversaries, and those who hate our faith.280 The captain did that so that the Moro who seemed more intelligent than the others, might tell it to the king. After dinner the king's nephew, who was the prince, came to the ships with the king of Mazaua, the Moro, the governor, the chief constable, and eight chiefs, to make peace with us. The captain-general was seated in a red velvet chair, the principal men281 on leather chairs, and the others on mats upon the floor. The captain-general asked them through the interpreter whether it were their custom to speak in secret or in public, and whether that prince and the king of Mazaua had authority to make peace.282 They answered that they spoke in public, and that they were empowered to make peace. The captain-general said many things concerning peace, and that he prayed God to confirm it in heaven. They said that they had never heard any one speak such words, but that they took great pleasure in hearing them. The captain seeing that they listened and answered willingly, began to advance arguments to induce them to accept the faith. Asking them who would succeed to the seigniority after the death of the king, he was answered that the king had no sons but only daughters, the eldest of whom was the wife of that nephew of his, who therefore was the prince. [They said that] when the fathers and mothers grew old: they receive no further honor, but their children commanded them. The captain told them that God made the sky, the earth, the sea, and everything else, and that He had commanded us to honor our fathers and that whoever did otherwise was condemned to eternal fire; that we are all descended from Adam and Eva, our first parents; that we have an immortal spirit;283 and many other things pertaining to the faith. All joyfully entreated the captain to 64

Page  65 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD leave them two men, or at least one,284 to instruct them in the faith, and [said] that they would show them great honor. The captain replied to them that he could not leave them any men then, put that if they wished to become Christians, our priests would baptize them, and that he would next time bring priests and friars who would instruct them in our faith. They answered that they would first speak to their king. and that then they would become Christians, [whereat 1 we all wept with great joy. The captain-general told them that they should not become Christians for fear or to please us, but of their own free will;285 and that he would not cause any displeasure to those who wished to live according to their own law, hut that the Christians would be better regarded and treated than the others. All cried out with one voice that they were not becoming Christians through fear or to please us, but of their own free will. Then the captain told them that if they became Christians, he would leave a suit of armor,'2' for so had his king commanded him; that we could not have intercourse with their women without committing a very great sin, since they were pagans; and that he assured them that if they became Christians, the devil would no longer appear to them except in the last moment at their death.287 They said that they could not answer the beautiful words of the captain, but that they placed themselves in his hands, and that he should treat them as his most faithful servants. The captain embraced them weeping and clasping one of the prince's hands and one of the king's between his own, said to them, by his faith in God and to his sovereign, the emperor, and by the habit which he wore,288 he promised them that he would give them perpetual peace with the king of Spagnia. They answered that they promised the same. After the conclusion of the peace, the captain had refreshments served to them. Then the prince and the king [of Mazaua], presented some baskets of rice, swine, goats, and fowls to the captain-general on behalf of their king, and asked him to pardon them, for such things were but little [to 65

Page  66 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY give] to one such as he. The captain gave the prince a white cloth of the finest linen, a red cap, some strings of glass beads, and a gilded glass drinking cup. Those glasses are greatly appreciated in those districts. He did not give any present to the king of Mazaua, for he had already given him a robe of Cambaya, besides other articles.28 To the others he gave now one thing and now another. Then he sent to the king of Zubu through me and one other a yellow and violet silk robe, made in Turkish style, a fine red cap, some strings of glass beads, all in a silver dish, and two gilt drinking cups in our hands.290 When we reached the city we found the king in his palace surrounded by many people. He was seated on a palm mat on the ground, with only a cotton cloth before his privies, and a scarf embroidered with the needle about his head, a necklace of great value hanging from his neck, and two large gold earrings fastened in his ears set round with precious gems. He was fat and short, and tattooed with fire29' in various designs. From another mat on the ground he was eating turtle eggs which were in two porcelain dishes, and he had four jars full of palm wine in front of him covered with sweet-smelling herbs and arranged with four small reeds in each jar by means of which he drank.292 Having duly made reverence to him, the interpreter told the king that his master thanked him very warmly for his present, and that he sent this present not in return for his present but for the intrinsic love which he bore him.293 We dressed him in the robe, placed the cap on his head, and gave him the other things; then kissing the beads and putting them upon his head, I presented them to him. He doing the same [i.e., kissing them] accepted them. Then the king had us eat some of those eggs and drink through those slender reeds. The others, his men, told him in that place, the words of the captain concerning peace and his exhortation to them to become Christians. The king wished to have us stay to supper with him, but we could not stay then. Having taken our leave of him, the prince took 66

Page  67 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD us with him to his house, where four young girls were playing [instruments] - one, on a drum like ours, but resting on the ground; the second was striking two suspended gongs alternately with a stick wrapped soniewhat thickly at the end with palm cloth; the third, one large gong in the same manner; and the last, two small gongs held in her hand, by striking one against the other which gave forth a sweet sound. They played so harmoniously that one would believe they possessed good musical sense. Those girls were very beautiful and almost as white as our girls and as large. They were naked except for tree cloth hanging from the waist and reaching to the knees. Some were quite naked and had large holes in their ears with a small round piece of wood in the hole, which keeps the hole round and large. They have long black hair, and wear a short cloth about the head, and are always barefoot. The prince had three quite naked girls dance for us. We took refreshments and then went to the ships. Those gongs are made of brass [metalo] and are manufactured in the regions about the Signio Magno294 which is called China. They are used in those regions as we use bells and are called aghon.2'9 On Wednesday morning, as one of our men had died during the previous night, the interpreter and I296 went to ask the king where we could bury him. We found the king surrounded by many men, of whom, after the due reverence was made, I asked it.297 He replied, "If I and my vassals all belong to your sovereign, how much more ought the land." I told the king that we would like to consecrate the place,298 and to set up a cross there. He replied that he was quite satisfied, and that he wished to adore the cross as did we. The deceased was buried in the square with as much pomp as possible, in order to furnish a good example. Then we consecrated the place, and in the evening buried another man. We carried a quantity of merchandise ashore which we stored in a house. 'The king took it under his care as well as four men who were left to trade the goods by wholesale.299 Those people lived in accordance with 67

Page  68 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY justice, and have weights and measures. They love peace, ease, and quiet. They have wooden balances, the bar of which has a cord in the middle by which it is held. At one end is a bit of lead, and at the other marks like quarter-libras, third-libras, and libras. When they wished to weigh they take the scales which has three wires like ours, and place it above the marks, and so weigh accurately.300 They have very large measures without any bottom.30' The youth play on pipes made like ours which they call subin. Their houses are constructed of wood, and are built of planks and bamboo, raised high from the ground on large logs, and one must enter them by means of ladders. They have rooms like ours; and under the house they keep their swine, goats, and fowls. Large sea snails [corniolli], beautiful to the sight, are found there which kill whales. For the whale swallows them alive, and when they are in the whale's body, they come out of their shells and eat the whale's heart. Those people afterward find them alive near the dead whale's heart. Those creatures have black teeth and skin and a white shell, and the flesh is good to eat. They are called laghan.302 On Friday we showed those people a shop full of our merchandise,303 at which they were very much surprised. For metals, iron, and other large merchandise they gave us gold. For the other smaller articles they gave us rice, swine, goats, and other food. Those people gave us x pieces of gold for xiiii libras of iron304 (one piece being worth about one and one-half ducados). The captain-general did not wish to take too much gold, for there would have been some sailors who would have given all that they owned for a small amount of gold and would have spoiled the trade forever.305 Saturday, as the captain had promised the king to make him a Christian on Sunday, a platform was built in the consecrated square, which was adorned with hangings and palm branches for his baptism. The captain-general sent them to tell the king not to be afraid of the pieces that would be discharged in the morning, for it was our custom to discharge them at our greatest feasts without loading with stones.306 68

Page  69 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD On Sunday morning, April fourteen, forty men of us went ashore. two of whom were completely armed and preceded the royal banner.307 When we reached land all the artillery was fired.308 Those people followed us hither and thither. The captain and the king embraced. The captain told the king that the royal banner was not taken ashore except with fifty men armed as were those two, and with fifty musketeers; but so great was his love for him that he had thus brought the banner.309 Then we all approached the platform joyfully. The captain and the king sat down in chairs of red and violet velvet,310 the chiefs on cushions, and the others on mats.31 The captain told the king through the interpreter that he thanked God for inspiring him to become a Christian: and that [now] he would more easily conquer his enemies than before. The king replied that he wished to become a Christian, but that some of his chiefs did not wish to obey, because they said that they were as good men as he. Then our captain had all the chiefs of the king called, and told them that, unless they obeyed the king as their king. he would have them killed, and would give their possessions to the king. They replied that they would obey him. The captain told the king that he was going to Spagnia, but that he would return again with many forces that he would make him the greatest king of those regions, as he had been the first to express a determination to become a Christian. The king, lifting his hands to the sky, thanked the captain, and requested him to let some of his men remain [with him], so that he and his people might be better instructed in the faith. The captain replied that he would leave two men to satisfy him, but that he would like to take two of the children of the chiefs with him, so that they might learn our language, who afterward on their return would be able to tell the others the wonders [cose] of Spagnia. A large cross was set up in the middle of the square. The captain told them that if they wished to become Christians as they had declared on the previous days, they must burn all their idols and set up a 69

Page  70 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY cross in their place. They were to adore that cross daily with clasped hands, and every morning after their [i.e., the Spaniards'] custom, they were to make the sign of the cross (which the captain showed them how to make); and they ought to come hourly, at least in the morning, to that cross, and adore it kneeling. The intention that they had already declared, they were to confirm with good works. The king and all the others wished to confirm it thoroughly. The captain-general told the king that he was clad all in white to demonstrate his sincere love toward them. They replied that they could not respond to his sweet words. The captain led the king by the hand to the platform while speaking these good words in order to baptize him. SHe told the king that he would call him Don Carlo, after his sovereign the emperor; the prince, Don Fernando, after the emperor's brother; the king of Mazaua, Johanni; a chief, Fernando, after our chief, that is to say, the captain; the Moro, Christoforo; and then the others, now one name, and now another. Five hundred men were baptized before mass. After the conclusion of the mass, the captain invited the king and some of the other chiefs to dinner, but they refused, accompanying us, however, to the shore. The ships discharged all the mortars; and embracing, the king and chiefs and the captain took leave of one another.312 After dinner the priest and some of the others went ashore to baptize the queen, who came with forty women. We conducted her to the platform, and she was made to sit down upon a cushion, and the other women near her, until the priest should be ready. She was shown an image of Our Lady, a very beautiful wooden child Jesus, and a cross. Thereupon, she was overcome with contrition, and asked for baptism amid her tears.313 We named her Johanna, after the emperor's mother; her daughter, the wife of the prince, Catherina; the queen of Mazaua, Lisabeta; and the others, each their [distinctive] name. Counting men, women, and children, we baptized eight hundred souls.314 The queen was young and beautiful, and was entirely 70

Page  71 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD covered with a white and black cloth. Her mouth and nails were very red, while on her head she worse a large hat of palm leaves in the manner of a parasol,315 with a crown about it of the same leaves, like the tiara of the pope; and she never goes any place without such a one.316 She asked us to give her the little child Jesus to keep in place of her idols;1'7 and then she went away. In the afternoon.31 the king and queen, accompanied by numerous persons, came to the shore. Thereupon, the captain had many trombs of fire and large mortars discharged, by which they were most highly delighted.3"' The captain and the king called one another brothers. That king's name was Raia Humabon. Before that week had gone, all the persons of that island, and some from the other islands, were baptized. We burned one hamlet which was located in a neighboring island, because it refused to obey the king or us. We set up the cross there for those people were heathens. Had they been Moros, we would have erected a column there as a token of greater hardness, for the Moros are much harder to convert than the heathens. The captain.general went ashore daily during those days to hear mass, and told the king many things regarding the faith.320 One day the queen came with great pomp to hear mass. Three girls preceded her with three of her hats in their hands.321 She was dressed in black and white with a large silk scarf, crossed with gold stripes thrown over her head, which covered her shoulders; and she had on her hat. A great number of women accompanied her, who were all naked and barefoot, except that they had a small covering of palmtree cloth before their privies, and a small scarf upon the head, and all with hair flowing free. The queen, having made the due reverence to the altar, seated herself on a silk embroidered cushion. Before the commencement of the mass, the captain sprayed her and some of her women with musk rosewater, for they delighted exceedingly in such perfumes. The captain knowing that the queen was very much pleased with the child 71

Page  72 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY Jesus, gave it to her telling her to keep it in place of her idols, tor it was in memory322 of the son of God. Thanking him heartily she accepted it. Before mass one day, the captain-general had the king come clad in his silk robe, and the chief men of the city, [to wit], the king's brother and prince's father, whose name was Bendara; another of the king's brothers, Cadaio; and certain ones called Simiut, Sibuaia, Sisacai, Maghalibe, and many others whom I shall not name in order not to be tedious.323 The captain made them all swear to be obedient to their king, and they kissed the latter's hand. Then the captain had the king declare that he would always be obedient and faithful to the king of Spagnia, and the king so swore.324 Thereupon, the captain drew his sword before the image of our Lady. and told the king that when anyone so swore, he should prefer to die rather than to break such an oath,325 if he swore by that image, by the life of the emperor his sovereign, and by his habit to be ever faithful. After the conclusion of that the captain gave the king a red velvet chair, telling him that wherever he went he should always have it carried before him by one of his nearest relatives; and he showed him how it ought to be carried. The king responded that he would do that willingly for love of him, and he told the captain that he was making a jewel to give to him, namely, two large earrings of gold to fasten326 in his ears, two armlets to put on his arms, above the elbows, and two other rings for the feet above the ankles, besides other precious gems to adorn327 the ears. Those are the most beautiful ornaments which the kings of those districts can wear. They always go barefoot, and wear a cloth garment that hangs from the waist to the knees. One day the captain-general asked the king and the other people why they did not burn their idols as they had promised when they became Christians: and why they sacrificed so much flesh to them. They replied that what they were doing was not for themselves, but for a sick man who had not spoken 72

Page  73 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD now for four days, so that the idols might give him health. He was the prince's brother, and the bravest and wisest man in the island. The captain told them to burn their idols and to believe in Christ. and that if the sick man were baptized, he would quickly recover; and if that did not so happen they could behead him [i.e., the captain] then and there. Thereupon, the king replied that he would do it, for he truly believed in Christ. We made a procession from the square to the house of the sick man with as much pomp as possible. There we found him in such condition that he could neither speak nor move. We baptized him and his two wives, and x girls. Then the captain had him asked how he felt. He spoke immediately and said that by the grace of our Lord he felt very well. That was a most manifest miracle [that happened] in our times. When the captain heard him speak, he thanked God fervently. Then he made the sick man drink some almond milk, which he had already had made for him. Afterward he sent him a mattress, a pair of sheets, a coverlet of yellow cloth, and a pillow. Until he recovered his health, the captain sent him almond milk, rosewater, oil of roses, and some sweet preserves. Before five days the sick man began to walk. He had an idol that certain old women had concealed in his house burned in the presence of the king and all the people. He had many shrines along the seashore destroyed,328 in which the consecrated meat was eaten. The people themselves cried out "Castiglia! Castiglia! and destroyed329 those shrines. They said that if God would lend them life they would burn all the idols that they could find, even if they were in the king's house. Those idols are made of wood, and are hollow, and lack the back parts. Their arms are open and their feet turned up under them with the legs open. They have a large face with four huge tusks like those of the wild boar; and are painted all over. There are many villages in that island. Their names, those of their inhabitants, and of their chiefs are as follows: Cinghapola, and its chiefs, Cilaton, Ciguibucan, Cimaningha, Cimati73

Page  74 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY chat, and Cicanbul; one Mandaui, and its chief, Apanoaan; one Lalan, and its chief, Theteu; oneLalutan, and its chief, Tapan; one Cilumai; and one, Lubucun.330 All those villages rendered obedience to us, and gave us food and tribute. Near that island of Zubu was an island called Matan. which formed the port where we were anchored. The name of its village was Matan, and its chiefs were Zula and Cilapulapu. That city which we burned was in that island and was called Bulaia. In order that your most illustrious Lordship may know the ceremonies that those people use in consecrating the swine, they first sound those large gongs.331 Then three large dishes are brought in; two with roses and with cakes of rice and millet, baked and wrapped in leaves, and roast fish; the other with cloth of Cambaia332 and two standards made of palm-tree cloth. One bit of cloth of Cambaia is spread on the ground. Then two very old women come, each of whom has a bamboo trumpet in her hand. When they have stepped upon the cloth they make obeisance to the sun. Then they wrap the cloths about themselves. One of them puts a kerchief with two horns on her forehead, and takes another kerchief in her hands, and dancing and blowing upon her trumpet. she thereby calls out to the sun. The other takes one of the standards and dances and blows on her trumpet. They dance and call out thus for a little space, saying many things between themselves to the sun. She with the kerchief takes the other standard, and lets the kerchief drop, and both blowing on their trumpets for a long time, dance about the bound hog. She with the horn always speaks covertly to the sun, and the other answers her. A cup of wine is presented to her of the horns, and she dancing and repeating certain words, while the other answers her, and mak. ing pretense four or five times of drinking the wine, sprinkles it upon the heart of the hog. Then she immediately begins to dance again. A lance is given to the woman. She shaking it and repeating certain words, while both of them continue to dance, and making motions four or five times of thrusting the 74

Page  75 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THIE WORLD lance through the heart of the hog, with a sudden and quick stroke, thrusts it through from one side to the other. The wound is quickly stopped333 with grass. The one who has killed the hog, taking in her mouth a lighted torch, which has been lighted throughout that ceremony, extinguishes it.334 The other one dipping the end of her trumpet in the blood of the hog, goes around marking with blood with her finger first the foreheads of their husbands, and then the others; but they never came to us. Then they divest themselves and go to eat the contents of those dishes, and they invite only women [to eat with them]. The hair is removed from the hog by means of fire. Thus no one but old women consecrate the flesh of the hog, and they do not eat it unless it is killed in this way.335 Those people go naked, wearing but one piece of palm tree cloth about335 their privies. The males, large and small, have their penis pierced from one side to the other near the head, with a gold or tin bolt as large as a goose quill. In both ends of the same bolt, some have what resembles a spur, with points upon the ends; others are like the head of a cart nail. I very often asked many, both old and young, to see their penis, because I could not credit it. In the middle of the bolt is a hole, through which they urinate. The bolt and the spurs always hold firm. They say that their women wish it so, and that if they did otherwise they would not have communication with them. When the men wish to have communication with their women, the latter themselves take the penis not in the regular way and commence very gently to introduce it [into their vagina], with the spur on top first, and then the other part. When it is inside it takes its regular position; and thus the penis always stays inside until it gets soft, for otherwise they could not pull it out. Those people make use of that device because they are of a weak nature. They have as many wives as they wish, but one of them is the principal wife.337 Whenever any of our men went ashore, 75

Page  76 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINF NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY both by day and by night every one invited him to eat and to drink. Their viands are half cooked and very salty. They drink frequently and copiously from the jars'38 through those small reeds, and one of their meals lasts for five or six hours. The women loved us very much more than their own men. All of the women from the age of six years and upward, have their vaginas [natura] gradually opened because of the men's penises.339 They practice the following ceremonies when one of their chiefs dies. First all the chief340 women of the place go to the house of the deceased. The deceased is placed in the middle of the house in a box. Ropes are placed about the box in the manner of a palisade, to which many branches of trees are attached. In the middle of each branch hangs a cotton cloth like a curtained canopy. The most principal women sit under those hangings, and are all covered with white cotton cloth, each one by a girl who fans her with a palm-leaf fan. The other women sit about the room sadly.341 Then there is one woman who cuts off the hair of the deceased very slowly with a knife. Another who was the principal wife of the deceased, lies down upon him, and places her mouth, her hands, and her feet upon those of the deceased. When the former is cutting off the hair, the latter weeps, and when the former finishes cutting, the latter sings. There are many porcelain jars containing fire about the room and myrrh, storax, and bezoin, which make a strong odor through the house, are put on the fire. They keep the body in the house for five or six days during those ceremonies. I believe that the body is anointed with camphor. Then they bury the body and the same box which is shut in a log by means of wooden nails and covered and enclosed by logs of wood.342 Every night about midnight in that city, a jet black bird as large as a crow was wont to come, and no sooner had it thus reached the houses than it began to screech, so that all the dogs began to howl; and that 76

Page  77 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD screeching and howling would last for four or five hours.343 but those people would never tell us the reason of it. On Friday, April twenty-six, Zula, a chief of the island of Matan,344 sent one of his sons to present two goats to the captain-general, and to say that he would send him all that he had promised, but that he had not been able to send it to him because of the other chief Cilapulapu, who refused to obey the king of Spagnia. He requested the captain to send him only one boatload of men on the next night, so that they might help him and fight against the other chief. The captain-general decided to go thither with three boatloads. We begged him repeatedly not to go, but he, like a good shepherd, refused to abandon his flock. At midnight, sixty men of us set out armed with corselets and helmets, together with the Christian king, the prince, some of the chief men, and twenty or thirty halanguais. We reached Matan three hours before dawn. The captain did not wish to fight then, but sent a message to the natives by the Moro to the effect that if they would obey the king of Spagnia, recognize the Christian king as their sovereign, and pay us our tribute, he would be their friend; but that if they wished otherwise, they should wait to see how our lances wounded.345 They replied that if we had lances they had lances of bamboo and stakes hardened with fire. ['They asked us] not to proceed to attack them at once, but to wait until morning, so that they might have more men. They said that in order to induce us to go in search of them; for they had dug certain pitholes between the houses in order that we might fall into them. When morning came forty-nine of us leaped into the water up to our thighs, and walked through water for more than two crossbow flights before we could reach the shore. The boats could not approach nearer because of certain rocks in the water. The other eleven men remained behind to guard the boats. When we reached land, those men had formed in three divisions to the number of more than one thousand five hundred persons. When they saw us, they charged down upon 77

Page  78 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY us with exceeding loud cries, two divisions on our flanks and the other on our front. When the captain saw that, he formed us into two divisions, and thus did we begin to fight The musketeers and crossbowmen shot from a distance for about a half-hour, but uselessly; for the shots only passed through the shields which were made of thin wood and the arms [of the bearers]. The captain cried to them, "Cease firing! cease firing!" but his order was not at all heeded. When the natives saw that we were shooting our muskets to no purpose, crying out they determined to stand firm, but they redoubled their shouts. When our muskets were discharged, the natives would never stand still, but leaped hither and thither, covering themselves with shields. They shot so many arrows at us and hurled so many bamboo spears (some of them tipped with iron) at the captain-general, besides pointed stakes hardened with fire, stones, and mud, that we could scarcely defend ourselves. Seeing that, the captain-general sent some men to burn their houses in order to terrify them. When they saw their houses burning, they were roused to greater fury. Two of our men were killed near the houses, while we burned twenty or thirty houses. So many of them charged down upon us that they shot the captain through the right leg with a poisoned arrow. On that account, he ordered us to retire slowly, but the men took to flight, except six or eight of us who remained with the captain. The natives shot only at our legs, for the latter were bare; and so many were the spears and stones that they hurled at us, that we could offer no resistance. The mortars in the boats could not aid us as they were too far away. So we continued to retire for more than a good crossbow flight from the shore always fighting up to our knees in the water. The natives continued to pursue us, and picking up the same spear four or six times, hurled it at us again and again. Recognizing the captain, so many turned upon him that they knocked his helmet off his head twice, but he always stood firmly like a good knight together with some others. Thus did we fight for more than 78

Page  79 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD one hour, refusing to retire farther. An Indian hurled a bamboo spear into the captain's face, but the latter immediately killed him with his lance, which he left in the Indian's body. Then, trying to lay hand on sword, he could draw it out but halfway, because he had been wounded in the arm with a bamboo spear. When the natives saw that, they all hurled themselves upon him. One of them wounded him on the left leg with a large cutlass,346 which resembles a scimitar, only being larger. That caused the captain to fall face downward, when immediately they rushed upon him with iron and bamboo spears and with their cutlasses, until they killed our mirror, our light, our comfort, and our true guide. When they wounded him, he turned back many times to see whether we were all in the boats. Thereupon, beholding him dead, we, wounded, retreated, as best we could, to the boats, which were already pulling off. The Christian king would have aided us. but the captain charged him before we landed, not to leave his balanghai, but to stay to see how we fought. When the king learned that the captain was dead, he wept. Had it not been for that unfortunate captain, not a single one of us would have been saved in the boats, for while he was fighting the others retired to the boats. I hope through [the efforts of] your most illustrious Lordship that the fame of so noble a captain will not become effaced in our times. Among the other virtues which he possessed, he was more constant than ever any one else in the greatest of adversity. He endured hunger better than all the others, and more accurately than any man in the world did he understand sea charts347 and navigation. And that this was the truth was seen openly, for no other had had so much natural talent nor the boldness to learn how to circumnavigate the world, as he had almost done. That battle was fought on Saturday, April twenty-seven, 152 1.348 The captain desired to fight on Saturday, because it was the day especially holy to him. Eight of our men were killed with him in that battle,349 and four Indians, who had be79

Page  80 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY come Christians and who had come afterward to aid us were killed by the mortars of the boats. Of the enemy, only fifteen were killed, while many of us were wounded. In the afternoon the Christian king sent a message with our consent to the people of Matan, to the effect that if they would give us the captain and the other men who had been killed, we would give them as much merchandise as they wished. They answered that they would not give up such a man, as we imagined Ithey would dol and that they would not give him for all the riches in the world, but that they intended to keep him as a memorial.350 On Saturday, the day on which the captain was killed, the four men who had remained in the city to trade, had our merchandise carried to the ships. Then we chose two commanders, namely, Duarte Barboza,351' Portuguese and a relative of the captain, and Johan Seranno, a Spaniard.352 As our interpreter, Henrich by name, was wounded slightly, he would not go ashore any more to attend to our necessary affairs, but always kept his bed. On that account, Duarte Barboza, the commander of the flagship, cried out to him and told him, that although his master, the captain, was dead, he was not therefore free; on the contrary he [i.e., Barboza] would see to it that when we should reach Spagnia, he should still be the slave of Dofia Beatrice, the wife of the captain-general.353 And threatening the slave that if he did go ashore, he would be flogged, the latter arose, and feigning to take no heed to those words, went ashore to tell the Christian king354 that we were about to leave very soon, but that if he would follow his advice, he could gain the ships and all our merchandise. Accordingly they arranged a plot, and the slave returned to the ship, where he showed that he was more cunning355 than before. On Wednesday morning, the first of May, the Christian king sent word to the commanders, that the jewels356 which he had promised to send to the king of Spagnia were ready, and that he begged them and their other companions to come to 80

Page  81 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND TIlE WORLD dine with him that morning, when he would give them the jewels. Twenty-four men went ashore, among whom was our astrologer, San Martin de Sivilla. I could not go because I was all swollen up by a wound from a poisoned arrow which I had received in my face. Jovan Carvaio and the constable35s returned, and told us that they saw the man who had been cured by a miracle take the priest to his house.358 Consequently, they had left that place. because they suspected some evil. Scarcely had they spoken those words when we heard loud cries and lamentations. We immediately weighed anchor and discharging many mortars into the houses, drew in nearer to the shore. While thus discharging [our pieces] we saw Johan Seranno in his shirt bound and wounded, crying to us not to fire any more, for the natives would kill him.359 We asked him whether all the others and the interpreter were dead. He said that they were all dead except the interpreter. He begged us earnestly to redeem him with some of the merchandise; but Johan Carvaio, his boon companion, [and others] would not allow the boat to go ashore so that they might remain masters of the ships.36~ But although Johan Serrano weeping asked us not to set sail so quickly, for they would kill him, and said that he prayed God to ask his soul of Johan Carvaio, his comrade, in the day of judgment, we immediately departed. I do not know whether he is dead or alive.36' In that island are found dogs, cats, rice, millet, panicum, sorgo, ginger, figs [i.e., bananas], oranges, lemons, sugarcane, garlic, honey, cocoanuts, nangcas,362 gourds, flesh of many kinds, palm wine, and gold.363 It is a large island, and has a good port with two entrances - one to the west and the other to the east northeast.364 It lies in x degrees365 of latitude toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixtyfour'66 degrees from the line of demarcation. Its name is Zubu. We heard of Malucho there before the death of the captaingeneral. Those people play a violin with copper strings. 81

Page  82 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY Words of those Heathen People For Man for Woman for Young woman for Married woman for Hair for Face for Eyelids for Eyebrows for Eye for Nose for Jaws for Lips for Mouth for Teeth for Gums for Tongue for Ears for Throat for Neck for Chin for Beard for Shoulders for Spine for Breast for Body Armpit for Arm for Elbow for Pulse for Hand for the Palm of Hand for Finger for Fingernail for Navel lac paranpaon beni beni babay boho guay pilac chilei matta ilon apin olol baba nipin leghex dilla delengan liogh tangip queilan bonghot bagha licud dughan367 tiam ilot botchen sico molanghai camat palan dudlo coco pusut 82

Page  83 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD for for for for for for for for for for for for for for for for for for for for for fcr for for for for for for for for for for for for Penis Testicles Vagina368 to have Commiunication with womten Buttocks Thigh Knee Shin Calf of the legy Ankle Heel Sole of the foot Gold Silver Brass Iron Sugarcane Spoon Rice Honey Wax Salt Wine to Drink to Eat Hog Goat Chicken Millet Sorgo Panicum Pepper Cloves Cinnamon utin boto billat jiam samput paha tuhud bassag bassag369 bitis bolbol tiochid lapa lapa balaoan pilla concach butan tube gandan bughax baras deghex talho acin tuba nio unipa minuncubil macan babui candin monoch humas batat dana.370 manissa. chianche mana. 83

Page  84 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY for Ginger for Garlic for Oranges for Egg for Cocoanut for Vinegar for Water for Fire for Smoke for to Blow for Balances for Weight for Pearl for Mother of Pearl for Pipe [a musical instrument] for Disease of St. Job Bring me for certain Rice cakes Good No for Knife for Scissors To Shave for a well adorned Man for Linen for the cloth with which they cover themselves for hawk'sbell for Pater nosters of all classes for Comb for to Comb luia laxuna acsua silog lubi zlucha tubin clayo assu tigban tinban tahil371 mutiara tipay subin alupalan372 palatin comorica tinapai373 main tidale capol, sundan catle chunthinch pixao balandan abaca coloncolon374 tacle cutlei, missamis monssughud 84

Page  85 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD for Shirt for Sewing-needle for to Sew for Porcelain for Dog for Cat for their Scarfs for Glass Beads Come here for House for Timber for the Mats on which they sleep for Palm-mats for their Leaf cushions for Wooden platters for their God for Sun for Moon for Star for Dawn for Morning for Cup Large for Bow sabun daghu mamis mobuluc aian, ydo epos gapas balus marica ilaga, balai tatamue tagichan bani ulman dulan abba adlo songhot bolan, bunthun mene uema tagha bassal bossugh oghon calassan baluti calix, baladao campilan bancan tuan saghin for for for for for for for for Arrow Shields Quilted garments used for fighting their daggers their Cutlasses Spear Like Figs [i.e., bananas] 85

Page  86 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY for Gourds for the Cords of their violins for River for Fishing-net for small Boat for large Canes for the small ones for their large Boats for their small Boats for Crabs for Fish for a Fish that i1 all colored for another red [fish] for a certain other [kind of fish] for another [kind of fish] All the same for a Slave for Gallows for Ship for a King or CaptainGeneral baghin gotzap tau pucat, laia sampan cauaghan bonbon balanghai boloto375 cuban icam, yssida panapsapan timuan pilax emaluan siama siama bonsul bolle benaoa raia One two three four five six seven eight nine ten Numbers uzza dua tolo upat lima onom pitto gualu ciam polo376 86

Page  87 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND TIIE WORLD In the midst of that archipelago,377 at a distance of eighteen leguas from that island of Zubu, at the head of the other island called Bohol, we burned the ship Conceptione, for too few men of us were left [to work it].378 We stowed the best of its contents in the other two ships, and then laid our course toward the south southwest, coasting along the island called Panilongon,379 where black men like those in Etiopia live. Then we came to a large island [Mindanao, whose king in order to make peace with us, drew blood from his left hand marking his body, face, and the tip of his tongue with it as a token of the closest friendship, and we did the same. I went ashore alone with the king in order to see that island. We had no sooner entered a river than many fishermen offered fish to the king. Then the king removed the cloths which covered his privies, as did some of his chiefs; and began to row while singing past many dwellings which were upon the river. Two hours after nightfall we reached the king's house. The distance from the beginning of the river where our ships were to the king's house, was two leguas. When we entered the house. we came upon many torches of cane and palm leaves,380 which were of the anime, of which mention was made above. Until the supper was brought in, the king with two of his chiefs and two of his beautiful women drank the contents of a large jar of palm wine without eating anything. I, excusing myself as I had supped, would only drink but once. In drinking they observed all the same ceremonies that the king of Mazaua did. Then the supper, which consisted of rice and very salt381 fish, and was contained in porcelain dishes, was brought in. They ate their rice as if it were bread, and cook it after the following manner. They first put in an earthen jar like our jars, a large leaf which lines all of the jar. Then they add the water and the rice, and after covering it allow it to boil until the rice becomes as hard as bread, when it is taken out in pieces. Rice is cooked in the same way throughout those districts.382 When we had eaten, the king had a reed mat and 87

Page  88 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY another of palm leaves, and a leaf pillow brought in so that I might sleep on them. The king and his two women went to sleep in a separate place, while I slept with one of his chiefs.383 When day came and until the dinner was brought in, I walked about that island. I saw many articles of gold in those houses384 but little food. After that we dined on rice and fish, and at the conclusion of dinner, I asked the king by signs whether I could see the queen. He replied that he was willing, and we went together to the summit of a lofty hill, where the queen's house was located. When I entered the house, I made a bow to the queen, and she did the same to me, whereupon I sat down beside her. She was making a sleeping mat of palm leaves. In the house there was hanging a number of porcelain jars and four metal gongs - one of which was larger than the second, while the other two were still smaller - for playing upon. There were many male and female slaves who served her. Those houses are constructed like those already mentioned. Having taken our leave, we returned to the king's house, where the king had us immediately served with refreshments of sugarcane. The most abundant product of that island is gold. They showed me certain large valleys,385 making me a sign that the gold there was as abundant as the hairs of their heads, but they have no iron with which to dig it, and they do not care to go to the trouble [to get it].386 That part of the island belongs to the same land as Butuan and Calaghan, and lies toward Bohol, and is bounded by Mazaua. As we shall return to that island again, I shall say nothing further [now]. The afternoon having waned, I desired to return to the ships. The king and the other chief men wished to accompany me, and therefore we went in the same balanghai.387 As we were returning along the river, I saw, on the summit of a hill at the right, three men suspended from one tree, the branches of which had been cut away. I asked the king what was the reason for that, and he replied that they were malefactors and robbers. Those people go naked 88

Page  89 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD as do the others above mentioned. The king's name is Raia Calanao.388 The harbor is an excellent one. Rice, ginger, swine, goats, fowls, and other things are to be found there. That port lies in a latitude of eight degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-seven degrees389 from the line of demarcation. It is fifty leguas from Zubu, and is called Chipit.390 Two days' journey thence to the northwest is found a large island called Lozon,391 where six or eight junks belonging to the Lequian people go yearly.392 Leaving there and laying our course west southwest. we cast anchor at an island not very large and almost uninhabited. The people of that island are Moros and were banished from an island called Burne. They go naked as do the others. They have blowpipes and small quivers at their side, full of arrows and a poisonous herb. They have daggers whose hafts are adorned with gold and precious gems, spears, bucklers, and small cuirrasses of buffalo horn.393 They called us holy beings. Little food was to be found in that island, but [there were] immense trees. It lies in a latitude of seven and one-half degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and is forty-three leguas394 from Chippit. Its name is Caghaian.395 About twenty-five leguas to the west northwest from the above island we found a large island, where rice, ginger, swine, goats, fowls, figs one-half braza long and as thick as the arms [i.e., bananas] (they are excellent; and certain others are one palmo and less in length, and are much better than all the others), cocoanuts, camotes [batate], sugarcane, and roots resembling turnips in taste, are found. Rice is cooked there under the fire in bamboos or in wood; and it lasts better than that cooked in earthen pots..We called that land the land of promise, because we suffered great hunger before we found it. We were often on the point of abandoning the ships and going ashore in order that we might not die of hunger.396 The king made peace with us by gashing himself slightly in the breast with one of our knives, and upon bleeding, touching the 89

Page  90 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY tip of his tongue and his forehead in token of the truest peace, and we did the same. That island lies in a latitude of nine and one-third degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and a longitude of one hundred and seventy-one and one-third397 degrees from the line of demarcation. [It is called] Pulaoan.39' Those people of Pulaoan go naked as do the others. Almost all399 of them cultivate their fields. They have blowpipes with thick wooden arrows more than one palmo long, with harpoon points, and others tipped with fishbones, and poisoned with an herb; while others are tipped with points of bamboo like harpoons and are poisoned.400 At the end of the arrow they attach a little piece of soft wood, instead of feathers. At the end of their blowpipes they fasten a bit of iron like a spearhead;40' and when they have shot all their arrows they fight with that. They place a value on brass rings and chains, bells, knives, and still more on copper wire for binding their fishhooks. They have large and very tame cocks, which they do not eat because of a certain veneration that they have for them. Sometimes they make them fight with one another, and each one puts up a certain amount on his cock, and the prize goes to him whose cock is the victor. They have distilled rice wine which is stronger and better than that made from the palm.402 Ten leguas southwest of that island, we came to an island, which, as we coasted by, seemed to us to be going upward. After entering the port, the holy body [i.e., St. Elmo's fire] appeared to us through the pitchy darkness. 'There is a distance of fifty leguas403 from the beginning of that island to the port. On the following day, July nine, the king of that island sent a very beautiful prau to us, whose bow and stern were worked in gold. At the bow flew a white and blue banner surmounted with peacock feathers. Some men were playing on musical instruments [cinphonie] and drums. Two almadies404 came with that prau. Praus resemble fustas, while the almadies are their small fishing boats. Eight old men, 90

Page  91 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD who were chiefs, entered the ships and took seats in the stern upon a carpet. They presented us with a painted wooden jar full of betel and areca (the fruit which they chew continually). and jessamine405 and orange blossoms, a covering of yellow silk cloth, two cages full of fowls, a couple of goats, three jarsful of distilled rice wine, and some bundles of sugarcane. They did the same to the other ship, and embracing us took their leave. The rice wine is as clear as water, but so strong that it intoxicated many of our men. It is called arach [i.e., arrack]. Six days later the king again sent three praus with great pomp, which encircled the ships with musical instruments (cinphonie) playing and drums and brass gongs beating. They saluted us with their peculiar cloth caps which covers only the top of their heads. We saluted them by firing our mortars without [loading with] stones. Then they gave us a present of various kinds of food, made only of rice. Some were wrapped in leaves and were made in somewhat longish pieces, some resembled sugar-loaves, while others were made il the manner of tarts with eggs and honey. They told us that their king was willing to let us get water and wood, and to trade at our pleasure. Upon hearing that seven406 of us entered their prau bearing a present to their king, which consisted of a green velvet robe made in the Turkish manner, a violet velvet chair, five brazas of red cloth, a cap,407 a gilded drinking glass, a covered glass vase, three writing-books of paper, and a gilded writingcase. To the queen [we took] three brazas of [red: crossed out in original MS.] yellow cloth, a pair of silvered shoes, and a silvered needle-case full of needles. [We took] three brazas of red cloth, a cap, and a gilded drinking glass to the governor. To the herald who came in the prau we gave a robe of red and green cloth, made in the Turkish fashion, a cap, and a writing book of paper; and to the other seven chief men, to one a bit of cloth, and to another a cap, and to all of them a writing book of paper. Then we immediately departed [for the land]. 91

Page  92 JOURNAL OF THF PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY When we reached the city, we remained about two hours in the prau, until the arrival of two elephants with silk trappings, and twelve men each of whom carried a porcelain jar covered with silk in which to carry our presents. Thereupon, we mounted the elephants while those twelve men preceded us afoot with the presents in the jars. In this way we went to the house of the governor, where we were given a supper of many kinds of food. During the night we slept on cotton mattresses,408 whose lining was of taffeta, and the sheets of Cambaia. Next day we stayed in the house until noon. Then we went to the king's palace upon elephants, with our presents in front as on the preceding day. All the streets from the governor's to the king's house were full of men with swords, spears, and shields, for such were the king's orders. We entered the courtyard of the palace mounted on the elephants. We went up a ladder accompanied by the governor and other chiefs, and entered a large hall full of many nobles,409 where we sat down upon a carpet with the presents in the jars near us. At the end of that hall there is another hall higher but somewhat smaller. It was all adorned with silk hangings, and two windows, through which light entered the hall and hung with two brocade curtains, opened from it. There were three hundred footsoldiers with naked rapiers at their thighs in that hall to guard the king.410 At the end of the small hall was a large window from which a brocade curtain was drawn aside so that we could see within it the king seated at a table with one of his young sons chewing betel.411 No one but women were behind him. Then a chief told us that we could not <speak to the king, and that if we wished anything, we were to tell it to him, so that he could communicate it to one of higher rank. The latter would communicate it to a brother of the governor who was stationed in the smaller hall, and this man would communicate it by means of a speaking-tube through a hole in the wall to one who was inside with the king. The chief taught us the manner of making three obeisances to the king 92

Page  93 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD with our hands clasped above the head, raising first one foot and then the other and then kissing the hands toward him, and we did so, that being the method of the royal obeisance. We told the king that we came from the king of Spagnia, and that the latter desired to make peace with him and asked only for permission to trade. The king had us told that since the king of Spagnia desired to be his friend, he was very willing to be his, and said that we could take water and wood, and trade at our pleasure. Then we gave him the presents, on receiving each of which he nodded slightly. To each one of us was given some brocaded and gold cloth and silk, which were placed upon our left shoulders, where they were left but a moment.412 They presented us with refreshments of cloves and cinnamon, after which the curtains were drawn to and the windows closed. The men in the palace were all attired in cloth of gold and silk which covered their privies, and carried daggers with gold hafts adorned with pearls and precious gems, and they had many rings on their hands. We returned upon the elephants to the governor's house, seven men carrying the king's presents to us and always preceding us. When we reached the house, they gave each one of us his present, placing them upon our left shoulders. We gave each of those men a couple of knives for his trouble. Nine men came to the governor's house with a like number of large wooden trays from the king. Each tray contained ten or twelve porcelain dishes full of veal, capons, chickens, peacocks, and other animals, and fish. We supped on the ground upon a palm mat from thirty or thirty-two different kinds of meat besides fish and other things. At each mouthful of food we drank a small cupful of their distilled wine from a porcelain cup the size of an egg. We ate rice and other sweet food with gold spoons like ours. In our sleeping quarters there during those two nights, two torches of white wax were kept constantly alight in two rather tall silver candlesticks, and two large lamps full of oil with four wicks apiece and two men to snuff them continually. We 93

Page  94 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY went elephant-back to the seashore, where we found two praus which took us back to the ships. That city413 is entirely built in salt water, except the houses of the king and certain chiefs. It contains twenty-five thousand fires [i.e., families.414] The houses are all constructed of wood and built up from the ground on tall pillars. When the tide is high the women go in boats through the settlement [tera] selling the articles necessary to maintain life. There is a large brick wall in front of the king's house with towers like a fort, in which were mounted fiftysix bronze [metalo] pieces, and six of iron. During the two days of our stay there, many pieces were discharged. That king is a Moro and his name is Raia Siripada. He was forty years old and corpulent. No one serves him except women who are the daughters415 of chiefs. He never goes outside of his palace, unless when he goes hunting, and no one is allowed to talk with him except through the speaking tube. He has x scribes, called Xiritoles,416 who write down his deeds on very thin tree bark. On Monday morning, July twenty-nine, we saw more than one hundred praus, divided into three squadrons and a like number of tunguli417 (which are their small boats) coming toward us. Upon catching sight of them, imagining that there was some trickery afoot, we hoisted our sails as quickly as possible, abandoning an anchor in our haste. We expected especially that we were to be captured in between certain junks which had anchored behind us on the preceding day. We immediately turned upon the latter, capturing four of them and killing many persons. Three or four of the junks sought flight by beaching. In one of the junks which we captured was the son of the king of the island of Lozon. He was the captain-general of the king of Burne, and came with those junks from a large city named Laoe,418 which is located at the end of that island [i.e., Borneo] toward Java Major. He had destroyed and sacked that city because it refused to obey the king [of Burne], but the king of Java Major instead. Giovan 94

Page  95 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD Carvaio our pilot, allowed that captain and the junks to go without our consent, for a certain sum of gold, as we learned afterward. Had the pilot not given up the captain to the king, the latter would have given us whatever we had asked, for that captain was exceedingly feared throughout those regions, especially by the heathens, as the latter are very hostile to that Moro king. In that same port there is another city inhabited by heathens, which is larger than that of the Moros, and built like the latter in salt water. On that account the two peoples have daily combats together in that same harbor. The heathen king is as powerful as the Moro king, but is not so haughty, and could be converted easily to the Christian faith. When the Moro king heard how we had treated the junks, he sent us a message by one of our men who was ashore to the effect that the praus were not coming to do us any harm, but that they were going to attack the heathens. As a proof of that statement, the Moros showed him some heads of men who had been killed, which they declared to be the heads of heathens. We sent a message to the king, asking him to please allow two of our men who were in the city for purposes of trade and the son of Johan Carvaio, who had been born in the country of Verzin, to come to us, but the king refused. That was the consequences of Johan Carvaio letting the above captain go. We kept sixteen of the chiefest men [of the captured junks] to take them to Spagnia, and three women in the queen's name, but Johan Carvaio usurped the latter for himself.419 Junks are their ships and are made in the following manner. The bottom part is built about two palmos above the water and is of planks fastened with wooden pegs, which are very well made; above that they are entirely made of very large bamboos. They have a bamboo as a counterweight. One of those junks carries as much cargo as a ship. Their masts are of bamboo, and the sails of the bark of trees.420 Their porcelain is a sort of exceedingly white earth which is left for 95

Page  96 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY fifty years under the earth before it is worked, for otherwise it would not be fine. The father buries it for the son. If [poison] is placed in a dish made of fine porcelain, the dish immediately breaks.421 The money made by the Moros in those regions is of bronze [metalo] pierced in the middle in order that it may be strung. On only one side of it are four characters, which are letters of the great king of Chiina. We call that money picis.422 They gave us six porcelain dishes for one cathil423 (which is equivalent to two of our libras) of quicksilver; one hundred picis for one book of writing paper; one small porcelain vase for one hundred and sixty cathils of bronze [metalo]; one porcelain vase for three knives; one bahar (which is equivalent to two hundred and three cathils) of wax for 160 cathils of bronze [metalo]; one bahar of salt for eighty cathils of bronze [metalo]; one bahar of anime to calk the ships (for no pitch is found in those regions) for forty cathils of bronze [metalo]424 Twenty tahils make one cathil. At that place the people highly esteem bronze [metalo], quicksilver, glass, cinnabar,425 wool cloth, linens, and all our other merchandise, although iron and spectacles426 more than all the rest. Those Moros go naked as do the other peoples [of those regions]. They drink quick-silver - the sick man drinks it to cleanse himself, and the well man to preserve his health. The king of Burne has two pearls as large as two hen's eggs. They are so round that they will not stand still on a table. I know that for a fact, for when we carried the king's presents to him, signs were made for him to show them to us, but he said that he would show them next day. Afterward some chiefs said that they had seen them. Those Moros worship Mahomet. The latter's law orders them not to eat pork; as they wash the buttocks with the left hand, not to use that hand in eating;427 not to cut anything with the right hand; to sit down to urinate; not to kill fowls or goats without first addressing the sun; to cut off the tops of the wings with the little bits of skin that stick up from under 96

Page  97 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND ThE WORLD and the feet of fowls; then to split them in twain; to wash the face with the right hand, but not to cleanse the teeth with the fingers; and not to eat anything that has been killed unless it be by themselves.'8 They are circumcised like the Jews. Camphor, a kind of balsam. is produced in that island. It exudes between the wood and the bark, and the drops are as small as [grains of] wheat bran.429 If it is exposed it gradually evaporates [literally: becomes nothing]. Those people call it capor. Cinnamon, ginger, mirabolans, oranges, lemons, nangcas, watermelons, cucumbers, gourds, turnips, cabbages, scallions, cows. buffaloes, swine, goats, chickens, geese, deer, elephants, horses, and other things are found there.430 That island is so large that it takes three months to sail round it in a prau. It lies in a latitude of five and one-fourth degrees toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and seventy-six and twothirds degrees from the line of demarcation, and its name is Burne.43 Leaving that island, we turned back in order to find a suitable place to calk the ships, for they were leaking. One ship ran on to some shoals of an island called Bibalon,432 because of the carelessness of its pilot, but by the help of God we freed it. A sailor of that ship incautiously snuffed a candle into a barrel full of gunpowder, but he quickly snatched it out without any harm.433 Then pursuing our course, we captured a prau laden with cocoanuts on its way to Burne. Its crew sought refuge on an islet until we captured it.434 Three other praus escaped behind certain islets. At the head of Burne between it and an island called Cimbonbon, which lies in [a latitude of] eight degrees and seven minutes,435 is a perfect port for repairing ships. Consequently, we entered it; but as we lacked many things for repairing the ships, we delayed there for forty-two days. During that time, each one of us labored hard, one at one thing and one at another. Our greatest fatigue, however, was to go barefoot to the woods 97

Page  98 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY for wood. In that island there are wild boars, of which we killed one which was going by water from one island to another [by pursuing it] with the small boat. Its head was two and one-half palmos long,436 and its teeth were large. There are found large crocodiles, both on land and sea, oysters and shellfish of various kinds. Among the last named we found two, the flesh of one of which weighed twenty-six libras and the other forty-four.437 We caught a fish, which had a head like that of a hog and two horns. Its body consisted entirely of one bone, and on its back it resembled a saddle; and it was small.438 Trees are also found there which produce leaves which are alive when they fall, and walk. Those leaves are quite like those of the mulberry, but are not so long. On both sides near the stem, which is short and pointed, they have two feet. They have no blood, but if one touches439 them they run away. I kept one of them for nine days in a box. When I opened the box, that leaf went round and round it.440 I believe those leaves live on nothing but air. Having left that island,441 that is, the port, we met at the head of the island of Pulaoan a junk which was coming from Burne, on which was the governor of Pulaoan. We made them a signal to haul in their sails, and as they refused to haul them in, we captured the junk by force, and sacked it. [We told] the governor [that] if [he] wished his freedom, he was to give us, inside of seven days, four hundred measures of rice, twenty swine, twenty goats and one hundred and fifty fowls. After that he presented us with cocoanuts, figs [i.e., bananas], sugarcanes, jars full of palm wine, and other things. Seeing his liberality, we returned some of his daggers and arquebuses to him, giving him in addition, a flag, a yellow damask robe, and xv brazas of cloth; to his son, a cloak of blue cloth; to a brother of the governor, a robe of green cloth and other things; and we parted from them as friends. We turned our course back between the island of Caghaian and the port of Cippit, and laid our course east by south in order 98

Page  99 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD that we might find the islands of Malucho. We passed by certain reefs [literally: small elevations] near which we found the sea to be full of grass, although the depth was very great. When we passed through them, it seemed as though we were entering another sea. Leaving Chipit to the east, we found two islands, Zolo and Taghima,442 which lie toward the west. and near which pearls are found.443 The two pearls of the king of Bume were found there, and the king got them, as was told us, in the following manner. That king took to wife a daughter of the king of Zolo, who told him that her father had those two pearls. The king determined to get possession of them by hook or by crook. Going one night with five hundred praus,444 he captured the king and two of his sons, and took them to Burne with him. [He told] the king of Zolo that if he wished freedom, he must surrender the two pearls to him. Then we laid our course east by north between two settlements called Cauit and Subanin, and an inhabited island called Monoripa, located x leguas from the reefs.445 The people of that island make their dwellings in boats and do not live otherwise. In those two settlements of Cavit and Subanin, which are located in the island of Butuan and Calaghan, is found the best cinnamon that grows. Had we stayed there two days, those people would have laden our ships for us, but as we had a wind favorable for passing a point and certain islets which were near that island we did not wish to delay. While under sail we bartered two large knives which we had taken from the governor of Pulaoan for seventeen libras [of cinnamon]. The cinnamon tree grows to a height of three or four cubits, and as thick as the fingers of the hand. It has but three or four small branches and its leaves resemble those of the laurel. Its bark is the cinnamon, and it is gathered twice per year. The wood and leaves are as strong as the cinnamon when they are green. Those people 99

Page  100 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY call it caiu mana. Caiu means wood, and mana, sweet, hence, "sweet wood".446,Laying our course toward the northeast, and going to a large city called Maingdanao, which is located in the island of Butuan and Calaghan, so that we might gather information concerning Malucho, we captured by force a bigniday,447 a vessel resembling a prau, and killed seven men. It contained only eighteen men, and they were as well built as any whom we had seen in those regions.448 All were chiefs of Maingdanao, among them being one who told us that he was a brother of the king of Maingdanao, and that he knew the location of Malucho. Through his directions we discontinued our course toward the northeast, and took that toward the southeast. At a cape of that island of Butuan and Calaghan, and near a river are found shaggy men who are exceedingly great fighters and archers. They use swords one palmo in length, and eat only raw human hearts with the juice of oranges or lemons.449 Those shaggy people are called Benaian. When we took our course toward the southeast, we lay in a latitude of six degrees and seven minutes toward the Arctic Pole, and thirty450 leguas from Cavit.45' Sailing toward the southeast, we found four islands, [namely] Ciboco, Biraham Batolach,452 Sarangani. and Candighar.453 One Saturday night, October twenty-six, while coasting by Birahan Batolach, we encountered a most furious storm. Thereupon, praying God, we lowered all the sails. Immediately our three saints appeared to us and dissipated all the darkness.454 St. Elmo remained for more than two hours on the maintop, like a torch; St. Nicholas on the mizzentop; and St. Clara on the foretop. We promised a slave to St. Elmo, St. Nicholas, and St. Clara, and gave alms to each one. Then continuing our voyage, we entered a harbor between the two islands of Saranghany and Candighar, and anchored to the eastward near a settlement of Saranghany, where gold and pearls are found. Those people are heathens and go naked as do the others 100

Page  101 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND T1HE WORLD That harbor lies in a latitude of five degrees nine minutes. and is fifty leguas from Cavit. Remaining one day in that harbor. we captured two pilots by force, in order that they might show us where Mnlucho lay.455 Then laying our course south southwest, we passed among eight inhabited and desert islands, which were situated in the manner of a street. Their names are Cheaua, Cauiao, Cabiao. Camanuca, Cabaluzao, Cheai, Lipan, and Nuza.456 Finally we came to an island at their end, which was very beautiful to look at. As we had a contrary wind, so that we could not double a point of that island, we sailed hither and thither near it. Consequently, one of the men whom we had captured at Saranghai, and the brother of the king of Maingdanao who took with him his small son, escaped during the night by swimming to that island. But the boy was drowned, for he was unable to hold tightly to his father's shoulder. Being unable to double the said point, we passed below the island where there were many islets. That island has four kings, [namely], Raia Matandatu, Raia Lalagha, Raia Bapti, and Raia Parabu. The people are heathens. The island lies in a latitude of three and one-half degrees toward the Arctic Pole and is 27 leguas from Saranghany. Its name is Sanghir.457 Continuing the same course, we passed near six islands. [namely], Cheama, Carachita, Para, Zanghalura, Ciau (which is ten leguas from Sanghir, and has a high but not large mountain and whose king is called Raia Ponto), and Paghinzara.458 The latter is located eight leguas from Ciau, and has three high mountains. The name of its king is Raia Babintan.459 [Then we found the island] Talaut; and we found twelve leguas to the east of Paghinzara two islands, not very large, but inhabited, called Zoar and Meau.460 After passing those two islands, on Wednesday, the sixth of November, we discovered four lofty islands fourteen leguas east of the two [abovementioned islands]. The pilot who still remained with 101

Page  102 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY us told us that those four islands were Malucho. Therefore, we thanked God and as an expression of our joy discharged all our artillery. It was no wonder that we were so glad, for we had passed twenty-seven months less two days in our search for Malucho.46' Among all those islands [among all those islands: doublet in original MS.], even to Malucho, the shallowest bottom that we found was at a depth of one or two hundred brazas, notwithstanding the assertion of the Portuguese that that region could not be navigated because of the numerous shoals and the dark sky as they have imagined.462 Three hours before sunset on Friday, November eight, 1521,463 we entered into a harbor of an island called Tadore, and anchoring near the shore in twenty brazas we fired all our artillery. Next day the king came to the ships in a prau, and circled about them once. We immediately went to meet him with the small boat, in order to show him honor. He made us enter his prau and seat ourselves near him. He was seated under a silk awning which sheltered him on all sides In front of him was one of his sons with the royal scepter. and two persons with two gold jars to pour water on his hands, and two others with two gilded caskets filled with their betel. The king told us that we were welcome there, and that he had dreamt some time ago that some ships were coming to Malucho from remote parts; and that for more assurance he had determined to consult the moon,464 whereupon he had seen the ships were coming, and that we were they. Upon the king entering our ships all kissed his hand and then we led him to the stem. When he entered inside there, he would not stoop, but entered from above.465 Causing him to sit down in a red velvet chair, we clothed him in a yellow velvet robe made in the Turkish fashion. In order to show him greater honor, we sat down on the ground near him. Then when all were seated, the king began to speak and said that he and all his people desired ever to be the most loyal friends and vassals to our king of Spagnia. He received us as his children. 102

Page  103 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THF WORLD and we could go ashore as if in our own houses, for from that time thenceforth, his island was to be called no more Tadore but Castiglia, because of the great love which he bore to our king, his sovereign. We made him a present which consisted of the robe, the chair, a piece of delicate linen, four brazas of scarlet cloth, a piece of brocaded silk, a piece of yellow damask, some Indian cloth embroidered with gold and silk, a piece of berania (the white linen of Cambaia), two caps, six strings of glass beads, twelve knives, three large mirrors, six pairs of scissors, six combs, some gilded drinking cups,466 and other articles. To his son we gave an Indian cloth of gold and silk, a large mirror, a cap, and two knives:467 and to each of nine others - all of them his chiefs - a silk cloth, caps, and two knives; and to many others caps or knives. We kept giving presents until the king bade us desist. After that he declared to us that he had nothing else except his own life to send to the king his sovereign. We were to approach nearer to the city, and whoever came to the ships at night, we were to kill with our muskets. In leaving the stem, the king would never bend his head.468 When he took his leave we discharged all the guns. That king is a Moro and about forty-five years old. He is well built and has a royal presence,469 and is an excellent astrologer. At that time he was clad in a shirt of the most delicate white stuff with the ends of the sleeves embroidered in gold, and in a cloth that reached from his waist to the ground. He was barefoot, and had a silk scarf wrapped about his head [his head: doublet in original MS.], and above it a garland of flowers. His name is Raia Sultan Manzor.470 On Sunday, November x, that king desired us to tell him how long it was since we had left Spagnia, and what pay and quintalada471 the king gave to each of us. He requested us to give him a signature of the king and a royal banner, for then and thenceforth, he would cause it that his island and another called Tarenate (provided that he were able to crown one of his [sons: crossed out in original MS.] grandsons,472 103

Page  104 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY named Calonaghapi) would both belong to the king of Spagnia, and for the honor of his king he was ready to fight to the death, and when he could no longer resist, he would go to Spagnia with all his family in a junk473 which he was having built new, carrying the royal signature and banner; and therefore he was the king's servant for a longtime. He begged us to leave him some men so that he might constantly be reminded of the king of Spagnia. He did not ask for merchandise because the latter would not remain with him.474 He told us that he would go to an island called Bachian, in order sooner to furnish the ships with cloves, for there were not enough dry cloves in his island to load the ships. As that day was Sunday, it was decided not to trade. The festive day of those people is our Friday. In order that your most illustrious Lordship may know the islands where cloves grow, they are five, [namely], Tarenate, Tadore, Mutir, Machian, and Bachian. Tarenate is the chief one, and when its king was alive, he ruled nearly all the others. Tadore, the one where we were. has a king. Mutir and Machian have no king but are ruled by the people, and when the two kings of Tarenate and of Tadore engage in war, those two islands furnish them with men. The last island is Bachian, and it has a king. That entire province where cloves grow is called Malucho.475 At that time it was not eight months since one Francesco Seranno476 had died in Tarenate. [He was] a Portuguese and the captain-general of the king of Tarenate and opposed the king of Tadore. He did so well that he constrained the king of Tadore to give one of his daughters to wife to the king of Tarenate, and almost all the sons of the chiefs as hostages. The above mentioned grandson of the king of Tadore was born to that daughter. Peace having been made between the two kings, and when Francesco Seranno came one day to Tadore to trade cloves, the king of Tadore had him poisoned with the said betel leaves. He lived only four days. His king wished to have him buried according 104

Page  105 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD to his law [i.e., with Mahometan rites], but three Christians who were his servants would not consent to it. He left a son and a daughter, both young, born by a woman whom he had taken to wife in Java Major, and two hundred bahars of cloves. He was a close friend and a relative of our royal captain-general. and was the cause of inciting the latter to undertake that enterprise, for when our captain was at Malacha, he had written to him several times that he was in Tarenate. As Don Manuel, then king of Portugal, refused to increase our captaingeneral's pension by only a single testoon per month for his merits, the latter went to Spagnia, where he had obtained everything for which he could ask from his sacred Majesty.477 Ten days after the death of Francesco Seranno, the king of Tarenate, by name, Raya Abuleis, having expelled his son-in-law, the king of Bachian, was poisoned by his daughter, the wife of the latter king, under pretext of trying to bring about peace between the two kings. The king lingered but two days, and left nine principal sons, whose names are Chechili Momuli, Jadore Vunighi, Chechili de Roix, Cili Manzur, Cili Pagi, Chialin, Chechilin Cathara, Vaiechu Serich, and Calano Ghapi.478 On Monday, November xi, one of the sons of the king of Tarenate, [to wit], Chechili de Roix, came to the ships clad in red velvet. He had two praus and his men were playing upon the abovementioned gongs. He refused to enter the ship at that time. He had [charge of] the wife and children, and the other possessions of Francesco Seranno. When we found out who he was, we sent a message to the king, asking him whether we should receive Chechili de Roix, since we were in his port, and he replied to us that we could do as we pleased. But the son of the king, seeing that we were hesitating, moved off somewhat from the ships. We went to him with the boat in order to present him an Indian cloth of gold and silk, and some knives, mirrors, and scissors. He accepted them somewhat haughtily, and immediately departed. He had a Christian Indian with him named Manuel, the servant of one Petro Alfonso de 105

Page  106 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY Lorosa,479 a Portuguese who went from Bandan to Tarenate, after the death of Francisco Seranno. As the servant knew how to talk Portuguese, he came aboard our ship, and told us that, although the sons of the king of Tarenate were at enmity with the king of Tadore, yet they were always at the service of the king of Spagnia. We480 sent a letter to Pietro Alfonso de Lorosa, through his servant, [telling him] that he could come without any hesitation. Those kings have as many women as they wish, but only one chief wife, whom all the others obey. The abovesaid king of Tadore had a large house outside the city, where two hundred of his chief women lived with a like number of women to serve them. When the king eats, he sits alone or with his chief wife in a high place like a gallery whence he can see all the other women who sit about the gallery; and he orders her who best pleases him to sleep with him that night. After the king has finished eating, if he orders those women to eat together, they do so, but if not, each one goes to eat in her own chamber. No one is allowed to see those women without permission from the king, and if anyone is found near the king's house by day or by night, he is put to death. Every family is obliged to give the king one or two of its daughters. That king had twenty-six children, eight sons, and the rest daughters. Lying next that island there is a very large island called Giailolo [i.e., Gilolo], which is inhabited by Moros and heathens. Two kings are found there among the Moros, one of them, as we were told by the king, having had six hundred children, and the other five hundred and twenty-five.41 The heathens do not have so many women; nor do they live under so many superstitions, but adore for all that day the first thing that they see in the morning when they go out of their houses. The king of those heathens, called Raya Papua, is exceedingly rich in gold, and lives in the interior of the island. Reeds as thick around as the leg and filled with water that is very good to 106

Page  107 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD drink, grow on the flinty rocks in the island of Giaiallo.482 We bought many of them from those people. On Tuesday, November twelve, the king had a house built for us in the city in one day for our merchandise. We carried almost all of our goods thither, and left three of our men to guard them. We immediately began to trade in the following manner. For x brazas of red cloth of very good quality, they gave us one bahar of cloves, which is equivalent to four quintals and six libras; for fifteen brazas of cloth of not very good quality, one quintal and one hundred libras; for fifteen hatchets, one bahar; for thirty-five glass drinking cups, one bahar (the king getting them all); for seventeen cathils of cinnabar. one bahar; for seventeen cathils of quicksilver, one bahar; for twentysix brazas of linen, one bahar; for twenty-five brazas of finer linen, one bahar; for one hundred and fifty knives, one bahar; for fifty pairs of scissors, one bahar; for forty caps, one bahar; for x pieces of Guzerat cloth,483 one bahar; for three of those gongs of theirs, two bahars;484 for one quintal of bronze [metalo], one bahar. [Almost] all the mirrors were broken, and the few good ones the king wished for himself. Many of those things [that we traded] were from the abovementioned junks which we had captured. Our haste to return to Spagnia made us dispose of our merchandise at better bargains [to the natives] than we should have done.483 Daily so many boatloads of goats, fowls, figs [i.e., bananas], cocoanuts, and other kinds of food were brought to the ships that we were surprised. We supplied the ships with good water, which issues forth hot [from the ground], but if it stands for the space of an hour outside its spring, it becomes very cold, the reason therefor being that it comes from the mountain of cloves. This is quite the opposite from the assertion in Spagnia that water must be carried to Malucco from distant parts.486 On Wednesday, the king sent his son, named Mossahap, to Mutir, so that they might supply us more quickly. On that day we told the king that we had captured certain In107

Page  108 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY dians. The king thanked God heartily, and asked us to do him the kindness to give him their persons, so that he might send them back to their land, with five of his own men in order that they might make the king of Spagnia and his fame known. Then we gave him the three women who had been captured in the queen's name for the reason already advanced. Next day, we gave the king all the prisoners, except those from Burne, for which he thanked us fervently. Thereupon, he asked us, in order thereby to show our love for him, to kill all the swine that we had in the ships, in return for which he would give us an equal number of goats and fowls. We killed them in order to show him a pleasure,487 and hung them up under the deck. When those people happen to see any swine they cover their faces in order that they might not look upon them or catch their odor. In the afternoon of that same day, Pietro Alfonso, the Portuguese, came in a prau. He had not disembarked before the king sent to summon him and told him banteringly to answer us truly in whatever we should ask him, even if he did come from Tarenate. He told us that he had been sixteen years in India, but x in Malucho, for Malucho had been discovered secretly for that time.488 It was a year all but one fortnight, since a large ship had arrived at that place from Malaca, and had left laden with cloves, but had been obliged to remain in Bandan for some months because of bad weather. Its captain was Tristan de Meneses,480 a Portuguese. When he asked the latter what was the news back in Christendom, he was told that a fleet of five ships had left Siviglia to discover Maluco in the name of the king of Spagnia under command of Fernando de Magallianes, a Portuguese; that the king of Portugallo, angered that a Portuguese should be opposed to him, had sent some ships to the cape of Bonna Speransa [i.e., Good Hope], and a like number to the cape of Sancta Maria, where the cannibals live, in order to prevent their passage but that he was not found. Then the king of Portugallo had heard that 108

Page  109 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD the said captain had passed into another sea, and was on his way to Malucho. He immediately wrote directing his chief captain of India, one Diego Lopes de Sichera,490 to send six ships to Malucho. But the latter did not send them because the Grand Turk was coming to Malacha, for he was obliged to send sixty sails to oppose him at the strait of Mecha in the land of Juda. They found only a few galleys that had been beached on the shore of the strong and beautiful city of Adem. all of which they burned.4"' After that the chief captain sent a large galleon with two tiers of guns to Malucho to oppose us. but it was unable to proceed because of certain shoals and currents of water near Malaca, and contrary winds. The captain of that galleon was Francesco Faria,492 a Portuguese. It was but a few days since a caravel with two junks had been in that place to get news of us. The junks went to Bachian for a cargo of cloves with seven Portuguese. As those Portuguese did not respect the women of the king and of his subjects, although the king told them often not to act so, and since they refused to discontinue, they were put to death. When the men in the caravel heard that, they immediately returned to Malaca abandoning the junks with four hundred bahars of cloves, and sufficient merchandise to purchase one hundred bahars more. Every year, a number of junks sail from Malacoto Bandan493 for mace and nutmeg, and from Bandan to Ma. lucho for cloves. Those people sail in three days in those junks of theirs from Malucho to Bandan, and in a fortnight from Bandan to Malaca. The king of Portugallo had enjoyed Malucho already for x years secretly, so that the king of Spagnia might not learn of it. That Portuguese remained with us until three in the morning, and told us many other things. We plied him so well, promising him good pay that he promised to return to Spagnia with us. On Friday, November fifteen, the king told us that he was going to Bachian to get the cloves abandoned there by the Portuguese. He asked us for two presents so that he might 109

Page  110 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY give them to the two governors of Mutir in the name of the king of Spagnia. Passing in between the ships he desired to see how we fired our musketry, crossbows, and the culverins. which are larger than an arquebus. He shot three times with a crossbow, for it pleased him more than the muskets.494 On Saturday, the Moro king of Giailolo came to the ships with a considerable number of praus. To some of the men we gave some green damask silk, two brazas of red cloth, mirrors, scissors, knives, combs, and two gilt drinking cups. That king told us that since we were friends of the king of Tadore, we were also his friends, for he loved that king as one of his own sons; and whenever any of our men would go to his land, he would show him the greatest honor. That king is very aged and is feared among all those islands, for he is very powerful. His name is Raia Jessu. That island of Jayalolo is so large that it takes four months to circumnavigate it in a prau. On Sunday morning that same king came to the ships and desired to see how we fought and how we discharged our guns. He took the greatest pleasure in it. After they had been discharged he immediately departed. He had been a great fighter in his youth as we were told. That same day, I went ashore to see how the clove grows. The clove tree is tall and as thick as a man's body or thereabout. Its branches spread out somewhat widely in the middle, but at the top they have the shape of a summit. Its leaves resemble those of the laurel, and the bark is of a dark color.495 The cloves grow at the end of the twigs, ten or twenty in a cluster. Those trees have generally more cloves on one side than on the other according to the season. When the cloves sprout they are white, when ripe, red, and when dried, black. They are gathered twice per year, once at the nativity of our Savior [when the year is more: crossed out in original MS.] and the other at the nativity of St. John the Baptist; for the climate is more moderate at those two seasons, but more so at the time of the nativity of our Saviour. When the year is very hot 110

Page  111 FIRST VOYAGF AROUND THE WORLD and there is little rain, those people gather three or four hun. dred bahars [of cloves] in each of those islands. Those trees grow only in the mountains, and if any of them are planted in the lowlands near the mountains, they do not live. The leaves, the bark, and the green wood are as strong as the cloves. If the latter are not gathered when they are ripe, they become large and so hard that only their husk is good. No cloves are grown in the world except in the five mountains of those five islands, except that some are found in Giailolo and in a small island between Tadore and Mutir, by name Mare,496 but they are not good. Almost every day we saw a mist descend and encircle now one and now another of those mountains, on account of which those cloves become perfect. Each of those people possesses clove trees, and each one watches over his own trees although he does not cultivate them. Some nutmeg trees are found in that island. The tree resembles our walnut tree, and has leaves like it. When the nut is gathered it is as large as a small quince, with the same sort of down, and it is of the same color. Its first rind is as thick as the green rind of our walnut. Under that there is a thin layer, under which is found the mace. The latter is a brilliant red and is wrapped about the rind of the nut, and within that is the nutmeg.497 The houses of those people are built like those of the others, but are not raised so high from the ground, and are surrounded with bamboos like a hedge. The women there are ugly and go naked as do the others, [covered only] with those cloths made from the bark of trees. Those cloths are made in the following manner. They take a piece of bark and leave it in the water until it becomes soft. 'Then they beat it with bits of wood and [thus] make it as long and as wide as they wish. It becomes like a veil of raw silk, and has certain threads within it, which appear as if woven.498 They eat wooden bread made from a tree resembling the palm, which is made as follows. They take a piece of that soft wood from which they take certain long black thorns. Then they pound499 the wood, and 111

Page  112 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY so make the bread. They use that bread, which they call saghu [i.e., sago], almost as their sole food at sea. The men there go naked as do the others [of those regions], but they are so jealous of their wives that they do not wish us to go ashore with our drawers exposed;500 for they assert that their women imagine that we are always in readiness. A number of boats came from Tarenate daily laden with cloves, but, as we were awaiting the king, we did not barter for anything except food. The men who came from Tarenate were very sorry because we refused to trade with them. On Sunday night, November twenty-four, and toward Monday, the king came with gongs a-playing, and passed between the ships, [whereat] we discharged many pieces. He told us that cloves would be brought in quantity within four days. Monday the king sent us seven hundred and ninety-one5~1 cathils of cloves, without reckoning the tare. The tare is to take the spices for less than they weigh, for they become dryer daily. As those were the first cloves which we had laden in our ships, we fired many pieces. Cloves are called ghomode there; in Saranghany where we captured the two pilots, bongalauan;~02 and in Malaca, chianche. On Tuesday, November twenty-six, the king told us that it was not the custom of any king to leave his island, but that he had left [his] for the love that he bore the king of Castiglia, and so that we might go to Spagnia sooner and return with so many ships that we could avenge the murder of his father who was killed in an island called Buru,503 and then thrown into the sea. He told us that it was the custom, when the first cloves were laden in the ships or in the junks, for the king to make a feast for the crews of the ships, and to pray504 their God that He would lead those ships safe to their port. He also wished to do it because of the king of Bachian and one of his brothers who were coming to visit him. He had the streets cleaned. Some of us imagining that some treachery was afoot, because three Portuguese in the company of 112

Page  113 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD Francesco Seranno had been killed in the place where we took in water, by certain of those people who had hidden in the thickets, and because we saw those Indians whispering with our prisoners, declared in opposition to some who wished to go to the feast that we ought not to go ashore for feasts, for we remembered that other so unfortunate one. We were so urgent that it was concluded to send a message to the king asking him to come soon to the ships, for we were about to depart. and would give him the four men whom we had promised him, besides some other merchandise. The king came immediately and entered the ships. He told some of his men that he entered them with as great assurance as into his own houses. He told us that he was greatly astonished at our intention of departing so soon, since the limit of time for lading the ships was thirty days; and that he had not left the island to do us any harm, but to supply the ships with cloves sooner. He said that we should not depart then for that was not the season for sailing among those islands, both because of the many shoals found about Bandan and because we might easily meet some Portuguese ships [in those seas]. However, if it were our determination to depart then, we should take all our merchandise for all the kings roundabout would say that the king of Tadore had received so many presents from so great a king and had given nothing in return; and that they would think that we had departed only for fear of some treachery, and would always call him a traitor. Then he had his koran505 brought, and first kissing it and placing it four or five times above his head, and saying certain words to himself as he did so (which they call zambahean506), he declared in the presence of all, that he swore by Allah and by the koran507 which he had in his hand. that he would always be a faithful friend to the king of Spagnia. He spoke all those words nearly in tears. In return for his good words, we promised to wait another fortnight. Thereupon. we gave him the signature of the king and the royal banner. None the less we heard afterward on good authority that some of 113

Page  114 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY the chiefs of those islands"08 had proposed to him to kill us, saying it would be doing the greatest kind of pleasure to the Portuguese, and that the latter would forgive those of Bachian.509 But the king had replied that he would not do it under any consideration, since he had recognized the king of Spagnia and had made peace with him. After dinner on Wednesday, November twenty-seven, the king had an edict proclaimed that all those who had cloves could bring them to the ships. All that and the next day we bartered for cloves with might and main. On Friday afternoon, the governor of Machian came with a considerable number of praus. He refused to disembark, for his father and one of his brothers who had been banished from Machian were living in Tadore. Next day, our king and his nephew, the governor, entered the ships. As we had no more cloth, the king sent to have three brazas of his brought and gave it to us,510 and we gave it with other things to the governor. At his departure we discharged many pieces. Afterward the king sent us six brazas of red cloth, so that we might give it to the governor. We immediately presented it to the latter, and he thanked us heartily for it, telling us that he would send us a goodly quantity of cloves. That governor's name is Humar. and he was about twenty-five years old. On Sunday, the first of December, that governor departed. We were told that the king of Tadore had given him some silk cloth and some of those gongs511 so that he might send the cloves quicker. On Monday the king went out of the island to get cloves. On Wednesday morning, as it was the day of St. Barbara,512 and because the king came, all the artillery was discharged. At night the king came to the shore, and asked to see how we fired our rockets and fire bombs,513 at which he was highly delighted. On Thursday and Friday we bought many cloves, both in the city and in the ships. For four brazas of ribbon, they gave us one bahar of cloves; for two brass chains, worth one marcello,514 they gave us one hundred libras of cloves. 114

Page  115 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD Finally, when we had no more merchandise, one man gave his cloak, another his doublet, and another his shirt, besides other articles of clothing, in order that they might have their share in the cargo. On Saturday, three of the sons of the king of Tarenate and their three wives, the daughters of our king, and Pietro Alfonso, the Portuguese, came to the ships. We gave each of the three brothers a gilt glass drinking cup,515 and scissors and other things to the women. Many pieces were discharged at their departure. Then we sent ashore many things to the daughter of our king, now the wife of the king of Tarenate, as she refused to come to the ships with the others All those people, both men and women, always go barefoot. On Sunday, December eight, as it was the day of the conception, we fired many pieces, rockets, and fire bombs.'51 On Monday afternoon the king came to the ships with three wo. men, who carried his betel for him. No one except the king can take women with him. Afterward the king of Jaialolo came and wished to see us fight together again. Several days later our king told us that he was like a child at the breast who knew his dear mother, who departing would leave him alone. Especially would he be disconsolate, because now he had become acquainted with us, and enjoyed some of the products of Spagnia. Inasmuch as our return would be far in the future, he earnestly entreated us to leave him some of [his: crossed out in original MS.] our culverins517 for his defense..He advised us to sail only by day when we left, because of the numerous shoals amid those islands. We replied to him that if we wished to reach Spagnia we would have to sail day and night. Thereupon, he told us that he would pray daily to his God for us, asking Him to conduct us in safety. He told us that the king of Bachian was about to come to marry one of his brothers to one of his [the king of Tidore's] daughters, and asked us to invent some entertainment in token of jay: but that we should not fire the large pieces, because they would do great damage to the ships as they were laden. During that 115

Page  116 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY time, Pietro Alfonso. the Portuguese, came with his wife and all his other possessions to remain in the ships. Two days later, Chechili de Roix, son of the king of Tarenate, came in a wellmanned prau, and asked the Portuguese to go down into it for a few moments. The Portuguese answered that he would not go down, for he was going to Spagnia with us, whereupon the king's son tried to enter the ship, but we refused to allow him to come aboard, as he was a close friend to the Portuguese captain of Malaca, and had come to seize the Portuguese. He severely scolded those who lived near the Portuguese because they had allowed the latter to go without his permission. On Sunday afternoon, December fifteen, the king of Bachian and his brother came in a prau with three tiers of rowers at each side. In all there were one hundred and twenty rowers, and they carried many banners made of white, yellow, and red parrot feathers. There was much sounding of those gongs, for the rowers kept time in their rowing to those sounds. He brought two other praus filled with girls to present them to his betrothed. When they passed near the ships, we saluted them by firing pieces, and they in order to salute us went round the ships and the port. Our king came to congratulate him as it is not the custom for any king to disembark on the land of another king. When the king of Bachian saw our king coming, he rose from the carpet on which he was seated, and took his position at one side of it. Our king refused to sit down upon the carpet but on its other side, and so no one occupied the carpet. The king of Bachian gave our king five hundred patols, because the latter was giving his daughter to wife to the former's brother. The said patois are cloths of gold and silk manufactured in Chiina, and are highly esteemed among them. Whenever one of those people dies the other members of his family518 clothe themselves in those cloths in order to show him more honor. They give three bahars of cloves for one of those robes or thereabouts, according to the [value of the] robe. 116

Page  117 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD On Monday our king sent a banquet to the king of Bachian by fifty women all clad in silk garments from the waist to the knees. They went two by two with a man between each couple. Each one bore a large tray filled with other small dishes which contained various kinds of food. The men carried nothing but the wine in large jars. Ten of the oldest women acted as macebearers.5'9 Thus did they go quite to the prau where they presented everything to the king who was sitting upon the carpet under a red and yellow canopy. As they were returning, those women captured some of our men520 and it was necessary to give them some little trifle in order to regain their freedom. After that our king sent us goats, cocoanuts, wine. and other things. That day we bent the new sails in the ships. On them was a cross of St. James of Galitia,521 with an inscription which lead: "This is the sign [figura] of our good fortune." On Tuesday. we gave our king certain pieces of artillery resembling arquebuses, which we had captured among those India [islands], and some of our culverins,522 together with four barrels of powder. We took aboard at that place eighty butts of water in each ship. Five days previously the king had sent one hundred men to cut wood for us at the island of Mare, by which we were to pass. On that day the king of Bachian and many of his men came ashore to make peace with us. Before the king walked four men with drawn daggers in their hands. In the presence of our king and of all the others he said that he would always remain in the service of the king of Spagnia, and that he would save in his name the cloves left by the Portuguese until the arrival of another of our fleets, and he would never give them to the Portuguese without our consent. He sent as a present to the king of Spagnia a slave, two bahars of cloves, (he sent x, but the ships could not carry them as they were so heavily laden), and two extremely beautiful dead birds. Those birds are as large as thrushes, and have a small head and a long beak. Their legs are a palmo in length 117

Page  118 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY and as thin as a reed,523 and they have no wings, but in their stead long feathers of various colors, like large plumes. Their tail resembles that of the thrush. All the rest of the feathers except the wings are of a tawny color. They never fly except when there is wind. The people told us that those birds came from the terrestrial paradise, and they call them bolon diuata,24 that is to say, "birds of God." On that day each one of the kings of Malucho wrote to the king of Spagnia [to say] that they desired to be always his true subjects. The king of Bachian was about seventy525 years old. He observed the following custom, namely, whenever he was about to go to war or to undertake any other important thing, he first had it done two or three times on one of his servants whom he kept for no other purpose. One day our king sent to tell our men who were living in the house with the merchandise not to go out of the house by night, because of certain of his men who anoint themselves526 and roam abroad by night. They appear to be headless, and when any of them meets any other man, he touches the latter's hand, and rubs a little of the ointment on him. The man falls sick very soon, and dies within three or four days. When such persons meet three or four together, they do nothing else than27 to deprive them of their senses. [The king saidl that he had had many of them hanged. When those people build a new house, before they go to dwell there they make a fire round about it and hold many feasts. Then they fasten to the roof of the house a trifle of everything found in the island so that such things may never be wanting to the inhabitants. Ginger is found throughout those islands. We ate it green like bread. Ginger is not a tree, but a small plant which puts forth from the ground certain shoots a palmo in length, which resemble reeds. and whose leaves resemble those of the reed, except that they are narrower.52 Those shoots are worthless, but the roots form the ginger. It is not so strong 118

Page  119 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD green as dry. Those people dry it in lime,520 for otherwise it would not keep. On Wednesday morning as we desired to depart from Malucho, the king of Tadore, the king of Jaialolo, the king of Bachian, and a son of the king of Tarenate, all came to accompany us to the island of Mare. The ship Victoria set sail, and stood out a little awaiting the ship Trinitade. But the latter not being able to weigh anchor, suddenly began to leak in the bottom.530 'Thereupon the Victoria returned to its anchorage, and we immediately began to lighten the Trinitade in order to see whether we could repair it. We found that the water was rushing in as through a pipe, but we were unable to find where it was coming in. All that and the next day we did nothing but work the pump,531 but we availed nothing. When our king heard of it, he came immediately to the ships, and went to considerable trouble in his endeavors to locate the leak. He sent five of his men into the water to see whether they could discover the hole. They remained more than one-half hour under water, but were quite unable to find the leak. The king seeing that he could not help us and that the water was increasing hourly, said almost in tears that he would send to the head of the island for three men, who could remain under water for a long time. Our king came with the three men early on Friday morning. He immediately sent them into the water with their hair hanging loose so that they could locate the leak by that means. They stayed a full hour under water but were quite unable to locate it. When the king saw that he could be of no assistance, he asked us weeping who of us would go "to Spagnia to my sovereign, and give him news of me."'32 We replied to him that the Victoria would go there in order not to lose the east winds which were beginning to blow, while the other ship until being refitted would await the west winds and would go then to Darien which is located in the other part of the sea in the country of Diucatan [i.e., Yucutan]. The king told us that he had two hundred and twenty119

Page  120 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY five carpenters who would do all the work, and that he would treat533 all who remained here as his sons. They would not suffer any fatigue beyond two of them534 to boss the carpenters in their work. He spoke those words so earnestly535 that he made us all weep. We of the ship Victoria, mistrusting that the ship might open, as it was too heavily laden lightened it of sixty quintals of cloves, which we had carried into the house where the other cloves were. Some of the men of our ship desired to remain there, as they feared that the ship would not last out the voyage to Spagnia, but much more for fear lest they perish of hunger. On the day of St. 'Thomas, Saturday, December twentyone, our king came to the ships, and assigned us the two pilots whom we had paid to conduct us out of those islands. They said that it was the proper time to leave then, but as our men rwho stayed behind] were writing to Spagnia, we did not leave until noon.536 When that hour came, the ships bid one another farewell amid the discharge of the cannon, and it seemed as though they were bewailing their last departure. Our men [who were to remain] accompanied us in their boats a short distance, and then with many tears and embraces we departed. The king's governor accompanied us as far as the island of Mare. We had no sooner arrived at that island than we bought four praus laden with wood, and in less than one hour we stowed it aboard the ship and then immediately laid our course toward the southwest. Johan Carvaio stayed there with fifty-three537 of our men, while we comprised forty-seven men and thirteen Indians. The said island of Tadore has a bishop,538 and he who then exercised that office539 had forty wives and a multitude of children. Throughout those islands of Malucho are found cloves, ginger, sago (which is their wood bread), rice, goats, geese, chickens, cocoanuts. figs [i.e., bananas], almonds larger than ours, sweet and tasty pomegranates, oranges, lemons, camotes [batate], honey produced by bees as small as ants, which make their honey in the trees, sugarcane, cocoanut oil, beneseed oil, 120

Page  121 FIRST VOYACE AROUND THE WORLD watermelons, wild cucumbers. gourds. a refreshing fruit as large as cucumbers [augurie] called comulicai, another fruit, like the peach called guava, and other kinds of food.540 One also finds there parrots of various colors, and among the other varieties. some white ones called cathara, and some entirely red called nori.54 One of those red ones is worth one bahar of cloves, and that class speak with greater distinctness than the others. Those Moros have lived in Malucho for about fifty years. Heathens lived there before, but they did not care for the cloves. There are still some of the latter, but they live in the mountains where the cloves grow. The island of Tadore lies in a latitude of twenty seven minutes toward the Arctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-one degrees from the line of demarcation. It is nine and one-half degrees south of the first island of the archipelago called Zamal, and extends north by east and south by west. Tarenate lies in a latitude of two-thirds of a degree toward the Arctic Pole. Mutir lies exactly under the equinoctial line. Machian lies in one-quarter degree toward the An tarctic Pole and Bachian also toward the Antarctic Pole in one degree. Tarenate, Tadore, Mutir, and Machian are four lofty and peaked mountains where the cloves grow. When one is in those four islands, he cannot see Bachian, but it is larger than any of those four islands.542 Its clove mountain is not so sharp as the others, but it is larger.543 Words Of Those Moro People"44 For their God Alla for Christian naceran545 for Turk rumno for Moro musulman; isilam for Heathen caphre for their Mosque mischit for their Priests maulana catip mudin for their Wise Men horan pandita 121

Page  122 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY for their Devout Men for their Ceremonies for Father for Mother for Son for Brother for the Brother of so and so for Cousin for Grandfather for Father-in-law for Son-in-law for Man for Woman for Hair for Head for Forehead for Eye for Eyebrows for Eyelids for Nose for Mouth for Lips for Teeth for Cheeks for Tongue for Palate for Chin for Beard for Mustaches for Jaw for Ear for Throat for Neck for Shoulders mossai zambahehan de ala meschit bapa mama ambui anach saudala capatin muiadi saudala sopopu niny minthua mi nanthu horan poran poan lambut capala dai matta quilai cenin idon mulut bebere gigi issi lada langhi aghai janghut missai pipi talingha laher tun dun balachan 122

Page  123 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND TIlE WORLD for Breast for Heart for Teat for Stomach for Body for Penis for Vagina546 for to have communication with women for Buttocks for Thighs for Leg for the Shinbone of the leg for its Calf for Ankle for Heel for Foot for the Sole of the Foot for Fingernail for Arm for Elbow for Hand for the large Finger of the hand [i.e., the Thumb] for the Second Finger for the Third for the Fourth for the Fifth for Rice for Cocoanut in Malucho and Burne [for Cocoanut in Lozon dada atti sussu parut tun dunbutu botto bucchii amput buri taha mina tula tilor chaci buculati tumi batis empachaqui cuchu langhan sichu tanghan idun tanghan tungu geri mani calinchin bugax biazzao nior 123

Page  124 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY [for Cocoanut] in Java Major for Fig [i.e, banana] for Sugarcane for Camotes [batate] for the Roots like Turnips for Nangca for Melon for Cucumbers for Cow for Hog for Buffalo for Sheep for She-goa' for Cock for Hen for Capon for Egg for Gander for Goose for Bird for Elephant for Horse for Lion for Deer for Reeds for Bees for Honey for Wax for Candle for its Wick for Fire for Smoke for Cinders calambil pizan tubu gumbili ubi mandicai sicui antimon labu lambu babi carban biri cambin sambunghan aiambatina gubili talor itich ansa bolon gagia cuda huriman roza cuiu haermadu gulla lelin dian sumbudian appi asap abu 124

Page  125 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD for Cooked for well Cooked for Water for Gold for Silver for the Precious Gem for Pearl for Quicksilver for Copper [metalo] for Iron for Lead for their Gongs for Cinnabar for Silver color or cloth? for Silk Cloth for red Cloth for Black Cloth for White Cloth for Green Cloth for Yellow Cloth for Cap for Knife for Scissors for Mirror for Comb for Glass Bead for Bell for Ring for Cloves for Cinnamon for Pepper for Long Pepper for Nutmeg for Copper wire azap lambech tubi amax pirac premata mutiara raza tumbaga baci tima agun agluga sadalinghan soliman danas cain sutra cain mira cain ytam cain pute cain igao cain cunin cophia pixao guntin chiela min sissir manich giringirin sinsin ghianche caiumanis lada sabi buapala gosoga canot 125

Page  126 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY for Dish for Earthen pot for Porringer for Wooden Dish for Shell for their Measures for Land [ terra] for Mainland for Mountain for Rock for Island for a Point of Land [i.e., a Cape] for River What is so-and-so's name? for Cocoanut oil for Beneseed oil for Salt for Musk and its Animal for the wood eaten by the castors for Leech for Civet for the Cat which makes the Civet for Rhubarb for Demon for World for Wheat for to Sleep for Mats for Cushion for Pain pinghan prin manchu dulan calunpan socat buchit buchit tana gonun batu polan taniun buchit songhai apenamaito? mignach lana lingha garan sira castori comaru linta jabat mozan calama saytan bumi gandun tidor tical bantal sachet 126

Page  127 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD for Health for Brush for Fan for their Cloths for Shirts for their Houses for Year for Month for Day for Night for Afternoon for Noon for Morning for Sun for Moon for Half Moon for Stars for Sky for Thunder for Merchant for City for Castle for House for to Sit Sit down, sir Sit down, honest fellow Lord for Boy for one of their Foster-children for Slave for Yes for No for to Understand bay cupia chipas chebun bain pati alam tanu bullan alli mallan malamari tam hahari patan patan mata hari bulan tanam patbulan bintan languin gunthur sandgar naghiri cuta rinna duodo duodo orancaia duodo horandai et anan tuan cana cana lascar alipin ca tida thao 127

Page  128 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY for not to Understand Do not look at me Look at Me To be one and the same thing for to kill for to Eat for Spoon for Harlot Large Long Small Short for to Have for not to Have Listen, sir Where is the junk going? for Sewing-needle for to Sew for Sewing-thread for Woman's Headdress for King for Queen for Wood for to Work for to Take recreation for Vein of the arm where one bleeds himself for the Blood that comes from the arm for good Blood When they sneeze, they say 128 tida taho tida liat liat casi casi: siama siama mati macan sandoch sondal bassal pangian chechil pandach ada tida hada tuan diam dimana ajun? jalun banan pintal banan dastar capala raia putli caiu caraiar buandala urat paratanghan dara carnal dara ebarasai

Page  129 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD for Fish for Polypus for Meat for Sea-snail Little Half for Cold for Hot For for Truth for Lie for To Steal for Scab Take Give me Fat Thin for Hair How many? Once One braza for to Speak for Here for 'There Good day for the Answer [to good day] Sir, may good fortune attend you I have eaten already Fellow, betake yourself off for to Desire Good evening for the Answer [to good evening 129 ycam calabutan dagin cepot serich satanha sapanghal dinghin panas jan benar dusta manchiuri codis na ambil gannich golos tundun capala barapa? satu chali dapa catha siui sana datan salamalichum alichum salam mali horancaia mancan suda macan pandan chita horan banunchan sabalchaer chaer sandat

Page  130 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY for To give To give to some one for Iron fetters O what a smell! for Young man for Old man for Scribe for Writing-paper for to Write for Pen for Ink for Writing-desk for Letter I do not have it Come here What do you want? Who sent you? for Seaport for Galley for Ship for Bow [of a boat] for Stern [of a boat] for To sail for the Ship's mast for Yard [of a ship] for the Rigging for Sail for Maintop for the Anchor rope for Anchor for Boat for Oar for Mortar [i.e., cannon for Wind minta bri pocol balanghu bosso chini horan muda tua xiritoles cartas mangurat calam dauat padantan surat guala camari appa man? appa ito? labuan gurap capal asson biritan belaiar tian laiar tamira leier sinbulaia danda san sanpan daiun badil anghin 130

Page  131 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD for Sea Follow, come here for their Daggers for their Dagger hilt for Sword for Blowpipe for their Arrows for the poisonous Herb for Quiver for Bow [i.e., a weapon for its Arrows for Cats for Rat for Lizard for Shipworms for Fishhook for Fishbait for Fishline for to Wash Not to be afraid Fatigue A pleasant Cup for Friend for Enemy I am certain for to Barter I have not To be a friend Two things If for Crowd (?) To give pleasure to one 131 laut horan itu datan calix golog daga nan padan gole sumpitan damach ypu bolo bolsor anat paan cochin puchia ticus buaia capan lotos matacanir unpan tunda mandi tangan tacut lala sadap manis sandara sanbat zonhu biniaga anis pugna malupho oue zoroan pagnoro mamain

Page  132 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY To be stiff with cold for Madman for Interpreter How many languages do you know? Many for to speak of Malaca Where is so-and-so? for Flag Now Tomorrow The next day Yesterday for Palm-mallet for Nail for Mortar for Rammer for crushing [rice?] for to Dance for to Pay for to Call Unmarried Married All one for Rain for Drunken for Skin for Anger for to Fight Sweet Bitter How are you? Well Poorly Bring me that 132 amala gila giorobaza barapa bahasa tan? bagna chiaramalain dimana horan? tonghol sacaran hezoch luza calamari colbasi pacu lozon547 atan manari baiar panghil ugan suda babini sannia ugian moboch culit ullat guzar manis azcn appa giadi? bay sachet biriacan

Page  133 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND T~lE WORLD This man is a coward Enough g~ciadi hiat horan itu suda for for for for for for for for the the the the the the the the North South East West Northeast Southwest Northwest Southeast The Winds iraga salatan timor baratapat utara. berdaia bardaut tunghara. One Two Three Four Five Six Seven Eight Nine Ten Twenty Thirty Forty Fifty Sixty Seventy Eighty Ninety One hundred Two hundred Three hundred Four hundred Numbers satus dua. tiga, ampat lima anamn tugu duolappan sambilan sapolo, duapolo tigapolo, ampatpolo, limapolo anampolo, tugupolo, dualapanpolo sambilampolo saratus duaratus tigaratus amparatus 133

Page  134 JOURNAL OF 'I HE PHILIPPI-NE NATIONAL, HISTORICAL SOCIETY Five hundred Six. hundred Seven hundred Eight hundred Nine hundred One thousand Two thousand Three thousand Four thousand Five thousand Six thousand Seven thousand Eight thousand Nine thousand Ten thousand Twenty thousand Thirty thousand Forty thousand Fifty thousand Sixty thousand Seventy thousand Eighty thousand Ninety thousand One hundred thousand Two hundred thousand Three hundred thousand Four hundred thousand Five hundred thousand Six hundred thousand Seven hundred thousand Eight hundred thousand limaratus anambratus tuguratus dualapanratus sambilanratus 0-alibu dualibu tigalibu ampatfibu limalibu anamlibu tugulibu dualapanlibu sambilanlibu salacza dualacza tigalacza ampatlacza limalacza anamlacza tugulacza dualapanlacza sambilanlacza sacati duacati tigacati ampatcati limacati anamcati tugacati dualapancati 134

Page  135 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD Nine hundred thousand sambilancati One million [literally: ten times one hundred thousand] sainta All the hundreds, the thousands, the tens of thousands, the hundreds of thousands, and the millions are joined with the numbers, satus, dua, etc.548 Proceeding on our way we passed amid those islands [those of] Caioan, Laigoma. Sico, Giogi. and Caphi.549 In the said island of Caphi is found a race as small as dwarfs, who are amusing people, and are pigmies.550 They have been subjected by force to our king of Tadore. [We also passed the islands of] Laboan, Toliman, Titameti, Bachian, of which we have already spoken, Lalalata, Tabobi, Maga, and Batutiga.55s Passing outside the latter on its western side, we laid our course west southwest, and discovered some islets toward the south. And inasmuch as the Malucho pilots told us to go thither, for we were pursuing our course among many islands and shoals, we turned toward the southeast, and encountered an island which lies in a latitude of two degrees toward the Antarctic Pole, and fifty-five leguas from Malucho. It is called Sulach,552 and its inhabitants are heathens. They have no king, and eat human flesh. They go naked, both men and women, wearing only a bit of bark two fingers wide before their privies. There are many islands thereabout where the inhabitants eat human flesh. The names of some of them are as follows: Silan, Noselao, Biga, Atulabaou, Leitimor, Tenetun, Gondia, Pailarurun, Manadan, and Benaia.553 Then we coasted along two islands called Lamatola,554 and Tenetun, lying about x leguas from Sulach. In that same course we encountered a very large island where one finds rice, swine, goats, fowls, cocoanuts, sugarcane, sago, a food made from one of their varieties of figs [i.e., bananas] called chanali,s54* and chiacare, which are called nangha. Nangcas are a fruit resembling the cucumber 135

Page  136 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY [augurie]. They are knotty on the outside and inside they have a certain small red fruit like the apricot. It contains no stone, but instead has a marrowy substance resembling a bean but larger. That marrowy substance has delicate taste like chestnuts. [There is] a fruit like the pineapple. It is yellow outside, and white inside, and when cut it is like a pear, but more tender and much better. Its name is connilicai. The inhabitants of that island go naked as do those of Solach. They are heathens and have no king. That island lies in a latitude of three and one-half degrees toward the Antarctic Pole, and is seventy-five555 [degrees: crossed out in original MS.] leguas from Malucho. Its name is Buru. Ten leguas east of the above island is a large island which is bounded by Jiaalolo. It is inhabited by Moros and heathens. The Moros live near the sea, and the heathens in the interior. The latter eat human flesh. The products mentioned above are produced in that island. It is called Ambon.556 Between Buru and Ambon are found three islands surrounded by reefs, called Vudia,557 Cailaruri, and Benaia; nnd near Buru, and about four leguas to the south, is a small island called Ambalao.558 About thirty-five leguas to the south by west of the above island of Buru, are found Bandan. Bandan consists of twelve islands. Mace and nutmeg grow in six of them. Their names are as follows: Zoroboa, the largest of them all, and the others, Chelicel, Samianapi, Pulac, Pulurun, and Rosoghin. The other six are as follows: Unuueru, Pulanbaracon, Lailaca, Manucan, Man, and Meut.559 Nutmeg is not found in them, but only sago, rice, cocoanuts, figs [i.e., bananas], and other fruits. Those islands are located near together, and their inhabitants are Moros, who have no king. Bandan lies in a latitude of six degrees toward the Antarctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and sixty-three and one-half degrees from the line of demarcation. As it was a trifle outside of our course we did not go there.560 136

Page  137 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD Leaving the above mentioned island of Buiru, and taking the course toward the southwest by west, we reached, [after sailing through] about eight degrees of longitude, three islands, quite near together, called Zolot, Nocemamor, and Galiau.561 While sailing amid them, we were struck by a fierce storm, which caused us to make a pilgrimage to our Lady of Guidance. Running before the storm we landed at a lofty island, but before reaching it we were greatly worn out by the violent gusts of wind that came from the mountains of that island, and the great currents of water. The inhabitants of that island are savage and bestial, and eat human flesh. They have no king, and go naked, wearing only that bark as do the others, except that when they go to fight they wear certain pieces of buffalo hide before, behind, and at the sides, which are ornamented with small shells,562 boars' tusks, and tails of goat skins fastened before and behind. They wear their hair done up high and held by certain long reed pins which they pass from one side to the other, which keep the hair high. They wear their beards wrapped in leaves and thrust into small bamboo tubes - a ridiculous sight. They are the ugliest people who live in those Indias. Their bows and arrows are of bamboo. They have a kind of a sack made from the leaves of a tree in which their women carry their food and drink. When those people caught sight of us, they came to meet us with bows, but after we had given them some presents, we immediately became their friends.563 We remained there a fortnight in order to calk the sides564 of the ship. In that island are found fowls, goats, cocoanuts, wax (of which they gave us fifteen libras for one libra of old iron), and pepper. both long and round.565 The long pepper resembles the first blossoms of the hazelnut in winter.566 Its plant resembles ivy, and it clings to trees as does that plant; but its leaves resemble those of the mulberry. It is called luli.567 The round pepper grows like the former, but in ears like Indian corn, and is shelled off; and it is called lada. The fields in those regions are full of this [last variety of] pepper, 137

Page  138 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY planted to resemble arbors.568 We captured a man in that place so that he might take us to some island where we could lay in provisions. That island lies in a latitude of eight and one-half degrees toward the Antarctic Pole, and a longitude of one hundred and sixty-nine and two-thirds degrees from the line of demarcation; and is called Malua.569 Our old pilot from Malucho told us that there was an island nearby called Arucheto,570 the men and women of which are not taller than one cubit, but who have ears as long as themselves. With one of them they make their bed and with the other they cover themselves. They go shaven close and quite naked, run swiftly, and have shrill voices. They live in caves underground, and subsist on fish and a substance which grows between the wood and the bark [of a tree], which is white and round like preserved coriander, which is called ambulon. However, we did not go there because of the strong currents of the water, and the numerous shoals. On Saturday, January 25, MCCCCCXXII,571 we left the island of Malua. On Sunday, the twenty-sixth,'77 we reached a large island which lies five leguas to the south southwest of Malua. I went ashore alone to speak to the chief of a city called Amaban to ask him to furnish us with food. He told me that he would give me buffaloes,573 swine, and goats, but we could not come to terms because he asked many things for one buffalo. Inasmuch as we had but few things, and hunger was constraining us, we retained in the ship a chief and his son from another village called Balibo.574 He for fear lest we kill him, immediately gave us six buffaloes, five goats, and two swine; and to complete the number of ten swine and ten goats [which we had demanded] they gave us one [additional] buffalo. For thus had we placed the condition [of their ransom]. Then we sent them ashore very well pleased with linen, Indian cloth of silk and cotton, hatchets, Indian knives, scissors, mirrors, and knives.575 That chief to whom I went to talk had only women to serve him. All the women go naked as do the 138

Page  139 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD other women [of the other islands]. In their ears they wear small earrings of gold, with silk tassels pendant from them. On their arms they wear many gold and brass armlets as far as the elbow. The men go as the women, except that they fasten certain gold articles, round like a trencher, about their necks, and wear bamboo combs adorned with gold rings576 in their hair. Some of them wear the necks of dried gourds in their ears in place of gold rings. White sandal wood is found in that island and nowhere else.577 [There is also] ginger, buffaloes, swine, goats, fowls, rice, figs i.e., bananas], sugarcane oranges, lemons, wax, almonds, kidney-beans,578 and other things, as well as parrots of various colors. On the other side of the island are four brothers, who are the kings of that island. Where we were, there were cities and some of their chiefs. The names of the four settlements of the kings are as follows: Oibich, Lichsana, Suai, and Cabanaza. Oibich is the largest. There is a quantity of gold found in a mountain in Cabanaza, according to the report given us, and its inhabitants make all their purchases with little bits of gold. All the sandal wood and wax that is traded by the inhabitants of Java and Malaca is traded for in that region. We found a junk from Lozon there, which had come thither to trade in sandal wood. Those people are heathens. When they go to cut the sandal wood, the devil (according to what we were told), appears to them in various forms, and tells them that if they need anything they should ask him for it. They become ill for some days as a result of that apparition. The sandal wood is cut at a certain time of the moon, for other. wise it would not be good. The merchandise valued in exchange for sandal wood there is red cloth, linen, hatchets,579 iron, and nails. That island is inhabited in all parts, and ex tends for a long distance east and west, but is not very broad north and south. It lies in a latitude of ten degrees toward the Antarctic Pole, and in a longitude of one hundred and se139

Page  140 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY venty-four and one-half580 degrees from the line of demarcation, and is called Timor,581 The disease of St. Jop was to be found in all of the islands which we encountered in that archipelago, but more in that place than in others. It is called foi franchi582 that is to say "Portuguese disease."533 A day's journey thence toward the west northwest, we were told that we would find an island where quantities of cinnamon grow, by name of Ende.584 Its inhabitants are heathens, and have no king. [We were told] also that there are many islands in the same [isl: crossed out in original MS.] course, one following the other, as far as Java Major, and the cape of Malaca. The names of those islands are as follows: Ende, Tanabutun, Creuo, Chile, Bimacore. Aranaran, Mani, Zumbaua, Lomboch, Chorum,585 and Java Major.586 Those inhabitants do not call it Java but Jaoa. The largest cities are located in Java, and are as follows: Magepaher (when its king was alive, he was the most powerful in all those islands, and his name was Raia Patiunus); Sunda, where considerable pepper grows; Daha; Dama; Gagiamada; Minutaranghan; Cipara; Sidaiu; Tuban; Cressi; Cirubaia;587 and Balli.588 [We were told] also that Java Minor is the island of Madura, and is located near to Java Major [being only] one-half legua away.589 We were told also that when one of the chief men of Java Major dies, his body is burned. His principal wife adorns herself with garlands of flowers and has herself carried on a chair through the entire village by three or four men. Smiling and consoling her relatives who are weeping, she says: "Do not weep, for I am going to sup with my dear husband this evening,590 and to sleep with him this night." Then she is carried to the fire, where her husband is being burned. Turning toward her relatives, and again consoling them, she throws herself into the fire, where her husband is being burned. Did she not do that, she would not be considered an honorable woman or a true wife to her dead husband.591 When the young men of Java are in love with any gentlewoman, they fasten certain 140

Page  141 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD little bells between their penis and the foreskin. They take a position under their sweetheart's window, and making a pretense of urinating, and shaking their penis, they make the little bells ring, and continue to ring them until their sweetheart hears the sound. The sweetheart descends immediately, and they take their pleasure; always with those little bells, for their women take great pleasure in hearing those bells ring from the inside.592 Those bells are all covered, and the more they are covered the louder593 they sound. Our oldest pilot told us that in an island called Acoloro,594 which lies below Java Major, there are found no persons but women, and that they become pregnant from the wind. When they bring forth, if the offspring is a male, they kill it, but if it is a female they rear it. If men go to that island of theirs, they kill them if they are able to do so. They also told us that a very huge tree is found below Java Major toward the north, in the gulf of Chiina (which the ancients call Signo Magno). in which live birds called garuda. Those birds are so large that they carry a buffalo or an elephant to the place (called Puzathaer), of that tree, which is called cam panganghi, and its fruit bua panganghi.595 The latter is larger than a cucumber. The Moros of Burne whom we had in our ship told us that they had seen them, for their king had had two of them sent to him from the kingdom of Siam. No junk or other boat can approach to within three or four leguas of the place of the tree because of the great whirlpools in the water round about it. The first time that anything was learned of that tree was [from] a junk which was driven by the winds into the whirlpool. The junk having been beaten to pieces, all the crew were drowned except a little boy, who, having been tied to a plank, was miraculously driven near that tree. He climbed up into the tree without being discovered, where he hid under the wing of one of those birds. Next day the bird having gone ashore and having seized a buffalo, the boy came out from under the wing as best he could. The story 141

Page  142 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY was learned from him, and then the people nearby knew that the fruit which they found in the sea came from that tree. The cape of Malacha596 lies in one and one-half degrees toward the Antarctic Pole. Along the coast east of that cape are many villages and cities. The names of some of them are as follows: Cinghapola, which is located on the cape; Pahan; Calantan; Patani; Bradlun; Benan; Lagon; Cheregigharan; Tumbon; Phran; Cui; Brabri; Bangha; India, which is the city where the king of Siam by name of Siri Zacabedera, lives; Jandibum; Lanu; and Longhonpifa.597 Those cities are built like ours, and are subject to the king of Siam. On the shores of the rivers of that kingdom of Siam, live, as we are told, large birds which will not eat of any dead animal that may have been carried there, unless another bird comes first to eat its heart, after which they eat it.598 Next to Siam is found Camogia,599 whose king is called Saret Zacabedera; then Chiempa, whose king is Raia Brahaun Maitri.600 Rhubarb which is found in the following manner grows there. Twenty or twenty-five men assemble and go together into the jungles. Upon the approach of night, they climb trees, both to see whether they can catch the scent of the rhubarb, and also for fear of the lions, elephants, and other wild beasts. The wind bears to them the odor of the rhubarb from the direction in which it is to be found. When morning dawns they go in that direction whence the wind has come, and seek the rhubarb until they find it. The rhubarb is a large rotten tree; and unless it has become rotten, it gives off no odor. The best part of that tree is the root, although the wood is also rhubarb which is called calama.60' Next is found Cochi,602 whose king is called Raia Seribumni Pala. After that country is found Great Chiina, whose king is the greatest in all the world, and is called Santhoa Raia.6"3 He has seventy crowned kings subject to himself, and some of the latter have ten or fifteeen kings subject to them. His port is called Guantan [i.e., Canton]. Among the multitude of other cities, there are two principal ones called Nanchin [i.e., Nanking] and Com142

Page  143 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD laha604 where the above king lives. He keeps his four principal men near his palace - one toward the west, one toward the east, one toward the south, and one toward the north. Each one of those four men gives audience only to those who come from his own quarter. All the kings and seigniors of greater and upper605 India obey that king; and in token that they are his true vassals, each one has an animal which is stronger than the lion. and called chinga,606 carved in marble in the middle of his square. That china is the seal of the said king of Chiina, and all those who go to Chiina must have that animal carved in wax [or] on an elephant's tooth, for otherwise they would not be allowed to enter his harbor. When any seignior is disobedient to that king, he is ordered to be flayed, and his skin dried in the sun and salted. Then the skin is stuffed with straw or other substance, and placed head downward in a prominent place in the square, with the hands clasp above the head,607 so that he may be seen then to be performing zonghu, that is obeisance. That king never allows himself to be seen by anyone. When he wishes to see his people, he rides about the palace on a skilfully made peacock, a most elegant contrivance, accompanied by six of his most principal women clad like himself; after which he enters a serpent called nagha,608 which is as rich a thing as can be seen, and which is kept in the greatest court of the palace. The king and the women enter it so that he may not be recognized among his women. He looks at his people through a large glass which is in the breast of the serpent. He and the women can be seen, but one cannot tell which is the king. The latter is married to his sisters, so that the blood royal may not be mixed with others. Near his palace are seven encircling walls and in each of those circular places are stationed ten thousand men for the guard of the palace [who remain there] until a bell rings, when ten thousand other men come for each circular space. They are changed in this manner each day and each night. Each circle of the well has a gate. At the 143

Page  144 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY first stands a man with a large hook in his hand, called satu horan with satu bagan; in the second, a dog, called satu hain; in the third, a man with an iron mace, called satu horan with pocum becin; in the fourth, a man with a bow in his hand called satu horan with anat panan; in the fifth, a man with a spear, called satu horan with tumach; in the sixth, a lion called satu horiman; in the seventh, two white elephants, called two gagia pute.609 That palace has seventy-nine halls which contain only women who serve the king. Torches are always kept lighted in the palace,610 and it takes a day to go through it. In the upper part of it are four halls, where the principal men go sometimes to speak to the king. One is ornamented with copper [metalo], both below and above; one all with silver; one all with gold; and the fourth with pearls and precious gems. When the king's vassals take him gold or any other precious things as tribute, they are placed in those halls, and they say: "Let this be for the honor and glory of our Santhoa Raia."611 All the above and many other things were told us by a Moro who had seen them. The inhabitants of Chiina are light complexioned, and wear clothes. They eat at tables as we do, and have the cross, but it is not known for what purpose.'12 Musk is produced in that country of Chiina. Its animal is a cat613 like the civet cat. It eats nothing except a sweet wood as thick as the finger called chamaru.614 When the Chinese wish to make the musk, they attach a leech to the cat, which they leave fastened there, until it is well distended with blood. Then they squeeze the leech out into a dish and put the blood in the sun for four or five days. After that they sprinkle it with urine,615 and as often as they do that they place it in the sun. Thus it becomes perfect musk. Whoever owns one of those animals has to pay a certain sum to the king. Those grains which seem to be grains of musk are of kid's flesh crushed in the real musk and not the blood."'6 Although the blood can be made into grains, it evaporates. The musk and the cat are called castor and the leech lintha.617 Many peoples 144

Page  145 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD are to be found as one follows the coast of that country of Chiina, who are as follows. The Chienchii618 inhabit islands where pearls and cinnamon grow. The Lechii live on the mainland; above their port stretches a mountain, so that all the junks and ships which desire to enter that port must unstep their masts. The king on the mainland [is called] Mom.61" He has twenty kings under him and is subordinate to the king of Chiina. His city is called Baranaci. The great Oriental catayo620 is located there. Han621 [is] a cold, lofty island where copper [metalo], silver, pearls, and silk are produced, whose king is called Raia Zotru; Mli lanla, vhose king is called Raia Chetisqnuga;622 Gnio, and its king, Raia Sudacali. All three of the above places are cold and are located on the mainland. Triaganba623 and Trianga [are] two islands where pearls, copper [metalo]. silver, and silk are produced, and whose king is Raia Rrom. Bassi Bassa [is] on the mainland; and then [follow] two islands, Sumbdit and Pradit,624 which are exceedingly rich in gold, whose inhabitants wear a large gold ring around the legs at the ankle. On the mainland near that point live a race in some mountains who kill their fathers and mothers as age comes on, so that they may have no further trouble. All the peoples of those districts are heathens. On Tuesday night as it drew near Wednesday, February eleven, 1522, we left the island of Timor and took to the great open sea called Laut Chidol.625 Laying our course toward the west southwest, we left the island of Zamatra formerly called Traprobana,625 to the north on our right hand, for fear of the king of Portoghala;627 las well as] Pegu, Bengala, Uriza, Chelin where the Malabars live, who are subject to the king of Narsingha, Calicut, subject to the same king, Cambaia, where the Guzerati live, Cananer, Ghos, Armus, and all the rest of the coast of India Major.628 Six different classes of people inhabit India Major: Nairi, Panichali, Yranai, Pangelini, Macuai, and Poleai.629 The Nairi are the chiefs; and the Panichali are the townspeople: those two classes of men have 145

Page  146 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY converse together. The Iranai gather the palm wine and figs. The Pangelini are the sailors. The Macuai are the fishermen. The Poleai are the farmers and harvest the rice. These last always live in the country, although they enter the city at times.630 When anything is given them it is laid on the ground, and then they take it. When they go through the streets they call out Po! po! po! that is "Beware of me!"631 It happened, as we were told, that a Nair once had the misfortune to be touched by a Polea for which the Nair immediately had the latter killed so that he might erase that disgrace. In order that we might double the cape of Bonna Speranza I i.e., "Good Hope"], we descended to forty-two degrees on the side of the Antarctic Pole. We were nine weeks632 near that cape with our sails hauled down because we had the west and northwest winds on our bow quarter and because of a most furious storm.633 That cape lies in a latitude of thirty-four and one-half degrees, and is one thousand six hundred leguas634 from the cape of Malaca. It is the largest and most dangerous cape in the world. Some of our men, both sick and well, wished to go to a Portuguese settlement called Mozanbich,635 because the ship was leaking badly, because of the severe cold, and especially because we had no other food than rice and water; for as we had no salt, our provisions of meat had putrefied.636 Some of the others, however, more desirous of their honor than of their own life, determined to go to Spagnia living or dead. Finally by God's help, we doubled that cape on May six at a distance of five leguas. Had we not approached so closely, we could never have doubled it.637 Then we sailed northwest for two months continually without taking on any fresh food or water [refrigerio]. 'Twentyone men died during that short time. When we cast them into the sea, the Christians went to the bottom face upward, while the Indians always went down face downward.638 Had not God given us good weather we would all have perished of hunger. Finally, constrained by our great extremity, we went to the 146

Page  147 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD islands of Capo Verde. Wednesday, July nine, we reached one of those islands called Sancto Jacobo,639 and immediately sent the boat ashore for food, with the story for the Portuguese that we had lost our foremast under the equinoctial line (although we had lost it upon the cape of Bonna Speranza), and when we were restepping it,640 our captain-general had gone to Spagnia with the other two ships. With those good words"41 and with our merchandise, we got two boatloads of rice. We charged our men when they went ashore in the boat to ask what day it was, and they told us that it was Thursday with the Portuguese. We were greatly surprised for it was Wednesday with us, and we could not see how we had made a mistake; for as I had always kept well, I had set down every day without any interruption. However, as was told us later, it was no error, but as the voyage had been made continually toward the west and we had returned to the same place as does the sun, we had made that gain of twenty-four hours, as is clearly seen. The boat having returned to the shore again for rice, thirteen men and the boat were detained, because one of them, as we learned afterward in Spagnia, told the Portuguese that our captain was dead, as well as others, and that we were not going to Spagnia.642 Fearing lest we also be taken prisoners by certain caravels, we hastily departed.643 On Saturday, September six,644 1522. we entered the bay of San Lucar with only eighteen men and the majority of them sick, all that were left of the sixty men who left Malucho. Some died of hunger - some deserted at the island of Timor; and some were put to death for crimes.645 From the time we left that bay [of San Lucar] until the present day [of our return], we had sailed fourteen thousand four hundred and sixty leguas, and furthermore had completed the circumnavigation of the world from east to west.646 On Monday, September eight, we cast anchor near the quay of Seviglia, and discharged all our artillery. Tuesday, we all went in shirts and barefoot, each holding a candle to visit the shrine of Santa Maria de la Victoria [i.e., "St. Mary 147

Page  148 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY of Victory"], and that of Santa Maria de!'Antiqua [i.e., "St. Mary of Antiquity"].647 Leaving Seviglia, I went to Vag!iadolit [i.e., Valladolidl] where I presented to his sacred Majesty, Don Carlo, neither gold nor silver, but things very highly esteemed by such a sovereign. Among other things I gave him a book, written by my hand, concerning all the matters that had occurred from day to day during our voyage.648 I left there as best I could, and went to Portagalo where I spoke with King Johanni of what I had seen. Passing through Spagnia, I went to Fransa where I made a gift of certain things from the other hemisphere to the mother of the most Christian king. Don Francisco Madame the regent.649 Then I came to Italia, where I established my permanent abode, and devoted my poor labors to the famous and most illustrious lord, Philipo de Villers Lisleadam, the most worthy grand master of Rhodi. The Cavalier ANTONIO PAGAPHETTA650 148

Page  [unnumbered] _........ _. —...... -- - -- '.. --- __..............~~~~~~~~~~~~I........................ I -, _,-. m H +il^^e ~fw4 Z s 1 14^ -rT^-^rr^**fi + ^^ ^^ ~L^^^ apef?. t a4Ata n~ Kft t tttM?, rt 4 t c4 ' -.;.Xr ifzz ''ho j.m'L *g| '^r oW.. roo ^~.. << o,..r u < |l l.l'l., l. ~,,I. ' l, ', p Y!.Kl l't:. lll.. i.l ~ A W * -. ll/J~-_ ' * _',R,ec.,,~.~,,~o ~,,4, %?.,, 'Ile t..-, -...-,:;:, P,,Tii*AS.,-,,f,~y4? f^ ^A J* fN ^^X ^ ff 1 '* 'Mli '' 1|^A- ~. Q'^ff^^A*^ ^*Mvllf^'~tT&91 ^H^ —' ^-rIlf ~-'- / ' ' ~.' ' 1"r",.,L FACSIMILE OF CHRONICLER ANTONIO PAGAPHETTA'S SIGNATURE AS SEEN IN THE LAST PAGE OF HIS ACCOUNT OF THE FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD. The manuscript of the account is at the Biblioteca Ambrosiana in Milan, Italy. j%~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ V. Nt~~~ulw 4 s ~\,~~~4"r~~~~x r~~~~~JI r~ C~~~~~~~cc r, 4M~"ICI~~~~~~~~~~~4 -~~~~~~~~F~~~~~ rb ~~~~~~~~~~~r~ N ~ 3db Bm~(~ i Sr.~,4~ 4% 9 *~kI9 k~)**) ~S)kllll) C% ~"~ ~ C B t,~ 4t* itpl'. i i- ~r:~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ <SW~~he~ FACSIMILE OF~S CHRNILE ANTONIO PAGAHETT'SSIGNATUR AS~~~~~~~~~~~ SEEN IN THE- LATPG F I CONTO H IRTVYG AROUND THE WORLD.~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~t" Th ansrito theur~a accun is' atcs the4 Bibioec Ambosan in Milan, (Courte tsy' of Blair and lobtrtso n, The Philippine Islands, 1493 -18198; XXXIV.

Page  [unnumbered] I

Page  149 NOTES [The charts in Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, representing many of the islands mentioned in this Relation, are not reproduced herein. - Ed.] (Note: In the following notes, citations from Richard Eden are made from Arber's reprint The first three English books on America (Birmingham, 1885), from the third book, entitled The decades of the newe worlde, first printed in London in 1555; from Mosto, from II primo via4gio, intorno a! globo di Antonio Pigafetta. by Andrea da Mosto (Roma, 1804). which was published as a portion of part V of volume iii of Raccolta di documenti e studi pubblicati dalla R. Commissione Colombiana pel quarto centenario dalla scoperta dell'America, appearing under the auspices of the Minister of Public Instruction; and from Stanley, from his First voyage round the world, by Magellan (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1874), which was translated by Lord Stanley in part from the longer French MS. in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, and in part from the Amoretti publication (Milan, 1800) made from the Italian MS. in the Biblioteca Ambrosiana.) 1 The greater part of the life of Antonio Pigafetta is shrouded in darkness. The Pigafetta family, who resided at Venice, and was formerly of Tuscan origin, dates back before him for several centuries. The Pigafetta escutcheon was white above and black below with a white transverse bar running from left to right. On the lower part were three red roses, one of them on the bar. The old family house is still standing and shows the motto II nest rose sans espine, i.e., "No rose without a thorn," which was probably carved in 1481, when the house was repaired, and not by Antonio Pigafetta after his return from his voyage as some assert. Antonio Pigafetta was born toward the close of the fifteenth century, but the date cannot be positively fixed, some declaring it to be 1491; but Harrisse who follows Marzari, gives the date as 1480. It is unknown who his parents were and some have asserted that he was a natural child, although this is evidently unfounded, as he was received into the military order of St. John. At an early age he probably became familiar with the sea and developed his taste for traveling. He went to Spain with the Roman ambassador Chieregato. in 1519, but in what capacity is unknown. Hearing details of Magalhaes's intended voyage he contrived to accompany him. Navarrete surmises that he is the Antonio Lombardo mentioned in the list of the captain's servants and volunteers who sailed on the expedition, so called as his country was Lombardy. After the return of the Victoria, he journeyed in Spain, Portugal, and France, and returned to Italy probably in January, 1523. The relation presented by him to Carlos I was probably a draft of his notes taken daily throughout the voyage. His Relation as we know it was undertaken at the request of the marchioness of Mantova, but its composition was arrested by an order from Clement VII to come to Rome, whither he went in December, 1523, or January, 1524, meeting Villiers l'Isle-Adam on his journey thither. He remained in the pope's service but a short time, for in April, 1524, he was back in Venice. That same year he was granted a copyright on his Relation, which he intended to print, for twenty years. Pozzo says that he was received into the Order of St. John, October 3, 1524, but it was probably somewhat before 149

Page  150 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY that date. Between the dates of August, 1524, and August, 1530, his work was presented to Villiers l'Isle-Adam. Nothing further is known of him, though some say that he fought against the Turks as late as 1536, while others have placed his death in 1534 or 1535 and at Malta. In addition to his Relation Pigafetta wrote a Treatise on the art of navigation, which follows his Relation. This is not presented in the present publication, notwithstanding its importance, as being outside of the present scope. It is reproduced by Mosto. He has sometimes been confused with Marcantonio Pigafetta (a Venetian gentleman), the author of Itinerario da Vienna it Constantinopoli (London, 1585); and wrongly called Vincenzo Antonio Pigafetta, the "Vincenzo" being an error for "vicentino," i.e., "Venetian." See Mosto, II primo viaggio... di Antonio Pigafetta (Roma, 1894), pp. 13-30; Larousse's Dictionnaire; and La grande Encyclopedie (Paris), 2 The Order of St. John of Jerusalem. See Vol. II,* p. 26, note. 2. Throughout this Relation Pigafetta's spelling of proper names is retained. 3 Philippe de Villiers l'Isle-Adam, the forty-third grand master of the Order of the Knights of St. John (called Knights of Malta after 1530), was born of an old and distinguished family at Beauvais, in 1464, and died at Malta, August 21, 1534, at grief, some say, over the dissensions in his order. He was elected grand master of his order in 1521 and in the following year occurred his heroic defense of Rhodes with but four thousand five hundred soldiers against the huge fleet and army of Soliman. After six months he was compelled to surrender his stronghold in October, and refusing Soliman's entreaties to remain with him, went to Italy. In 1524 he was given the city of Viterbe by Clement VII, where in June of 1527 he held a general chapter of his order, at which it was decided to accept the island of Malta which had been offered by Charles V. The gift was confirmed by the letters-patent of Charles V in 1530. and Villiers l'Isle-Adam went thither in October of that year. He was always held in high esteem for his bravery, prudence, and piety. See Moreri's Dictionnaire, and Larousse's Dictionnaire. 4 The four MSS. of Pigafetta's Relation are those known as the Ambrosian or Italian, so called from its place of deposit, the Biblioteca Ambrosiana in Milan; no. 5,650, conserved in the Bibliotheque Nationale, Paris, in French; no. 24,224, in the same library, also in French; and the Nancy MS. (also French) so called, because it was conserved in Nancy, France, now owned by the heirs of Sir Thomas Phillips, Cheltenham, England. The MSS. of the Bibliotheque Nationale are both shorter than the Italian MS. The Nancy MS. is said to be the most complete of the French manuscripts. The best bibliographical account of these four MSS. that has yet appeared is by Mosto ut supra. A full bibliographical account of both the MSS. and printed books will be given in the volume on bibliography in this series. There are a number of radical differences between the Paris MS. no. 5,650 (which will be hereafter referred to simply as MS. 5,650) and the Italian MS., these differences including paragraph structure and the division of MS. 5,650 into various chapters, although the sequence is on the whole identical. The most radical of the differences will be shown in these notes. * Of Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 1493-1868, the series cited in many of these notes. -Ed. 150

Page  151 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD MS. 5,650 contains the following title on the page immediately preceding the beginning of the relation proper: "Navigation and Discovery of Upper Indie, written by me, Anthoyne Pigaphete, a Venetian, and knight of Rhodes." S The emperor Charles V; but he was not elected to that dignity until June, 1519. Pigafetta writing after that date is not explicit. 6 Francisco Chiericati was born in Venice, in one of the most ancient and famous families of that city, at the end of the fifteenth century. He attained preeminence at Sienna in both civil and ecclesiastical law. Aided by Cardinal Matteo Lang, bishop of Sion, he was received among the prelates of the apostolic palace. Later he conducted several diplomatic missions with great skill. He left Rome for Spain in December, 1518, on a private mission for the pope, and especially to effect a crusade against the Turks who were then invading Egypt and threatening Christianity. His house at Barcelona became the meeting-place of the savants of that clay who discussed literature and science. See Mosto, p. 19, note 3. 7 MS. 5,650 adds: "scholars and men of understanding." 8 MS. 5,650 reads: "so that I might satisfy the wish of the said gentlemen and also my own desire, so that it could be said that I had made the said voyage and indeed an eyewitness of the things hereafter written." 9 See Vol. I, p. 250, note 192 for sketch of Magalhaes. The only adequate life of Magalhaes in English is that of Guillemard. 10 That is, the Order of Santiago. See Vol. I, p. 145, note 171. Magalhaes and Falero were decorated with the cross of comendador of the order by Carlos I in the presence of the royal Council in July, 1518. See Guillemard's Ferdinand Magellan, p. 114. 11 See Vol. I for various documents during the period of the preparation of the fleet; also Guillemard's Magellan, pp. 114-116 and 130-134; and Stanley's First Voyage, pp. xxiv-xlvi. 12 Pope Clement VII, who assumed the papacy November 19, 1523. Pigafetta was summoned to Rome very soon after Clemenrt's election, for he was in Rome either in December, 1523, or January, 1524. 13 The Amoretti edition (Milan, 1800; a woefully garbled adaptation of the Italian MS.) wrongly ascribes this desire to Clement VII, instead of Villier's l'Isle-Adam. See Stanley, p. 36, note 3. 14 MS. 5,650 reads: "Finally, most illustrious Lordship, after all provisions had been made and the ships were in readiness, the captain-general, a wise and virtuous man, and one mindful of his honor, would not commence his voyage without first making some good and suitable rules, such as it is the approved custom to make for those who go to sea, although he did not entirely declare the voyage that he was about to make lest those men, through astonishment and fear, should refuse to accompany him on the so long voyage that he had determined upon. In consideration of the furious and violent storms that reign on the Ocean Sea where he was about to sail, and in consideraticn of another reason also, namely, that the masters and captains of the other ships in his fleet had no liking for him (the reason for which I know not, unless because he, the captaingeneral, was a Portuguese, and they Spaniards or Castilians, who have for a 151

Page  152 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY long while been biased and ill-disposed toward one another, but who, in spite of that, rendered him obedience), he made his rules such as follow, so that his ships might not go astray or become separated from one another during storms at sea. He published those rules and gave them in writing to every master in the ships and ordered them to be inviolably observed and kept, unless for urgent and legitimate excuse, and the proof that any other action was impossible." 15 A Spanish word. meaning "lantern." 16 Mosto wrongly derives strengue from the Spanish trcnza "braid" or "twist". Instead it is the Spanish word estrenque, which denotes a large rope made from Spanish grass hemp (stipa) - known to the Spaniards as esparto. MS. 5,650 reads: Sometimes he set out a lantern; at other times a thick rush cord which was lighted and was called "trenche" ri.e., 'estrenque,' 'rope of Spanish grass hemp'." Barcio (Diccionario general etimolo6ico) says that the origin of estrenque is unknown.:7 MS. 5,650 reads: "If he wished the other ships to haul in a bonnet-sail, which was a part of the sail attached to the main-sail, he showed three lights. Also by three lights notwithstanding that the weather might be favorable for making better time, it was understood that the bonnet-sail was to be hauled in, so that the mainsail might be sooner and easier struck and furled when bad weather came suddenly in any squall otherwise." 18 MS. 5,650 adds: "which he had extinguished immediately after;" and continues: "then showing a single light as a sign that he intended to stop there and wait until the other ships should do as he." 19 MS. 5,650 adds: "that is to say, a rock in the sea." 20 Stanley translates the following passage wrongly. Rightly translated, it is: "Also when he desired the bonnet-sail to be reattached to the sail, he showed three fires." 21 This passage is omitted in MS. 5,650. 22 Hora de la modorra is in Spanish that part of the night immediately preceding the dawn. Mosto, p. 52, note 8. 23 Contra maestro (boatswain) corresponding to the French conlremaitre and the Spanish contramaestre, was formerly the third officer of a ship's crew. Nochiero (French nocher) was the officer next to contramaestre, although the name, according to Littre was applied to the master or sea-captain of certain small craft. rhe maestro (French maitre) was a sub-officer in charge of all the crew. The pilot was next to the captain in importance. The translator or adapter who made MS. 5,650 confuses the above officers (see following note). 24 The instructions pertaining to the different watches are as follows in MS. 5,650: "In addition to the said rules for carrying on the art of navigation as is fitting, and in order to avoid the dangers that may come upon those who do not have watches set, the said captain, who was skilled in the things required and in navigation, ordered three watches to be set. The first was at the beginning of the night; the second at midnight; and the third toward daybreak, which is commonly called the 'diane' (i.e., 'morn') or otherwise 'the star of dawn.' The above-named watches were changed nightly: that is to say that he who had stood first watch stood 152

Page  153 FIRST VOYAGF AROUND THE WORLD second the day following, while he who had stood second, stood third; and thus did they continue to change nightly. The said captain ordered that his rules, both those of signals and of watches, be thoroughly observed, so that their voyage might be made with the greatest of safety. The men of the said fleet were divided into three divisions: the first was that of the captain; the second that of the pilot or boatswain's mate; and the third that of the master. The above rules having been instituted, the captaingeneral determined to depart, as follows." 25 See Guillemard's Magellan, pp. 329-336, and Navarrete, Col. de viages, iv, pp. 3-11, 162-188, for the stores and equipments of the fleet and their cost. The stores carried consisted of wine, olive oil, vinegar, fish, pork, peas and beans, flour, garlic, cheese, honey, almonds, anchovies, raisins, prunes, figs, sugar, quince preserves, capers, mustard, beef, and rice. The apothecary supplies were carried in the Trinidad, and the ecclesiastical ornaments in that ship and the San Antonio. 26 The exact number of men who accompanied Magalhaes is a matter of doubt. A royal decree, dated Barcelona, May 5, 1519, conserved in the papers of the India House of Trade in Archivo general de Indias at Sevilla, with pressmark est. 41, caj. 6, leg. 2-25, orders that only two hundred and thirty-five persons sail in the fleet. The same archives contain various registers of the fleet (see L!orens Ascensio's Primera vuelta al mundo, Madrid, 1903), one of which is published by Medina in his Colecci6n (i, p. 113). Guillemard (Magellan, p. 326) says that at least two hundred and sixty-eight men went as is shown by the official lists and "the casual occurrence of names in the numerous and lengthy autos fiscales connected with the expedition." Guillemard conjectures that the total number must have been between two hundred and seventy and two hundred and eighty. Mosto (p. 53, note 2) says: "Castanheda and Barros say that the crews amounted to 250 men, while Herrera says 234. Navarrete's lists show a total of 265 men. At least 37 were Portuguese, and in addition to them and the Spaniards, the crews contained Genoese and Italians (thirty or more), French (nineteen), Flemings, Germans, Sicilians, English, Corfiotes, Malays, Negroes, Moors, Madeirans, and natives of the Azores and Canary Islands. But seventeen are recorded from Seville, while there are many Biscayans. (See Guillemards, ut supra, pp. 326-329.) The registers of men as given by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, pp. 12-26) are as follows: 153

Page  154 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY TRINIDAD (Flagship of 1 10 tons) Capacity Chief captain of the fleet Pilot of. his Highness Notary Master Alguacil2 Contramaestre Surgeon Barber Carpenter Steward Calker Cooper Sailor PIP U9 N a rn e Natiunality Hernando cle Magallanes Esteban Gomez Leon de FEspeleta Juan Bautista de Punzoroll Gonzalo Gomez de Epinosa Fancisco Albo& Juan de Morales4 Marcos de Bayas Master Antonio Cristobal Ros, or Rodriguez Felipe5 Francisco Martin Francisco de Espinosa Gine's de Mafra Leon Pancaldo6 Juan Ginov6s7 Francisco Piora Martin Ginove's Anton Hernandez Colmenero Anton Ros, or Rodriguez Portuguese, citizen of Oporto Portuguese Cestre, on the Genoese shore Espinosa Axio, citizen of Rodas Sevilla San Lucar de Alpechin Genoese Lepe Genoese, native of Reco Sevilla De le Brizuela Jerez Saona, in Genova San Remo' Saona Cestre Huelva Huelva 1 Called in other lists Juan Bautista, Bautista de Poncero, Ponceron and by Herrera, Jua~n Bautista de Poncevera. - Navarrete. 2 A marine officer above the rank of soldier but bcdow that of ensign. 3 The pilot who wrote the logbook of the ship Victoria from its arrival at the cape of San Augustin in Brazil until its return to Spain. Navarrete says that Herrera cdlls him Francisco Calvo. 4 Called Bachelor Morales in another register. - Navarrete 5 Called Filipo, de Troa in another register. - Navarrete 6 Called Pancado in another register. - Navarrete. 7 Called Sanremo Ginov6s in another register. - Na-varrete. 154

Page  155 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD Capacity Sailor Gunner Common seaman Boy 1 Name Nationality Bartolome Sanchez Tomas de Natia Diego Martin Domingo de Urrutial Francisco Ma-rtin Juan Rodriguez Master Andres, chief Juan Bautista Guillermo Taf~iegui Huelva Cestre Huelva Lequeitio Huelva Sevilla Bristol, in England Mompeller Lila de Groya gunner Antonio de Goa Anton de Noya2 Francisco de Ayamonte Juan de Santandres'I Blas de Toledo4 Antons Basco Gomez Gallego Juan Gallego Luis de Bess6 Juan de Grijol Gutierrez Juan Genove's7 Andres (le le Ci.uzF Lor6' Noya in Galicia Ayamionte Cueto Almunia in Aragoni Black Portuguese Pontevedra Beas in Galicia Grijol in Portugal Asturian from Villasevil A port on the Genoese shore Sevilla Servants of the captain and sobresalientes9 Servant Sobresaliente Cristobal Rabelo P-ortuguese, Opo~rto Joan Mifiez or Martinez Sevilla native of 1Called in other registers. Barruti. Barrutia, Barrote; and Domingo Viscaino.. - Navarrete. 2 Called Anton Gallego and Antonio Varela in other registers. - Navarrete. 3 Called Juan de Santander in another register. - Navarrete. 4 Called Bias Durango in another register. - Navarrete. 5 The slave of Gonzalo Gomez de Espinoza, carlled Anton Moreno in another register. - Navarrete. 6 Said to be a Portuguese in another register. - Navarrete.. 7 Called Juan Antonio in another register. - Na~varrete. 8. Called Andres Paye in another register. - Nervarrete. 9 Sobresaliente is thus defined by Las Partidas - the laws of Castilla, compiled by Alfonso X. - parte I., tit. 24, ley 6: "sobresalientes are called otherwise men who are placed oveT and above the requisite number in the ships, both as cross-bowmen and other classes of soldiers. Such men have no other duty than to defend those who might be in their ships when fighting with enemies." Cited by Mosto from A, Jal in Glossaire nautique, (Paris, 1848). Mosto speaks of them as soldiers or volunteers who were embarked to take part in battles and in boarding. Guillemnard says of them: "The young men of good family, who took part in the expedition from love of adventure or desire for advaneement in military service, shipped as sobresalientes, or supernumeraries" (ul supra, p. 328). 155

Page  156 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY Capacity Name Nationality Servant Sobresal iente Servant Fernando Portogues1 Antonio Lomnbardo2 Peti-Joan Gonzalo Rodriguez Diego Sanchez Barrasa Luis Alonso, de GoiO Duarte Barbosa Albaro de la Mesquita Nufio Diego Francisco4 Jorge Morisco Pedro de Balderrama Alberto-5 Merino Pero Gomez Pero Sanchez6 HRenrique de Malaca7 Latzaro de Torres Portuguese, native of Oportc Lombardia French, native of Angeo (i.e., Anjou) Portuguese Sevilla Portuguese, citizen of Ayamonte Portuguese Portuguese Portuguese, native of Montemayor Nuevo San Lucar Portuguese, native of Estremiz Lombardia Ecija Cordova Hornilla I-a Prieta Sevilla Malaca Aracena Captain's boy Idem Chaplain Merino Servant of the Alguacil Armorer Interpreter, a servant I Called in another register, Fernan Lopez, volunteer. - Navarrete. 2 Called Antonio de Plegafetis (i.e., Pigafetta) in another register. - Navar-rete. 3 Called Luis Alfonso in another register. - Navarrete. 4 Called Francisco de la Mezquita in another register. -Navarrete. 5 Called Albertos, a sobresaliente, in another register.- Navarrete. Merino: A shepherd; and formerly by extension an alguacil, which is ito meaning here. 6 Callod Pedro Sanildes, in mnother register. -- Navarrete. 7 Magalhaes's slave, who afterward, according to Pigirfetta, plotted the death of the Europeans, by conspiring with the ruler of Cebu. 156

Page  157 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORV.D SAN ANTONIO ( 120 tons) Capacity Name Nationality CapDtain and supervisor of the flfeet Accountant Notary His Majesty's pilot Pilot of his Highness Master Boatswain Barber Steward Calker Carpenter Calker Cooper Sailor Juan de Cartagena Antonio de Coca Hiero'nimo Guerra Andres de San Martin Juan Rodriguez de Mafra Juan de Elorriagal Diego Hernandez Pedro Olabarrieta2 Juan Ortiz de Gopegar3 Pedro de Bilbao Pedro de Sabtua Martin de Goy-tisolo Joan de Oviedo Sebastian de Olarte Lope de Uguarte J oanes, de Segura Joan de Francia Jiom de Mecina Chr-istobal Garcia Pero Hernandez Antonio Rodriguez, Calderero, (i.e., blacksmith) Hernando de Morales4 Francisco, Marinero, (i.e., a sailor) Francisco Ros, or Rodrigue?, Pedro de Laredo Simon de Asio, Gui pizcoa. Sevilla Bilbao Bilbao Bilbao Bermeo, Baquio, Sevilla Bilbao Segura in Guipuizcoa Ruan (i.e.. Rouen) Mesina From Palos Rivadesella Sevilla From Moguer Citizen of Huelva From Huelva Portogalete Axio, 1 Cal-led in other registers, Uriaga, Hurriagia, Loriaga; and Elorraga. - Navarrete. 2 In another register said to be the servant of Antonio de Coca. - Navarrete. 3 Called Juan Ortiz de Goperi in another register. - Navtrrete. 4 Called Fancisco de Morales in another register. - Navarrete. 157

Page  158 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY Capacity Name Nationality Gunner Common seaman Boy Master Jacques, chief gunner Rojer Dupict Joan Jorge Luis,' Grumnete (i.e., -t common seaman) Martin de Aguirre Columbazo Lucas de Mecina Lorencio Rodriguez Miguel. J oanes de Irun Iranzo Joan Ginoves Joan de Orue Alonso del Puerto2 Diego, son of Cristobal Garcia Diego, son of Juan Rodriguez de Mafra From Tierra Lorena (i.e., land of Lorraine) Monaym Silvedrin Galicia Arrigorriaga Bolonia, (i.e., Bologna) Mesina From Moguer Pravia, in Astiirias Irun Iranza in Guipcizcoa Saona Munguia Puerto de Santa Maria From Palos Servants and sobre-salientes Chaplain Sobresaliente Servant to the captain Bernardo Calmeta Joan de Chinchilla Anton de Escobar Francisco de Angulo Francisco de Molino Roque Pelea Rodrigo Nieto, a Ga-lician Alonso del Rio Pedro de Balpuesta Joan de Leon Gutierre de Tufion3 Joan de Sagredo,4 merino Joan de Minchaca., a crossbowman Laytora in France Murcia Talavera Moron Baeza Salamanca Orense Buirgos Citizen of Burgos Leon Tunon in Ast~irias Revenga, in the la Bu'rgos Bilbao nd of 1 Luis de Avendafio in another register. - Navarrete. 2 Called Alonso de Palos in another register. - Navarrete. 3 Called Garcia de Tunon in another registf-r. - Navarrete. 4 Called Segredo in another register. - Navarrete 158

Page  159 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD Capacity Name Nationality Captain's servant Servant to the accountant Antonio Hernandez, interpreter Juan Gomez de Espinosa Pedro de Urrea Ayamonte Espinesa Brujas Captain Notary Pilot of his Highness Master Boatswain Barber Calker Carpenter Steward Cooper Sailor CONCEPCION (90 tons) Gaspar de Quesada Sancho de Heredia Joan Lopez Carabal-lo Joan Sebastian de Elcanol Joan de Acurio Hernando de Bustamente2 Antonio de Basazabal3 Domingo de Iraza4 Joan de Campos Pero Perez Francisco Rodriguez5 Francisco Ruiz Mateo de Gorfo6 Joan Rodriguez7 Sebastian Garcia8 Gomez Hernandez Lorenzo de Iruna) Joan R~odriguez,'0 el sordo (i.e., the deaf man) Joan de Aguirre Joan de Ortega Portuguese Guetaria Bermeo MWrida Bermeo Deva Alcala' de Sevilla Sevilla Moguer Gorfo Huelva Huelva Huelva Socavila in Henares Guipuizcoa Sevilla Berm eo Cifuentes I In other registers callcd Del Cano, Delcano, and simpsly Juan Sebastian. - Navarrete. 2 Said to be a native of Alcantara in another register. - Navarrete. 3 Called Anton de Bazaza in another rrgister. - NAvarrete. 4 Called Domingo de Yarza in another register. - Navarrete. 5 Said to be a native of Portugal1 in another register. - Navarrvte. 6 Called Mateo Griego, in another register. - Navarrete. 7 Called in another register Juan Rodriguez de Huelv~r, native of M~allorca. - Navarrete. 8 Called Sebastian de Huelva in another register. - Navarrete. 9 Called Lorenzo Duirna in another register. - Navarrete. 10 Called Jua~n Roiz in another register. - Navarrete. 159

Page  160 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY Capacity Name Nationality Gunner C-orn mon sefaman Boy Hans Var gue,1 chief gunner Master Pedi o Roldan de Argote Joan de Olivar2 Guillermo de Lole-3 Crist6bal de Costa4 Guillen Gonzalo de Vigo Pedro de Muguertegui Martin de Isaurraga Rodrigo Macias Joan Navarro5 Joanes de Tuy juanillo6 Pedro de Churdurza7 Germ an Bruselas Flandes, in Brujas Jerez Galvey Vigo Muguertegui Bermeo Sevilla Pamplona Galbey Bermeo Sobresalientes Captain's servant Merino Blacksmith Luis del Molino Antonio Fernandez Alonso Coto-" Francisco Diaz de Madrid Martin de Judicibus Juan de Silva Gonzalo Hernandez Martin de M~agallayns Joan de la Torre Ba~eza Portugue~se, of Sevilla Genoese Madrid Genoese Isla Graciosa, in Azores Santa Maria del Puerto Portuguese, of L~sboa Almonaster, a boundary of Sevilla VICTORIA (85 tons) Luis de Mendoza Captain and treasurer of f leet 1 In other registers called Master Ance and Master Otans. - Navarretc. 2 CaIlled Oliver de Valencia in another register. - Navarrete. 'I Called Guillermo Ir~s in another register. - Navarrete 4~ Called Cristobal de Jerez in another register. - Navarrete. 5 Called Juan Novoro in another register. - Navarrete. 6 In another register called the young sonl of Juan Caraballo. - Navarrc~te. 7 Called Pedro Chindurza in another register. - Navarrete 8 In other registers called Alonso Genoves, Cota, and Costa. - Navarrete. 160

Page  161 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD Capacity Name Nationalitv Pilot of his Highness Notary Master Boatswain Alguacil Steward Calker Carpenter Sailor Gune Commo seama Basco Gallego Martin Mendez Anton Salomon Miguel de Rodas Diego de Peralta Alonso Gonzales Simon de la Rochela Martin de Griate' Miguel Benesciano Diego Gallego Lope Navarro Nicolas Ginoves Nicolao de Na'poles Miguel Sanchez Nicolao de Capua Benito Genov6s, Felipe de Rodas Esteban Villon2 Joan Griego Jorge Aleman (i.e., the German), chief gunner Filiberto de Torres3 Hans, a German 4 joanico,5 a Viscayan Joan de Arratia,6 Ochote 7 Martin de Ayarnonte Pedro de Tolosa Sebastian Ortiz Antonio Bernal Mahuri8 Rodrigo Gallego (i.e., a Galician) Portuguese Citizen of Sevilla TrApana in Sicilia Rodas Peralta in Nav'arra Portuguese From La Rochela From Deva Bresd Bayona in Galicia Tudela Ge~nova Naipoles de Romania Rodas Capua Arvenga Rodas Troya Na'poles de Romania From Estric Toriana Agan Somnorostro Bi lbao Bilbao Tolosa in Guipi'zcoa Gelver Beresa in Genova Narbona Corufia I Called in other regi-stei-s Garatc, Yarat. and Perez. - Navarrete. 2 Called in another register Est~ban Breton, a-nd a third register says that he was Er native of Trosig in Bretanna. — Navarrete. 3 Another register says that he was a native of Hourienes, in Torayn (i.e., Tourraine.) - Navarrete. 4 Another register calls him Air~s, and says that he was afterward chief gunner in the Victoria. -- Navarrete. Called in another register Machin Vizcaino (i.e., a Viscayan). - Nava'rrete. 6 In other regirters called Juan de Sahelices and Saylices. - Navarrete. 7 Called in another register Ochot de Randio. - - Navarrete. S In other registers called Cristobal Mahuri arid Bernardo Mauri. -- Navarrete. 161

Page  162 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY Capacity Name Nationality Common seaman Boy Domingo Portogues (i.e., a Portuguese) Juan de Zuvileta, the son of Basco Gallego Sobresalientes Coimbra Baracaldo The captain's servant Blacksmith Cooper Francisco Carvajal Joan Martin' Simon de Burgos Bartolome' de Saldafia Gonzalo Rodriguez Pero Garcia de 1-errero2 Joan Villalon Alonso de Mora, or de Ebora.3 Joan de Cordoba Diego Diaz Salamanca Aguilar de Campo Portuguese Palos Ciudad Real. Antequera Mora, in Portugal Sanlu'car Sanlu'car SANTIAGO (75 tons) Captain and pilot of his Highness Notary Master Boatswain Steward Calker Carpenter Sailor Joan Serrano Antonio de Costa Baltasar Ginoves Bartolome' Prior4 Gaspar Diaz Joan Garcia Ripart-5 Antonio Flamenco (i.e., a Fleming) Citizen of Sevilla Ribera de Ge'nova (i.e., the Genoese shore) San Malo Isla Graciosa, in the Azores Ge~nova Bruz in Normandia (i.e., Normandy) Enveres I Another register declares him to he a native of Sevilla. - Navarrete. 2 Called Pedro Herrero (i.e., the blacksmith) in another register. - Navarrete. 3 Called Alonso Portugue's (i.e. the Portuguese) in another register. - Navarrete. 4 Called in other registers Malo a Frenchman, Malvo, and Amnalo. - Navarrete. 5 Called in other registers Ricarte, Ruxar, and Rigarte; while another says that he was a native of Ebras in France. - Navarrete. 162

Page  163 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD Capacity Sailor Gune Como sema Boy Name Nationality, Luis Martinez Bartolom;_ Garcia Joan Garcial Agustin Bocacio Alfonso' Pedro Gascon2 (i.e., a Gascon) Domingo 3 Diego Garcia de Trigueros Lorenzo Corrat Joan Macia' Huelva Palos Palos Saona Bollullos Burdeos, (i.e., Bordeaux) Trigueros Talesa in Normandia, (i.e., Normandy) Troya Huelva Palos Cruesic in Bretania (i.e., Brittany) Palos Sevilla Horrai Trigueros Enveres Pedro Diaz5 Antonio Hernandez6 Juan,7 a negro, Joan Breton (i.e., a Breton ) Pedro Bello53 Hiero'nimo Garcia Pero Arnaot9 Pero Garcia Joan Flamenco (i.e., a Fleming) Francisco Paxel0 Sobresalien tes Merino IJoan de Aroche Martin Barrena IHernan Lorenzo Aroche, boundary of Sevilla Villafranco in Guipuizcoa Aroche 1 Called Socacio Alonso in another register. - Navarrete. 2 Called Pedro Gaston in another register. - Navarrete. 3 Called Domingo Marinero (i.e., a sailor) in another register. - Navarrete. 4 Called Juan de Troya in another register. - Navarrete. 5 Called Pedro de Huelva in another register. - Navarrete. 6 Called Alonso Hernandez in another register.- Navarrete. 7 The slave of Juan Serrano. - Navarrete. 8' Pedro Eritc in another register. - Navarrete. 9 Geronimo Sevillano (i.e., a native of Sevilla) aii another register. - Navarrete. 10 Another register calls him Francisco, the son-in-law of Juan Serrano. - Navarrete. 163

Page  164 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY The total number of men for the ships as above given is 235. Navarrete made his list from the list conserved in Archivo General de Indias, and notes of Juan Bautista Mufioz, and various other sources. The obstacles in the way of a correct register were the abbreviation of names and places, the custom prevalent of naming people from their native town or province, and the fact that the various registers were made between 1519 and 1525. From some of these registers, it appears that the following men were also in the fleet. Capacity Name - I Nationality - _ _ Carpenter Aroca Viscayan Steward Bias Alfonso Portuguese Calker Juan Gutierrez Maestre Pedro1 Sailor Bautista Genoves Genova Common seaman Perucho de Bermeo,, Domingo Alvarez,," Domingo Gonzales," Domingo de Zubill.an2 Portuguese," Andres Blanco," Antonio Gomez Axio," Juan Portugues (i.e., a," Portuguese) ", Tuan Bras," Gonzalo Gallego ~n ~ Rodrigo de Hurrira," Sebastian Portugues (i.e., a Portuguese) Juan de Ircepais Sobresalientes Secular priest Pero Sanchez de Reina Licentiate Morales Hernando Rodriguez Hartiga Diugurria 1 This man was shanghaied at the island of Teneriffe by order of Magalhaes, October 1, 1519, and embarked on the Santiago, but his occupation or country is unknown. He returned in the Victoria, and was one of those captured by the Portuguese in the island of Santiago in the Cape Verde Islands, as is proved by documents in Archivo Generall de Indias. - Navarrete. 2 Named in other registers Domingo, from Tovilla, Portugal, and Domingo, native of Cobillana, Portugal. -- Navarrete, 164

Page  165 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD Capacity Name Nationality Soldier Diego Arias Sanl.ucar Blacksmith Juan Hernandez Triana Servant of Luis de Mendoza Hernando de Aguilar The negro of the pilot Juan Carballo In addition there were probably others, this list being still three short of Guillemard's figures, 268. Harrisse (Disc. of N. Amcr., London and Paris, 1892, pp. 714 et seq.) gives a partial list. 27 The Moorish name of Guadalquivir (from Arabic Wlad-al-Kebir, "the great river"), superseded the Roman name of Baetis. The Romans formed all Southern Spain into one prov;nce called Paetica after the name of the Baetis. By the town Gioan dal Farax is meant San Juan de Aznalfarache (from Moorish Hisn al-Faradj). Its Gothic name was Osset and its Roman name Julia Constantia. It is a favorite resort of the inhabitants of Sevilla. Coria was once a Roman potters' town and is still celebrated for its jars. San Lucar de Barrameda was named in honor of St. Luke. It was captured from the Moors in 1264 and granted to the father of Guzman el Bueno. It attained importance after the discovery of America because of its good harbor. The house of Medina-Sidonia was founded by Alfonso Perez de Guzman, a famous captain. 82 The original of this passage is obscure. The distance given (ten leagues; and both MS. 5,650 and Eden agree substantially with it) is far too short for the distance between San Lucar and Cape St. Vincent, which is over one hundred miles. Pigafetta may have forgotten the actual. distance, or it may have been an error of his amanuensis. It is possible to translate as follows: "which lies in 37 degrees of latitude, [that parallel being] x leguas from the said port;" for "longui" may be taken as agreeing with "gradi". In ll rendering of distances, the Spanish form will be used in preference to the Italian; and the same will apply to the names of Spanish coins. 29 MS. 5,650 reads: "And after passing many small villages along the said river, we at last reached a chateau belonging to the duke of Medinacidonia. and called Sainct Lucar, where there is a port with an entrance into the Ocean Sea. One enters that port by the east wind, and leaves by the west. Nearby is the cape of Sainct Vincent, which, according to cosmography, lies in a latitude of thirty-seven degrees at a distance of twenty miles from the said port. From the said city [of Sevilla] to the said port by the river above said, the distance is thirty-five or forty miles." This passage might be cited as a proof that Pigafetta did not translate or write the French version, but that the work was done by another, who takes various liberties with his original. 165

Page  166 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 30 MS. 5,650 reads: "furnish the fleet." 31 Ninguna in original, a Spanish word. 32 MS. 5,650 adds: "otherwise called 'labeiche.'" Labech (Italian libeccio) is simply a name for the southwest wind. This is another instance in which the French adapter adds an explanation to the Italian, thus explaining the Italian term garbino, "southwest." 33 MS. 5,650 reads wrongly- "sixteenth." The so-called Genoese pilot (the author of the "Roteiro," by which name his account will be hereafter designated, and concerning whom, see Guillemard's Magellan, p. 145, and Mosto, p, 32, and note 4) gives the date of departure as September 21 (with which Barros agrees) and the arrival at Tenerife as the twenty-ninth (see Stanley, p. 1). Peter Martyr, Gomara, and Oviedo agree with Pigafetta, while Castanheda makes the departure in January, 1520. Hughes observes that if one keep in mind the circumstance that the day of the arrival coincided with the day dedicated by the Church to St. Michael, the date September 29 seems more admissible. However, one may reconcile the two dates of the arrival by observing that the ships stopped at Tenerife until October 2; while Herrera says that the ships fetched Montana Roja (the Monte rosso of the text) on September 29. See Mosto, p. 53, notes 4 and 5. It should be noted that Gomara and Oviedo are not entirely trustworthy authorities, and that many times they have simply copied from authorities, such as Maximilianus Transylvanus, who is not always to be relied upon. 34 The Canaries were known to the ancients under the names of Islands of the Blest, Fortunate Islands, and the Hesperides. The Moors knew of them under the name of Islands of Khaledat, but had no practical acquaintance with them. In the fourteenth century these islands began to be known to Europeans, especially through the Portuguese. In 1402, the Frenchman Jean de Bethencourt went there, and shortly after began their conquest under the auspices of the crown of Castile. In consequence of the settlements made by Bethencourt, the islands were definitely ceded to Spain in 1481 (see Birch's Alboquerque, London, 1875-1884, Hakluyt Society Publications, ii, p. vi). The inhabitants of the islands were known as Guanches or Guanchinet, the latter meaning "men of Tenerife." The inhabitants of this island, holding out longer than the others, were not subdued until 1496. See also Conquest of Canaries (London, 1877); and History and Description of Africa (London, 1896), i, pp. 99-101; both publications of the Hakluyt Society. The island of Tenerife was formerly called Nivana and by some the Island of Hell. Like all the other islands of the Canaries it is volcanic in formation and its peak, the Teyde, is one of the largest volcanic cones known. Its latitude is 28~ 15'. 35 Guillemard conjectures that this is Punta Roxa, located at the south end of Tenerife. 36 MS. 5,650 adds: "which is a substance needed by ships." Herrera says that they waited three days at the port awaiting a caravel that was laden with pitch for the fleet (Mosto, p. 53. note 8). 37 MS. 5,650 reads: "water coming from spring or river." 38 Eden (p. 250) adds to this account which he greatly abridges: "The lyke thynge is also seen in the Island of Saynt Thomas, lyinge directly 166

Page  167 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD under the Equiroctiall lyne." Of this island of Hierro, Pory (History and Description of Africa, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 100) says: "Hierro hath neither spring nor well, but is miraculously furnished with water by a cloud which over-spreadeth a tree, from wheace distilleth so much moisture, as;ufficeth both for men and catteL This cloud ariseth an hower or two before the sunne, and is dissolued two howers after sunne rising." Tllis is an old story and is related by Pliny and founded upon fact "for both in Madeira and the Canaries the laurel and other heavy-foliaged evergreens condense abundant water from the daily mists" (Guillemard's Magellan, p. 149). Gregorio Chil y Naranio (Estudios Hist6ricos... de las islas Canarina, 1879) believes Pigafetta means here the island of Palma, and that the first navigators visited only the coast and so did not see the lake in the interior (Mosto, p. 53, note 9). 39 MS. 5,650 adds: "which the sailors of the east call 'Cyroc'." This is the Italian sirocco, which is the name for the southeast wind instead of the south. Herrera says they left the port October 2 (Mosto, p. 54, note 2). 40 Eden (p. 250) reads incorrectly: "In this coast they had no manner of contrary wynds but a great calme nnd fayre wether for the space of three score and tenne dayes, in the which they came vnder the Equinoctiall lyne." 41 MS. 5,650 adds: "and of those persons who have sailed there often." 42 MS. 5,650 reads: "And in order that our ships might not be wrecked or broach to (which often happens when the squalls come together)." 43 This last phrase, as well as the two following sentences are missing in MS. 5,650. The third sentence following begins: "During the calm weather, large fish called tiburoni," etc. The word tiburoni, "sharks" is from the Spanish tiburon, which comes from the French tib6ron (tiburin, tiburon). - Echagaray's Diccionario Etimol6gico (Madrid, 1889). 44 MS. 5,650 reads: "The said fish are caught by means of a contrivance which sailors call 'hame' which is an iron fishhook." Hame (ain) is the French form of the Italian Amo, meaning "fishhook." 45 MS. 5,650 adds: "because of the bad weather." 46 MS. 5,650 reads: "a quarter of an hour," and the same duration of time is given by Eden (p. 250). 47 MS. 5,650 adds: "It is to be noted that whenever that fire that represents the said Saint Anselme ascends and descends the mast of a ship while in a storm at sea, that the said ship is never wrecked." Herrera (cited by Mosto, p. 54, note 5) says that St. Elmo appeared on the masthead with a lighted candle and sometimes two during the storms encountered along the coasts of Guinea, and that the sailors were greatly comforted thereby, and saluted the saint as is the custom of seamen. When he appeared, he remained a quarter of an hour, and at his departure a great flash of light occurred which blinded all the men. Eden (p. 250) calls it the fire of St. Helen. Continuing, Eden injects into his abridgement of the first circumnavigation a description of St. Elmo's fire by Hieronimus Car167

Page  168 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY danus in the second book of De Subtilitate. He says: "Of the kynde of trewe fyer, is the fyer baule or starre commonly cauled saynt Helen which is sumtyme seene abowt the mastes of shyppes, beinge of suche fyery nature that it sumetyme melteth brasen vessels and is a token of drownyng, forasmuch as this chaunceth only in great tempestes. For the vapoure or exhalation whereof this fyre is engendered, can not bee dryven togyther or compacte in forme of fyre, but of a grose vapoure and by a great poure of wynde, and is therefore a token of imminent per ell." The fires called after St. Peter and St. Nicholas are on the contrary, he says, good omens, and are generally tc be seen on the cables after a storm. Being little and swift moving they can do no damage as they do if massed and of slow movement. St. Elmo's fire is the popular name for the atmospheric electricity that gathers in the form of a star or brush about the masthead of ships and on the rigging. It was sometimes accompanied by a hissing noise and was considered as a good omen by sailors. The Greeks who observed this phenomenon wove it into the Castor and Pollux myth; and the French edition of Pigafetta's Relation published by Simon de Colines has the passage (see Mosto, p. 54): "They saw the fires called Sainct Eline and Sainct Nicolas like blazing torches (whom the ancients called Castor and Pollux)." "Elmo" is said by some to be a corruption of "Helena," the sister of Castor and Pollux and the name "Hellene" or "Helen" was often given to the fire when only one light was visible. It is, however, more probably derived from St. Elmo, bishop of Formine who died about 304, and who is invoked by sailors on the Mediterranean. The phenomenon is also called fire of "St. Elias", "St. Clara," "St. Nicolas," and "composite," "composant," and "corposant (i.e., corpus sanctum)." 48 The second bird mentioned is the stormy petrel (of the family Laridae and genus Thalassidroma), which is found along all the Atlantic coasts and on some of the Pacific. The tale of the text was current among sailors (see Wilkes, U. S. Exploring Expedition, viii, pp. 402, 403). The cagassela ("cagaselo" in MS. 5,650) is the Stercorarius parasiticus, called also the jaeger, and by sailors "boatswain", "teaser," and "dung-hunter." The last name arose from the belief, long held even by scientists, that this bird fed on the dung of gulls and terns. In reality it pursues the latter birds and compels them to disgorge the fish that they have swallowed. The flying fish is either a species of Exocaetus, or the Scomberesox saurus of Europe and America, both of which feed in large schools and jump from the water to escape their enemies. See Riverside Natural History (Boston and New York). 49 MS. 5,650 adds: "which is the collateral wind between the south and the west;" and below reads: "twenty-four and one-half degrees;" while Eden (p. 250) reads: "xxii degrees and a halfe." 50 Verzino, the etymology of which is unknown (see Varthema's Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, p. lxxviii, note, and 205 note), is the Italian name for brazil-wood, from which Brazil, which was first visited by Vicente Pinzon, Diego Lope, Pedro Alvares Cabral, and Amerigo Vespucci, was named. The first names of the country were Vera Cruz and Santa Cruz. Cape Santo Agostinho, mentioned below, lies in 8~ 21' south latitude, and is 168

Page  169 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD the most eastern headland of South America. It was the first land of that continent to be discovered, being sighted at least as early as 1500 by Pinzon. Before sighting the above cape, Maghalhaes arrested Juan de Cartagena for insubordination and gave the command of the San Antonio to Antonio de Coca (see Guillemard's Magellan, p. 153). Albo's log begins slightly before the sighting of the point, his first entry being November 29, See Burton's "Introduction" in his Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1874). 51 MS. 5,650 reads: "veal". The anta is the tapir, once very plentiful in South America, but now rare in the well civilized districts. See Burton's Captivity of Hans Stade, p. viii. Albo, however, seems to designate the llama by this name, for he says when speaking of the stay at Bay St. Julian: "and many Indians came there, who are clad in certain skins of antas, which resemble camels without the hump." (Navarrete. Col. de viages, iv, p. 214). 52 Stanley mistranslates the French phrase of MS. 5,650 et est de la longueur dun naveau, "and is of the length of a shuttle," confusing naveau with navette, "shuttle." Naveau here is equivalent to navet, "turnip" or navette, "rape," a plant of the turnip class, as is proved by the Italian. 53 MS. 5,650 reads: "And for a king of cards, of the kind which are used to play with in Italy, they gave me five fowls." The four suits of Italian playing cards are called spade ("swords"), bastoni ("clubs"), danaii (literally: "money;" "diamonds"), and coppe ("cups").,4 MS. 5,650 reads: "five." 55 MS. 5,650 adds: "which is an astrological term. That zenith is a point in the sky, according to astrologers, but only in the imagination, and is in a straight line over our head, as can be seen by the treatise of the sphere, and in Aristotle, in the first book De caelo et mondo." By the treatise of the sphere is evidently meant the treatise of Pigafetta which follows his relation, and which is not reproduced here as being outside the scope of the present work. In the flyleaf of the Italian original is the following: "Notices concerning the new world, with the charts of the countries discovered, written by Antonio Pigafeta, Venetian and knight of Rodi. At the end are added some rules for finding the longitude and latitude of places east and west." In the Italian MS. this treatise occupies the last twelve folios. Stanley translates Amoretti's version of the Treatise, which is greatly abridged. Mosto (p. 35) conjectures that the treatise is the fruits of his three-years' experience during the expedition. 56 Albo (Navarrete. iv, 210) says that the fleet continued to coast southwest from November 29 until arriving at St. Lucy's bay on December 13 (St. Lucy's day). Of the coast he says: "The mountains are peaked and have many reefs about them. There are many rivers and ports in the said Brazil and San Tome, and some six leguas down the coast there are many bays running two leguas into the land. But the coast runs northeast and southwest to Cape Frio, and has many islands and rivers. Cape Frio is a very large river... At the entrance of the said bay is a very large bay, and at the mouth a very low island, and inside it spreads out extensively and has many ports... and is called the bay of Santa Lucia 169

Page  170 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY... In the said bay, one finds a well-disposed and numerous race. who go naked and trade for fishhooks, mirrors, and hawk's bells with food... We entered that place on the very day of St. Lucy, and stayed there until the day of St. John, namely, the twenty-seventh of the said month of December. On that day we went and took our course west southwest and found seven islands. To the right of them is a bay called the bay of Los Reyes [i.e., the Kings] which has a good entrance." The "Roteiro" (Stanley p. I) says: "as soon as they sighted the other coast of Brazil, he steered to the south-east [sic] along the coast as far as Cabo-frio, which is in twenty-three degrees south latitude; and from this cape he steered to the west a matter of thirty leagues, to make the Rio de Janeiro, which is in the same latitude as Cabo-frio. and they entered the said river on the day of St. Lucy, which was the 13th December, in which place they took in wood, and they remained there until the first octave of Christmas, which was the 26th of December of the same year." Brito (Navarrcte, iv, p. 306) says: "Setting sail thence (i.e. from Tenerife), the first land sighted was the cape of the shoals of Ambas. They descended the coast as far as the river called Janeiro, where they stayed 15 or 16 days." 57 Eden (p. 251) says: "bygger then all Spayne, Portugale, Fraunce, and Italie." 58 MS. 5,650 adds: "more like beasts than anything else." 59 MS. 5,650 reads: "And some of those people live to the age of one hundred, one hundred and twenty, one hundred and forty, or more." Eden (p. 251) says: "C.xx. and C.xl. yeares." For description of the Brazil Indians, and their manners and customs, see Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 117-169. 60 Wrongly transcribed by Stanley as "boy". 61 MS. 5,650 reads: "You must know that a family of one hundred persons, who make a great racket, lives in each of those houses called boii." One of these houses (called Oca, in Tupi) is described by Wilson (Transactions of Ethnological Society, new series, vol. i) as being "60 or 70 feet long, divided into rooms for several families by rush mats, and provided with a central fire whose smoke passed through the roof. Some of them contained 200 head." See Burton's Captivity of Hans Stade, pp. 59, 60, note. The Indians described by Pigafetta are probably the Tamoyos of the Tupi or Guarani stock (Mosto, p. 56, note I; see also Burton, ut supra, pp. Ixi-lxxvi). 62 Amoretti makes this passage read: "Their boats called canoes, are hollowed out from the single trunk of a huge tree;" understanding maschize as massiccio "huge". Mosto prefers to read maschize as two words ma schize (notwithstanding that it is one word in the original), for ma schiacciate, "but flattened". Accepting this, the translation would be: "They have boats made from one single tree, only flattened." Amoretti's interpretation is to be preferred. 63 MS. 5,650 reads: "and one would believe them to be enemies from hell." 64 MS. 5,650 adds: "'of the said country of Verzin." 170

Page  171 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 65 MS. 5,650 reads: "daily." Amerigo Vespucci says in a letter (Mosto p. 55, note 6): "I saw human flesh salted and suspended from the beams, in the same way as we are wont to hang up bacon and swine's flesh." See Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue), for instances of cannibalism among the North American Indians. Seet also Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt Society edition) pp. 151, 155-159; and Dominguez's Conquest of the River Plate (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1891), pp. 129, 130. 66 For Carvagio, as in MS. 5,650, and later in the Italian: an error of amanuensis. This was Joao Carvalho (the Juan Lopez Caraballo of the register - see note 26, ante). Carvalho was a Portuguese, of none too scrupulous morals, even in his age, us appears later in Pigafetta's narrative. After the fatal banquet in the island of Cebu, he became the leader of the remaining men of the fleet, but was later deposed (see post, note 441). He remained behind with the ill-fated Trinidad and never returned to Europe. His son, borne to him by a native woman of Brazil, was left behind in Borneo. See Stanley, pp. 252-255, for Correa's account cf the actions of Carvalho after the death of Magalhaes. 67 The early French edition and the Italian edition cf 1536 both include the women and children. -Stanley. 68 It is a widespread (perhaps universal) characteristic of the American Indian to pull out the hair of the body. See Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue). 69 Eden (p. 45), defines gatti mammoni as monkeys. Monkeys of the genus Cebus are probably meant (Mosto, p. 55, note 8). 70 MS. 5,650 reads: "fresh cheese". Pigafetta may here refer to the bread made from the casava or manioc root. See Burton's Captivity of Hans Stade, pp. 130-132, for a description of the method of preparing this root. 71 The swine mentioned by Pigafetta is the Tayasu (Tagacu), or peccari (Dicotyles torqytatus), which has quills resembling those of the porcupine, and is generally of a whitish color. It 's tailless and very fierce and difficult to domesticate. The flesh was eaten' and the teeth were worn by some of the chiefs as necklaces. Burton (ut supra), p. 160, note. 72 The Platalea ajaja or rosy spoonbill, belonging to the family of the Plataleidae, whose habitat extends through all of tropical and subtropical America, including the West Indies, south to the Falkland Islands, Patagonia and Chile, and north to the southern part of the United States. 73 Hans Stade (Burton, ut supra) testifies to the chastity of the people of Eastern Brazil among whom he lived as a prisoner. 74 MS. 5,650 reads: "The women attend to the outside affairs and carry everything necessary for their husband's food in small panniers on the head or fastened to the head." 75 MS. 5,650 adds: "and compassion." 76 MS. 5,650 reads: "When we departed they gave us a very great quantity of verzin;" and adds: "That is a color which comes from trees which grow in the said country, and.so abundantly, that the country is called Verzin from it." 171

Page  172 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 77 MS. adds: "which was a piece of great simplicity.' 78 This sentence is preceded by the following in MS. 5,650: "Besides the abovesaid which proclaims their simplicity, the people of the above place showed us another very simple thing." 79 This passage in Stanley reads as follows: "A beautiful young girl came one day inside the ship of our captain, where I was, and did not come except to seek for her luck: however, she directed her looks to the cabin of the master, and saw a nail, of a finger's length, and went and took it as something valuable and new, and hid it in her hair, for otherwise she would not have been able to conceal it, because she was naked, and, bending forwards, she went away; and the captain and I saw this mystery." The matter between the words "length" and "naked" is taken from MS. 24,224 (wrongly declared by Stanley to be the copy of his travels presented to the regent Louise by Pigafetta, the conclusion being based on the fact that some of the details are softened down), as Stanley considered the incident as told in MS. 5,650, the Italian MS. and the first French edition, as unfit for publication. Stanley cites the following (in the original) from the edition of 1536 which omits the above story: "At the first land at which we stopped, some female slaves whom we had brought in the ships from other countries and who were heavy with child, were taken with the pains of childbirth. Consequently, they went alone c(ut of the ships, went ashore, and after having given birth, returned immediately to the ships with their infants in their arms." He also cites the following passage from the first French printed edition, which also narrates the above story of the girl: "At the first coast that we passed, some slave women gave birth. When they were in travail, they left the boat, after which they immediately returned, and nursed their children." Stanley adds that this story of the slave women is improbable, as women were not allowed to come aboard ship. 80 MS. 5,650 gives the words of the Brazil as follows: "maiz, huy, pinda, taesse, chignap, pirame, itenmaraca, tum maraghatom." Amoretti (see Stanley's edition, p. 48) reads tacse as tarse and itanmaraca as Hanmaraca. Stanley mistranslates the French forcette ("scissors") as "fork." 81 Eden says (p. 251): "xxxiiii, degree and a halfe toward the pole Antartike." 82 MS. 5.650 reads: "and to ask whether the others might come." 83 MS. 5.650 reads: "Th!at place was formerly called Cape Saincte Marye and it was thought that one could pass thence to the sea of Sur, that is to say the South Sea, but it has not been ascertained that any ships have ever discovered anything farther on." Eden (p. 251) reads: "Abowt the mouth of this ryuer, are seven ilandes, in the byggest whereof, they founde certeyne precious stones, and cauled it the cape of Saynt Marie. The Spanyardes thought that by this ryuer they might haue passed into the south sea. But they were deceaued in theyr opinion. For there was none other passage than by the ryuer which is xvii. leagues large in the mouth." This river was the Rio de la Plata. The "Roteiro" (Stan172

Page  173 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD ley p. 2) says that Magalhaes left Rio de Janeiro December 26, proceeding to the cape Santa Maria and the river which was called St. Christopher. There they remained until February 2, 1520. Albo (Navarrete, iv., p. 211) also mentions the river which he calls the "river of Solis." The ships sent to look for a strait through the river were gone two days, and a careful exploration of the mouth of the river was made. Brito (Navarrete, iv, pp. 306, 307) says: "They left that place [i.e., Rio de Janeiro] and coasted along shore until they reached the river called Sclis, where Fernando Magallanes thought that he could find a strait. They stayed there forty days. Magallanes ordered the ship Santiago to sail forward for about 50 leguas to see whether there was any passage. Not finding a passage, he crossed the river which is about 25 leguas wide and found the [opposite] coast which runs northeast and southwest." For early history of this region, see Dominguez's Conquest of the River Plata. 84 Juan Diaz de Solis, a famous Spanish navigator, was born at Lebrixa, in 1470. He is said, although without sufficient authority, to have discovered Yucatan with Pinzon in 1506. He was appointed chief pilot of Spain after the death of Amerigo Vespucci in 1512. In October, 1515, he sailed in command of an expedition in search of the southwest passage to India. He discovered Rio de la Plata which he explored as far as the region of the Charrua tribe, by whom he and some of his men were killed and eaten before September, 1516. The remnant of the expedition was conducted back to Spain by his brother-in-law. 85 Eden adds (p. 251): "which sum thynke to bee those fysshes that wee caule pikes." Below, the sea-wolf is described as having a head "of golden coloure". They were probably some species of the Otariidae or Fur-seals (Guillemard, p. 160, note). The "geese" were penguins. Albo. Herrera, and others, also mention the "sea-wolves and ducks." Kohl (Zeits-:hrift der Gesellschaft ffir Erdkunde, xi, 362) says that this bay where the ships were laden with the seals and penguins is probably Desvelos Bay, but it is more probably Puerto Deseado ("Port Desire;" see Mosto, p. 57, note 2). Drake also secured fresh provisions from these "sea wolves," calling the bay where he secured them "Seale Bay." See World Enconmpassed (Hakluyt Society edition) pp. 54, 55. 86 Port St. Julian. The "Roteiro" pilot (Stanley, p. 3) says that they reached it on March 31, 1520, and places it in 499 20' south latitude. Albo (Navarrete, iv., p. 214) says: "We went to a port called San Julian, where we entered the last day of March, and where we stayed until the day of St. Bartholomew. The said port lies in a latitude of 49 and twothirds degrees. We pitched the ships in that port." Other writers give slightly different locations (see Mosto, p. 57, note 5). Antonio Brito, the Portuguese, whose MS. is preserved in the Torre do Tombo at Lisbon, writes in 1523 to the king of Portugal certain news obtained from some of the men of the Trinidad. His information as might be expected, is at times faulty. Of Port St. Julian, he says: "They coasted along shore until they reached a river called San Juan where they wintered for four months." 87 MS. 5,650 adds: "jumping up and down." The only reference made to the Patagonians by Albo is as follows: "Many Indians came 173

Page  174 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY there, who dress in certain skins of the anta, which resemble camels without the hump. They have certain bows made from cane, which are very small and resemble turkish bows. The arrows also resemble Turkish arrows, and are tipped with flint instead of iron. Those Indians are very prudent, swift runners, and very well-built and well-appearing men." (Navarrete, iv, pp. 214, 215). Cf. with Pigafetta's account that given by Maximilianus Transylvanus, in Vol. I, pp. 303-337. s8 MS. 5,650 reads: "he began to marvel and to be afraid." 89 Guillemard, who follows the Amoretti edition, translates (p. 180) this passage: "His hair was short and colored white," but this translation is borne out by neither the Italian MS. nor MS. 5,650. Guillemard presents a picture of a Patagonian, as does also Wilkes (FNarrative of U.S. Exploring Expedition, 1838-1842), i, facing p. 95. The latter describes Indians, whom the officers of the expedition thought to be Patagonians, and who were taller than average Europeans, as follows: "They had good figures and pleasant looking countenances, low foreheads, and high cheekbones, with broad faces, the lower part projecting; their hair was coarse and cut short on the crown leaving a narrow border of hair hanging down; over this they wore a kind of cap or band of skin or woolen yarn. The front teeth of all of them were very much worn, more apparent, however, in the old than in the young. On one foot they wore a rude skin sandal. Many of them had their faces painted in red and black stripes, with clay. soot, and ashes. Their whole appearance, together with their inflamed and sore eyes was filthy and disgusting." They showed that they had had previous communication with white men. Their food was fish and shellfish, and they carried bows and arrows and had dogs. Brinton (American Race, New York, 1891) says that "The Patagonians call themselves Chonek or Tzoneca, or Inaken (men, people), and by their Pampean neighbors are referred to as Tehuel-Che, southerners." Many of them are "from six to six feet four inches in height, and built in proportion. In color they are a reddish brown, and have aquiline noses and good foreheads." Ramon Lista (Viage al pais de los Tehuel-Ches) gives the average height of the Patagonians as 1.854 m, and hence the early accounts of their great stature are greatly exaggerated (Mosto, p. 57, note 6). See also the description of the Patagonians in the "Roteiro" (Stanley p. 5), and World encompassed by Sir Francis Drake (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 40, 56-61 (where the origin of the name "Patagonian" is wrongly given). 90 The guanaco, a species of llama. See also Vol. II, p. 34, note 5.* 91 Hence arose the name "Patagonians" or "men with big feet," given by Magalhaes, because of the awkward appearance of the feet in such coverings, which were stuffed with straw for greater warmth. 92 The words "somewhat thicker than those of a lute" are lacking in MS. 5,650. 93 This sentence is omitted by MS. 5,650. 94 Eden (p. 251) says "two," and following says that Magalhaes gave the giant "certeyne haukes belles and other great belles, with also a lookynge glasse, a combe, and a payre of beades of glasse." 174

Page  175 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 95 MS. 5,650 adds: "on the face." 96 MS. 5,650 omits "face". 97 "For the smiths" is omitted by MS. 5,650. 98 Maximilianus Transylvanus says that only one Patagonian was captured, but that he died shortly from self-starvation (Vol. I, ppl 314, 315). The "Roteiro" says (Stanley, p. 5) that three or four were captured, but all died except one, who went to Spain in the San Antonio. Pigafetta's account, as given by an eyewitness, is to be preferred. 99 MS. 5,650 reads: "for otherwise they could have caused some of our men trouble." Below Stanley (p. 53) again mistranslates the French "forces" as "forks". 100 MS. 5,650 adds: "of malefactors," and reads farther: "and their faces lighted up at seeing those manacles." 101 M.S. 5,650 reads: "and they grieved that they could not take the irons with their hands, for they were hindered by the other things that they were holding." Eden (p. 252) says at the end of his account of the capture: "Being thus taken, they were immediately separate and put in sundry shyppes." 102 MS. 5,650 adds: "that is, the big devil." Arber in his introduction to The first three English books on America says that Shakespeare had access to The decades of the newe worlde of Eden, and created the character of Caliban (who invokes Setebos) in the Tempest from the description of the Patagonian giants. See also World encompassed by Sir Francis Drake (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 48, for mention of the god Settaboth. 103 MS. 5,650 reeds: "the wife of one of the giants who had remained behind in irons." 104 MS. 5,650 makes this plural. 105 See ante, note 103. 106 This word is omitted in MS. 5,650. 107 MS. 5,650 adds: "in their language." 108 MS. 5,650 omits this sentence. 109 MS. 5,650 reads: "instead of taking medicine." See Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue) for examples of medicine and surgery as practised by the North American Indians. 110 MS. 5,650 reads "two feet or so." Il MS. 5.650 reads "cut short and shaven like religious." Hans Stade also notices the tonsure among the Indians who captured him (see Captivity of Hans Stade, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 136-138, and note, from which it appears that this manner of wearing the hair, was practiced among many Tupi tribes). 112 Stanley (p. 55) does not translate this sentence, but gives the original from MS. 5,650. 113 In MS. 5,650 this sentence reads as follows: "They seem to be painted, and one of those enemies is taller than the others, and makes a greater noise and gives expression to greater joy than the others." 114 Mosto (p. 59) mistranscribes or misprints "Setebas." Roncagli (Da punta arenas a Santo Cruz, in "Bollettino della Societa geografica 175

Page  176 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY italiana," 1884, p. 775) says that the Patagonians sacrificed to an evil spirit called "Wal.lichu." Brinton, ut supra, p. 328, says: "They are not without some religious rites, and are accustomed to salute the new moon, and at the beginning of any solemn undertaking to puff the smoke of their pipes to the four cardinal points, just as did the Algonquins and Iroquois." 115 See ante, note 91. Stanley mistranscribes "Pataghoni" of MS. 5,650 as "Palaghom." 116 A reference to the gypsies who had made their appearance in Italy as early as 1422, where they practiced various deceptions upon the credulous people. The name "Cingani" or Zingari, as they are generally called in Italy, comes from the Greek word raoyxavot, by which they were called by Byzantine writers of the ix-xii centuries; the same name appearing also in slightly different forms in Turkey, Bulgaria, Roumania, Hungary, Bohemia, and Germany. Their ancestral home was probably in northwestern India. whence they emigrated in succcessive waves. In many countries extreme and harsh measures were taken against them, especially in Germany, where they had appeared as early as 1417. They were never allowed a foothold in France, but have become a significant part of the population in Russia, Hungary, and Spain. In the latter country, where they are called Gitanos (Egyptians), in spite of many severe laws passed against them until the reign of Carlos III, they continued, more fortunate than the Jews, to thrive. They are mentioned by Cervantes in his Don Quixote (pt. i, cap. xxx). but the name Gitano had first appeared in a Spanish document of 1499, where their customs are described. The few in Italy have been allowed to remain, and those in the Slavic countries and England were generally treated kindly. Their language is Aryan and was highly inflected; and while they have been given many names by the nations among whom they have lived, their own appellation is "Rom" "the man." See New International Encyclopedia (New York, 1903). 117 MS. 5,650 reads: "capae"; but Stanley has mistranscribed "capac." 118 Albo (Navarrete iv, p. 215), the "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 4), Transylvanus and Oviedo (Mosto, p. 59, note 3) give the date of departure from Port San Julian August 24, 1520; but the second errs in giving 5-1/2 instead of 4-1/2 months for the period for which the fleet remained there. Peter Martyr places the date of departure as August 21. Castanheda, who gives the same date says that the name "St. Julian" or "of the ducks" was given to that bay which he calls a river. Barros gives the date of arrival as Atril 2, and says that the place was called "river of Sao Juliao." See Mosto, ut supra. 119 A portion of the passage relating to the attempted mutiny reads as follows in MS. 5,650: "However the treason was discovered, and as a consequence the treasurer was killed by a dagger and then quartered. Gaspar de Casada was beheaded and then quartered. The overseer trying shortly after to lead another mutiny, was banished together with a priest and set ashore on that land of Pathagonia." The Italian MS. is badly 176

Page  177 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY confused, while the above is more in accordance with the facts, and shows the hand of the translator and adapter. Eden (p. 252) says of the attempted mutiny: 'They remayned fyue monethes in this porte of Sainte Iulian, where certeyne of the vnder capitaynes conspirynge the death of theyr general, were hanged and quartered: Amonge whom the treasurer Luigo of Mendozza was one. Certeyne of the other conspirators, he left in the sayd land of Patogoni." See the short account of the mutiny given by Transylvanus in Vol. I, p. 317, and the account given in the same volume, pp. 297, 299. The Roteiro (Stanley, p. 3) says that three of the ships revolted against Magalhaes "saying that they intended to take him to Castile in arrest, as he was taking them all to destruction;" but Magalhaes subdued the mutiny by the aid of the foreigners with him. Mendoza was killed by Espinosa the chief constable of the fleet, and Gaspar Quesada was beheaded and quartered. Alvaro de Mesquita, Magalhaes's cousin, is wrongly reported to have been given command of one of the ships of those killed, but the command of the San Antonio that had previously been given to Antonio de Coca, after Magalhaes had deprived Cartagena of it, had been given him before the real outbreak of the mutiny. The narrative of the mutiny as given by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, pp. 34-38) which was compiled mainly from documents presented in the same volume and from Herrera, is as follows: "March 31, the eve of Palm Sunday, Magallanes entered the port of San Julian, where he intended to winter, and consequently ordered the rations to be served by measure. In view of that and of the barrenness and cold of the country, the men asked Magallanes by various arguments to increase the rations or turn back, since there was no hope of finding the end of that country or any strait. But Magallanes replied that he would either die or accomplish what he had promised; that the king had ordered the voyage which he was to accomplish; and that he had to sail until he found that land or some strait which must surely exist; that in regard to the food, they had no reason to complain, since that bay had an abundance of good fish, good water, many game birds, and quantities of wood, and that bread and wine had not failed them, nor would fail them if they would abide by the rule regarding rations. Among other observations, he exhorted and begged them not to be found wanting in the valorous spirit which the Castilian nation had manifested and showed daily in greater affairs; and offering them corresponding rewards in the king's name. By such means did he quiet the men. "April 1, Palm Sunday, Magallanes summoned all his captains, officers, and pilots to go ashore to hear mass and afterward to dine in his ship. Alvaro de la Mezquita, Antonio de Coca, and all the men went to hear mass. Louis de Mendoza, Gaspar de Quesada, and Juan de Cartagena (the latter because he was a prisoner in Quesada's keeping) did not go, however; and Alvaro de la Mezquita alone went to dine with Magallanes. "During the night, Gaspar de Quesada and Juan de Cartagena with about thirty armed men of the ship Concepcion went to the San Antonio, where Quesada requested that the captain, Alvaro de la Mezquita, be surrendered to him, and told the crew of the ship to seize it, as they had al 177

Page  178 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD ready done with the Concepcion and Victoria. [He said] that they already knew how Magallanes had treated and was treating them, because they had asked him to fulfill the king's orders; that they were lost men; and that they should help him make another request of Magallanes, and if necessary, seize him. Juan de Elorriaga, the master of the San Antonio, spoke in favor of his captain, Alvaro de la Mezquita, saying to Gaspar de Quesada: 'I summon you, in God's name and that of the king, Don Carlos, to go to your ship, for the present is no time to go through the ships with armed men; and I also summon you to release our captain.' Thereupon Quesada replied: 'Must our deed remain unaccomplished because of this madman?' and drawing his dagger stabbed him four times in the arm, thus overawing the men. Mezquita was kept prisoner, Elorriaga was cared for, Cartagena went to the ship Concepcion, while Quesada remained in the San Antonio. Thus were Quesada, Cartagena, and Mendoza masters of the three ships, San Antonio, Concepcion, and Victoria. "Thereupon, they sent a message to Magallanes to the effect that they held three ships and the small boats of all five at their disposal in order to require him to fulfill his Majesty's provision. They said that they had done that in order that he might no longer illtreat them as he had done hitherto. If he would agree to fulfill his Majesty's orders, they would obey his commands, and [said] that if they had thitherto treated him as a superior, they would thenceforth treat him as a master, and would be most respectful to him. "Magallanes sent word to them to come to his ship, where he would hear them and do what was proper. They answered that they did not dare come lest he illtreat them, but that he should go to the ship San Antonio, where they would all assemble and decide definitely on what the king's orders commanded. "Magallanes believing that boldness was more useful than meekness in the face of such actions, determined to employ craft and force together. He kept the small boat of the ship San Antonio which was used for those negotiations, at his ship; and sent the alguacil, Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, in the skiff belonging to his ship, to the Victoria, with six men armed secretly and a letter for the treasurer, Luis de Mendoza, in which he told the latter to come to the flagship. While the treasurer was reading the letter and smiling as if to say 'You don't catch me that way," Espinosa stabbed him in the throat, while another sailor stabbed him at the same instant on the head so that he fell dead. Magallanes, being a man with foresight, sent a boat under command of Duarte Barbosa, sobresaliente of the Trinidad with fifteen armed men, who entering the Victoria flung the banner to the breeze without any resistance. That happened on April 2. Then the Victoria approached the flagship, and they together immediately approached the Santiago. "On the following day, the San Antonio and the Concepcion which were held by Quesada and Cartagena tried to put to sea, but it was necessary for them to pass close to the flagship which stood farthest out. The San Antonio raised two anchors, and being in danger with one, Quesada determined to free Alvaro de la Mezquita, whom he held a prisoner 178

Page  179 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD in his ship, in order to send him to Magallanes to arrange peace between them. Mesquita, however, told him that nothing would be obtained. Final. ly, they arranged that when they set sail, Mesquita should station himself forward and ask Magallanes as they approached his ship, not to fire and that they would anchor provided affairs would be settled favorably. "Before setting sail in the San Antonio, where they were endangered, as it was night and the crew were asleep, the ship dragged and ran foul of the flagship. The latter discharged some large and small shots and men leaped aboard the San Antonio crying, 'For whom are you?' they responding, 'For the king, our sovereign, and your Grace,' surrendered to Magallanes. The latter seized Quesada, the accountant, Antonio de Coca, and other sobresalientes who had gone to the San Antonio with Quesada. Then he sent to the Concepcion for Juan de Cartagena and imprisoned him with them. "Next day Magallanes ordered the body of Mendoza taken ashore and had it quartered, and Mendoza cried as a traitor. On the seventh, he ordered Gaspar de Quesada beheaded and quartered with a like cry. That was done by Quesada's own follower and sobresaliente, Luis de Molino, in order to save himself from hanging, for that sentence had been passed on him. Magallanes sentenced Juan de Cartagena and the lay priest, Pedro Sanchez de la Reina, who had been active in causing the men to mutiny, to be marooned in that country. He pardoned more than forty men, who merited death, as they were needed to work the ships, and so that he might not excite hard feelings by the severity of the punishment." Brito's account of the mutiny (Navarrete, iv, p. 307) is very brief and unsatisfactory: "In that port the captains began to ask him where he was taking them, especially one Juan de Cartagena, who said that he had a royal cedula naming -him as associate with Magallanes, as Rui Falero would also have been, had he been there. Then they tried to rise against Magallanes and kill him, and go back to Castilla or to Rodas. From that point they went to the river of Santa Cruz, where they endeavored to put their plan in execution. But when Magallanes discovered their illconsidered attempt, for the captains said that they would kill him or take him prisoner, he ordered his ship armed and Juan de Cartagena arrested. As soon as the other captains saw their chief arrested they thought no longer of prosecuting their attempt. Magallanes, however, seized them all, for most of the crew were in his favor. He sent the merino or alguacil to kill Luis de Mendoza with his dagger, for the latter refused to be arrested; while he had another named Gaspar Quesada beheaded. When they set sail, he left Juan de Cartagena together with a secular priest ashore at a place where there were no inhabitants." Correa (Stanley, pp. 247-250) gives a different and imperfect account of the meeting. Cf. with these accounts the one given by Guillemard (Magellan), pp. 162-174. When the San Antonio deserted, Esteban Gomez is said to have rescued Cartagena and the priest. Joao Serrao (after the loss of the Santiago) was given command of the Concepcion, Mesquita of the San Antonio, and Duarte Barbosa of the Victoria, all Portuguese (Guille179

Page  180 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY mard, ut supra, p. 179). It is rather singular that Sir Francis Drake should also have faced a mutiny in this same port, where Thomas Doughty was executed. That the history of Magalhaes expedition was generally known is evident from the following: "The next day after, being the twentieth of June, wee harboured ourselues againe in a very good harborough, called by Magellan Port S. Julian, where we found a gibbet standing upon the maine, which we supposed to be the place where Magellan did execution upon some of his disobedient and rebellious company." World encompassed (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 234. 120 MS. 5,650 reads: "twenty-five leagues." 121 Instead of this last phrase, MS. 5,650 reads: "and very little of that." The account of the shipwreck and rescue as given here is very confusing and inadequate. Cf. Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 175-179, and Navarrete, iv, pp. 38, 39. One man was lost, namely, the negro slave of Joao Serrao. The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 4) gives the briefest mention of it. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 307) says: "After this [i.e. the mutiny], they wintered for three months; and Magallanes again ordered the ship Santiago to go ahead in order to explore. The ship was wrecked but all of its crew were saved." Correa's account (Stanley, p. 250) is very short, and mentions that only the hull of the vessel was lost. 122 Mosto (p. 60, note 3) derives this word from the Spanish mejillon, a variety of cockle, which he thinks may be the Mytilus or common mussel. 123 See Vol. II, p. 34, note 5.* 124 Eden (p. 252) says: "52 degree... lackynge a thyrde parte." 125 MS. 5,650 omits: "and the holy bodies," and has in its place: "by His grace." 126 MS. 5,650 omits these last two words. The Italian form braccio is retained in view of these words: for the Spanish braza is a measure about equivalent to the English fathom, while the braccio, although varying in different cities, is near three palmos (spans) in length. The term is, however, translated brasse ("fathom") in MS. 5,650. Mosto (p. 60, note 8), conjectures this fish to be the Eliginus maclovinus. Of this fish, Theodore Gill, the well-known ichthyologist, says in a letter of May 22, 1905: "The Italian editor gave a shrewd guess in the suggestion that the fish in question was what was formerly called Eliginus maclovinus. The only vulgar name that I have been able to find for it is 'robalo' and this name is applied to it by the Spanish-speaking people of both sides of South America. Like most popular names, however, it is very misleading. 'Robalo' is the Spanish name for the European bass, which is nearly related to our striped bass or rock bass. To that fish the robalo of South America has no affinity or real resemblance, and belongs to a very different family peculiar to the southern hemisphere - the Nototheniids. The socalled Eliginus maclovinus (properly, Eliginops maclovinus) is the most common and widely distributed species and probably the one obtained by the fleet of Magalhaes." 127 Of the river Santa Cruz and the stay there, Albo (Navarrete, iv. p. 215) says: "We left that place [i.e., Port San Julian) on the 24th of 180

Page  181 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD the said month [of August] and coasted along to the southwest by west. About 30 leguas farther on, we found a river named Santa Cruz, which we entered on the 26th of the same month. We stayed there until the day of San Lucas, the 18th of the month of October. We caught many fish there and got wood and water. That coast extends northeast by east and southwest by west, and is an excellent coast with good indentations." The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 4) places the river Santa Cruz twenty leagues from San Julian and in about 50. That narrative says that the four remaining boats continued to pick up the wreckage of the Santiago until September 18. The name Santa Cruz was said to have been given to the river because they entered it on September 14, the day of the exaltation of the holy cross (see Stanley, p. 4, note 4, and Mosto, p. 60, note 7), but Kohl (Mosto, ut supra) attributes the name to Joao Serrao who was near that river on May 3, 1520, the day on which the church celebrates the feast of the finding of the holy cross. Navarrete (iv, p. 41) cites Herrera as authority for an eclipse of the sun that happened while at this river on October 11, 1520. Guillemard (ut supra, pp. 187, 188) is disinclined to believe the report, although he mentions an annular eclipse of the sun on October 20, 1520, which was however not visible in Patagonia. Navarrete (ut supra) says that Magalhaes gave instructions to his captains here "saying that he would follow those coasts until finding a strait or the end of that continent, even if he had to go to a latitude of 759; that before abandoning that enterprise, the ships might be twice unrigged; and that after that he would go in search of Malucho toward the east and east northeast, by way of the cape of Buena Esperanza and the island of San Lorenzo." A new chapter begins at this point in MS. 5,650, being simply headed "chapter." 128 The anonymous Portuguese who accompanied Duarte Barbosa says 539 30'; Barros, 52Q 56'; Elcano, 549; and Albo, 529 30'. Mosto, p. 60, note 9. 129 MS. 5,650 has the words in brackets. 130 Eden (p. 252) says of the strait: "they founde the straight nowe cauled he straight of Magellanus, beinge in sum place c.x. leagues in length: and in breadth sumwhere very large and in other places lyttle more than halfe a league in bredth." Stanley (p. 57) is uncertain of the French et quasi autant de largeur moins de demye lieue, which is (translated freely) simply "something like almost a half-league wide." The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 7) says that the channel "at some places has a width of three leagues, and two, and one, and in some places half a league." Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 320) gives the width as two, three, five, or ten Italian miles; Gomara, two leagues or so; Barros, one league at the mouth, and the strait, from a musket or cannon shot to one and one half leagues; Castanheda, at the mouth as wide as two ships close together, then opening up to one league; Peter Martyr, a sling-shot's distance in places. (Mosto, p. 61, note 2.) 131 Proise or Proi (proy, proic) is an ancient Catalonian word meaning the "bow moorings;" Cf. Jal, Glossaire nautique (Mosto, p. 61, note 3). 181

Page  182 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY The old Spanish word is "prois," which signifies both the thing to which the ship is moored ashore, and the rope by which it is moored to the shore. 132 This passage is as follows in MS. 5,650: "The said strait was a circular place surrounded with mountains (as I have said), and the majority of the sailors thought that there was no exit from it into the said Pacific Sea. But the captain-general declared that there was another strait which led out, and that he knew that well, for he had seen it on a marine chart of the king of Portugal. That map had been made by a renowned sailor and pilot, named Martin de Boesme. The said captain sent two of his ships forward - one named the Sainct Anthoine, and the other the Conception - in order that they might look for and discover the exit from the said strait, which was called the cape de la Baya." Martin de Behaim (Beham, Behem, Behemira, Behen, Boehem, Boehm) was born about 1459 (some say also in 1430 or 1436) of a family originally from Bohemia, in Nuremberg, Germany, and died at Lisbon, July 29, 1506. He was a draper in Flanders, 1477-1479, after which he went to Lisbon (1480) where he became acquainted with Columbus. In 1484 he was chosen geographer of Diego Cam's expedition to Western Africa. On his return, he received the order of knighthood in the military order of Christ of Portugal; after which he went to the island of Fayal in the Azores where he became interested in colonization and agriculture, and married the daughter of the governor. In 1491 he returned to Germany, where he lived at Nuremberg until 1493, and where, at the request of his townsmen, he constructed an immense globe on the information of Ptolemy, Strabo, and others, which contains many errors (see facsimile in Guillemard). In 1493 he returned to Lisbon, and in 1494 to Fayal, where he remained until 1506, when he went to Lisbon. Many myths sprung up about him, such that he had visited America before Columbus and the straits of Magellan before Magalhaes, the latter of whom he may have known at Lisbon. See Rose, New Biographical Dictionary (London, 1848); Grande Encylopedie (Paris, Lamirault et Cie.); and Guillemard, pp. 73, 74. See Guillemard (ut supra, pp. 189-198) for a discussion of knowledge regarding the existence of a straight to the south of the American continent prior to Magalhaes's discovery and passage of it. Guillemard, after weighing the evidence for and against, decides that there may have been a "more or less inexact knowledge of the existence of some antarctic break" that would allow access to the eastern world. 133 Possession Bay, according to Mosto, p. 61, note 5, but Guillemard (pp. 199, 200) thinks it may have been Lomas Bay. 134 Probably Anegada Point to the northwest of Cape Orange. 135 The "First Narrows" or Primera Garganta, just beyond Anegada Point. 136 Lago de los Estrechos, St. Philip's Bay, or Boucant Bay. 137 The "Second Narrows" and Broad Reach. 138 MS. 5,650 does not mention the smoke signals. 139 MS. 5,650 reads: "When near us they suddenly discharged a number of guns, whereat we very joyously saluted them with artillery and cries." 182

Page  183 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 140 The first is the passage east of Dawson Island, which extends to the northeast into Useless Bay and to the southeast into Admiralty Sound. The second opening was the passage between the western side of Dawson Island and Brunswick Peninsula. 141 Esteban Gomez was an experienced Portuguese navigator and pilot with ambitions only less than those of Magalhaes, his kinsman (Guillemard, p. 203). His desertion occurred probably in the first part of November and was perhaps directly due to pique at what he considered lack of appreciation from Magalhaes. Conspiring with Geronimo Guerra, the notary, who was elected captain of the San Antonio they made off with that ship, and after imprisoning Alvaro de Mesquita, returned to Spain, anchoring at Sevilla May 6, 1521. There Gomez was imprisoned after the return of the Victoria, but was liberated, and in 1524 proposed an expedition to discover a northwest passage. An expedition having been fitted out by Carlos I, he coasted Florida and the eastern coast as far as Cape Cod, and returned to Spain in 1525. See Grande Encyclopedie; Navarrete, iv, pp. 42-45, and 201-208; and Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 203-205. Brito's story of the exploration of the strait and the loss of the San Antonio (Navarrete, iv, pp. 307, 308) is as follows: "They left that place [i.e, the river of Santa Cruz] on October 20, and went to enter a strait of which they had no knowledge. The entrance of the strait extends for about 15 leguas; and after they had entered, it seemed to them that it was all land-locked, and they accordingly anchored there. Magallanes sent a Portuguese pilot name Juan Carballo ashore with orders to ascend a mountain in order to ascertain whether there was any outlet. Carballo returned saying that it appeared lank-locked to him. Thereupon Magallanes ordered the ships San Antonio and the Concepcion to go in advance in order to explore the strait. After having gone ahead for about 30 leguas, they returned to tell Magallanes that the river went farther but that they could not tell where it would take them. Upon receiving that information Magallanes weighed anchor with all three ships, and advanced along the strait until reaching the point to which the others had explored. Then he ordered the San Antonio of which Alvaro de Mesquita, his cousin, was captain, and Esteban Gomez, a Portuguese pilot, to go ahead and explore a southern channel that opened in the strait. That ship did not return to the others and it is not known whether it returned to Castilla or whether it was wrecked. Magallanes proceeded with his remaining ships until he found an exit." Correa's account of the desertion of the San Antonio is as usual with him, inadequate, and evidently based on hearsay evidence (see Stanley, p. 250). 142 Literally "brother;" but to be understood probably as the expression cugino germano, "cousin german." 143 MS. 5,650 begins this sentence as follows: "But that ship lost its time, for the other." 144 Guillemard (p. 206) conjectures from the records of Albo, Pigafetta, and Herrera that the river of Sardines is Port Gallant which is located on the Brunswick Peninsula, opposite the Charles Islands. Albo 183

Page  184 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY (Navarrete, iv, p. 215) says that after taking the course to the northwest they sailed about 15 leagues before anchoring. 145 Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 216) says that the two capes at the exit of the strait were called Fermosa and Deseado, this latter being Cape Pillar (See Guillemard, map facing p. 198). 146 MS. 5,650 adds: "which were on the other side." 147 Joao Serrao, the brother of Magalhaes's staunchest friend Francisco Serrao, and a firm supporter of the great navigator. Pigafetta errs in calling him a Spaniard (see p. 183), though he may have become a naturalized Spaniard, since the register speaks of him as a citizen of Sevilla. One document (Navarrete, iv, p. 155) calls him a Portuguese pilot, and Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) a Castilian. He was an experienced navigator and captain, and had served under Vasco da Gama, Almeida, and Albuquerque. Vasco da Gama (on his second voyage, 1502-1503) made him captain of the ship Pomposa which was built in Mozambique where he was left to attend to Portuguese affairs. On this expedition he saw the coast of Brazil for the first time, for Vasco da Gama's fleet, ere doubling the Cape of Good Hope, crossed to the Brazilian coast, which they followed as far as Cape Santo Agostinho. He fought bravely in the battle of Cananor under Almeida (March 16, 1506, in which Magalhaes also participated.) He was chief captain of three caravels in August, 1510, in Eastern water, and was in Java seas in 1512, but must have returned to Portugal soon after that, for he was there in 1513; although he seems to have been appointed clerk at the fortress of Calicut in the latter year. He embarked with Magalhaes as captain and pilot of the Santiago, but after the wreck of that vessel near port San Julian was given command of the Concepcion, in which he later explored the strait. Failing to dissuade Magalhaes from attacking the natives of Matan, he became commander, with Duarte Barbosa, of the fleet at Magalhaes's death, and was murdered by the Cebuans after the treacherous banquet given by them to the fleet. See Guillemard (ut supra), and Stanley's Three voyages of Vasco da Gama (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1869). 148 MS. 5,650 reads as follows. "Such was the method ordered by the captain from the beginning, in order that the ship that happened to become separated from the others might rejoin the fleet." Then it adds: "Thereupon the crew of the said ship did what the captain had ordered them and more, for they set two banners with their letters," etc. 149 The island of Santa Magdalena (Mosto, p. 62, note 11). 150 According to Guillemard the river of Isleo (or "of Islands") is located on Brunswick Peninsula, and is identified with the port of San Miguel, just east of the "River of Sardines"; the island where the cross was planted would be one of the Charles Islands. 151 The "Roteiro"' (Stanley, p. 3) mentions that the day at the port of San Julian was about seven hours long; while the anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 30) says that the sun only appeared for some "four hours each day" in June and July. Transylvanus says the nights in the strait were not longer than five hours. 184

Page  185 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 152 MS. 5,650 adds: "which is the collateral wind between the east and south." 153 MS. 5,650 adds: "and anchorages." 154 Various kinds of these umbellifercus parsley plants are still to be found in Patagonia, where they are highly esteemed (Mosto, p. 63, note 3). 155 MS. 5,650 reads: "I do not believe that there is a more beautiful country or a better strait than that." See Albo's description of the strait, in Vol I, pp. 264-265; that of Transylvanus, Vol. I, pp. 319-321; and that in World encompassed (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 236-237 (this last account also mentioning the difficulty of finding water sufficiently shallow for anchoring). The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the strait was called the "Strait of Victoria, because the ship Victoria was the first that had seen it: some called it the Strait of Magalhaens because our captain was named Fernando de Magalhaens." Castanheda says that Magalhaes gave it the name of "bay of All Saints" because it was discovered on November 1; and San Martin in his reply to Magalhaes's request for opinions regarding the continuance of the expedition calls it "channel of All Saints:" but this name was first applied to only one gulf or one branch and later extended to the entire channel. This name is found in the instructions given for the expedition of Sebastian Cabot in 1527, and in the map made that same year at Sevilla by the Englishman Robert Thorne. Sarmiento de Gamboa petitioned Felipe II that it be called "strait of the Mother of God." It was also called "strait of Martin Behaim." The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the strait is 400 miles long. The "Roteiro" (Stanley, pp. 7, 8) says that it is 100 leagues in length and that in traversing it, they "sailed as long as it was daylight, and anchored when it was night." Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 320) gives the length as 100 Spanish miles; Oviedo, 100 or 110 leagues; Herrera, 100 leagues, and twenty days to navigate; Gomara, 110 to 120 leagues; Peter Martyr, 110 leagues. See Mosto, p. 60, note 10, and p. 62, note 2 and ante, note 130. 156 These fish are: a species of Coryphaena; the Thymnus albacora, and the Thymnus plamys. 157 From the Spanish golondrina, the sapphirine gurnard or tubfish (Trigla hirundo). 158 MS. 5,650 reads: "one foot or more." 159 At this point in the original Italian MS. which ends a page, occurs the heading of the following page Sequitur Vocabuli pataghoni, that is, "Continuation of Patagonian words." 160 Literally: "for the nature of women." 161 MS. 5,650 presents the following differences in the list of Patagonian words from the Italian MS. Eyes ather Shoulders peles Eyelashes occhechl Penis scachet Lips schiane Testicles scaneos Hair ajchir Rump schiachen Throat ohumer Arm mar 185

Page  186 JOURNAL OF' THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY Pulse ohon To eat mecchiere Legs choss To look conne Feet teche To walk rhei Heel there Ship theu Sole of the foot cartscheni To run haim Fingernails colini Ostrich eggs jan To scratch ghecare The powder Young man calemi of the herb Water oli which they eat capae Smoke jaiche Red cloth terechai We chen Black amel Yes zei Red theiche Petre lazure secheghi To cook jrecoles Sun calexcheni A goose chache Their little devils Cheleult In the above list, chen corresponds in the Italian MS. to ehen, the equivalent of "no;" theu is "ship" in the above, and "snow" in the Italian; courire (the equivalent of covrire or coprire, "to cover") in the Italian, becomes courir ("to run") in MS. 5,650. All are to be regarded as errors of the French. Certain words are left in Italian in MS. 5,650, which are as follows: la copa; alcalcagno; (Italian MS. al calcagno); homo squerzo (Italian MS. sguerco); a la pignate (Italian MS. pigniata); alstruzzo vcelo (Italian MS. al seruzo ucelo); and alcocinare (Italian MS. al cocinare). Stanley offers this as proof that MS. 5,650 was written by Pigafetta, and not translated from his Italian, but it furnishes no evidence that Pigafetta even saw the French version of his relation. It must be remembered that Stanley did not himself see the Italian MS. but only the Amoretti mutilation of it (from which, and from MS. 5,650, he reproduces the vocabulary, without English translation), and hence bases his observations on that and the conjectures of its editor. Stanley points out the fact that Amoretti has omitted several words of this list, but they are all in the Italian MS. A sad blunder has been made by Stanley in his transcription of La pouldre dherbe qui mangent whose Patagonian equivalent is capac. He transcribes as follows: la pouldre d'herbe with Patagonian equivalent qui (which it is to be noted is only the wrong form of the French relative), and mangent with Patagonian equivalent capac, explaining mangent in a footnote as "Food, the root used as bread." Stanley also makes the following mistranscriptions: orescho for orescho ("nostrils"); canneghin for caimeghin ("palm of the hand"); ochy for ochii ("bosom"); scancos for scaneos ("testicles"); hou for hoii ("buttocks"); ohoy for ohon ("pulse"); cartschem for cartscheni ("sole of the foot"); chol for thol ("heart"); om for oni ("wind"); aschame for aschanie ("earthen pot"); oamaghei for oamaghce ("to fight"); amet for amel ("black"); and ixecoles for jrocoles ("to cook"). Amoretti has also made many errors (see Stanley's First Voyage, pp. 62, 63). Mosto, who is on the whole a faithful transcriber, has sacancos as the Patagonian equivalent of a li testiculi; om jani for a li sui, the correct forms of the latter being jani and a li sui oui; and tcrechai for the equivalent of "red 186

Page  187 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD cloth". Eden (p. 252) gives only the following words: "breade, Capar; water, Oli; redde clothe, Cherecai; red colour, Cheiche; blacke colour, Amel." Mosto (p. 63, note 8) gives the following words from the vocabulary of the Tehuel-Ches compiled by the second lieutenant of the ship Roncagli, which correspond almost exactly with those given by Pigafetta. English Roncagli Pigafetta Nose or or eye 6thel other hand tzen chene ear sha sane ostrich 6yue hoi hoi Brinton (American Race, p. 328) cites Ramon Lista (Mis exploraciones y descubrimientos en Patagonia, Buenos Ayres, 1880) in proof that the language of the Patagonians has undergone but slight change since the time of Pigafetta. See also list of words in Brinton (ut supra) p. 364, from the Patagonian and Fuegian languages. The vocabularies given by Horatio Hale (Wilke's U. S. Exploring Expedition, 1838-1842, Philadelphia, 1846, viii, pp. 651-656) bear no resemblance to Pigafetta's vocabulary. Hale says that guttural sounds are frequent among the Indians of the Patagonian district. 162 MS. 5,650 reads: "capae." 163 Cf. with the methods of fire-making used by the North American Indians in Jesuit Relations and Allied Documents (Cleveland reissue); see also Captivity of Hans Stade (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 126. At this point (folio 14a) in the original Italian MS. occurs the first chart, representing the straits of Magellan (see p. 86). The cardinal points in all of Pigafetta's chart are the reverse of the ordinary, the north being below and the south above. MS. 5,650 precedes this chart (which there occupies folio 2 a) by the words: "Below is depicted the strait of Patagonie." Immediately following this chart in the Italian MS. (folio 15a) is the chart of the Ysole Infortunate ("Unfortunate Isles;" see p. 92). These islands are shown in MS. 5,650 on folio 23a, with the following notice: "Here are shown the two islands called 'Unfortunate Islands.'" The charts in the Italian MS. are brown or dull black on a blue ground. 164 The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 9) says that Magalhaes left the strait November 26 (having entered it October 21); the anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) and Peter Martyr (Mosto, p. 65, note I), November, 27. 165 MS. 5,650 reads: "And we ate only biscuits that had fallen to powder, which was quite full of worms, and stank from the filth of the urine of rats that covered it, and of which the good had been eaten." Eden (p. 252) reads: "And hauynge in this tyme consumed all theyr bysket and other vyttales, they fell into suche necessitie that they were inforced to eate the pouder that remayned thereof beinge nowe full of 187

Page  188 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY woormes and stynkynge lyke pysse by reason of the salte water." Herrera (Navarrete, iv, p. 51) says that the rice was cooked with salt water. 166 A curious coincidence in view of Magalhaes's answer to Esteban -Gomez at a council called in the strait to discuss the continuance of the voyage that "although he had to eat the cowhide wrappings of the yardarms, he would still persevere and discover what he had promised the emperor" (Navarette, iv, p. 43; cited from Herrera). At that council Andre de San Martin, pilot in the San Antonio, advised that they continue explorations until the middle of January, 1521, and then return to Spain; and urged that no farther southward descent be made, and that navigation along so dangerous coasts be only by day, in order that the crew might have some rest (Navarrete, iv, pp. 45-49). 167 MS. 5,650 reads: "enough of them." 168 This was the scurvy. Navarrete (iv, p. 54) following a document conserved in Archivo general de Indias, says that only eleven men died of scurvy during the voyage from the strait to the Ladrones. 169 The anonymous Portuguese says (Stanley, p. 31) that after sailing west and northwest for 9,858 miles, the equator was reached. At the line ("Roteiro", Stanley, p. 9), Magalhaes changed the course in order to strike land north of the Moluccas, as "he had information that there were no provisions" there. 170 MS. 5,650 reads: "It is well named Pacific." 171 MS. 5,650 adds: "which is a large fish called tiburoni." The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the Unfortunate Islands were met before the line was reached and were eight hundred miles distant from one another. One was called St. Peter (in 189) and the other the island of Tiburones (in 149). Transylvanus (Vol. I, p. 321), Herrera, and Oviedo, say that the three vessels stopped two days at those islands for supplies, but Albo's journal (Navarrete, iv, p. 218) indicates that no stop was made there. The "Roteiro' (Stanley, p. 9), gives the latitude of these islands as 189 or 19~ and 139 or 149. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 218) says that the first was discovered January 24 in 169 15', and was called San Pablo, because that was the date of St. Paul's conversion; and the island of Tiburones was discovered February 4, in 109 40', at distance of 99 (sic) from the former. Eden (p. 253) says that the second island lay in 59. These two islands were probably Pukapuka (the Honden Eyland of the Dutch atlases) of the Tuamotu group, located in latitude 149 45' south, and longitude 1389 48' west; and Flint Island of the Manihiki group, located in latitude 11~ 20' south and longitude 1519 48' west. The latter is still uninhabited, but the former contains a population of over four hundred. See ante, note 163. See Guillemard, p. 220, and Mosto, p. 65, note 6. 172 MS. 5,650 reads: "now at the stern, now at the windward side, or otherwise." Amoretti changes this passage completely, reading: "According to our measurement of the distance that we made with the chain astern, we ran from sixty to seventy leagues daily." Many basing themselves on this passage of Amoretti, have believed that the log was in use at the time of the first circumnavigation. Dr. Breusing (Die Catena 188

Page  189 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD a poppa bei Pigafetta und die Logge, in "Zeitchrift der Gesellschaft fiir Erdkunde zu Berlin," 1869, iv, pp. 107-115) believes that the "ster chain (catena poppa) is not the log properly so-called, but an instrument for determining the angle of the ship's leeway, an opinion accepted also by Gelcich in his La scoperta d'America e Cristoforo Colombo nella letteratura moderna (Gorizia, 1890). L'Vzielle (Studi bibliogr. e biogr. sulla storia della geogr. in Italia, Roma, 1875, part ii, introduction, pp. 294-296), combats that opinion, as well as the idea that the log is meant. The difficulty of the passage, he says, hinges on the word ho and whether it is interpreted as a verb or a conjuction. If it be a conjunction then the passage means "estimating by sight, the rate of the ship from the 'bow catena,' or 'at the stem' ('catena' being a beam perpendicular to the ship's axis at the point near the bow where it begins to curve inward; that is, at such a point that from that place to the stern, the direction of the apparent way is parallel to the longitudinal axis of the ship) his ship made fifty, sixty or seventy leagues." One might suppose, if ho be regarded as a verb, that Pigafetta called catena a cross beam of the stern (the passage reading "the catena that was at the stern"); or that the disjunctive ho, "or" is used in place of e, "and," and that Pigafetta, dividing the distance between the stern and the bow catena by the time necessary for a fixed point of the sea to pass from the elevation of the bow to that of the ster, thus deduced the ship's rate. See Mosto, p. 66, note I, L'Vzielli's opinion is the most probable, for although the log is mentioned by Purchas as early as 1607, its use did not become general until 1620. An instrument used to measure the rates of vessels is mentioned as early as 1577, but it was very defficient. 173 The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 6) says that this cape, which he calls "cape of the virgins" was discovered on October 21, 1520, and lay in latitude about 529 south. Barros says that it was discovered on October 20; and Transylvanus and Oviedo, on November 27. See Mosto, p. 61, note I. 174 Regarding the reckonings Eden says: "In so much that it was necessarie to helpe the needle with the lode stone (commonly cauled the adamant) before they could saile therwith, bycause it moued not as it doothe when it is in these owre partes." Eden also gives a cut of the "starres abowt the pole Antartike." The same author also (pp. 277-280) compiles from Amerigo Vespucci and Andreas de Corsali a treatise entitled "Of the Pole Antartike and the stars abowt the same and of the qualitie of the regions and disposition of the Elementes abowt the Equinoctiall line. Also certeyne secreates touching the arte of saylynge." The former says: "The pole Antartike hath nother the great beare nor the lyttle as is seene abowte owre pole. But hath foure starres whiche compasse it abowt in forme of a quadrangle. When these are hydden, there is seene on the lefte syde a bryght Canopus of three starres of notable greatnesse, whiche beinge in the myddest of heauen, representeth this figure." The latter says: "Here we sawe a marueylous order of starres, so that in the parte of Heauen contrary to owre northe pole, to knowe in what place and degree the south pole was, we tooke the day with the soonne, and obserued the nyght with the astrolabie, and saw mani189

Page  190 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY festly twoo clowdes of reasonable bygnesse mouynge abowt the place of the pole continually nowe rysynge and nowe faulynge, so keepynge theyr continuall course in circular mouynge, with a starre euer in the myddest which is turned abowt with them abowte, xi. degrees frome the pole. Aboue these appeareth a marueylous crosse in the myddest of fyue notable starres which compasse it abowt.... This crosse is so fayre and bewtiful, that none other heuenly gne may be compared to it..." These are the Magallanic clouds (Nubecula major and Nubecula minor) and the constellation of the Southern Cross or Crux. The Magellanic clouds resemble portions of the milky way, Nubecula major being visible to the naked eye in strong moonlight and covering about two hundred times the moon's surface, while the Nubecula minor, although visible to the naked eye. dissapears in full moonlight, and covers an area only one-fourth that of the former. They were first observed by the Arabians. The Portuguese pilots probably called them at first "clouds of the cape." (Mosto, p. 66, note 2). The Southern Cross, which resembles a lute rather than a cross, was first erected into a constellation by Royer in 1679, although often spoken of before as a cross. Only one of its five principal stars belongs to the first magnitude. The cross is only 69 in extent north and south and less than that east and west. The second chart of the plate at p. 92 represents the Ladrones Islands and occurs in the Italian MS. at this point (folio 16b). This chart is found on folio 25b in MS. 5,650, and is preceded by the inscription: "The island of the robbers and the style of their boats." 175 MS. 5,650 reads: "During that time of two months and twelve days." 176 Amoretti reads: "three degrees east of Capo Verde." If the cape is meant, the correction is proper, but if the islands, the MS. is correct. See Mosto, p. 67, note 4. 177 Cipangu is Japan, while Sumbdit Pradit may be the island of Antilia, called "Septe citade" on Martin Behaim's globe (Mosto, p. 67, note 5). The locations given by Pigafetta prove that they did not see them, but that he writes only from vague reports. Europe first learned of Japan, near the end of the thirteenth century, through Marco Polo, who had been told in China fabulous tales of the wealth of Zipangu. This word is derived by Marco Polo from the Chinese Dschi-pen-Kui or Dschipon, which the Japanese have transformed into Nippon or Nihon. See Travels of Marco Polo, book iii. ch. ii; and Rein's Japan, p. 4. 178 See Vol. I, pp. 208, 209, 210, 312, 336. 179 MS. 5,650 reads: "sixty." Transylvanus (Vol I, p. 322) names two islands of the Ladrones Inuagana and Acacan, but says that both were uninhabited. Guillemard (ut supra, p. 223) conjectures these names to be identical with Agana in Guam and Sosan in Rota. Hugues (Mosto, p. 67, note 7) believes the first island visited to have been Guam, and his conjecture is undoubtedly correct. 180 MS. 5,650 adds: "called skiff." 181 MS. 5,650 adds: "of the said island." 182 MS. 5,650 has a new unnumbered chapter heading before the following paragraph. 190

Page  191 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 183 This phrase is omitted in MS. 5,650, as is also all the following sentence; but that MS. adds: "We left the said island immediately afterward, and continued our course." This was on March 9, on which day the only Englishman in the fleet, "Master Andrew" of Bristol, died (Guillemard, ut supra, p. 226). 184 Eden (p. 254) says: "two hundreth of theyr boates." 185 MS. 5,650 has a new chapter at this point, although the chapter is unnumbered. When Loaisa's expedition reached the Ladrones, they found still alive a Galician, one of three deserters from Espinosa's ship (see Vol. II, pp. 30, 34, 35, 110). See the reception accorded Legazpi, and a description of one of those islands in 1565, Vol. II, pp. 109-113. The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 9) says that the expedition reached the Ladrones, March 6, 1521 (with which Albo, Navarrete, iv, p. 219 agrees); and that after the theft of the skiff, Magellan landed with fifty or sixty men, burned the whole village, killed seven or eight persons, both men and women; and that supplies were taken aboard. The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) says that the Ladrones, which lay in 10-129 north latitude, were 2,046 miles by the course traveled from the equator. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) says: "Thence [i.e., the Unfortunate Islands] they laid their course westward, and after sailing 500 leguas came to certain islands where they found a considerable number of savages. So many of the latter boarded the vessels that when the men tried to restore order in them, they were unable to get rid of the savages except by lance-thrusts. They killed many savages, who laughed as if it were a cause for rejoicing." 186 MS. 5,650 adds: "or superior." 187 MS. 5,650 reads: "cloth." 188 At this point. MS. 5,650 begins a new sentence, thus: "There are found in that place." 189 MS. 5,650 reads: "Those women." 190 MS. 5,650 makes use of the Italian word store for stuoje or stoje meaning "mats" and explains by adding: "which we call mats." 191 They also (according to Herrera) received the name Las Velas, "the sails" from the lateen-rigged vessels that the natives used (Mosto, p. 67, note 7). See also Vol. XVI, pp. 200-202. 192 In MS. 5,650 this sentence reads as follows: "The pastime of the men and women of the said place and their sport, is to go in their boats to catch those flying fish with fishhooks made of fishbone." 193 Mosto (p. 68, note 5) says that these boats were the fisolere, which were small and very swift oared-vessels, used in winter on the Venetian lakes by the Venetian nobles for hunting with bows and arrows and guns. Amoretti conjectures that Pigafetta means the fusiniere, boats named after Fusine whence people are ferried to Venice. 194 MS. 5,650 reads: "The said boats have no difference between stern and bow." Albo (Navarette, iv, p. 219), in speaking of the boats of the Chamorros, uses almost identically the same expression: "They went both ways, for they could make the stern, bow, and the bow, stern, 191

Page  192 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY whenever they wished." The apparatus described by Pigafetta as belonging to these boats is the outrigger, common to many of the boats of the eastern islands. 195 In the Italian MS. the chart of Aguada ly boni segnaly ("Watering place of good signs"), Zzmal (Samar), Abarien, Humunu, Hyunagan, Zuluam, Cenalo, and Ybusson (q.v., p. 102) follows at this point. It is found on folio 29b of MS. 5,650 and is preceded by the following: "Here is shown the island of Good Signs, and the four islands, Cenalo, Humanghar, Ibusson, and Abarien, and several others." 196 "The tenth of March" in Eden, and the distance of Zamal from the Ladrones is given as "xxx. leagues." Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) says that the first land seen was called Yunagan, "which extended north and had many bays;" and that going south from there they anchored at a small island called Suluan. At the former "we saw some canoes, and went thither but they fled. That island lies in 99 40' north latitude." The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 10) says that the first land seen was in "barely eleven degrees," and that the fleet "went to touch at another further on, which appeared first." Two praus approached a boat sent ashore, whereupon the latter was ordered back, and the praus fled. Thereupon the fleet went to another nearby island "which lies in ten degrees, to which they gave the name of the 'Island of Good Signs', because they found some gold in it." 197 This word is omitted in MS. 5,650. 198 MS. 5,650 reads: "more than one foot long." 199 Since rice is an important staple among all the eastern islands, it is natural that there are different and distinctive names for that grain in the various languages and dialects for all stages of its growth and all its modes of preparation. Thus the Tagalog has words for "green rice," "rice with small heads," "dirty and partly rotten rice," "early rice," "late rice," "cooked rice," and many others. See also U. S. Philippine Gazetteer, pp. 70, 71. 200 MS. 5,650. reads: "In order to explain what manner of fruit is that above named, one must know that what is called 'cochi' is the fruit borne by the palm-tree. Just as we have bread, wine, oil, and vinegar, which are obtained from different things, so those people get the above named substances from those palm-trees alone." See Delgado's Historia, pp. 634-659, for description of the useful cocoa palm; also, U. S. Philippine Gazetteer, pp. 72, 73, 75. 201 MS. 5,650 reads: "along the tree." Practically the method used today to gather the cocoanut wine. See U. S. Philippine Gazetteer, p. 75. 202 In describing the cocoanut palm and fruit, Eden (p. 254) reads: "Vnder this rynde, there is a thicke shell whiche they burne and make pouder thereof and vse it as a remedie for certeyne diseases." He says lower, that the cocoanut milk on congealing "lyeth within the shell lyke an egge." 203 MS. 5,650 reads: "By so doing they last a century." 204 Called "Suluan" by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220). It is a small island southeast of Samar. See ante, note 196. Dr. David P. Barrows 192

Page  193 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD (Census of the Philippines, Washington, 1905, i, p. 413), says that the men from Suluan "were perhaps not typical of the rest of the population which Magellan found sparsely scattered about the coasts of the central islands, but... were almost certainly of the same stock from which the present Visayan people are in the main descended." These natives had probably come, he says, "in successively extending settlements, up the west coast of Mindanao from the Sulu archipelago. 'Suluan' itself means 'Where there are Suluges,' that is, men of Sulu or Jolo." 205 MS. 5,650 adds: "seeing that they were thus well dispositioned." 206 MS. 5,650 adds: "into the sea." 207 Albo calls it (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) the island of Gada (i.e., Aguada, "watering-place") "where we took on water and wood, that island being very free of shoals" (see ante, note 196). This island is now called Homonhon, Jomonjol, or Malhon. Its greatest dimensions are ten miles from northwest to southeast, and five miles from northeast to southwest. It is eleven miles southwest from the nearest point in Samar. It is called "Buenas Sefias" on Murillo Velarde's map. 208 The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 11) says that the archipelago was also called 'Vall Sem Periguo," or "Valley without Peril". The name "Filipinas" was not applied to them until 1542 by Villalobos (see Vol. II, p. 48). 209 Probably the jungle-fowl (Gallus bankiva) which is caught and tamed in large numbers by the natives of the Philippines and still used for crossing with the domestic fowl. See Guillemard (ut supra, p. 228, note I). 210 This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. 211 MS. 5,650 reads: "In his ears, he wore pendants of gold jewels, which they call 'schione.'" 212 MS. adds: "whom he had put ashore on that island that they might recruit their strength." 213 MS. 5,650 reads: "There is another island near the above island, inhabited by people." Mosto says (p. 70, note 6) that picheti is from the Spanish piquete, "a small hole made with a sharp pointed instrument." This custom of piercing the ears is quite general among savage, barbarous, and semi-barbarous peoples. 214 Eden (p. 254) reads: "caphranita that is gentyles." See Vol. III, p. 93, note 29. 215 This word is omitted in MS. 5,650. 216 Our transcript reads facine, and MS. 5,650 fascine, both of which translate "fascines." Mosto reads focine, which is amended by Amoretti to foscine. This latter is probably the same word as fiocina, a "harpoon" or "eel-spear," and hence here a "dart." 217 Stanley failed to decipher this word in MS. 5,650, which is the same as the word in the Italian MS. Mosto, citing Boerio (Dizion. veneziano), says of rizali: "Rizzagio or rizzagnq, 'sweepnet' a fine thickly woven net, which when thrown into rivers by the fisherman, opens, and when near the bottom, closes, and covers and encloses the fish. Rizzagio 193

Page  194 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY is also called that contrivance or net, made in the manner of an inverted cone, with a barrel hoop attached to the circumference as a selvage. It has a hole underneath, through which if the eels in the ponds slyly enter the net, there is no danger of their escape." Fish are caught in the Philippines by various devices - in favorable situations by traps, weirs, corrals of bamboo set along the shore in shallow waters. Various kinds of nets and seines, the hook and line, and also the spear, are also used. See Census of the Philippine Islands (Washington, 1905), iv, p. 533. 218 MS. 5,650 reads: "Hiunanghar." Stanley has mistranscribed "Huinanghar." It is difficult to identify the four islands of Cenalo, Hiunanghan, Ibusson, and Abarien with certainty. Mosto (p. 71, notes) suggests that they may be Dinagat, Cabugan, Gibuson, and Cabalarian. The first three are evidently correct, as those islands would naturally be sighted in the course followed. The last island is shown in Pigaffeta's chart to be north of Malhon, and the probability is that he names and locates it merely from hearsay, and that they did not see it. Its position seems to indicate Manicani rather than Cabalarian. After this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio 21a) follows the chart of the islands of Pozzon, Ticoban, Polon, Baibai and Ceilon (together forming the island of Leyte), Gatighan, Bohol, and Mazzana (sic) (q.v., p. 112). This chart in MS. 5,650 (on folio 36a) is preceded by: "Below is shown the cape of Gatighan and many other islands surround. ing it." 219 Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 220) says: "We departed thence [i.e., from Malhon] and went toward the west in order to strike a large island called Seilani [i.e., Leyte] which is inhabited and has gold in it. We coasted along it and took our course to the west southwest in order to strike a small island, which is inhabited and called Mazava. The people there are very friendly. We erected a cross on a mountain in that island. Three islands lying to the west southwest were pointed out to us from that island, which are said to possess gold in abundance. They showed us how it was obtained. They found pieces as large as chickpeas and beans. Mazava lies in latitude 9 and two thirds degrees north." The "Roteiro" (Stanley p. II) says: "They ran on to another island twenty leagues from that from which they sailed [i.e., Malh6n], and came to anchor at another island, which is named Macangor [i.e., Masaua], which is nine degrees; and in this island they were very well received, and they placed a cross in it." See also Vol. I, pp. 322, 323. 220 MS. 5,650 reads: "But they moved off immediately and would not enter the ship through distrust of us." The slave who acted as interpreter, is the Henrique de Malaca of Navarrete's list. 221 Bara: the Spanish word barra. 222 MS. 5,650 reads: to ask him to give him some food for his ships in exchange for his money." 223 MS. 5,650 reads: "The king hearing that came with seven or eight men." 224 For dorade, i.e, the dorado. MS. 5,650 adds: "which are very large fish of the kind abovesaid." 194

Page  195 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 225 The ceremony of blood brotherhood. Casicasi means "intimate friends." See Trumbull's Blood Covenant (Philadelphia, 1898), which shows how widespread was the covenant or friendship typified by blood. 226 MS. 5,650 reads: "After that the said captain had one of his men-at-arms armed in offensive armor." Stanley has translated harnois blanc literally as "white armor." 227 This passage may be translated. "Thereby was the king rendered almost speechless, and told the captain, through the slave, that one of those armed men was worth a hundred of his own men. The captain answered that that was a fact, and that he had brought two hundred men in each ship who were armed in that manner." Eden so understood it, and reads: "whereat the Kynge marualed greatly, and sayde to the interpretoure (who was a slaue borne in Malacha) that one of those armed men was able to encounter with a hundreth of his men." MS. 5,650 agrees with the translation of the text. 228 Instead of this last phrase MS. 5,650 has: "and he made two of his men engage in sword-play before the king." 229 MS. 5,650 says only: "Then he showed the king the seachart, and the navigation compass." Eden says (p. 348) that the first to use the compass was one "Flauius de Malpha, a citie in the kingdom of Naples.... Next vnto Flauius, the chiefe commendation is dew to the Spanyardes and Portugales by whose daylye experience, the same is brought to further perfection, and the vse thereof better knowen; althowghe hytherto no man knoweth the cause why the iren touched with the lode stone, turneth euer towarde the north starre, as playnely appeareth in euery common dyall." He also says: "As touchynge the needle of the compasse, I haue redde in the Portugales navigations that saylynge as farre south as Cap. de Bona Speranza, the poynt of the needle styll respected the northe as it dyd on this syde the Equinoctiall, sauynge that it sumwhat trembeled and declyned a lyttle, whereby the force seemed sumwhat to be diminished, so that they were fayne to helpe it with the lode stone." (See ante, p. 93). The compass was known in a rough form to the Chinese as early as 2634 B.C., and first applied to navigation in the third or fourth century A.D., or perhaps earlier. It was probably introduced into Europe through the Arabs who learned of it from the Chinese. It is first referred to in European literature by Alexander Neckam in the twelfth century in De Utensilibus. The variations from the true north were observed as early as 1269. 230 Stanley says that the Amoretti edition represents the king as making this request and Magalhaes as assenting thereto; but the Italian MS. reads as distinctly as MS. 5,650, that Magalhaes made the request. 231 MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence. 232 MS. 5,650 adds: "that is, a boat." 233 The following passage relating to the meal reads thus in MS. 5,650: "Then the king had a plate of pork and some wine brought in. Their fashion of drinking is as follows: First they lift their hands toward the sky, and then take with the right hand the vessel from which 195

Page  196 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY they drink, while extending the fist of the left hand toward the people. The king did that to me, and extended his fist toward me, so that I thought that he was going to strike me. But I did the same to him, -and in such wise did we banquet and afterwards sup with him using that ceremony and others." See Spencer's Ceremonial Institutions, especially chapter I. 234 Eden reads (p. 255): 'When the kynge sawe Antonie Pigafetta write the names of many thinges, and afterwarde rehearse them ageyne, he marualed yet more, makynge synges that suche men descended from heaven." Continuing he confuses the eldest son of the first king with the latter's brother, the second king. 235 A tolerably good description of the native houses of the present day in the Philippines. Cf. Morga's description, Vol. XVI, pp. 117-119. 236 MS. 5,650 begins a new unnumbered chapter at this point. 237 This sentence to this point in MS. 5,650, is wrongly made to refer to the house of the king. The passage there reads: "All the dishes with which he is served, and also a part of his house, which was well furnished according to the custom of the country, were of gold." 238 MS. 5,650 omits this sentence. 239 Butuan and Caraga in the northeastern part of Mindanao. 240 This name is variously rendered: Mosto, Siain; MS. 5.650, Siau; Stanley, Siani; and Amoretti and Eden, Siagu. 241 MS. 5,650 reads: "the captain sent the chaplain ashore to celebrate mass." 242 MS. 5,650 says that they took only their swords; but the Italian MS. says distinctly that a signal was given to the ships from the shore by means of muskets, and again that the musketry was fired when the kings and Magalhaes separated, both of which references are omitted by MS. 5,650. Eden reads: "The Captaine came alande with fyftie of his men in theyr best apparel withowte weapons or harnesse, and all the resydue well armed." 243 In Eden (p. 255): "damaske water." 244 MS. 5,650 reads: '"but they offered nothing." 245 MS. 5,650 says: "every one did his duties as a Christian and received our Lord." 246 MS. 5,650 adds: "for the people." 247 The Italian MS. reads literally and somewhat ambiguously: "they made immediate reverence;" MS. 5,650 says "to which these kings made reverence," which is scarcely likely, as the latter would, until told by Magalhaes, see nothing in the ceremony. Rather it was the Spaniards who made the reverence. 248 MS. 5,650 reads: "whenever any ships came from Spain." 249 Cf. Morga, Vol. XVI, p. 132. 250 MS. 5,650 reads: "men and ships to render them obedient to him." 251 MS. 5,650 reads: "to the middle of the highest mountain," evidently confusing mezo di ('afternoon') of the Italian MS. with mezo (mezzo; "middle"); for the cross was set up on the summit of the 196

Page  197 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD mountain. The passage in MS. 5,650 continues: "Then those two kings and the captain rested, and while conversing, the latter had them asked [not "I had them asked" as in Stanley, who mistranscribes jl (il) as je] where the best port was for getting food. They replied that there were three, namely, Ceylom, Zzubu, and Galaghan, but that Zzeubu was the largest and the best trading place." These are the islands of Leyte (the Seilani of Albo, Navarrete, iv, p. 20; and the Selani of Transylvanus, Vol. I, p. 322), Cebu, and Mindanao (the Caraga district.) 252 MS. 5,650 reads simply: "Then we descended to the place where their boats were." 253 This account is very much shortened in MS. 5,650, where it reads as follows: "As the captain intended to leave next morning, he asked the king for pilots in order that they might conduct him to the ports abovesaid. He promised the king to treat those pilots as he would them themselves, and that he would leave one of his men as a hostage. In reply the first king said that he would go himself to guide the captain to those ports and that he would be his pilot, but asked him to wait two days until he should gather his rice, and do some other things which he had to do. He asked the captain to lend him some of his men, so that he could accomplish it sooner, and the captain agreed to it." At this point MS. 5,650 begins a new unnumbered chapter. 254 The billon and afterward copper coin quattrino, which was struck in the mints of Venice, Rome, Florence, Reggio, the Two Sicilies, etc. The quattrino of the popes was often distinguished as "quattrino Romano." The Venetian copper quattrino was first struck in the reign of Francesco Foscari (1423-57). See. W. C. Hazlitt's Coinage of European Continent (London and New York, 1893), p. 226. 255 Doppione: a gold coin struck by Louis XII of France during his occupation of the Milanese (1500-1512). Hazlitt, ut supra, p. 196. 256 Colona: possibly the name of some coin of the period. 257 This entire paragraph is omitted in MS. 5,650. That MS. has another chapter division at this point. 258 Stanley mistranslates the French gentilz as "gentle." 259 Probably the abaca, although it may be the cloth made from the palm. See Morga's description of the Visaygns, Vol. XVI, p. 112. 260 Cf. Morga's Sucesos. Vol. XVI, pp. 80, 81. 261 MS. 5,650 greatly abridges this account, reading as follows: "They cut that fruit into four parts, and after they have chewed it a long time, they spit it out and throw it away." Cf. the account in Morga's Sucesos, Vol. XVI, pp. 97-99. 262 MS. 5,650 omits this product. Cf. Morga's Sucesos, Vol. XVI, pp. 84-97. 263 In MS. 5,650. "Mazzaua;" in Eden, "Messana;" in Mosto, "Mazana," while in the chart it appears as "Mazzana;" Transylvanus, "Massana;" and Albo, "Masava." It is now called the island of Limasaua, and has an area of about ten and one half square miles. 264 Mosto mistranscribes the Italian word for "among" fra as prima "first". The error arises through the abbreviation used, namely, f, Mosto mistaking it for pa, which would be prima. 197

Page  198 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 265 Stanley mistranscribes "Gatighan" from MS: 5,650 as "Satighan." The names of the five islands as given by Eden are "Zeilon, Bohol, Canghu, Barbai, and Catighan." These are the islands of Leite, Bohol, Canigao (west of Leyte), the northern part of Leyte (today the name of a town, hamlet and inlet in Leyte), and possibly Apit or Himuquitan, or one of the other nearby islands on the west coast of Leyte. See chart of these islands on p. 112. Albo (Navarrete, iv, pp. 220, 221) says: 'We left Mazava and went north toward the island of Seilani, after which we ran along the said island to the northwest as far as 10 degrees. There we saw three rocky islands, and turned our course west for about 10 leguas, where we came upon two islets. We stayed there that night and in the morning went toward the south southwest for about 12 leguas, as far as 10 and onethird degrees. At that point we entered a channel between two islands, one of which is called Matan and the other Subu. Subu, as well as the island of Mazava and Suluan extend north by east and south by west. Between Subu and Seilani we spied a very lofty land lying to the north, which is called Baibai. It is said to contain considerable gold and to be well stocked with food, and so great an extent of land that its limits are unknown. From Mazava, Seilani, and Subu, on the course followed toward the south, look out for the many shoals, which are very bad. On that account a canoe which was guiding us along that course, refused to go ahead. From the beginning of the channel of Subu and Matan, we turned west by a middle channel and reached the city of Subu. There we anchored and made peace, and the people there gave us rice, millet, and meat. We stayed there for a considerable time. The king and queen of that place and many of the inhabitants readily became Christians." The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. II) says that the king of Macangar (i.e., Mazaua) conducted the Spaniards "a matter of thirty leagues to another island named Cabo [i.e., Cebu], which is in ten degrees, and in this island Fernando de Magalhaes did what he pleased with the consent of the country." Brito says merely (Navarrete, iv, p. 308): "After that, after passing amid many islands, they reached one called Mazaba, which lies in 9 degrees. The king of Mazaba conducted them to another large island called Zub6." 266 MS. 5,650 reads: "only one of them." Barbastili is a Venetian word for pipistrelli. These bats are the Pteropi or "flying foxes," the large fruit-eating bats of which so many species inhabit the Malay Archipelago. Bats are especially found in Guimaras, Siquijor, and Cebu, and the skins of some are used as fur. See Guillemard (ut supra. p. 235). See also Delgado's Historia, pp. 842, 843; and U.S. Philippine Gazetteer. 267 Stanley mistranslates as "tortoises." The "black birds with the long tail" are the tab6n "mound-building Megapodes, gallinacious birds peculiar to the Austro-Malayan subregion" (Guillemard's Magellan, p. 235). See also Vol. V, p. 167, note 14, and Vol. XVI page 198, note 43; also Vol. XVI, p. 92, note 84. 198

Page  199 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 268 These are the Camotes, which lie west of Leyte, and their names are Poro, Pasijan, and Pans6n. See Pigafetta's chart showing these islands on p. 112. 269 Following this point in the Italian MS. (folio 26a) is the chart of the islands of Bohol, Mattam, and Zzubu (q.v., p. 136). MS. 5,650 presents this chart on folio 5 la, preceded by the words: "Below are shown the islands of Zzubu, Mattan, and Bohol." 270 MS. 5,650 reads: "But the interpreter reassured them by telling them." 271 MS. 5,650 reads: "and he was going, by the orders of the said sovereign, to discover the islands of Mallucque." 272 MS. 5,650 reads: "Thereupon the abovesaid merchant said to the king in their language," etc, without giving the original Malay words. Eden gives the phrase as catacaia chita. 273 Calicut, properly Kalikot (said to be derived from two words meaning cock-crow, because the territory granted to the first king of Kalikot was limited to the extent over which a cock could be heard to crow; or from Kali, one of the names of the goddess Gauri) is the name of a district and city on the Malabar coast. The king of all the Malabar coast from Goa to Cape Comorin, Samari Perymal, having adopted the Mahometan faith divided his kingdom into the kingdoms of Calicut, Cochin, Cananor and Coulao, and gave them to his friends, on condition that the king of Calicut be termed "Zamorim" or "Samorim," i.e., "Supreme emperor and God upon earth" (although the proper form is said to be "Tamurin" which is conjectured by some to be a modification of the Sanskrit "Samunri," "seaking." The City of Kalikot, a noted emporium of trade, was built perhaps as early as 805 A.D, although the date 1300 A.D, is also given as that of its founding; and is described by Ibn Batuta in 1342 as one of the finest ports in the world. It was visited by Covilham in 1486, and Vasco da Gama's ships were freighted there in 1498. The latter attacked the city in 1503 and 1510, and the Portuguese built a fortified factory there in 1513 which was destroyed by the governor in 1525 to avoid its falling into the enemy's hands. The English established a factory in the city in 1616, which was captured in 1766 by Haidar Ali; but after a further series of capture and recapture, the city and district was permanently turned over to the British (1792). See Stanley's Vasco da Gama (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1869); Birch's Albuquerque (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1875-1884); Jones and Badger's Ludovico d'Varthema (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1863), pp. 135-177; also Grey's Travels of Pietro delta Valle (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1892), pp. 344, 345, note. Malacca, or more correctly Malaka is the name of an ancient territory and city, which was probably first settled by Javanese, and is possibly derived from "Malayu" meaning in Javanese "to run" or "fugitive". At an early period Malacca fell under the sway of the Siamese. The city, located on both sides of the Malacca River, and only one hundred and thirty miles northwest of Singapore (which has usurped the great volume of trade once centering at Malacca) was founded about 1250 A.D. The 199

Page  200 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY first European to visit the city was Varthema, about the year 1505. It was captured by the Portuguese under Albuquerque in 1511, and they held it (1580-1240 under Spanish control) until 1641 when it was captured by the Dutch, who had unsuccessfully besieged it, with the aid of the king of Jahor, in 1606. The English obtained possession of it in 1795, and still hold it, although the Dutch possessed it from 1818-1825. For descriptions and history of Malacca see the following Hakluyt Society publications: Stanley's East Africa and Malabar (London, 1866), pp. 190-195; Birch's Alboquerque, iii, pp. 71-90 (and other citations); Burnell and Tiele's Linschoten (London, 1885), i, pp. 104-106; Gray's Voyage of Francois Pyrard (London, 1888), part i, p. ii. Also see Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 238-249. The terms India Major (Greater India) and India Minor (Lesser India) are differently applied by different authors. Schiltbergen applied the term Lesser India to the northern portion of the peninsula on this side of the Ganges, while the southern portion of the peninsula was termed Greater India. Marco Polo's Lesser India extended from Makran to and including the Coromandel coast, and his Greater India extended from the Coromandel coast to Cochin China, while Middle India was Abyssinia. Mosto wrongly identifies India Major with the present Indian empire. See Telfer's Johann Schiltberger (Hakluyt Society publications, 1879). Friar Jordanus (Wonders of the East, Hakluyt Society edition, London, 1863), describes (pp. 11-45) India the Less, India the Greater and India Tertia. Yule points out that Jordanus's Lesser India embraces Sindh, and probably Mekran, and India along the coast as far as some point immediately north of Malabar. Greater India extends from Malabar very indefinitely to the eastward, for he makes it include Champa. India Tertia is the east of Africa below Abyssinia. Thus Jordanus just reverses the Lesser and Greater Indias of Marco Polo. Ramusio who gives the Summary of Kingdoms of an old Portuguese geographer, ends First India at Mangalore, and Second India at the Ganges. Benjamin of Tudela speaks of "Middle India which is called Aden." Conti divides India into three parts: the first extending from Persia to the Indus, the second from the Indus to the Ganges, and the third all the land beyond. Pliny discusses whether Mekran and other lands belonged to India or Ariana. 274 MS. 5,650 adds: "and treat his subjects well." 275 This phrase is omitted in MS. 5,650. 276 MS. 5,650 adds: "who was in the captain's ship." 277 MS. 5,650 reads: "Thereupon the king told them that he was willing, and that as a greater token of his love, he would send the captain a drop of his blood from his right arm, and [asked] the captain to do the same." 278 MS. 5,650 reads: "Consequently they should ask their captain whether he intended to observe the custom." 279 MS. 5,650 reads: "he should commence by giving a present, whereupon the captain would do his duty." This MS. begins another chapter at this point. 200

Page  201 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 280 MS. 5,650 reads: "so do our arms destroy the enemies of our faith." 281 MS. 5,650 adds: "of the ships." 282 MS. 5,650 reads: "and whether that prince who had come with them was empowered to make peace." 283 MS. 5,650 omits these last two clauses. 284 This phrase is omitted in MS. 5,650. 285 MS. 5,650 adds: "and for love toward God." 286 MS. 5,650: "he would leave them the arms that the Christians use." 287 These last two clauses are omitted in MS. 5,650. 288 MS. 5,650 adds: "of Sainct Jacques [i.e., Santiago]." 289 This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. 290 Called "drynking glasses of Venice woorke" in Eden (p. 257). 291 MS. 5,650 reads: "He had his face painted with fire in various designs." Eden reads: "and had the residue of his body paynted with dyuers coloures whereof sum were lyke vnto flamynge fyre." 292 MS. 5,650 reads: "he had four jars full of palm-wine, which he was drinking through reed pipes." 293 MS. 5,650 reads: "We made the due reverence to him while presenting to him the present sent him by the captain, and told him through the mouth of the interpreter that it was not to be regarded as a recompense for his present which he had made to the captain, but for the love which the captain bore him." This MS. omits the following three sentences. 294 The "Sinus Magnus'" of Ptolemy, today the Chinese Gulf (Mosto, p. 76, note 3). 295 This passage is considerably abbreviated in MS. 5,650, where it reads as follows: "The prince, the king's nephew, took us to his house where he showed us four girls who were playing on four very strange and very sweet instruments, and their manner of playing was somewhat musical. Afterward he had us dance with them. Those girls were naked except that they wore a garment made of the said palm-tree cloth before their privies and which hung from the waist to the knee, although some were quite naked. We were given refreshments there, and then we returned to the ships." These gongs are used in many parts of the Orient. 296 MS. 5,650 adds: "by the captain's order." 297 MS. 5,650 reads: "we told him of the death of our man, and that our captain requested that he might be buried." 298 MS. 5,650 adds: "according to our manner." 299 MS. 5,650 reads: "The king took it under his charge, and promised that no trickery or wrong would be done the king. Four of our men were chosen to despatch and to sell the said merchandise." 300 MS. 5,650 reads: "They have wooden balances like those of Pardeca to weigh their merchandise." Pardeca, as Stanley points out, is for par de ca de Loire which is equivalent to Langue dooil, and denotes the region in France north of the Loire. Par de la meant Languedoc. 201

Page  202 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY This passage was adapted to the French understanding by the person who translated and adapted the Italian manuscript. 301 This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. As Mosto points out the measure here mentioned would be one of capacity, and must have been the common measure for rice, perhaps the ganta. 302 Lagan is a shellfish found in the Philippines which has a shell resembling that of the Nautilus pompilius that is used for holding incense or as a drinking vessel. This shell is very white inside, while the exterior is spotted a pale yellow color. It resembles mother-of-pearl, and is very common. Delgado says that most of the shellfish are indigestible but highly esteemed. See Delgado's Historia, p. 928. 303 MS. 5,650 adds: "which was of various strange kinds." 304 Eden says: "xvi. poundes weyght of iren." 305 MS. 5,650 reads: "The captain-general did not wish to take too great a quantity of gold, so that the sailors might not sell their share in the merchandise too cheaply, because of their lust for gold, and so that on that account he should not be constrained to do the same with his merchandise, for he wished to sell it at as high a price as possible." 306 MS. 5,650 adds: "or any other balls." 307 MS. 5,650 makes the two armed men follow instead of precede the royal banner. 308 MS. 5,650 adds: "and the natives of the country for their fear of it, fled hither and thither," which is in place of the following sentence. 309 This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. 310 MS. 5,650 reads: "One covered with red and the other with velvet." 311 MS. 5,650 adds: "in the manner of the country." 312 The account of the baptism of the king is considerably abridged in MS. 5,650 where it reads as follows: "Then the captain began to address the king through the interpreter, in order that he might incite him to the faith of Jesus Christ. He told him that if he wished to become a good Christian (as he had signified on the preceding day), that he must have all the idols of his country burned and set up a cross in their place, which they were all to adore daily on both knees, with hands clasped and raised toward the heaven. The captain showed the king how he was to make the sign of the cross daily. In reply the king and all his men said that they would obey the captain's commandment, and do all that he told them. The captain took the king by the hand, and they walked to the platform. At his baptism the captain told the king that he would call him Dom Charles, after the emperor his sovereign. He named the prince Dom Fernand, after the brother of the said emperor, and the king of Mazzaua, Jehan. He gave the name of Christofle to the Moro, while he called each of the others by names according to his fancy. Thus before the mass fifty men [sic: but an error of the French adapter for five hundred] were baptized. At the conclusion of mass, the captain invited the king and the others of his chief men to dine with him, but he would not accept. However, he accompanied the captain to the shore, where, at his ar202

Page  203 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD rival, the ships discharged all the artillery. Then embracing they took leave of one another". Eden gives the number baptized as five hundred men. 313 MS. 5,650 reads: "On seeing that, she expressed the greatest desire to become a Christian, and asking for baptism, she was baptized and given the name of Jehanne, after the emperor's mother." 314 There are many cases of this wholesale baptism in the history of the Catholic missions in various countries, and it cannot be condemned entirely and regarded as devoid of good effects, for many instances reveal the contrary. See Jesuit Relations (Cleveland reissue). 315 Those last six words are omitted in MS. 5,650. Mosto conjectures that solana means solecchio or solicchio signifying an apparatus to protect one from the sun. Pigafetta may have misapplied the Spanish word solana, which signifies a place bathed by the noontide sun or a place in which to take the sun. 316 This last clause is omitted in MS. 5,650. 317 MS. 5,650 adds: "and we gave it to her." This was the image found by one of Legazpi's soldiers in Cebu in 1565 (see Vol. II, pp. 120, 121, 128, 216, 217; and Vol. V, p. 41). Encarnaci6n (Dic. visaya-espaiol), Manila, 1851), says: "The Cebuan Indians, both past and present, give the name of BathAla [God] to the image of the Holy Child, which is supposed to have been left by the celebrated Magallanes." 318 MS. 5,650 reads: "evening." 19 MS. 5,650 mentions only the artillery. The "tromb" or "trunk" was a kind of hand rocket-tube made of wood and hooped with iron, and was used for discharging wild-fire or Greekfire (see Corbett's Spanish War 1585-87 [London], 1898, p. 335). At this point Stanley discontinues the narrative of MS. 5,650, and translates from Amoretti's version of the Italian MS. 320 MS. 5,650 reads: "to better instruct and confirm him in the faith." 321 Eden says the queen was preceded by "three younge damoselles and three men with theyr cappes in theyr handes." 322 MS. 5,650 adds: "and presentation." 323 MS. 5,650 reads simply for this last clause: "and several others," omitting all the names. 324 MS. 5,650 reads: "and they all so swore". 325 MS. 5,650 reads from this point: "Then they swore, and thus the captain caused the king to swear by that image, by the life of the emperor his sovereign, and by his habit, to ever remain faithful and subject to the emperor", thus ascribing this oath to the king instead of to Magalhaes. The words "by his habit" can refer only to Magalhaes, who wore that of Santiago, and not to any habit worn by the barbaric ruler of Cebu. 326 MS. 5,650 adds: "and hang." 327 MS. 5,650 adds: "and deck." 328 MS. 5.650 adds: "and demolished." 329 MS. 5,650 adds: "and overthrew." 203

Page  204 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 330 There is a strange difference between the Italian MS. and MS. 5,650 in regard to these names. The latter reads to this point: "There are a number of villages in that island, whose names and those of their chiefs are as follows: Cinghapola, Cilaton, Ciguibucan, Cimaningha, Cimaticat, and Cicambul; another, Mandaui, and its chief and seignior, Lambuzzan; another Cotcot, and its chief, Acibagalen; another, Puzzo, and its chief, Apanoan; another, Lalan, and its chief, Theteu; another, Lulutan, and its chief, Tapan [Amoretti, followed by Stanley, says Japau, and Mosto, lapan]; another Cilumay; and also Lubucun." Amoretti, who places this list after the disastrous battle and consequent treachery of the Cebuans, and Stanley, have "Lubucin: its chief is Cilumai." Mandaui is Mandaue; Lalan may be Liloan; Cot-cot is on the east coast; Lubucun may be Lubu, but Mosto [p. 78, note 3) conjectures it to be Lambusan. An examination of the Nancy MS. may reveal the source of this difference. 331 MS. 5,650 adds after the word borchies: "instruments so called." 332 Probably cotton cloth. See Stanley's East African and Malabar Coasts, p. 65: "They make there [i.e., in Cambay] many cloths of white cotton, fine and coarse, and other woven and colored fabrics, of all kinds and colours." 333 M.S. 5,650 adds: "and closed." 334 MS. 5,650 reads: "She who has killed the hog, puts a lighted torch in her mouth, which she extinguishes, and which she holds constantly alight with her teeth during that ceremony." 335 Cf. the ceremonies of the baylanes described by Loarca, Vol. V, pp. 131, 133, and by Chirino, Vol. XII, p. 270. 336 Otorno: Mosto, p. 79, mistranscribes otoro, and queries Attomo in a note. 337 MS. 5,650 omits the description of this custom, giving only the first and last sentence to this point. Stanley omits the translation to this point. See Vol. V, p. 117, and Vol. XVI, p. 130, where Loarca and Morga describe this custom. 338 Valzi: Mosto queries vasi, "jars," which appears probable. 339 MS. 5,650 adds: "made in the manner abovesaid": but this was crossed out, showing that the writer or adapter of that MS. had at first intended to narrate the custom that is given in the Italian MS. 340 This word is omitted in MS. 5,650. 341 MS. 5,650 reads: 'The other women sit about the dead chamber sadly and in tears." 342 Pigafetta uses the present and imperfect tenses rather indiscriminately throughout this narration, but we have translated uniformly in the present. Cf. Loarca's description of burial and mourning customs among the Visayans, Vol. V, pp. 129, 135, 137-141; Plasencia's description among the Tagalogs, Vol. VII, pp. 194, 195; and Morga, Vol. XVI, p. 133. 343 MS. 5,650 reads: "five or six hours." 344 Eden in describing the island of Matan confuses the Pigafetta narrative. He says: "Not farre from this Ilande of Zubut, is the Iland of Mathan, whose inhabitauntes vse maruelous ceremonies in theyr sac204

Page  205 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD rifices to the soone and burying the deade. They were rynges of gold abowt theyr priuie members." In the description of the battle in Matan, Eden says that each of the three divisions of the islanders contained "two thousand and fiftie men armed with bowes, arrowes, dartes and iauelins hardened at the poyntes with fyer." 745 To this point the Italian MS. and MS. 5,650 agree approximately. The story of the battle in the latter MS., however, is much abridged and much less graphic. It is as follows: "They replied that they had bamboo spears and stakes burned and hardened in the fire, and that we could attack them when we wished. At daybreak, forty-nine of us leaped into the water in the place whither we had thus gone, at a distance of more than three [sic] crossbow flights before we could reach shore, for the boats could not approach nearer because of the rocks and reefs which were in the water. Thus we reached land, and attacked them. They were arranged in three divisions, of more than one thousand five hundred persons. We shot many arrows at them from a distance, but it was in vain, for they received them on their shields. They leaped hither and thither in such a way that scarse could we wound one of them. On the other hand, our artillery in the boats was so far away from us that it could not aid us. Those people seeing that, and that the captain had had some of their houses burned in order to inspire them with terror, and having become more enraged, threw so many iron pointed spears at us, and shot so many arrows even at the captain himself, that we could defend ourselves with difficulty. Finally, having been driven by them quite down to the shore, and while our captain was fighting bravely although wounded in the leg with an arrow, one of those Indians hurled a poisoned bamboo lance into his face which laid him stiff and dead. Then they pressed upon us so closely that we were forced to retire to our boats and to leave the dead body of the captain-general, with our others killed." The eulogy on the dead commander is approximately the same in both MSS., except at the end, where MS. 5,650 reads: "Eight of our men died there with him, and four Indians, who had become Christmas. Of the enemy fifteen were killed by the artillery of the ships, which had at last come to our aid, while many of us were wounded." Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 308) says of the stay at Cebu and the death of Magalhaes: 'They stayed there about one month, and the majority of the people and the king became Christians. The king of Zub6 ordered the kings of the other islands to come to him, but inasmuch as two of them refused to come, Magallanes, as soon as he learned it, resolved to go to fight with them, and went to an island called Mathf. He set fire to a village, and not content with that, set out for a large settlement, where he, his servant and five Castilians were killed in combat with the savages. The others, seeing their captain dead, went back to their boats." 346 Terciado: a Spanish word. 347 Carteava: a Spanish word. 348 The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 12) dates the battle April 28. The account of the battle is as follows: "Fernan de Magalhaes desired that 205

Page  206 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY the other kings, neighbours to this one, should become subject to this who had become Christian: and these did not choose to yield such obedience. Fernan de Magalhaes seeing that, got ready one night with his boats, and burned the villages of those who would not yield the said obedience; and a matter of ten or twelve days after this was done, he sent to a village about half a league from that which he had burned, which is named Matam, and which is also an island, and ordered them to send him at once three goats, three pigs, three loads of rice, and three loads of millet for provisions for the ships; they replied that for each article which he sent to ask them three of, they would send to him by twos, and if he was satisfied with this they would at once comply, if not, it might be as he pleased, but that they would not give it. Because they did not choose to grant what he demanded of them, Fernan de Magalhaes ordered three beats to be equipped with a matter of fifty or sixty men, and went against the said place, which was on the 28th day of April, in the morning; there they found many people, who might well be as many as three thousand or four thousand men, who fought with such a good will that the said Fernan de Magalhaes was killed there, with six of his men, in the year 1521." 349 Navarrete (iv, pp. 65, 66) gives the names of the men killed with Magalhaes, on April 27 as follows: Christ6bal Rabelo, then captain of the Victoria; Francisco Espinosa, a sailor; Anton Gallego, a common seaman; Juan de Torres, sobresaliente and soldier; Rodrigo Nieto, servant of Juan de Cartagena; Pedro Gomez, servant of Gonzalo Espinosa; and Anton de Escovar, sobresaliente, wounded but died April 29. 350 See Vol. I, pp. 325, 326, note 215.* 351 MS. 5,650 gives this name as Duart Bobase, although lower it is spelled Barbase. Duarte or Odoardo Barbosa, the son of Diogo Barbosa, who after serving in Portugal, became alcaide of the Sevilla arsenal, was born at Lisbon at the end of the fifteenth century. He spent the years 1501-1516 in the Orient, the result of that stay being his Livro emque da relacao de que viu e ouviu no Oriente, which was first published at Lisbon in 1813 in Vol. vii of Colleccao de noticias para a historia et geographia das nacoes tiltramarinas, and its translation by Stanley, A description of the coasts of East Africa and Malabar (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1866). He became a clerk in the Portuguese factory at Cananor under his uncle Gil Fernandez Barbosa, and became so expert in the Malabar language that he was said to speak it even better than the natives. On account of his facility in the language he had been appointed commissioner by Nuno da Cunha to negotiate peace with the Zamorin. He was commissioned in 1515 to oversee the construction of some galleys by Alboquerque. While at Sevilla, Magalhaes lived in the household of Diogo Barbosa, where he married Duarte's sister Beatriz. Duarte embarked on the Trinidad as a sobresaliente, end it was he who captured the Victoria from the mutineers at Port St. Julian, after which he became captain of that vessel. Failing to recover Magalhaes's body from the natives of Mactan, he was himself slain at Cebu at the fatal banquet May 1, 1521. Besides the above book, which is a most valuable contribution to early Oriental affairs, there is extant in the Torre do Tombo a letter written 206

Page  207 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD by him from Cananor, January 12, 1513, complaining of the Portuguese excess. See Guillemard's Magellan; Stanley's Vasco da Gama; Birch's Alboquerque; and Hcefer's Nouvelle Biographie G6nerale (Paris, 1855). 352 See ante, note 147. 353 Magalhaes married Beatriz Barbosa, daughter of Diogo Barbosa in Sevilla, probably in the year 1517. One son Rodrigo was born of the union, who was about six months old at the time of the departure. Rodrigo died in September, 1521, and in the March following Beatriz died. See Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 89-91, 322. 354 MS. 5,650 adds: "and to advise the Christian king." 355 Mosto transcribes this word wrongly as facente "busy." MS. 5,650 reads: "wiser and more affectionate than before.' 356 MS. 5,650 adds: "and presents." 257 The constable was Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, who was left behind with the Trinidad and was one of the four survivors of that ill-fated vesse!, returning to Spain long after. 358 This sentence is confused in MS. 5,650, reading: jehan Caruaie auecques le barisel sen retourneret qui nous dirent commen jlz auoyent veu mener celluy quy fut guery par miracle et le presfre a sa maison et que pour cela jlz sen estoyent partiz eulx doubtans de quelque mate faduanture. By dropping the first et this becomes equivalent to the text. 359 MS. 5,650 reads: "for we would kill him." 360 MS. 5,650 reads: "But Jehan Carvaie, his comrade, and others refused, for feat lest they would not remain masters there if the boat went ashore." In regard to Jcao Serrao's death, Brito (Navarrete. iv, p. 309) says: "As soon as the men in the ships saw that slaughter, they hoisted their anchors, and tried to set sail in order to return to Burneo. At that juncture, the savages brought Juan Serrano, one of those whom they wished to ransom, and asked two guns and two bahars of copper for him, besides some Brittanias or linens such as they carried in the ships as merchandise of trade and barter. Serrano told them to take him to the ship and he would give them what they asked, but they, on the contrary, insisted that those things be taken ashore. But [the men in the ships] fearing another act of treachery like the past, set sail, and abandoned that man there, and nothing more was heard of him." 361 The '"Roteirc" (Stanley, p. 13) says nothing about the banquet, but says that the men, twenty-eight in number, counting the two captains, went ashore to ask pilots to Borneo, whereupon the natives, who had determined upon their course of action attacked and killed them. Peter Martyr (Mosto, p. 81, note 5) asserts that the violation of the women by the sailors was the cause of the massacre. Concerning the number killed, Brito (Navarrete, iv. p. 309) says that thirty-five or thirty-six men went ashore, and Castafiheda and Gomara say thirty, the last asserting that a like number were made slaves, of whom eight were sold in China. Peter Martyr places the number of the slain at twelve. Navarrete (iv, pp. 66, 67) gives the names of those massacred as follows: 207

Page  208 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY Duarte Barbosa Juan Serrano Luis Alfonso de Gois Andres de S. Martin Sancho de Heredia Leon de Ezpeleta Pedro de Valderrama Francisco Martin Simon de la Rochela Crist6bal Rodriguez Francisco de Madrid Hernando de Aguilar Guillermo Fenesi or Tanagui Anton Rodriguez Juan Sigura Francisco Picora Francisco Martin Anton de Goa Rodrigo de Hurrira Pedro Herrero Hartiga Juan de Silva, Portuguese Nuio Henrique, from Malaca Peti Juan, French Francisco de la Mezquita Francisco captain of the Trinidad captain of the Concepcion captain of the Victoria pilot of his Majesty notary notary priest cooper calker steward sobresaliente and soldier servant of Luis de Mendoza gunner of the Trinidad sailor sailor sailor sailor common seaman common seaman sobresaliente sobresaliente sobresaliente servant of Magallanes servant of Magallanes and interpreter servant of Magallanes servant of Magallanes son-in-law of Juan Serrano All of these names are to be found in Navarrete's list. See ante, note 26. 362 Chiacare: the nangca; see Vol. XXXIV, p. 107, where Pigafetta describes and names this fruit. Mosto confuses it with the durio zibethenus, which is abundant in the western islands of the Indian archipelagoes, Mindanao being the only one of the Philippines where it is found (Crawfurd, Dictionary); but it is the Artocarpus integrifolia (see Vol. XVI p. 88, note 72). MS. 5,650 makes this "'capers." 363 MS. 5,650 omits mention of the panicum, sorgo, garlic, and nangcas. 36 MS. 5,650 reads: "one to the east northeast, and the other to the west southwest," 365 MS. 5,650 adds: "and eleven minutes." 366 Stanley says wrongly 1549. 367 This word ends a page in the original Italian MS. On the following page is a repetition of the title: Vocabili deli populi gentilli, that is "Words of those heathen peoples." MS. 5,650 does not contain this list, and it is also omitted by Stanley. 368 See ante, note 160. 208

Page  209 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 369 Bassag bassag does not correspond to "shin," but to "basket for holding clothes, etc." or "cartilage of the nose;" or possibly to basac basac, "the sound made by falling water." 370 The equivalent of Pigafetta's dana is daoa or daua, "millet." Mais, probably the equivalent of humas is the word for "panicum." 371 Tahil is found in the Tagalog dictionaries, and is the name of a specific weight, not weight in general. It is the Chinese weight called "tael," which was introduced by the Chinese into the East Indies, whence it spread throughout the various achipelagoes. See Crawfurd's Dictionary; and Vols. III, p. 192, note 57; IV, p. 100, note II; and VII, p. 88. 372 See Note 582, post. 373 Tinapay (used also by the Bicols to denote any kind of bread) denotes a kind of cake or loaf made with flour and baked about the size of a chocolate-cup saucer. Two of these are put together before baking with some sugar between. The word is extended also to wheat bread and to the hosts. See Encarnacion's Diccionario. 374 Amoretti's conjectured reading of sonaglio ("hawk's-bell") for conaglio (See Mosto, p. 83), proves correct from the Visayan dictionaries. 375 Baloto signifies a canoe dug out of a single log. One of twenty varas in length is termed bilis, while the hull alone is called daldmas. 376 Most of the words of Pigafetta's Visayan vocabulary can be distinguished in the dictionaries of the language, although it is necessary to make allowance at times for Pigafetta's Italian phonetic rendering. Following is a list of the words that can be distinguished from Diccionario bisaya-espaiol y espaiol-bisaya (Manila, 1885), by Juan Felix de la Encarnacion, O.S.A. (Recollect); and Diccionario Hispano-bisaya y bisaya-espaiol (Manila, 1895) by Antonio Sanchez de la Rosa, O.S.F. See also Pocket dictionary of the English, Spanish and Visayan languages (Cebu, 1900) by H. M. Cohen; and Mallat's Les Philippines (Paris, 1846), ii, pp. 175 -238. The words queried in the following list are simply offered as conjectural equivalents. English Visayan (Pigafetta) (Encarnacion) (Sanchez) man lac lalaqui (?) woman (married) babay babaye babaye hair boho bohoc bohoc face guay bayhon (?) eyebrows chilei quilay quiray eye matta mata mata nose ilon ilong irong jaw apin aping aping mouth baba ba-ba baba teeth nipin ngipon ngipon gums leghex lagos lagus tongue dilla dila dila ear delenghan dalonggan doronggan 209

Page  210 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY throat chin beard shoulder spine (backbone) breast body armpit arm elbow hand palm of hand finger fingernail navel penis testicles vagina buttocks thigh knee calf of leg ankle heel sole of foot gold silver brass iron sugaicane honey wax salt wine to eat hog goat chicken pepper cloves cinnamon ginger garlic egg cocoanut vinegar liogh queilan bonghot bagha licud dughan tiam ilot botchen sico camat palan dudlo Coco pusut utin boto billat samput paha tuhud bitis bolbol. tiochid lapa lapa balaoan pilla concach butan tube deghex tallic acin tuba nia nipa macan babui candin monoch manissa chianche mana lui'a laxuna silong lubi zlucha hog, solang (?) bongot abaga licod doghan tian iloc bocton; botcon sico camot palad [sa camot] todlo Coco posad otin boto bilat sampot paa tohod bitiis bool bool tico'd lapa lapa bula'oan pilaic calongga'qui pothao tob6 dogos. talc a s1i n toba nga nipa pagcaon() baboy canding manoc malisa sangqui mana loy-a lasona itbog lobi' suca 210 sulang (? ) bongot abaga licod dughan tian iroc butcon sico, camut palad [sa camut] tudlo coco; Cobo posud otin boto bilat paa tohud biti-is boco, boco ticud bulauan puthao tubo dugos talb asin tuba nga nipa pagcaon (?) babuy canding manuc sangqui mana iuy-a lasona itlug lubi suca

Page  211 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD water fire smoke balances pearl mother-of-pearl pipe rice cakes good knife scissors to shave linen their cloth [i.e., hemp] hawk's bell comb shirt sewing-needle dog t scarf [veil] house timber mat palm-mat cushion wooden platters sun star morning, cup bow arrow shield quilted armor dagger cutlass spear like banana gourd net small boat large canes tubin clayo assu. tinban mutiara tipay subin tinapai main capol; sundan catle chunthinch balandan abaca coloncolon cutlei sabun daghu aian; ydo, gapas ilaga; balai tatamnue tagichan bani uliman dulan adlo bunthun uema tagha bossugh oghun calassan baluti calix: baladao campilan bancaqn tuan saghin baghin pucat; laia sampan cauaghan tobig; tubig calayo, aso timbangan mutia tipay sobing tinapay maayo sipol; sondang catli gunting balantan abaca6 colongcolong suriay tubig calayo aso, timbang; timbangan mutia tipay subing tinapay maopay sipol; sundang catli dagom _____ iro gapas [i.e., cotton] -~; balay tatha (? ) [i.e., to split] or pata (?) [i.e., a piece of wood or bamboo] tagica'n banig olnan, and allied forms (?) dolong arlao biitoon (?) ogma: odma() tagay bosog odyong calasag baloti calis; baladao, campilan bangcao, saguing bagong, laya sampan caoayan 211 abaca' goronggoron g sodlay sabong (?) [i.e., ornament] dagum n1yam; -;balay tahamis (?) taguican banag olonan (?) dulang adlao bitoon (?) tagay bosog odiong calasag caris; baladao campilang bangcao to-ang saguing raya sampan cauayan

Page  212 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY small canes large boats small boats crabs fish a colored fish a red fish another fish ship king one two three four five six seven eight nine ten bonbon balanghai boloto cuban icam; yssida panapsapan timuan pilax benaoa raia uzza dua tolo upat lima onom pitto gualu ciam polo bongbong balaiigay baloto coboa; isda panapsapan bangca hari us4 doha tol6 opat lima onom pit6 oalo siam napolo bongbong barangay baloto -; isda panapsapan tiao (?) pilas hadi usa duha tolo upat lima unum pito ualo siam napolo Some of the words present difficulties, however, due probably to error on Pigafetta's part and the obstacles in the method of communication between peoples the genius of whose respective languages is entirely distinct. The general Visayan word for "man" is tao or tauo, although Mallat gives a form dala, which may correspond to the lac of Pigafetta (but see Vol. V, p. 123, where the origin of the words lalac, "man" and babaye, "woman", are given by Loarca). Babaye (babae) is the general word for "woman" or "married woman;" while binibini is given by Mallat as the Tagalog equivalent of "girl" and by Santos in his Vocabulario de la lengua tagala (Manila, 1835) as the equivalent of "influential woman". Liog is used for both "throat" and "neck." Tian is properly "belly", and the mistake would arise naturally in Pigafetta pointing to himself when desiring the word for "body", which would be construed by the natives to that particular part toward which he happened to point. Boto is used for both the male and female generative organs, especially the latter, as well as for the testicles. Britiis corresponds to both "shin" and "calf of the leg." Iro denotes also the civet cat. Bulan the equivalent of Pigafetta's bolon is the word for "moon" instead of "star". The occurrence of what are today Tagalog forms in Pigafetta's list shows how the various dialects shade into one another and how the one has retained words that have sunk into disuse in the other. 377 Preceding this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio 38b) is the chart of the island of Panilonghon (Panisonghon; q.v., p. 202). It is given on folio 51a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: "Below is shown the islands of Panilonghon." 378 The "Roteiro" (Stanley, pp. 13, 14) says that the captains elected in place of those killed at Cebu were "Joam Lopez [Carvalho], who was the chief treasurer' to "be captain-major of the fleet, and the chief constable 212

Page  213 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD of the fleet" to "be captain of one of the ships; he was named Gonzalo Vaz Despinosa." Pigafetta makes no mention at all of Elcano who brought the Victoria home; both the above captains remaining with the Trinidad. When the Concepcion was burned, only one hundred and fifteen men were left for the working of the two ships (see Guillemard, ut supra, p. 267) although the "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 14) says one hundred and eight men, and Barros. one hundred and eighty. 379 In Eden: "Pauiloghon, where they founde blacke men lyke vnto the Sarasins." This is the island of Panglao and the "black men" are the Negritos. See W. A. Reed's Negritos of Zambales, published by Department of the Interior "Ethnological Survey Publications" ii, part I (Manila, 1904), which says (p. 20) that the only large islands, besides Luzcn, inhabited at present by Negritos are Panay, Negros, Mindanao, and Paragua, although they do inhabit some of the smaller islands. The pure type is decreasing through marriage with the Bukidnon or mountain Visayans; and (p. 22) "so far there is no evidence that Negritos exist on Cebu, Bohol, Samar, and Leyte. The Negrito population of the Philippines is probably not in excess of 25,000. The U.S. census report of 1900 gives to Panglao a population of 14,347, all civilized. See also Census of the Philippines, i, pp. 411, 415, 436, 468, 478, 532, 533. 380 MS. 5,650 reads: 'When entering that house, we were preceded by many reed and palmleaf torches." 381 These two words are omitted in MS. 5,650. 382 See Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 368, 369, on the origin and use of rice in the eastern islands, and the etymology of the native names for that grain; and Census of the Philippines, iv. 383 Instead of this last clause, MS. 5,650 reads: "where he slept with his principal wife." 384 MS. 5,650 reads: "in the houses of the king." 385 MS. 5.650 reads: "little valleys." 386 Cf. Vol. III, pp. 56, 57. 387 MS. 5,650 reads: "boat." 388 MS. 5,650 reads: "Calanoa;" and Eden: "Calauar," 389 MS. 5,650 reads: "one hundred and sixty-six;" and Eden: "170." 390 Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 221) reads as follows when relating the course of the ships on leaving Cebu: "We left Subu and sailed southwest to a latitude of 9 and three fourths degrees, between the end of Subu and an island called Bohol. Toward the western end of Subu lies another island, by name, Panilongo, which is inhabited by blacks. That island and Subu contain gold and considerable ginger. The former lies in 9 and one third degrees and Subu in 10 and one third degrees. Accordingly we left that channel and went 10 leguas south and anchored in the island of Bohol. There we made two ships of the three, burning the third, because we had no men. The last-named island lies in 9 and one-half degrees. We left Bohol and sailed southwest toward Quipit, and anchored at that settlement on the right hand side of a river. On the northwest and open side are two islets which lie in 8 and one-half degrees. We could get no food there, for the people had none, but we made peace with them. 213

Page  214 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY That island of Quipit contains a quantity of gold, ginger, and cinnamon. Accordingly, we determined to go in search of food. The distance from the headland of Quipit to the first islands is about 112 leguas. It and the islands lie in an east by north and south by west direction; and this island [i.e., Mindanao] extends quite generally east and west." The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 14) calls the port of Quipit (which is located on the northeastern coast of Mindanao) Capyam or Quype. Carvalho gave the boat of the burned ship to the inhabitants of that place. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 309) says that they learned the location of Borneo at Mindanao. Quipit becomes Gibith in Transylvanus, Chipico in Peter Martyr, and Quepindo in Barros (See Mosto, p. 84, note 2). 391 The first European mention of the island of Luzon. Luz6n is derived from the Malay lasung (Tagalog, losong), "mortar." See Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 222, 223., 392 Pigafetta evidently means the Chinese by the Lequians who are known to have carried on trade for many years with the Philippines, and who indeed, once owned them. Following this paragraph in the Italian MS. (folio 40a) is the chart of Caghaiam (q.v., p. 202). This chart is shown on folio 53b in MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: "Below is shown the island of Caghaian." 393 MS. 5,650 does not mention the cuirasses. 394 Eden reads: "40 leagues." 395 Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 221) says: 'We left that place [i.e. Quipitl and sailed west southwest, southwest, and west, until we came to an island containing very few inhabitants and called Quagayan. We anchored in the northern part of that island, where we asked for the location of the island of Poluan, in order to get provisions of rice, for that island contains it in abundance, and many ships are laden there for other districts. Accordingly we sailed west northwest and came across the headland of the island of Poluan." The "Roteiro" (,Stanley, p. 14) calls Cagaiam, Caram. It is the island of Cagayan Sulu, which lies northeast of, Borneo. 396 The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 15) says that the ships contained only sufficient provisions for a week. 397 Eden reads: "C.lxxix, degrees and a third parte." MS. 5,650 reads: "one hundred, and sixty-one and one-third degrees." 398 Occurrences at Palawan are given as follows by Albo (Navarrete, iv, pp. 221, 222): "Then we sailed north by east along the coast [of Palawan] until we reached a village called Saocao, where we made peace. Its inhabitants were Moros. We went to another village of Cafres, where we bartered for a considerable quantity of rice, and consequently laid in a good supply of provisions. That coast extends northeast and southwest. The headland of its northeastern part lies in 9 and one-third degrees, and that of the southwestern part in 8 and one-third degrees. Then on returning to the southwest quite to the headland of this island, we found an island near which is a bay. In this course and along Poluan many shoals are found. This headland lies east and west with Quipit and northeast by east and southwest by west with Quagayan." The "Roteiro" (Stanley, pp. 15-17) gives a fuller account of occurrences at Palawan. At the first settlement at which they attempt to land, 214

Page  215 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD the natives prove hostile, whereupon they go toward another island, but contrary weather compelling them to anchor near Palawan, they are invited ashore on that island by the people of another village. There one of the soldiers, Joam de Campos, lands alone in order to get provisions. Being received kindly at this port, named Dyguasam (perhaps Puerto Princesa), the people set about preparing provisions for the strangers. Then going to another nearby village, where Carvalho makes peace with the chief, provisions of rice, goats, and swine are bought. At the latter village, a Portuguese-speaking negro who has been baptized at the Moluccas, is met, who promises to guide them to Borneo, but he fails them at the last moment. Capturing a prau and three Moros near the former village, they are guided to Borneo. Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 309) says that the two ships remained a month in Palawan, "a rich country, where they got new directions about Burneo, and captured two men to guide them there." At this point in the Italian M.S. (folio 41a) follows the chart of Sundan and Pulaoam (q.v., p. 210). MS. 5,650 shows it on folio 54b, where it is preceded by the words: "Chart of the island of Pulaoan and the port of Tegozzao." 399 MS. 5,650 reads: "all." 400 This passage is defective in MS. 5,650, where it reads as follows: "They have bows with wooden arrows more than one palmo long, some of which are pointed with long sharp fishbones, poisoned with poisonous herbs, while others are tipped with poisoned bamboo." 401 MS. 5,650 reads: "mace." Jannetone as pointed out by Mosto (p. 85, note 4) was a missile weapon. 402 Cockfighting is still the great diversion of the Malays and Malasian peoples. See Wallace's Malay Archipelago (New York, 1869), p. 477: and Bowring's Visit to Philippine Isles (London, 1859), pp. 149-153. 403 Eden reads: "fyue leagues." 404 From the Spanish word almadia, (a sort of canoe used by the inhabitants of the East Indies: also a boat used by the Portuguese and their slaves in the East Indies: generally of one single tree, although there are various kinds, to one of which is given the name coche, "carriage") which is derived from the Arabio al-madia or almadiya, from the root adar, "to cross," so called because those vessels are used in crossing rivers.Echegaray's Dic. etimologico (Madrid, 1887). 405 This word is omitted in MS. 5,650. 406 Gomara says there were eight (Mosto, p. 86, note 1). 407 MS. 5,650 reads: "a red cap." 408 MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence. 409 MS. 5,650 adds: "and seigniors." 410 Stanley makes the unhappy translation "with naked daggers in their hands, which they held on their thighs." 411 Cf. the account of the reception accorded the captain of a Portuguese vessel in Borneo in 1578. Vol. IV, pp. 222, 223, where the king is found playing chess. 412 This clause is omitted in MS. 5,650. 413 The city of Brunei or Brunai. See Guillemard's Magellan, pp. 269-73. See also descriptions of Bornean villages in Wallace's Malay 215

Page  216 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY Archipelago; and Forest's account of Brunai quoted by Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 70), who mentions the boat-markets held by the women. 414 MS. 5,650 reads: "twenty or twenty-five thousand." Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 70) thinks that Pigafetta overstates the population, and that he probably gained his information from a Malay courtier. 415 MS. 5,650 reads: "the women and daughters." 416 Cherita-tulis, "writers of narratives" (Stanley, p. 114); jurutulis, "adepts in writing" (Crawfurd's Dictionary, p. 61). 417 MS. 5,650 reads: "timghuly." 418 Ortelius (Theatrum orbis terrarum) calls this region "Lao" (see also chart on p. 210) and Mercatore (Atlas sive cosmographicae meditationes) "Lave." It may possibly be the modem island of Laut off the southeast of Borneo. (See Mosto, p. 87, note 3). Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 72) conjectures that it is some place in Banjarmasin. 419 The journey to Borneo, events there, and a description of Borneo are thus described by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 222): "We sailed from Poluan to Borney. Coasting the above named island [i.e., Poluan] to its southwest headland, we discovered an island with a shoal on its eastern side. and which lies in 7 and one-half degrees, so that we had to deviate to the west for about fifteen leguas. Then we sailed southwest coasting along the island of Borney to a city of the same name. You must needs know that the land must be approached closely, for there are many shoals outside, and one must keep the sounding line in constant use, for it is a harsh coast. Borney is a large city with a very large bay. Both inside and outside of it are many shoals, so that a native pilot of that place is necessary. We remained there for a considerable number of days, and commenced to trade there and made firm friendship. But, later, many canoes, in number 260, were equipped to capture us and came upon us. We we saw them, we left hurriedly, and sailed out of the bay, whereupon we saw some junks coming. We went to them and captured one, in which was a son of the king of Luzon. The latter is a very large island. The captain afterward let him go [i.e., the prince of Luz6n] without asking advice of anyone. Borney is a large island which yields cinnamon, mirabolans, and camphor, the last named of which is much esteemed in these lands, and it is said that when people die they are embalmed with it. Borney (that is. the port of Borney) lies in a latitude of 5 degrees and 25 minutes, and a longitude of 201 degrees and 5 minutes from the line of demarcation." The "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 17-20) says that while on the way to Borneo, the ships anchor at islands which they call the islets of St. Paul (now, the Mantanani Islands-Guillemard, Magellan, p. 269) at a distance of two and one-half or three leagues from Borneo. Proceeding past a lofty mountain (Kina Balu - Guillemard) in Borneo, they coast that island to the pore oi Borneo. Anchoring in that port, the Moro pilots captured at Palawan are sent ashore with one of the crew, and on reaching the city of Borneo, they are taken before the Shahbender of Borneo. The two ships draw in closer to the city and establish trade with the natives. Gonzalo Gomez Espinosa is chosen ambassador to the king to whom he takes a 216

Page  217 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD present. After a stay of twenty-three days in Borneo, the men in the ships fearing treachery from the evolutions of a number of praus and junks, attack and capture one of the latter with twenty-seven men. Next morning the junk commanded by the son of the king of Luzon and ninety men, are captured. Of the seven men ashore the king sends two to the ships, but retains the others, whereupon the ships leave, taking with them fourteen men and three women of those captured in the junks. While sailing back over their downward course, the Trinidad grounds on a point of the island of Borneo, where it remains for four hours until swung clear by the tide. Brito in his account (Navarrete, iv, pp. 309, 310) says that the Borneans fear at first lest the strangers be Portuguese and that their object is conquest, but finally being reassured by Espinosa who takes a present to the king, pilots are promised as far as Mindanao. During their stay of a month at Borneo, two Greeks desert the ships. Three others among them Carvalho's son, are ashore when the fear of attack instigated by the two Greeks leads the two ships to attack the Borneans, and the five men are left behind on the island. The island of Borneo, the largest island (properly so-called) in the world, is mentioned first by Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition) pp. 246-248. See also Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 57-66. See also Henry Ling Roth's Natives of Sarawak and British North Borneo (London, 1896) in two volumes, which is an excellent work on modern conditions in Borneo. 420 The word "junk" is probably derived from the Malay Jong or Ajong "a great ship". For a description of these ships, see Yule's Cathay (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1866), ii, pp. 417, 418. 421 MS. 5,650 reads: "If venom or poison be put in a vase of fine porcelain, it breaks immediately." In accordance with this reading we have added in brackets in the Italian the word veleno, i.e., "poison," which seems to have been omitted by the amanuensis. Mosto (p. 88, note 3) quotes the following from Marcantonio Pigafetta's Itinerario da Vienna a Constantinopoli (p. 208), when speaking of the present brought to Sultan Selim II by the Persian ambassador which consisted of "eight dishes [piati firuarii] which break if any one puts poison in them. Those piati firuarii are made of the substance which we call porcelain, and are made in China, the province situated in the extreme outskirts of the Orient. They are made of earth, which is kept for more than fifty years buried in the earth, in order to refine it, and which is buried by the father for his son. Thus it passes from hand to hand." See also Yule's Cathay, ii, p. 478; and Burnell and Tiele's Linschoten (Hakluyt Society publications), i, pp. 129, 130. 422 The small brass, copper, tin, and zinc coins common throughout the eastern islands were called "pichis" or "pitis", which was the name of the ancient Javanese coin, now used as a frequent appellative for money in general. Chinese coins were early in general use throughout the southern islands of the eastern archipelagoes. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 285-288. 423 The cate or catty. See Vol. XVIII, p. 141, note 32. 217

Page  218 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 424 MS. 5.650 mentions only the six porcelain dishes, the wax, and the pitch, for the last, eighty, instead of forty, cathils, of bronze being traded. The bahar of the Italian MS. becomes "barrel" or "cask" in the -French. The anime (pitch) may have been one of the numerous resins yielded by various trees in the Philippines (see Report of Philippire Commission, 1900, iii, 282, 283). 425 MS. 5,650 omits this word. 426 Spectacles were invented in the thirteenth century: and the credit for the invention is assigned to Allesandro di Spina, a Florentine monk, or to Roger Bacon. 427 MS. 5,650 reads: "not to wash the buttocks with left hand; not to eat with it." 428 Stanley (p. 116) omits a portion of this paragraph. He says that had Pigafetta been a Spaniard or Portuguese, he would not have written as he did concerning the Mahometan laws, as he would have been better informed. Notwithstanding the fact that Stanley was a convert to Islamism and a student of that faith, some of these practices may have been introduced into Borneo, as the rites there being far from their center, may have become vitiated or imperfectly learned in the first place. For instance, that the law was not strictly observed there is seen from the fact recorded by Pigafetta that they used the intoxicant arrack. 429 MS. 5,650 says simply that the camphor exudes in small drops. The Malay camphor tree (dipterocarpus or Dryabalanops camphora) is confined, so far as known, to a few parts of the islands of Sumatra and Borneo, where it is very abundant. The oil (both fluid and solid) is found in the body of the tree where the sap should be, but not in all trees. The Malay name for camphor is a slight corruption of the Sanskrit one "karpura", and to distinguish if from the camphor of China and Japan, the word Barus is annexed (the name of the seaport of the western coast of Sumatra, whence camphor was chiefly exported from that island). The Malay variety is higher priced than the Chinese. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, p. 81. 430 MS. 5,650 omits mention of the turnips and cabbages, and adds: "hinds." 431 Immediately following this paragraph in the Italian MS. are three charts: 1. On folio 45b, the chart of Burne (q.v., p. 210), at the lower (i.e., northern) end of which is a scroll reading "Here are found the living leaves;" found on folio 60bof MS. 5,650, preceded by the words "Chart of the island of Burne and the place where the living leaves are found." 2. On folio 46b. the chart of Mindanao, which is divided into the districts of Cippit, Butuam, Maingdanao, Calagan, and Benaiam (q.v., p. 230); found on folio 63a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words "Chart of five islands - Benaian" 3. On folio 47a, the chart of the islands of Zzolo (i.e., Jo16), Tagima, and Chauit and Subanin, (q.v., p. 230) accompanied by a scroll reading "Where pearls are produced;" found on folio 63b of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words "Chart of the islands of Zzolo, Cauit, Tagima, and others." 432 Cape Sampanmangio (Guillemard, p. 274). See ante, note 418. 433 MS. 5.650 omits this sentence. 218

Page  219 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 434 The "Roteirc" (Stanley, p. 20) also narrates the capture of tiis junk. 435 In Eden: "Cimbubon, beinge. viii. degrees aboue the Equinoctiall lyne. Here they remayned. xl. to calke theyr shyppes and furnysse them with fresshe water and fuell." Cimbonbon is probably Banguey or one of the neighboring islets between Borneo and Palawan. It is called in the "Roteiro" (Stanley, p. 21), port Samta Maria de Agosto, (St. Mary of August) because it was reached on the fifteenth of August, the day of our Lady of August. It is assigned a latitude of fully seven degrees. Herrera says that the ships were overhauled on Borneo itself. Guillemard (p. 274) interprets Pigafetta wrongly by saying that he assigns the careening place as Palawan or Paragua. 436 MS. 5,650 reads: "two and one-half feet long." 437 Cf. Transylvanus, Vol. I, pp. 330, 331. The Tridacna gigas, described by Delgado, Historia, p. 929, under the name of taclobo. Colin asserts that he saw one of the shells which was used as a watering-trough and another as a holy-water font. The shells sometimes attain a length of five or six feet, and weigh hundreds of pounds. The natives burn them for lime. See Official Handbook of Philippines (Manila, 1903), p. 152. 438 Mosto (p. 89, note 8) conjectures this to be a fish of the family of the Squamipen, perhaps of the genus Heniochus. 439 Coca: An Italian word formed from the Spanish word "chocar" "to jostle" (Mosto, p. 89, note 9). The living leaves, were the insects of the genus of Phyllium of the order of the Orthoptera. They are known as walking leaves from their resemblance to a leaf. 440 This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. Eden says that Pigafetta kept the leaf, "for the space of viii. dayes." 441 The date of the departure was September 27, 1521. At this place Joao Carvalho was deposed from the chief command for his highhanded measures and non-observance of royal orders, and retook his old position as chief pilot. Espinosa was elected in his place and Elcano was chosen captain of the Victoria. See Navarrete, iv, pp. 73, 289, 292, 294. 442 Basilan; see Vol. III p. 168, note 44. 443 The true pearl oysters of the Philippine Islands are found along the coasts of Paragua, Mindanao, and in the Sulu Archipelago, especially in the last named, where many very valuable pearls are found. These fisheries are said to rank with the famous fisheries of Ceylon and the Persian Gulf. The mother-of-pearl of the shells is more valuable than the pearls. The Sultan of Jolo claims the fisheries as his own and rents them out, but always has trouble with the lessees, and his ownership is disputed by the datos. The pearl fishery has figured in a treaty between that Sultan and the United States government. See Affairs of Philippines, Hearing before U.S. Senate Committee (Washington, 1902), part i, p. 18; Official Handbook of Philippines (Manila, 1903), p. 153; and Census of Philippine Islands (Washington, 1905), pp. 534-536. An early interesting account of pearl-fishing is given by Eden (Arber's edition), pp. 213, 214. 444 MS. 5,650 reads: "fifty." 219

Page  220 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 445 Cauit is a point and bay on the west coast of Zamboanga, Mindanao; Subanin refers to a portion of Zamboanga; and the island of Monoripa is perhaps the island of Saccol, located at the southeastern end of the Zamboanga province. "Subanim" says Dr. Barrows (Census of the Philippines, i, p. 416) "suggests a settlement of the present aborigines of that part of Mindanao, who are known as Subanon. Here too, they saw the notorious 'sea-gypsies,' the Bajau or Samal Laut, whose wandering boats, then as now, shifted their stations with the changing of the Monsoon." 446 Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 100) says that the cinnamon of Mindanao is not very strong or valuable; but the Official Handbook of Philippines (Manila, 1903) says (p. 114) that a cinnamon of stronger taste and fragrance is found in Zamboanga, Caraga, and the mountain districts of Misamis, than that of Ceylon, although containing a bitter element that depreciates its value, but which can be eliminated by cultivation. Many of the old writers describe the plant and its cultivation, one of the earliest being Varthema (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 191. Pigafetta's etymology of the Malay word is correct, 447 Mosto (p. 90) mistranscribes biguiday, and Stanley has (p. 121), bignaday. Perhaps it is the biniray, a boat resembling a large banca, or the binitan (see Pastells's Colin, i, p. 25). 448 MS. 5,650 reads: "seventeen men seemingly as bold and ready as any others whom we had seen in those districts." 449 Stanley says (p. 122) that this was attributed by a newspaper of 1874 to the Battas of Somatra, Semper found the custom of eating the heart or liver of their slain enemies among the Manobos in eastern Mindanao (Mosto, p. 91, note 2). Tribes of Malayan origin living in northern Luzon are said to have ceremonial cannibalism (Official Handbook of Phil. ippines, p. 158). 450 MS. 5,650 reads: "twenty." 451 At this point in the Italian MS. (folio 50a) is found the chart of Ciboco, Biraban Batolach, Sarangani, and Candigar (q.v., p. 238). This chart is shown on folio 65a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: "Chart of the four islands of Ciboco, etc." 452 Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 223) calls these two islands Sibuco and Virano Batolaque, the first of which Mosto (p. 91, note 3) conjectures to be Sibago, and the second (note 4), part of the southern portion of Mindanao. The first conjecture is probably correct if we take Albo's word that the two ships turned to the southeast after passing the island Sibuco; and the fact that the main west coast east of Zamboanga is remarkably free of islands, lends color to the second. 453 The islands of Balut and Sarangani, just south of the most southern point of Mindanao. 454 MS. adds: "who are St. Elmo, St. Nicholas, and St. Clara." 455 It is just such acts as this bit of lawlessness, together with the unprovoed capture of inoffensive vessels, that show that the discipline of the ships had in great measure disappeared with the loss of Magalhaes. Such acts amounted to nothing less than piracy. 456 These islands are of the Carcaralong or Karkaralong group south of Mindanao. Mosto conjectures Cabaluzao (Cabulazao on the chart) 220

Page  221 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD to be the island of Kabalusu, and that of Lipan, to be Lipang. Valentyn's Oud en Nieuw Oost-Indien (Dordrecht and Amsterdam, 1724), i, between pp. 36 and 37, shows a group of islands at about this location with the names Lirong (Lipan?), Karkelang, Cabroewang, Noessa (Nuza?), Karkarotang, and Karotta. 457 At this point in the Italian MS. occur two charts: 1, On folio 51a, the islands of Cauiao, Cabiao, Cabulazao, Lipan, Cheava, Camanuca, Cheai, Nuza, and Sanghir (q.v, p. 242); in MS. 5,650 shown on folio 65b, preceded by the words: "Chart of the islands of Sanghir, etc." 2. On folio 51b, the islands of Cheama, Carachita, Para, Zangalura, Ciau, Paghinzara, Talaut, Zoar, and Meau (q.v.. p. 246); in MS. 5.650, on folio 66b, preceded by the words: "Chart of the islands of Meau, etc." Sanghir (now Sanguir) is called Sanguin by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 223), and by Castanheda (Mosto, p. 92, note 1). 458 Of these islands (some of them in the Talantse group) Cheama is Kima; Carachita is Karakitang; Para still retains that name. or is called Pala; Zanghalura is Sangalong or Sangaluan; Caiu is Saio or Sian; Paghinzara (so called by Albo, ut supra) figures on Valentyn's map (ut supra, note 457) as Pangasare, though the same island seems also to be called Tagulanda, so that Guillemard is right in his identification of this island; it is identified with the island of Roang by the British Admiralty map of 1890, while Mosto conjectures that it may be the island of Biaro. See Guillemard's Magellan, map, facing p. 226; and Mosto, p. 92, notes 2-7. 459 MS. 5,650 gives this name as "Babintau." That MS. adds: "All those islands are inhabited by heathens," and continuing, reads: 'There is an island called Talant east of Cheama." 460 Talaut is evidently one of the Tulur islands east of Sanguir. Zoar (called Suar by Albo) and Meau may be the islands of Meyo and Tifore. See Guillemard (ut supra) and Mosto, p. 92, notes 8-10. The geography of the islands of the East India groups has not yet been set forth in a detailed and masterly manner, or definite proportions given to it, although it is a subject that merits enthusiastic research and labor. 461 Eden reads: (p. 259): "the syxte daye of Nouember and the xxvii. monethe after theyr departure owt of Spayne." 462 MS. 5,650 adds: "by which they were deceived." Albo's narrative (Navarrete, iv, pp. 222-224) of the events of the two ships from the time they leave Borneo to the arrival at the Moluccas is as follows: "We left Borney, and returned by the road whence we had come, and consequently took the channel between the headland of the island of Borney and Poluan. Turning west [sic] we went toward the island of Quagayan, and thus we went by that same route in search of the island of Quipit toward the south. On this course between Quipit and Cagayan, we saw to the southward an island called Solo, where many very large pearls are to be found. The king of that island is said to have a pearl as large as an egg. That island lies in a latitude of 6 degrees. While on that course, we came across three small islets and farther on we met an island called Tagima, where many pearls are said to be found. The latter island lies northeast by east and southwest by 221

Page  222 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY west with Solo. Tagima lies in a latitude of 6 and five sixths degrees, and is located opposite the headland of Quipit. Many islets he between those two islands, and one must take to the open as he approaches Quipit. The abovenamed headland lies in 7 and one-fourth degrees, and extends southeast and west northwest with Poluan. "Thence we coasted the island of Quipit going toward the south. Turning east by south we sailed toward certain rocky islets. Along the coast many settlements are passed, where considerable excellent cinnamon grows, and for which we traded. That coast also produces a quantity of ginger. Then we sailed northeast until we saw a gulf, whereupon we turned southeast until we saw a large island. There is a very large settlement extending from that point to the eastern headland of the island of Quipit, and at the headland of the said island. Considerable gold is obtained there from a very large river. That headland lies 91 and one-half degrees from the meridian. "We left Quipit for Maluco and turned southeast, where we saw an island called Sibuco. Then we turned south southeast, where we saw another island called Viramo Batolaque, continuing along that same course to the head of that island. Then we saw another island called Candicar, and sailed eastward between the two islands until we reached a point some distance ahead, and at that place we entered a channel between Candicar and another island called Sarangani. We anchored at the latter island and took a pilot for Maluco. Those two islands lie in 4 and twothirds degrees, while the headland of Quipit lies in 7 and one-fourth degrees, the headland of Sibuco in 6 degrees south latitude, and the headland of Virano Batolaque in 5 degrees. From the headland of Quipit and Candicar, the course is north northwest and south southeast without meeting any headland. "We left Sarangani and sailed south by east until we reached the right side of an island called Sanguin. Between the two islands lie a number of islets lying toward the west. Sanguin lies in 3 and two-thirds degrees. "From Sanguin we sailed south by east to an island called Sian. Between those islands lie many rocky islets. The latter island lies in exactly 3 degrees. "We sailed south by west to an island called Paginsara, which lies in 10 and one-sixth degrees. The course from that island to Sarangani is north by east and south by west and all those islands are sighted. "From Paginsara we sailed south by east until we reached a position midway between two islets which lie northeast and southwest from one another. The one to the northeast is called Suar and the other Mean. The first lies in 1 degree 45 minutes and the other in 1 and one-half degrees. '<We sailed south southeast from Mean, until we sighted the islands of the Malucos. Then we turned east and entered a channel between Mare and Tidori, where we anchored. We were received there with the utmost friendliness and established a firm peace. We built a house a222

Page  223 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD shore in order to trade with those people, and abode there many days until the ships were laden." The "Roteiro" (Stanley, pp. 20-23) says that after leaving Borneo, a small junk laden with cocoanuts was overhauled and captured, and that shortly after the ships were careened for repairs in the port of St. Mary of August (see ante, note 435). Steering southwest on again setting sail, they come to the island of Fagajam (Cagayan) and that of Seloque (Solo or Jolo), where they learn that pearls are abundant. Next they reached Quipe (Quipit), running between it and the island of Tamgym (Tagima). "And always running along the coast of the said island, and going thus, they fell in with a parao laden with sago in loaves, which is bread made of a tree which is named cajare, which the people of that country eat as bread. This parao carried twenty-one men, and the chief of them had been in Maluco in the house of Francisco Serram, and having gone further along this island they arrived in sight of some islands which are named Semrrym." A guide to Maluco is bargained for, but after arrangements are concluded he attempts to play false, whereupon he and some others are captured. The natives attempt pursuit but are unable to overtake the two ships. Next day sighting an island, and a calm coming upon them, while the currents drew the vessels in toward shore, the old pilot escapes. Continuing they sight "three high mountains belonging to a nation of people whom they call the Salabos (Celebes?)," and shortly after desiring to take water at a small island, they are deterred by one of their native pilots, who assures them that the people are hostile. "While still in this neighborhood, they saw the islands themselves of Maluco, and for rejoicing they fired all the artillery, and they arrived at the island on the 8th of November of 1521, so that they spent from Seville to Maluco two years, two months and twenty-eight days, for they sailed on the 10th of August of 1519." The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, p. 31) places the distance from the Ladrones to the Moluccas at 1,000 miles, the archipelago of St. Lazarus "where there occur many islands" intervening. At this point in the Italian MS. are found two charts, as follows: 1. On folio 52b, a chart of the islands of Hiri, Tarenate, Mastara, and Giailonlo (q.v., p. 250), with the inscription "All the islands shown in this book are in the other hemisphere, at the antipodes;" probably the same chart appears on folio 73b of MS. 5,650 preceded by the words (in a different hand than most of that MS.); "Here follow the cloves." 2. On folio 53a, a chart entitled "Maluco," showing the islands Tadore, Mare, Pulongha, Mutir, and Machian (q.v., Vol. XXXIV, p. 72), with a tree bearing the inscription "Caui gomode, that is, cloves;" shown on folio 74a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: "Description of the clove trees; how they grow; season far gathering; method of finding the best; arid also of nutmegs." 463 Eden (p. 259) says that they entered port "before the rysinge of the soone." 464 MS. 5,650 adds: "by astrology." 465 This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. 223

Page  224 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 466 MS. 5,650 omits the drinking-cups. 467 From this point this sentence reads as follows in MS. 5,650: "To some others we gave either silk cloth or some knives, or caps." 468 This sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. 469 MS. 5,650 reads: "a royal presence and eloquence." 470 "Mauzor" in Eden (p. 259). 471 MS. 5,650 does not mention the "quintalada." The quintalada was a per cent of the freight or of the lading space of the ship allowed the officers and crew of sailing vessels. The amount allowed to each of the officers and crews of Magalhaes's fleet was specified in section 74 of the instructions given by Carlos I to Magalhaes and Falero at Barcelona, May 8, 1519. The amounts (see Navarrete, iv, pp. 150-152) are as follows: Following are declared the quintaladas which shall be laden in the ships about to sail to the spice regions, and the amount which each one shall lade, from which he will pay the twenty-fourth part to his Highness. Quintaladas First, Fernando de Magallanes and Falero, captain-general of the said fleet will be allowed sixty quintals of cabin space [camara] apiece...................................... 60 Item: of quintalada, and twenty quintals apiece, these twenty to be stowed below decks, and the cabin space above decks............................................... 20 The other three captains shall each be allowed forty quintals of cabin space, ten of them quintalada.............. 40 Treasurer, twenty quintals of cabin space, and one quintalada below decks................................... 22 Accountant, a like amount of twenty-two quintals...... 22 Notaries of the ships, fifteen [sic] quintals of cabin space and one quintalada................................... 22 Alguacil of the fleet, six quintals and one quintalada.. 8 The sailors of the ships, one and one-half quintalada... 3 Chaplains, four quintals apiece...................... 4 Physician and surgeon, five quintals apiece.......... 5 Masters and pilots, twelve quintaladas of cabin space and one quintalada apiece................................. 14 Boatswains, eight quintals of cabin space and one quintalada apiece........................................... 10 Sailors, one quintalada apiece....................... 2 Common seamen, one and one-half quintals apiece...... 1-1/2 Boys, three arrobas of quintalada apiece.............. 3 arrobas Gunners The master gunners, three quintals of cabin space apiece and one quintalada.................................. 5 224

Page  225 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD The other gunners, one and one-half quintaladas apiece 2-1/2 Carpenters, one and one-half quintaladas............. 2-1/2 Calkers, the same............................... 2-1/2 Coopers, the same............................... 2-1/2 Crossbowmen, the same............................ 2-1/2 Servants of the captains, one quintalada apiece......... 1 Stewards, three quintals apiece..................... 3 Stonecutters, three quintals apiece............... 3 In case that our service is performed by building a fortress there, the persons abovementioned who shall remain in it, shall be allowed the said quintaladas in the ships that shall come [to these kingdoms], and they shall receive also a like sum annually from the quintaladas that shall remain there. If a fortress be made, our captain shall appoint such persons with the duties and functions that shall be necessary in the said fortress, and shall appoint them the competent recompense until we appoint to those duties. Chests The captains-general shall take four chests, on which they will pay only the twentieth............................ 4 The other captains shall take three chests apiece on the same terms............................................ 3 Accountant and treasurer two chests apiece......... 2 The notaries of the ships one chest apiece............. 1 Masters and pilots, each one chest.................. 1 Boatswains, one chest apiece....................... 1 Alguacil of the fleet, one chest..................... 1 Chaplains, one chest apiece......................... 1 The merinos of the fleets, one chest apiece......... 1 The captains' servant, one chest for each two........ 1 Physician and surgeon, one chest.................... 1 Sailors, one chest for each two..................... 1 Common seamen, one chest for each two............ 1 Boys, one chest for each three...................... 1 Master gunners of the ships, each one chest........... The other gunners, one chest for each two............ 1 Carpenters, calkers, coopers, masons, crossbowmen, and sailors, one chest for each two........................... Stewards, one chest apiece......................... 1 Sobresalientes, one chest apiece..................... 1 472 Not nephew, as translated by Stanley (p. 126), as is shown later by the context. M.S. 5,650 spells his name "Calanoghapi." 473 The remainder of this sentence is not in MS. 5,650. 474 In MS. 5,650 this is changed considerably, reading: "And because he did not have enough merchandise to furnish our ships, he told us that he would go to an island called Bacchian," etc. 225

Page  226 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 475 Leonardo de Argensola (vol. XVI, p. 221) derives Maluco from the word "Moloc" meaning "the capital." Crawfurd says that the derivation and meaning of the word is unknown, although said to be that of a people and place in Gilolo. It has been applied as a collective name to all the islands of their district, but it is correct of only the five mentioned by Pigafetta (for whose ancient names, see Vol. XVI, p. 221). Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 245, 246) gives a slight account of the district under the name of the "island of Monoch, where the cloves grow," which Magalhaes showed to Carlos I (Guillemard's Magellan, p. 102). Barbosa gives the first authentic account of the five Moluccas (which he names) in his East African and Malabar Coasts (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 201, 202, 219, 220. See also Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 283-285. 476 Francisco Serrao, brother of Joao Serrao, was Magalhaes's most intimate friend, and they had been close companions in the stirring years of early Portuguese operations in far eastern waters. In 1509, Serrao sailed on the fleet sent by Almeida to reconnoiter Malacca. Having been sent ashore with a large force, he was attacked by the Malays and only the prompt assistance headed by Magalhaes saved him. In January, 1510, while returning from the expedition, he suffered shipwreck. In 1511 he was sent as captain of one of three ships under Antonio d' Abreu to the Moluccas for purposes of exploration and trade, but the expedition failed to reach the islands, going only as far as the islands of Banda. On this expedition, Serrao's ship was abandoned as unseaworthy, and the junk bought in its stead was wrecked on an island. Here pirates landing, Serrao and his men took possession of their boats and thus reached Amboina in safety. The opportunity offering, Serrao went to Ternate, where he espoused the cause of that king against the king of Tidore, by the latter of whom he was finally poisoned about the time of Magalhaes's death. A number of letters passed between Magalhaes and Serrao during the years spent by the latter in Ternate, and Magalhaes made use of them to persuade Carlos I to undertake the expedition. See Guillemard's Magellan. 477 See Navarrete, iv, and Guillemard's Magellan for details regarding Magalhaes's negotiations with Manoel of Portugal and his subsequent denaturalization. The testoon (tostao, tostoes) is a Portuguese silver coin. It was first struck in the fifteenth century (Hazlitt's Coinage of European Continent). 478 It is impossible to be sure of the correct form of these names. MS. 5,650 gives them as follows: "Checchil.y Momoly, Tadore Vimghi, Checchily de Roix, Cili Manzur, Cilli Paggi, Chialin, Checchilin Catara, Vaiechuserich, and Colano Ghappi." Amoretti (followed by Stanley) makes these names "Chechili-Momuli, Jadore Vunghi, Chechilideroix, Cilimanzur, Cilipagi, Chialinchechilin, Cataravajecu, Serich, and Calanopagi." Mosto gives the names as in the present edition with the exception of the sixth and seventh which he gives as "Chialin Chechilin" and "Cathara." Checheli (Chechelin) and possibly Cili, denotes the title Cachil ("noble). 226

Page  227 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 479 Called by Barros "Joao de Lourosa", a man disloyal to his country (Mosto, p. 94, note 5). The "Roteiro" (Stanley, pp. 23, 24), says that this man was found in the island of Targatell (Ternate) and that letters were sent him, asking him "to come and speak with them, to which he replied that he did not dare, because the king of the country forbade it." However, permission is secured from the king and Lorosa comes to the ships. An extract from a letter from the Indies (Vol. I, p. 299) says that Lorosa was taken prisoner. Brito (Navarrete, iv. p. 305) merely mentions the fact that he had left with the Spaniards. He remained with the Trinidad, and was promptly executed by the Portuguese when he fell into their hands (see Guillemard's Magellan, p. 303). 480 MS. 5.650 adds: "hearing that," 481 In Eden: 'sixe hundreth and fiftie." The native name of Giolo is Bato-tsima (also called Almahera), and the island belongs to the Netherlands, being included in the residency of Ternate. The population, estimated at 120,000, consists of Malays and Alfuros (pagans: a word apparently formed from the Arabic article al and fora, "without," and applied by the Portuguese to natives outside of their authority) the latter probably representing the pre-Malayan populations, and inhabiting the central portion of the island. 482 Eden (p. 227), translating from Oviedo, mentions canes "as bygge as a mans legge in the knee and three spannes in length frome ioynt to iyont or more.... Theyr canes are full of moste cleare water without any maner of tast or sauore eyther of the canes or of any other thynge: And suche as yf it were taken owte of the fressheste sprynge in the worlde." Pigafetta probably refers to some species of bamboo. 483 MS. 5,650 reads: "for ten aunes of cloth [dyed with] munjeet." Guzerati or Guzerat (Gujerat, Gugerat, Goojerat, Gujrat) one of the old provinces of India, of which the Kattywar peninsula forms the western part, was a dependency of the Affghan or Ghori empire of Hindostan until the end of the fourteenth century. It became an independent kingdom in 1408. See Badger's introduction to Varthema's Travels (Hakluyt Society edition), p. lviii. Foster's Embassy of Sir Thomas Roe (Hakluyt Society publications, London, 1899), says of Guzerat (pp. 539, 540): "Guzratt. A goodly Kingdom enclosing the bay of Cambaya. The Cheefe Citty is Amadavaz (Ahmadabad). It Conteynes the Citty and Gouerment of Cambaya, the bewty of India, the Territorie and Citty of Surat, and Barooch [Broach]. It is watered with many goodly Riuers, as that of Cambaya [the Mahi], falsely supposed to be Indus, the Riuer of Narbadah, falling into the Sea at Barooch, that of Suratt, and diuers others. It trades to the Red Sea, to Achyn, and many places." Its ports were important centers of trade. 484 This item is missing in MS. 5,650, and in Eden. 485 Probably it was because of this belief that the ships intended African and Malabar Coasts (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 221-223. 486 Probably it was because of this belief that the ships intended to take in water near Celebes, "because they feared that in Maluco they would not be allowed to take it in" (see the "Roteiro," Stanley p. 22). 227

Page  228 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 487 MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this paragraph. 488 This passage of Pigafetta, had the Portuguese been aware of it, would have effectually answered the Spaniards in their assertions of priority of discovery in the Moluccas, in the celebrated Junta of Badajoz (see Vol. I, pp. 165-221). 489 Tristao de Meneses was sent by Aleixo de Menezes to Malacca, and while on his way thither sailed among the islands of Java, Banda and the Moluccas. He is mentioned by Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 306) as being at Ternate. 490 Diogo Lopes de Siqueira, a Portuguese naval officer, and captain-general and governor of India (1518-22), was despatched from Lisbon, April 5, 1508, with four ships on an expedition for the discovery and exploration of Malacca. On his arrival at India he was offered the position of chief-captain of India but declined. In December, 1509, he left for Malacca, where his carelessness and sense of security almost lost him his life because of Malay treachery. See Birch's Alboquerque, Guillemard's Magellan, and Mosto, p. 96, note 1. 491 Juda is the town of Jidda or Djeddah, the port of Mecca. The feud between the Turks and Arabs and the Portuguese was of some years' standing, for with the advent of the latter into the eastern world, the former had suffered greatly in their commerce, which had been extensive. Alboquerque fought against them at Aden (for descriptions and history of which, see Varthema's Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 59-64; Birch's Alboquerque, iv, pp. 10-14; and Lucas's Hist. geog, Brit. Col., i, pp. 53-62), and at Goa. Many men were sent (1515) from Egypt to aid the Arabs at Aden, and the Portuguese were in constant fear of attack. 492 MS. 5,650 reads: "Francisque Sarie." This is probably Pero de Faria who was given command of a ship at Malacca by Alboquerque (Birch's Alboquerque, iii, p. 166), and who was sent by the governor (Diogo Lopes de Siqueira) to build a fort at Maluco (Mosto, p. 96, note 4). 493 The Banda, or Nutmeg Islands, which belong to the Dutch, are small and ten in number, some of which are uninhabited. Banda (properly Bandan) means in Javanese "the thing or things tied or united," or with the word "Pulo," "united islands." The group lies between south latitudes 39 50' and 49 40'. Sontar or the Great Banda is the largest island, but the principal settlement is on Nera. They are volcanic in origin and frequent eruptions and earthquakes have occurred. The population is scant, and the raising of nutmegs constitutes almost the entire source of revenue. Abreu was the first Portuguese to visit them (in 1511, at the order of Alboquerque), but Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 243, 244) seems to have visited them before that time. The Portuguese held the islands peacefully until 1609, when the Dutch attempted to settle, but were resisted by the natives, and many of the Dutch massacred, from which followed a war of extermination until 1627. Most of the natives fled, so that it became necessary for the Dutch to introduce slave labor for the cultivation of the nutmegs. At the Dutch conquest the nutmeg plantations were given to the persons 228

Page  229 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD taking part in it, and are still held by their heirs, under the name of Parkeniers, on condition of delivering the whole product to the government at a fixed and low rate. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 33-36. 494 MS. 5,650 reads: "than the other weapons [bastons]." 495 MS. 5,650 reads: "of the color of the fruit." Cf. Pigafetta's description of the clove tree with those of Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 246) and Linschoten's Voyage (Hakluyt Society edition), ii, pp. 81-84. See also Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 101-105, and Vol. XIV, p. 58, note 5. Crawfurd remarks that Pigafetta's account is even yet a good popular one. 496 Probably Pottebackers Island to the south of Tidore. 497 Cf. Pigafetta's description of the nutmeg with those of Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition), p. 245, and Linschoten's Voyage [Hakluyt Society edition], ii, pp. 84-86). See also Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 304-306, and Vol. XX, p. 258, note 48. 498 This method of making cloth from tree-bark is also mentioned by Combes (Historia, Madrid, 1667). 499 MS. 5,650 adds: "and bruise." There are supposed to be five palms that produce the product called sago, which is probably the word for the meal, as each of the palms has its own specific name. The most frequently cultivated are the rambiya, Sagus Konigii or Metroxylon sago, and the bamban or Sagus laevis. The shell of each species is very thin, and the yield of sago very abundant, as it comprises all the pith of the three. Sago trees grow throughout the Malayan archipelago and Philippines as far as Mindanao. They require a boggy ground and propagate by lateral shoots, as well as by seeds, so that a sago plantation is perpetual. Three trees will yield more nutritive matter than an acre of wheat, and six trees more than an acre of potatoes. Sago is the sole bread of the Moluccas and New Guinea and its neighboring islands, such as Java, where rice is abundant, it is not used at all. It it is only the food of the wild tribes, and is hardly used by the Malays themselves. Only the poorer classes in Mindanao use it, while in other islands, such as Java, where rice is abundant, it is not used at all. It is the lowest kind of farinaceous food. The pearl sago of commerce was introduced by the Chinese. The method of preparation is essentially that described by Pigafetta. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 371, 372; and Official Handbook of Pilippines (Manila, 1903), pp. 115, 116. 500 MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence. Stanley (p. 135, note) says that the dress of the soldiers of Pigafetta's time was indecent. 501 MS. 5,650 reads: "seven hundred and ninety." 502 These native names for cloves are "ghomodo" and "Bongalauant" in MS. 5,650. The principal names current for the clove in the eastern archipelago are foreign rather than native. In the Moluccas they are called gaumedi, which is a Sanskrit word meaning "cow's marrow." The most frequent name is cangkek which is said to be a corruption of the Chinese name theng-hia, meaning "odoriferous nails." Another name is lawan to which the Malays prefix the words "flower" or "fruit" (as Piga229

Page  230 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY fetta's bongaluan), and is the name of the Telingas of India, who have always conducted the largest trade between India and the Malayan countries. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 101, 102. 503 Still so called and located to the south. s04 MS. 5,650 adds: "Ala." 505 MS. 5,650 reads: "crown." 506 Spelled zzambachean in MS. 5,650. This is the word subhan, "giving praise" (Stanley, p. 138). 507 MS. 5,650 reads: "by Ala his god, and by his crown." 508 MS. 5,650 reads: "of that island." 509 MS. 5,650 reads: "the king of Bacchian." These counselors were those well affected to the Portuguese who hoped by such an act to ward off Portuguese vengeance for the murder of the Portuguese at Bachian because of their licentiousness (see p. 41). 510 MS. 5,650 reads: "As we had no more cloth, we sent to ask the king for three brasses of his cloth, which he gave to us." 511 MS. 5,650 reads: "some silk and other presents." 512 St. Barbara, the patroness of powder magazines, was a virgin who was martyred at Heliopolis, December 4, 306. 513 MS. 5,650 reads: "our fireports, fire-bombs, and rockets." 514 MS. 5,650 reads: "three sous." The marcello was a silver Venetian coin weighing sixty-three grams. Two marcelli equalled one Venetian lira which was worth one and one-quarter Italian lire. It was later also the name given to a silver coin of Francesco III, duke of Mantua, 1540-50. See Mosto, p. 98, note 7; and Hazlitt's Coinage of European Continent. 515 MS. 5,650 says that a couple of drinking-cups were given to each of the brothers. 516 MS. 5,650 reads: "many pieces of artillery." 517 MS. 5,650 reads: "hagbuts and culverins." 518 MS. 5,650 reads: "relatives and friends." 519 MS. 5,650 reads: "as mistresses of the function, and arranged everything." 520 MS. 5,650 adds: "for a jest;" but omits the remainder of the sentence. 521 St. James of Compostella, located in the Spanish province of Galicia. Alboquerque, the great Portuguese viceroy of India, bequeathed a large silver lampstand to St. James of Galicia, and a hundred thousand reis (about ~20 16s 8d), in cash for oil at his death. The Portuguese convent of Palmela, located in Palmela, and under the charge of the Augustinians was the headquarters of Santiago or St. James in Portugal. See Birch's Alboquerque, iii, pp. 18, 19. 522 MS. 5,650 reads: "hagbuts." 523 MS. 5,650 reads: "quill." 524 In Eden (p. 259) manuccodiata; and in Transylvanus, Mamuco Diata (Vol. I, pp. 331, 332). This mention by the latter is perhaps the first mention in European literature of the bird of paradise, the skins of which seem to have been a regular article of commerce. These skins 230

Page  231 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD were supposed to render the wearer safe and invincible in battle Guillemard's Magellan, pp. 285, 286). The method of hunting, as described by Wallace (Malay Archipelago, New York, 1869) is by bow and arrow, the latter with "a conical wooden cap fitted to the end as large as a teacup, so as to kill the bird by the violence of the blow without making any wound or shedding any blood." 525 MS. 5,650 reads: "sixty." 526 In place of the remainder of this sentence MS. 5,650 reads: "and cast spells." 527 MS. 5,650 reads here in addition to what follows: "bewitch and." 528 MS. 5,650 adds: "and shorter." 529 MS. 5,650 reads: "in lime and in large jars." Cf. with Pigafetta's description of the ginger plant and root, that of Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 58). See also the prices quoted by Barbosa (East African and Malabar Coasts, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 220, 221), and Crawfurd's Dictionary, p. 143. 530 In Eden (p. 260) the Trinidad springs its leak in the island of Mare, after stowing provisions and fuel for the return trip. 531 Bomba: A Spanish word. 532 MS. 5,650 reads: "who will go,"' etc. 533 MS. 5,650 adds: "and regard." 534 MS. 5,650 does not specify any number, but makes it general of all who remained. 535 MS. 5,650 adds: "and sadly." 536 MS. 5,650 reads: "afternoon." 537 MS. 5,650 reads: "fifty." Juan Carvalho was later superseded by Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, the alguacil, who had rendered so signal service to Magalhaes at the time of the mutiny at Port St. Julian. Brito (Navarrete, iv, pp. 305, 306, 311) gives his connection with the men of the Trinidad as follows: "I have already written from Banda the news which I found there regarding the Castilians, and sent the letters of one Pedro de Lorossa who went with them. I left Banda May 2, 522, to ascertain whether I could seize the ship which left last, as the other one had already left about three months before. I reached Tidore May 13, 522, where the Castilians had been, and where they laded two of the five ships that sailed from Castilla. I learned that the first one had gone four months before and the other one a month and a half. The second had not left with the first because of a leak which had opened when they were on the point of departing. [Accordingly] it was lightened of its cargo and after it had been repaired it left. I found five Castilians, one a factor, with merchandise, and another who was a gunner. I sent the factor Rui Gaguo with a message to the king [of Tidore] demanding the surrender of the Castilians, artillery, and property to me, and to ask him why he had admitted Castilians since that region had been discovered so long before by the Portuguese. He answered that he had admitted them as mer231

Page  232 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY chants, and for fear rather than willingly. Next day he sent me three Castilians and a small amount of their goods. I had already taken another with me when I left Banda, whither he had gone to get information of the country and of trade. The fifth Castilian was absent in the island of Moro, 60 leguas from Maluco. The following day the king came to see me. He announced himself as a good vassal of your Highness, and had excuses for everything, all of which was proved by the Castilians themselves. I had him give his testimony in writing, in order to have a check on him at all times, for I assure you that those Castilians had surrendered to his power as if they were Christians and his natives. I found the whole country full of tin crosses ([although] some were of silver), with a crucifix on one side and our Lady on the other. They were selling bombards, muskets, crossbows, swords, darts, and powder. I brought all those crosses above mentioned to your Highness, which those people were selling with full knowledge of what they were. "After I had been there two days a bastard son of the king of Ternate came to take me to his island. That man is the one who is governing in the name of the heir, a child of eight or nine, whose father died seven or eight months before my arrival. This island [of Ternate] is the largest and chiefest of Maluco, and is the one where Francisco Serrano always lived, as well as Don Tristan when he came here. Then the mother of the king, who has more authority, came, and they proclaimed themselves as your Highness's vassals. I said nothing of a fortress as I wish first to see all the islands. After I had seen them, I thought it best to build the fort here as it is the largest and there is no port in Tidor. "While I was ashore my men fell sick, and within two months, I only had 50 well men out of the 200 I had brought with me. About 50 of them died, and with so few men the fortress was started. "On October 22, I received news that a ship was off the back of these islands. I thought it must be the Castilians, since they took that course. I sent three ships with orders to bring it in, and they did so, and with it 24 Castilians. They said that not caring to return by the way they had come as it was so long a voyage, they had resolved to sail to Darien. They found but light winds, for they could not take the monsoon, and [accordingly] went to 40 degrees north. According to their account they had made 900 leguas when they put back. When they left they had 54 men, 30 of whom died at 40 degrees. The goods of the king of Castilla were set down in writing, and the maps and astrolabes were seized. The ship, which was old and leaking badly, was begun to be lightened. In a week it opened and 40 bahars of cloves were lost. The wood was used for the fortress and the equipment for the other ships there.... "I sent seventeen Castilians with Don Garcia so that they might pay what they owe to Jorge de Alburquerque, so that he might send them thence to the chief captain of India according to the instructions given me in your Highness's orders. Those men are Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, captain; Juan de Campos, factor, who remained with the goods in Tidore; Alfonso de Costa, who was going to examine the trade in 232

Page  233 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD Banda; Luis del Molino; Diego Diaz; Diego Martin; Leon Pancaldo, pilot of the ship; Juan Roiz; Gines de Mafra; Juan Novoro; San Remo; Amalo; Francisco de Ayamonte; Luis de Veas; Segredo; Master Otans [the German gunner, Hans Vargue]; and Anton Moreno. 'I left four here: 1st, the master of the ship, named Juan Bautista, who is the most skilful of them all, and has sailed in ships belonging to your Highness, and who is the one who took command, and who after the death of Magallanes must have taken his fleet to Maluco; 2nd, the clerk, who is a good sailor and pilot; 3rd, the boatswain; and 4th, a carpenter who is needed to repair this ship by which I am now sending by way of Burneo..... "In regard to the master, clerk, and pilot, I am writing to the chief captain that it will be more to the service of your Highness to order them beheaded than to send them there. I detained them in Maluco because it is an unhealthy country, with the intention of having them die there, as I did not dare order them beheaded for I was ignorant whether such action would meet your Highness's approval. I am writing to Jorge de Alburquerque to detain them in Malaca, which is also a country that is very unhealthy." Navarrete describes the adventures of the Trinidad and the fate of her crew in his Col. de viages, iv, pp. 98-107; for a translation of which see Stanley's First Voyage, pp. 237-241. Cf. also the account in Guillemard's Magellan, pp. 298-307, where many details not in Navarrete are to be found. The mortality of the crew of the Trinidad was terrible, and of the 53 men left with Juan Carvalho at Tidore, only the following returned to Spain, and that only after a number of years: Gonzalo Gomez de Espinosa, alguazil; Gines de Mafra, sailor; Leon Pancado [mentioned above by Brito], sailor; and Juan Rodriguez of Seville. sailor. The German gunner, Hans Vargue, also reached Lisbon with Espinosa and Gines de Mafra, but died almost immediately upon his arrival there, in prison. See Guillemard, ut supra, pp. 338, 339. The goods left and accumulated in Tidore by the Spaniards is thus given by Brito (Navarrete, iv, p. 310): "The goods which remained in Tidore belonging to the Castilians amounted to 1,125 quintals, 32 libras of copper, 2,000 libras of quicksilver, two quintals of iron, three bombards with iron blocks (one is a pasamuro and two are roqueiras), 14 iron culverins without any chamber, three iron anchors (consisting of a fugareo, one large one, and one broken one), 9 crossbows, 12 muskets, 32 breastplates, 12 serveilheras, 3 helmets, 4 anchors, 53 iron bars, 6 iron culverins, 2 iron falconets, 2 large iron bombards with four chambers, and 1,275 quintals of cloves." 538 So Pigafetta calls the minister in charge of the religious matters of Tidore, which had embraced the Mahometan worship. 539 MS. 5,650 adds: "was forty-five years old." 540 MS. 5,650 omits mention of the camotes. The comulicai becomes comulicar in MS. 5,650. Eden reads: "and a marueilous coulde frute which they name Camulicai." The comulicai is perhaps a species of Anona. The fruit like the peach called guava is evidently the mango 233

Page  234 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY or manga (Mangifera Indica). See Crawfurd's Dictionary, p. 263 (whc fails to note that Pigafetta mentions this fruit as existing in the Moluccas). It is mentioned by the Italian traveler Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition,, pp. 159, 160). 541 The generic name for "parrot" is loony. Its correct Malay form is noyras (Crawfurd, Dictionary, p. 221, nuri and Javanese nori). The corruption nori began to be common in the seventeenth century. (See Linschoten's Voyage, Hakluyt Society edition, i, p. 307). Nicolo de' Conti says that there are three species of parrots in Banda. The first two species are both known by the name of nori, "bright," and are about the size of doves, one species having red feathers and a saffron-colored beak and the other being of various colors. The third species are white and as large as the common domestic fowl, and are called cachi, "better." They imitate human speech better than the others. Bellemo says that the lonr (i.e., nori) are parrots with red feathers, giachi those which speak more easily, while the white ones cockatoos which do not speak (Mosto, p. 100, note 3). 542 The moder names of the Moluccas are Ternate, Tidor, Mortier, Makian, and Batjian; or in a more correct orthography, Tarnati, Tidori, Mortir, Makiyan, and Bachian (see Crawfurd's Dictionary, p. 283). Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225) includes Gilolo among the Moluccas. 543 In describing the five Moluccas Islands, Eden (p. 260) says that Tidore lies in 171 degrees of longitude. "Terenate, is vnder the Equinoctial line foure minutes vnder the pole Antartike.... These Ilandes are lyke foure sharpe mountaynes, except Macchian which is not sharpe. The byggest of all these, is Bacchian." Main events while at the Moluccas, are related substantially the same by the "Roteiro" (Stanley, pp. 23-25) as by Pigafetta, although much shorter. The "Roteiro" says, however, that the king of Tidore sent twenty-five divers to locate the leak of the Trinidad. The anonymous Portuguese (Stanley, pp. 31, 32) names the five Moluccas and mentions the island of Banda. See A. Bastian's Indonesian oder die Inseln des Malayischen Archipel. which contains sections entitled: Die Molukken (Berlin, 1884); Timor und umliegende Inseln (Berlin, 1885); and Borneo und Celebes (Berlin, 1889). 544 MS. 5,650 omits this vocabulary; as does Stanley. Mosto has mistranscribed a few of the Malay words. This vocabulary is the most ancient specimen of Malay extant, for in that language there exist neither old inscriptions nor old manuscripts; and it is wonderfully accurate. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, p. 352; also R. N. Cust's Modern Languages of the East Indies (London, 1878); and Wallace's East India Archipelago, pp. 608-625. 545 Naceran is evidently a corruption of an Arabian word meaning "Nazarene;" in some of the following words used to denote worship, one may see traces also of words brought in with the conquering religion of Mahomet 546 See Vol. XXXII, p. 315, note 160. 547 See Vol. XXXIII, p. 349, note 391. 234

Page  235 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 548 At this point in the original Italian MS. are shown two charts: 1. On folio 68b, the islands of Laigoma, Caioian, Giogi, Sico, Labuac, Caphi (with the inscription "The Pigmies live in this island"), Tolyman, Tabobi, Bachiam, Latalata, Batutiga, Maga, and a number of unnamed islands (q.v., p. 104); shown on folio 84a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: "Chart of the islands of Bacchian, Toliman, Sico, Caioan. Laigoma, Gioggi, Caphi, Labuan, etc." 2. On folio 69a, the islands of Sulach, Lumatola, Tenetum, Buru, Ambalao, Ambon, and a number of unnamed islands (q.v., p. 110); MS. 5,650 show non folio 84b, preceded by the words "Below is shown the chart of the islands of Ambalao, Ambon, Buru, and others." 549 A number of these and succeeding islands are spelled slightly differently in Eden (p. 260). Mosto (p. 104, note 1) conjectures that Caioan is the Cayoan of Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 224), which he seeks to identify with the island of Kayoa or Kiou; Laigoma is Laigama. one of the islands among the Molucca group; Sico is Siku; Giogi is perhaps Gumorgi; and Caphi is Gafi. See Mosto, p. 104, notes 1-5. 550 Throughout the remainder of his narrative, it is seen that Pigafetta has often lent a credulous ear to the Malayan pilots of the ships and to current report. Marco Polo (book iii, xiii), explodes the belief in pigmies, which he declares to have been cleverly made for trade purposes. Pigafetta's account may possibly refer to an aboriginal people, although more probably it is a reference to the orang-outang. 551 MS. 5,650 spells some of these islands differently (Labuan, Toliman, and several others), but in general the changes in spelling are very slight, consisting in a change of vowel or a doubling of a consonant. Labuan corresponds to Laboeha, the southern part of the island of Batchian; Toliman is Twali Bezar; Titameti is perhaps Tawalie Ketijl; Latalata is Latta-latta; Tabobi is perhaps Tappi; Maga is perhaps Loemang; Batutiga is perhaps Oby Major, a headland of which is called Aijer Batoe Geggok. See Mosto, p. 104, notes 6-12. 552 Called "Sulan'' by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225). It is one of the Xulla Islands (see Guillemard's Magellan, p. 289, and Mosto p. 104, note 13). 553 It is impossible to identify these names with complete assurance. The first four probably correspond to the group of islands near Amboina, which contains those of Honimoa, Moelana, Oma, and Noesfa Laut; Leitimor (Ley-timur) is a peninsula of Amboina; Tenetum (called "Tenado" by Albo - Navarrete, iv, p. 225) is perhaps one of the Xulla islands; the last four correspond perhaps to the group east of Ceram known as Bonoa, Babi, Kelang, Manipa, Toeban, and Smangi. Benaia is again named lower down, and two other islands in its group. See Mosto, pp. 104, 105, notes. 554 Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225) calls it Lumutola. It is perhaps the island of Lisamatula. See Mosto, p. 105, note 2. 554* MS. 5,650 reads: "a food made of figs [i.e., bananas], almonds, and honey, wrapped in leaves and smoke dried, which is cut into rather long pieces and called canali." That MS. omits the remainder of this, and the following six sentences. 235

Page  236 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 555 MS. 5,650 reads: "sixty-five." On modern maps this name is given as Boeroe. It is called Buro by Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225), and he says that it was "necessary to coast along its eastern side." This was on December 27. 556 The native name of Amboina is Ambun, which is said to be derived from its chief town, the island itself being called by its inhabitants Hitoe or Hitu. The inhabitants have been converted to Christianity and belong to the Dutch Lutheran church. They attend public schools and are taught to read and write the Malay language in Roman characters. Crawfurd's Dictionary, p. 11. 557 MS. 5,650 gives this name as "Undia." It is probably the Bidia of Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 225). 558 Now Amblau. It has an area of about seventy square geographical miles, and a small population. It lies in latitude 3~ 15' south, and longitude 1259 15' east. Following this paragraph in the original Italian MS. (folio 72a) is shown the chart of the islands of Bandam, namely, Lailaca, Pulurun, Manuca, Baracha, Unuvero, Palach, Saniananpi, Chelicel, Man, Meut, Rossoghin, and Zoroboa (q.v., p. 114). This chart is shown on folio 85b of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words, "Chart of the islands of Bandan, Rossonghin, Man, Zzorobua, and others." 559 The names of the ten islands comprising the Banda group are Banda ("United"), Pulo Nera ("the island of Palm Wine"), Lontar ("Palm"), Pulo Ai (properly Pulo Wai; "Water Island"), Pulo Pisang ("Banana Island"), Puto Run (Rung; "Chamber Island"), Pulo Suwanggi ("Sorcery Island"), Gunung-api ("Fire Mountain" or "Volcano"), Pulo Kapal ("Ship Island" or "Horse Island"), and Roslngen (the Rosoghin of Pigafetta, and the Rosolangium of Barros, which Crawfurd conjectures to be derived from the Malay words roso, "strength" and langgang, "firm," "assured"). See Crawfurd's Dictionary, p. 33; and ante, note 493. 560 At this point (folio 73a) of the original Italian MS. follows the chart of the islands of Mallua, Batuombor, Galiau, Zolot, and Nocemamor (q.v., p. 118). This chart is shown on folio 87a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: "Chart of the islands of Zzolot, Galliau, Nocemamor, Batuanbor, and Mallua." 561 These are the islands of Solor, Nobokamor Rusa, and Lomblen (Mosto, p. 105, notes 6-8). Guillemard (Magellan, p. 289, note) says that the passage taken by the Victoria was either Flores or Boleng strait. 562 MS. 5,650 reads: "little horns." The Italian is corniolli. 563 MS. 5,650 reads: "They have a kind of sack made from the leaves of trees, in which they carry their food and drink. When their women saw us they came to meet us with bows," etc. Stanley following Amoretti says the same. The Italian MS. will allow this translation, although the most natural translation both in the structure and the sense is the one of our text. This might be recorded as another piece of carelessness on the part of the adapter of the Italian to the French. 564 MS. 5,650 reads: "in order to inspect and overhaul." 565 MS. 5,650 mentions only the long pepper here, though the round variety is also described as in the Italian MS. 236

Page  237 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 566 MS. 5,650 omits this sentence, and in the succeeding sentence, compares the leaves of the pepper plant to those of the mulberry. Gatelle (Gattelli), the diminutive of Gatto "cat", is the vulgar name for amento. the botanical name for the first flowers of the walnut-tree, hazelnut-tree, and other trees. 567 MS. 5,650 reads: "lubi." Crawfurd (Dictionary, p. 335) says that the long pepper (Piper longum) is called chave by the Javanese and lada panjang of the Malays. It is probably a native of Java, although grown in other parts of the archipelago. It is not named by Barbosa. Linschoten (Voyage, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 73) says that the long pepper is grown only in Bengala and Java, and calls it Pepelini (from the Sanskrit pippali). 568 The black pepper (Piper nigrum), called lada in Malayan, lada in the Philippines, and maricha (pure Sanskrit) in Javanese, was probably introduced into the archipelago from Malabar. It is not found wild in any of the Malayan islands, but abundantly so in the mountains and valleys of most of the countries of the western side of India. It is produced in some parts of the Philippines, but little is exported, as sufficient attention has not been paid to it to enable the Philippine product to compete with that raised in other parts of the East Indies. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 333-335; and Official Handbook of Philippines, p. 114. See also Yule's Jordanus (Hakluyt Society edition), p. 27 (who confuses the long with the black pepper); Varthema's Travels (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 156, 157; Barbosa's East African and Malabar Coasts (Hakluyt Society edition) p. 219; Linschoten's Voyage (Hakluyt Society edition), ii, pp. 72-75; and Vol. III, p. 77. 569 They reached this island on January 8, 1522, the day of the storm. See Albo's log (Navarrete, iv, p. 226). At this point in the original Italian MS. (folio 74a) is the chart of the islands of Botolo, Chendam, Nossocamba, Samaute, and Timor (q.v., p. 124). This chart appears on folio 89a of MS. 5,650, preceded by the words: "Chart of the island of Timor and of its four settlements, and four other islands." 570 Mosto (p. 106, note 4) conjectures that Arucheto is one of the Aru Islands or the island of Haruku, east of Amboina. Eden (p. 260) says of the island of Arucheto (Arucetto): "But owr men wolde not sayle thyther, bothe bycause the wynde and course of the sea was ageynste theym, and also for that they gaue no credite to his reporte." This last reason may have been obtained from Maximilianus Transylvanus. 571 Amoretti reads erroneously: "Saturday, January 25, at 22 o'clock;" and Stanley (p. 151), reproducing his error, explains this as the Italian method of reckoning time. 572 M.S. 5,650 omits the date. 573 MS. 5,650 reads: "beef," here and throughout this paragraph, and elsewhere. 574 The large island was Timur, and Amaban and Balibo were vil-.lages located on its coast. Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 226) says that they coasted along Timor "to the village of Manvay, first arriving at the village of Queru." 237

Page  238 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 575 MS. 5,650 reads: "linen, silk and cotton cloth, knives, scissors, mirrors, and other things," 576 MS. 5,650 reads: "adorned with gold," and the last sentence of the paragraph reads: "Some of them wear other gold ornaments in their ears." Guillemard conjectures from Pigafetta's description that these people were of Papuan origin (Magellan, p. 290). His translation of this passage is not exact. 577 The white sandal wood (Santalum album) is a low tree resembling a large myrtle, although belonging to another family. It is a native of several islands in the Malay Archipelago, but more especially of Timur and Sumba (Sandal-Wood Island). It is also found in the South Sea Islands and in Malabar. The Malays and Javanese call it "chandana" (a Sanskrit word, written "sandana" by the Filipinos, but used there for another tree), and it was probably first made known to the natives of the archipelago by the Hindu traders. Both Varthema and Barbosa mention it as an article of commerce, and the latter gives prices. The greatest users of sandal-wood as a perfume, incense, or fancy wood are the Hindus and Chinese, especially the latter. Crawfurd's Dictionary, p. 375. 578 MS. 5,650 omits mention of beans. 579 MS. 5,650 reads: "steel" instead of "hatchets." 580 MS. 5,650 reads: "one hundred and sixty-four and one-half." 581 Timur is wrongly classed with the chain of islands called the Sunda, being different in location, structure, fauna, and botany. It is mountainous and rather desolate. Its inhabitants are Malayans and Negritos, and two languages are spoken there - Timourese in the west, and Teto or Manatoto in the east. The religion is a sort of demonology. An annual sacrifice of a virgin to the sharks and alligators was made until recent times, when the practice was abolished by the Dutch. It is about 370 miles long by 50 broad in its widest part and contains about 9,808 square geographical miles. The island belongs to the Dutch and Portuguese. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 432-435, and Cust's Modern Languages of the East Indies (London, 1878), p. 143. 582 MS. 5,650 reads: "St. Job," and "for franchi." Eden (p. 260) says of this disease: "In al the Ilandes of this Archipelagus, rayneth the disease of saynt Iob (whiche wee caule the frenche poxe) more then in any other place in the worlde."' Evidently this passage of Pigafetta is a reference to the disease of syphilis. This disease was not first introduced in the Orient by the Portuguese as Crawfurd claims, nor first discovered in America, for Varthema found it in Calicut in 1505, and it was observed in China long before it was noticed in Europe. Littre discovered a mention of it in a work of the thirteenth century, and is mentioned in Sanskrit medical books prior to 1500 under the name of upadamca. It is doubtless an old disease. Stanley (p. 153) following Amoretti, wrongly believes the leprosy to be meant by this passage. From the fact that the Filipinos had a name for the disease (see Vol. i, p. 189), it is conjectured that its existence was well known. See Linschoten's Voyage (Hakluyt Society edition), i, p. 239 The following information is received from Walter G. Stern, M.D., of Cleveland, Ohio, regarding this disease: 'The maladie de Job is con238

Page  239 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD sidered by many authors to be syphilis (lues venerea). At least all of the symptoms complained of by Job can be readily explained upon the theory that Job was afflicted with this disease. That syphilis is as old as mankind, there can be no doubt, although for centuries popular belief and tradition claimed that it was introduced by Columbus who brought it from the West Indies. The coincidence of the terrible epidemic of malignant syphilis with the discovery of the New World, the ignorance of the medical profession of those times, and the silence of the popular medical writers of former ages as to the previous existence of such a complex contagion as syphilis strengthened this belief into an axiom. The finding of undoubted syphilitic bone lesions in skeletons of the most remote historic periods is undisputed evidence of the antiquity of syphilis. The sexual excesses of the ancients, the Baal and Astarte worship of the Assyrians, the Venus, Bacchus, and Priapus cult of the Romans, were at least most favorable means of spreading venereal diseases. Not taking into account references in Roman and Grecian mythology, the old Syrian cuneiform epic Izdebar and the "papyrus Ebers," we find the first reference to syphilitic disease in Indian literature of the Brahman period (800 B.C.). There is also a reference in the Chinese work of Musi-King, which very possibly dates from 2637 B.C.; also one in Japanese MS. Daido-rui-shim-ho of about 810 B.C. Hippocrates, Celsus, and Pliny also mention a disease with the characteristics of syphilis, while the Roman satirists describe venereal afflictions identical to it. It is specifically mentioned by the medical writers of the thirteenth and fourteenth centuries, when it was of a very mild type-endemic, as seen at the present day in Bosnia and Turkey. Its place of origin is unknown. It probably came from India, where it has been endemic at least from 800 B.C., and brought by the Assyrians, Phoenicians, and Carthaginians to Greece and Rome and the rest of Europe. (See Neuman's Syphilis, Wien, 1899)." Dr. Alexander F. Chamberlain, in The American Antiquarian and Oriental Journal for January and February, 1905, has the following note: "American origin of syphilis. In his 'Das erst Auftreten der Syphilis (Lustseuche) in der europaischen Kulturwelt' (Jena, 1903, p. 35) Iwan Bloch sustains the thesis of its pre-Columbian existence in America and transference to Europe in the wake of the discovery of the new world. Bloch had previously published another work on syphilis 'Der Ursprung der Syphilis' (1901), in which he set forth similar views. The new work contains data concerning the first appearance of this terrible malady in Europe, and of a like sexual disease among the American Indians." 583 In the original Italian MS. at this point (folio 76a) follows the chart of Laut Chidol, that is, Great Sea (q.v., p. 124). This chart is given on folio 89b of MS. 5,650, without other inscription than that of the chart itself, which is the same as the above. 584 Ende, also called Floris and Mangarai, lies between latitudes 79 and 90 south, and longitudes 1209 and 1239 east. It is two hundred miles long and its breadth ranges from forty-two to fifty miles. It is volcanic in origin. It is said to possess six distinct languages, and the natives are 239

Page  240 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY intermediate between Malayan and Papuan. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, p. 138, and Cust, ut supra, p. 143. 585 Tanabutun - Mani (in MS. 5,650, "Moiu," and in Mosto "Main") inclusive, probably refer to the islands between Ende or Floris and Sumbawa. Zumbaua is Sumbawa, which is so called from its principal people. It is the fifth island of the Sunda chain from the westward. Its length is 140 miles, greatest breadth, 50, and its area about 278 square geographical leagues. The island belongs to the Dutch, but the more civilized people are Mahometans, while some of the mountaineers are still pagans. Three languages or dialects are found there. Lomboch or Lomboc is the second island due east of Java. The name is taken from the Javanese word for capsicum. By the natives Lomboc is now called Sasak (in Malay and Javanese, "a raft" or "temporary bridge"), and sometimes Selaparang. It is volcanic and mountainous, contains numerous small and unnavigable rivers, and a number of mountain lakes. The yegetation resembles that of Java, but its fauna is considerably different. The inhabitants call themselves Sasak, who are Mahometans and subject (along the seacoast) to the Balinese who profess Hinduism (a unique example of a nation professing Mahometanism being held in permanent subjection by another professing Hinduism). The language of the Sasaks is similar to that of the western end of Sumbawa. Chorum is perhaps Bali, the island just east of Java. See Mosto, p. 107, notes 6-9; Crawfurd's Dictionary, and Cust's Modern Languages of East Indies. 586 Java (a Dutch dependency), the most important island of the East Indies, is correctly called Jawa, a name derived from its principal people. It was first named among Europeans by Marco Polo. Varthema's account of the island is almost worthless, but Barbosa, who never visited it, describes it accurately, while Pigafetta's account is still more accurate. The botany of Java is rich and diversified, and the island is extremely fertile. The fauna is proportionally as varied as the botany. The people whether Javanese or Sundanese are Malayan. The Javanese are industrious and honest, and are only semi-Mahometan. The Sundanese who inhabit the mountainous districts of the western part are Mahometans. The language of the former is the chief language of the island. and is one of the most copious languages in the world. The Javanese are the most civilized of all Malayan peoples and could boast of civilization before the advent of Europeans in the Orient. They have cultivated certain of the arts and have many industries. They have a literature that is sufficiently abundant in both the ancient and modem languages. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 165-192; Cust's Modern Languages of the East Indies, pp. 137, 138; and Lucas's Historical Geography of British Colonies (Oxford, 1888), i, p. 99. 587 The name of the king of Megepaher seems to be given as "Patiunus Sunda" in MS. 5,650. That manuscript continues: "Considerable pepper grows there. The other cities are." Magepaher is the ancient capital Majapait; Sunda is probably the western district of Java, occupied by the Sundanese (it must be remembered that Pigafetta's information is derived orally from the Malay pilots); Daha is the ancient Javanese kingdom 240

Page  241 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD of Daa; Cipara is Japara; Sidaiu is Sidayu; Tuban is the same; Chessi is Gressik or Garsik (the first place in Java visited by the Portuguese d'Abreu); and Cirubaia is Surabaya. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, p. 166. 588 Balli is not properly a city of Java, but the island of Bali, located about 1-1/2 miles east of Java. The name in Javanese and Malay signifies "to return". Its area is about 1685 square geographical miles, and it is lofty and mountainous. Its numerous rivers are navigable for native vessels only, and as far as the reach of the tide; and its mountain lakes ensure a constant water supply. The people live in villages of from five hundred to three thousand inhabitants, surrounded by walls built of clay, without stone or brick. They are said to be more skilful agriculturists than the Javanese. The religion is Brahmanical and Buddhist, although blended with Pagan forms and beliefs. The caste idea prevails among them. Their dialect is called Balinese, and although rude and simple is above those of the Sundanese and Madurese. Writing is on the palm-leaf only. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 28-31; and Cust's Modern Languages, pp. 137, 139. 589 Eden reads (p. 260): "Giaua the lesse, is as bygge as the Ilande of Madera, and is but half a leaque distante from Giaua major," thus confusing the island of Madura with the Portuguese island of Madeira. Madura has the same formation, vegetation, and manners and character of its inhabitants as Java. The name is derived from the Hindu legend, which represents it as the kingdom of the hero and demi-god Baladewa, and is a corruption of the Sanskrit Mathura. The greatest length of the island is about ninety miles. The language although poorer and ruder than the Javanese, resembles the latter. It has one dialect, termed Sumanap. Many of its inhabitants have emigrated to Java. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 233, 234; and Cust's Modern Languages, p. 138. 590 MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence. 591 This ceremony, as it was practised in the island of Bali (the only one of the East Indies to preserve the custom) is described by Crawfurd (Dictionary, pp. 30, 140-142). 'The ordinary funeral rites of the Balinese much resemble those of the Buddhists of Siam and Ava, and the concremation is a modification of the Hindu Suttee, and the bloody ceremony of krising, a barbarism peculiar to the people of Bali themselves." In that island, unless the dead man were of great wealth, the woman sacrificing herself was stabbed to death with a kris, instead of being burned with her husband's corpse, as the expense accompanying the burning was so great. Barbosa (East African and Malabar Coasts, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 93) mentions this custom of one of the countries of India. See also Linschoten (Voyage, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 249, 250, and note). 592 MS. 5,650 adds: "of their vagina." 593 MS. 5,650 adds: "and more pleasantly." This custom is also mentioned by Barbosa (ut supra, p. 184) in connection with the people of Pegu. His account, which is left untranslated by Stanley, is as follows: "They are very voluptuous, and have certain round hawk's-bell sewn and fastened in the head of their penis between the flesh and the skin 241

Page  242 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY in order to make them larger. Some have three, some five, and others seven. Some are made of gold and silver, and others of brass, and they tinkle as the men walk. The custom is considered as quite the proper thing. The women delight greatly in the bells, and do not like men who go without them. The most honored men are those who have the most and largest one. I will say nothing more of this custom, for it is a shameful one." Stanley says that this custom is also mentioned by Nicolo Conti in the fifteenth century. 594 In MS. 5,650 and in Mosto: "Ocoloro." Yule (Book of Ser Marco Polo, ii. p. 395) conjectures that this is the modern island of Engano. 59s In MS. 5,650 "caiu paugganghi," and "bua paugganghi." Stanley (p. 155, note 2) says that garuda is Sanskrit and Malay for "griffin," and (note 1) that campong anghin means "the place of wind." Yule (Cathay, Hakluyt Society edition, ii, p. 511, note) says: "Garuda is a term from the Hindu mythology for the great bird that carries Vishnu; its use among the Malays is a relic of their ancient religion.... To an island of the Indian Sea also Kazwini attributes a bird of such enormous size, that, if dead, the half of its beak would serve for a ship." De Gubernatis (Memorie intomo ai viaggiatori italiani nelle Indie orientali, Firenze, 1867) says that the tree of the text is perhaps the mythical tree, whose fruit gives felicity in the Hindu paradise; and the bird is the one with the golden feathers, into which Vishnu or the sun is transformed in the Hindu mythology. Mosto, p. 108, note 5. 596 Probably Point Romania, at the southeastern extremity of the peninsula of Malacca. 597 Cinghapola is Singapore or Singapura, so called from the Sanskrit singa, "lion," and pura, "city." It is an island and town located at the extremity of the Malacca Peninsula, and is a busy mart of trade. Pahan is Pahang (called Pam by the Portuguese, and properly spelt Paang), which is a city and district or province of the eastern part of the Malacca Peninsula. Calantan (Kalantan) and Patani are districts of the eastern part of the Peninsula of Malacca whose chief towns have the same names. Both states were from early times tributary to Siam. Lagon is the Siamese province of Ligor (called Lakon by the Siamese). Phran is perhaps the same name as seen today in the Pran River. Cui figures on the maps of Ortelius and Mercartorius; and Valentyn gives an island "Couir." Brabri is perhaps Bangri, and Bangha, Bang-kok. India (error of ancient amanuensis for Iudia) is Yuthia, which became the Siamese capital in 1350 Mosto believes that Jandibum, Sanu, and Langhonpifa are also the names of Siamese kings, but they are probably the names of cities. MS. 5,650 makes Zacabedera the name of a city, but it appears later as part of a sovereign's name. Stanley (following Amoretti, who mistranscribed) has Bradlini, Trombon, Joran (for Phran), Laun (in MS. 5,650 "Lauu"), and Langonpifa. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, and Mosto (p. 109, notes 1-8). 598 MS. 5,650 reads: "the rest." 599 MS. 5,650 reads: "Cameggia." This is the country of Cambodia or Camboja (Kamboja), called also Champa by the Malays. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, pp. 80, 81. 242

Page  243 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 600 Champa, the name of an ancient Malay settlement on the eastern side of the gulf of Siam, in the country of Cambodia. Stanley makes the name of its king "Brahami Martu." Mosto (p. 109, note 10) makes Chiempa, Binh-Thuan in Anam. See preceding note; and Crawfurd's Dictionary, p. 93. 601 Stanley (p. 156, note) says: "Pigafetta has confounded rhubarb with the decayed wood of a tree found in Siam, which when burnt, gives a very sweet perfume, and which sells at a high price." 602 MS. 5,650 confuses this country with the cocoanut, and translates accordingly: "Cocoanuts are found there." It is, of course, the country of Cochin. MS. 5,650 also makes the Seribumni (Scribumni, in Mosto) Pala (Seribumnipala, in MS. 5,650) the ruler of Champa, although a ruler has already been named for that country. 603 This king is known in Chinese history as Chitsong, of the Ming dynasty, who succeeded to Woutsong in 1519 and reigned for forty-five years. See Boulger's Short History of China (London, 1900, pp. 94-96). 604 In Eden (p. 260) the names of these Chinese cities are "Canthan, Nauchin, and Connulaha." The last is the city of Peking which was called Khan-palik (the city of the Khan) by the Mongols, a form which was changed into Cambalu in the accounts of those times. See Williams, Middle Kingdom, i, p. 55. 605 MS. 5,650 reads: "great and little." See Vol. XXXIII, p. 331, note 273. 606 Eden (p. 261) calls the Chinese emblem a "linx;" an allusion doubtless to the Chinese emblem, the dragon, called lung. See Williams, Middle Kingdom, ii, p. 267. 607 MS. 5,650 continues from this point: "so that he may furnish an example." See Williams, Middle Kingdom, i, pp. 408-420, for modes of Chinese punishments (the obeisance made by criminals being mentioned on p. 315). The zonghu of the text is perhaps the simplest ceremonial form called kung shau, which consists in joining the hands and raising them before the breast (ii, p. 68). 608 MS. 5,650 adds: "also artificially made." Naga in Sanskrit is the name of a fabulous snake or dragon, and is found in all the cultivated languages throughout the Indian Archipelago. See Crawfurd's Dictionary, p. 290. 609 This passage reads as follows in MS. 5,650: "Each circle or enclosure of the wall has a gate. At the first is a porter who holds in his hand a large stout iron club called satu horan. In the second is a dog called satu hain; in the third a man with an iron mace called satu horan with pocun bessin; in the fourth a man with a bow in his hand called satu horan with anach panan; in the fifth a man with a lance called satu horan with satu tumach; in the sixth a lion called satu hurimau; and in the seventh, two white elephants called two gaggia pute." Mosto has houman for the horiman of our text and the hurimau of MS. 5,650; while Stanley has hurimau. Mosto also prints the word con meaning "with," as a part of the various Malayan words. The meaning of these words as given by Stanley and corroborated by Mosto are as follows:

Page  244 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY satu orang, "one man;" anjing, a "dog;" pokoh bisi, "club of iron;" panah, a "bow;" tombak, a "lance;" horiman, a "tiger." 610 MS. 5,650 omits the remainder of this sentence; and continuing reads: "If one stops to examine the palace thoroughly, he finds four halls, where the principal men go at times to visit and converse with the king." Eden (p. 261) says: "In this pallaice are lxxix. haules, in the which is an infinite number of women that serue the kynge hauynge euer lyght torches in theyr handes for the greater magnifycence." 611 See description of Peking with map showing the palace in Williams, Middle Kingdom, i, pp. 55-66. 612 Eden (p. 261.) reads: "They haue the crosse in sum estimation, but knowe not the cause whye." 613 The remainder of this sentence is omitted in MS. 5,650. 614 "Commaru" in MS. 5,650. 615 MS. 5,650 reads: "Then it is steeped in the urine of the said cat." 616 MS. 5,650 adds instead of the following sentence: "But the real musk comes from the blood abovesaid, and if that be made into little round pellets, it evaporates." 617 Mosto (p. 110, note 5) thinks it more probable that this passage refers to the animal Moschus moschiferus, or the musk deer, which is found in the high Himalayas, Tibet, and Eastern Siberia, rather than to the civet cat, which Pigafetta names. Castor is derived from the Sanskrit kasturi, which is used by the Malays and Javanese for the perfume of the civet cat (although they also use native and Arabic names). It is very probable that Pigafetta has confused musk and civet. However, Cosmas says also that the Kasturi produces the musk (see Yule's Cathay, Hakluyt Society edition, i. p. clxxiv). Friar Jordanus gives a very superficial account of the musk deer and the preparation of musk (Wonders of the East, pp. 47, 48). Early descriptions of preparing musk and prices are given by Varthema (Travels, Hakluyt Society edition, p. 102), Barbosa (East African and Malabar Coasts, Hakluyt Society edition, pp. 186, 187, 222), who mentions the leeches, and Linschoten (Voyage, Hakluyt Society edition, i, p. 149, i, pp. 94, 95), who also describes civet (ii, pp. 95, 96). Wallace (Malay Archipelago, p. 41) notes that leeches are very abundant and annoying on the peninsula of Malacca. 618 Chienchii are probably the people of Chincheo (Chinchew; the modern Chwan-Chow-Foo), a name formerly often applied to a province of China. See. Vol. III, p. 41, note 6. 619 Bellemo, basing his assertion on the fact that the Peguans proper are called Mon, says (Mosto, p 110, note 6) that Burmah is here referred to. It would seem rather to be one of the northern districts of China, possibly about the Yellow River, and Lechii may refer to the city of Linching. Mosto and Amoretti transcribe Moni, and MS. 5,650, Mon. 620 Cathay, at first restricted to the northern part of the country now called China, became later (in the Middle Ages) the name for the entire country. See Yule's Cathay, i, preliminary essay. 244

Page  245 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD 621 MS. 5,650 reads: "Hau." Han was a small Chinese state which gave name to the first national Chinese dynasty, and it may be the Han referred to by Pigafetta. See Boulger's Short History of China, p. 10. 622 "Chetissirimiga" in MS. 5,650. 623 "Triagomba" in MS. 5,650. 624 These names appear before (see Vol. XXXIII, p. 321. note 177) where they are given as the name of one island. 625 Javanese for "South Sea." 626 Sumatra, a name probably of Sanskrit origin, is first mentioned with that spelling by Varthema, but it had been visited previously by Marco Polo (who calls it Java the less); and probably by Nicolo de Conti, who calls it Sciumathera, and before him by the Arabian traveler Ibn Batuta (ca. 1330), who calls its capital Shumatrah or Sumatrah. Taprobane was the ancient name of Ceylon, not Sumatra. It is the most western of all the East India Archipelago, and next to Borneo and New Guinea the largest island proper, being about 1,000 miles long having an area of about 128,560 square miles. The ancestral home of the Malay race was in the interior of Sumatra, in the region of Menangkaba, whence they colonized the coasts of Sumatra and spread to outlying islands. A number of tongues akin to the Malay and many dialects are spoken in the island. Neither the English nor the Dutch obtained any real foothold in the island until after 1816, since when the latter have entered upon a system of conquest. See Crawfurd's Dictionary; Varthema's Travels (Hakluyt Society edition); Cust's Modern Languages; and Lucas's Historical Geography of British Colonies, i, pp. 98, 99, 101. 627 Eden (p. 261) reads: "Fearyng least if they shuld sayle toward the firm land, they myght bee seene of the portugales who are of great power in Malaccha." 628 Pegu (with a capital of the same name) formerly wielded great influence in the East, but was eclipsed by the kingdoms surrounding it. Together with Bengal or Bengala and Orissa (Uriza), it forms a portion of British India. Bengal was incorporated with the Ghori or Patan empire of Hindustan toward the end of the twelfth century, and was formed into a separate province under the second emperor. It became an independent kingdom at least by 1340, continuing as an independent state until conquered by Akbar in 1573. Chelin is probably Coulam or Quilon in Malabar, once an important center of trade, but an insignificant place by the middle of the seventeenth century. Narsinga or Bijayanagar, now a ruined city, was formerly the capital of the ancient Brahminical kingdom of the Carnatic, which before the conquests of the Mahometans extended over the greater part of the peninsula between the Malabar and Coromandel coasts. Calicut, Cambay, Cananore, Goa, and Ormus (Armus) were all important centers of trade before and during Portuguese occupation in the East. MS. 5,650 reads: "Gon" and "Armux." See Varthema's Travels (Hakluyt Society edition), and Mosto (p. III, notes 3-II). 629 In MS. 5,650 "Irauai," "Poleni," and "Poleai." Stanley gives the first as "Franas." The names of the castes as given by Varthema 245

Page  246 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY (Travels, pp. 141, 142) are as follows: "Brahmins (or priestly class), Naeri (or military class), Tiva (or artisans), Mechua (or fishermen), Poliar (who collect pepper, wine and nuts), and Hirava (who sow and reap rice). There are only four main castes, viz.: the Brahman or Sacerdotal, which sprang from the mouth of Brahma; the warrior, styled Kshatriya, Ksettri, or Chuttree, and formerly the Rajputs, who sprang from the arms of Brahma; Vaisya or husbandmen class, who form the industrial class, and who sprang from the belly and thighs of Brahma; and the Sudra or servile class, who sprang from the feet of Brahma, and have no part in the sacred law. Each caste is further subdivided within its own ranks, and specific laws govern each branch. Under British rule and the influence of western civilization the rigidity of caste is gradually being relaxed. Pigafetta does not mention the priestly caste and confuses the various other divisions. For early descriptions of caste, see Barbosa's East African and Malabar Coasts (Hakluyt Society edition), pp. 121-144; Linschoten's Voyage (Hakluyt Society edition), i, pp. 278 -284 (very defective and inadequate); Gray and Bell's Voyage of Francois Pyrard de Laval (Hakluyt Society edition), ii, pp. 114, 115, 371 -420; and Ball's Travels in India by Jean Baptiste Tavernier (London and New York) ii, pp. 181-189. 630 MS. 5,650 reads: "and never enter any city." 631 Mallayalam for "go." Linschoten (i. p. 281), and Pyrard de Laval (i, pp. 383, 384), make the Nairs give this warning cry instead of the lowest caste, in order that the latter may keep out of their path. Varthema and Barbosa agree with Pigafetta. The Brahmans also call out for the same reason (Linschoten, i, p. 281, note 1). 632 Eden says (p. 261): "Seuen weekes." 633 Albo (Navarrete, iv) says under date of February 13, 1522, that the course was laid west southwest toward the Cape of Good Hope. 634 MS. 5,650 reads: "one thousand and sixty." 635 The Portuguese occupation of Mozambique dates from 1498, when Vasco da Gama landed at the mouth of the Zambesi. A number of settlements were founded there in the first decade of the sixteenth century. Its present boundaries were fixed by agreement with Great Britain in 1891 and with Germany in 1886 and 1890. It has an area of 310,000 square miles, and has great vegetable and mineral wealth. Slavery was abolished in the colony in 1878. It is governed by a governor-general sent out by Portugal. John Pory in his preliminary translations prefixed to his translation of the history of the converted Moor Leo Africanus (Hakluyt Society edition, London, 1896) says (i, p. 58) that the kingdom of Mozambique was "so called of three small islets, situate in the mouth of the river Meghincate in fowerteene and a halfe or fifteene degrees of southerly latitude, which kingdome in ancient time by Ptolemy was called Promontorium Prassum." Continuing he says that notwithstanding its unhealthful site, the chief of the three islands, where there was a secure port and where the Portuguese built a strong fort, became the most frequented Portuguese station on the way to the East Indies, and ships often wintered there. This must have been the set246

Page  247 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD tlement mentioned by Pigafetta. See also Three Voyages of Vasco da Gama (Hakluyt Society reprint, London, 1879), pp. 80-97. 636 MS. 5,650 adds: "and stank." 637 On March 14, the crew of the Victoria worked at repairs on the ship until noon, and then set sail again. On the eighteenth they saw a lofty island (Amsterdam Island), which they tried in vain to make, and were compelled to lie to for further repairs. April 16, the course was altered to the north. Land was sighted on May 8, and on the following day they anchored on the rough coast. On the sixteenth the ship was further disabled by the loss of a mast. After many struggles they were finally clear of the cape on May 22, and directed their general course northward. See Albo's log (Navarrete, iv), and Guillemard's Magellan. Considering Albo's date as correct, Pigafetta is in error by almost half a month in his date for the doubling of the cape. 638 Herrera takes pains to mention this phenomenon (Mosto, p. III, note 15). The official list shows a record of fifteen deaths of Europeans on the high sea and the desertion of two others. The ship left Tidore with forty-seven Europeans and arrived at the Cape Verde Islands with thirty-one, a number that tallies if Pigafetta does not include himself in the forty-seven who left Tidore. Consequently six of the natives taken had died during the voyage. (Guillemard's Magellan, p. 29, note). 639 Eden adds: (p. 261): "that is, Saynte Iames Ilande, parteyning to the kyng of Portugale." This is the island of Santiago, the largest and most southernmost of the Cape Verde Islands. Albo says (Navarrete, iv, p. 241): "On the ninth of the said month [i.e., July], I did not take the sun. We anchored in the port of Grande River, where we were given a hospitable reception, and as many provisions as we wished. That day was Wednesday, but they (i.e., the Portuguese) maintained that it was Thursday. Consequently, I believe that we were mistaken by one day. We stayed there until Sunday night, and then set sail for fear of the bad weather and the crossing of the port. In the morning we sent the ship's boat ashore for more rice, of which we had need, while we sailed about on various tacks until its return." 640 This clause is lacking in MS. 5,650. 641 These four words are omitted in MS. 5,650. 642 MS. 5,650 reads: "and that we did not dare to go to Spain." 643 Albo (Navarrete, iv, p. 241) further recounts events at the island of Santiago as follows: "On Monday, the fourteenth, we sent the ship's boat ashore for more rice. It returned next day, and went back for another load. We waited until night, but it did not return. Then we waited until next day, but it never returned. Then we went nearer the port to discover the reason of the delay, whereupon a vessel came out and demanded our surrender, saying that they would send us with the ship that was coming from the Indias, and that they would place their men in our ship, for thus had their officials ordered. We requested them to send us our men and ship's boat. They replied that they would bear our request to their officials. We answered that we would take another tack and wait. Accordingly we tacked about and set all our sails full, and left with twenty-two men, both sick and well. That happened on 247

Page  248 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY Tuesday, the fifteenth of the month of July." See also Transylvanus's account, Vol. I, pp. 336, 337. The names of the men detained at this island are given as follows by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, p. 94): Martin Mendez......................... ship's accountant Pedro Tolosa.......................... steward Ricarte de Normandia.................. carpenter Raldan de Argote........................ gunner M aster Pedro........................... Juan Martin........................... sobresaliente Simon de Burgos........................ sobresaliente Felipe de Rodas......................... sailor Gomez Hernandez....................... sailor Socacio Alonso.......................... sailor Pedro Chindurza......................... common seaman Vasquito Gallego........................ boy Cf. the corrected list given by Guillemard (Magellan, p. 338, and note 5), who mentions thirteen men (the number given by Pigafetta). These men were shortly released and sent to Seville (Guillemard, ut supra, p. 337). 644 Eden says (p. 262) that it was the seventh. Albo (Navarrete, iv, pp. 246, 247) says that Cape St. Vincent was sighted on September 4, 1522. 645 The official death list records two desertions, which must have been the ones mentioned by Pigafetta. Gomara mentions a mutiny at Timur: "There was a mutiny and conflict, in which a considerable number of the crew were killed." Oviedo says also: "Some were beheaded in the island of Timor for their crimes." Guillemard conjectures that both accounts are borrowed from this passage in Pigafetta (Guillemard, p. 291, note). The survivors of the Victoria who reached Spain as given by Navarrete (Col. de viages, iv, p. 96) from a document conserved at Archivo general de Indias, were as follows: Juan Sebastian de Elcano................. captain Francisco Albo.......................... pilot Miguel Rodas........................... master Juan de Acurio......................... boatswain Martin de Yudicibus..................... merino Hernando de Bustamante................. barber Aires.................................. gunner Diego Gallego.......................... sailor Nicolao de Napoles...................... sailor Miguel Sanchez de Rodas................ sailor Francisco Rodriguez..................... sailor Juan Rodriguez de Huelva................ sailor Anton Hernandez Colmenero............. sailor Juan de Arratia......................... common seaman Juan de Santander....................... common seaman Vasco Gomez Gallego................... common seaman Juan de Zubileta........................ boy Antonio Lombardo...................... sobresaliente 248

Page  249 FIRST VOYAGE AROUND THE WORLD Cf. the list as given by Guillemard (Magellan, pp. 337, 338), who attempts to correct the various lists, and which shows several differences from Navarrete's list. Navarrete (ut supra, iv, pp. 96, 97) basing his assertion on Herrera, says: "Among the Indians who reached land safely and desired to see the emperor and these kingdoms, was one so sharp that his first action was to ask how many reals made one ducado, how many maravedis one real, and how much pepper was given for one maravedi, informing himself from shop to shop of the value of spices. That furnished a reason for his not returning to his country, although the others did." See also Guillemard's Magellan, p. 296. 646 The value of the spices brought to Spain by the Victoria exceeded the cost of the other four vessels and their entire equipment by about ~200. The cargo consisted of cloves, cinnamon, nutmeg, mace, and sandal-wood. The Victoria afterward made one voyage safely to Cuba, but was lost on a second. See Guillemard's Magellan, pp. 297, 310. 647 Eden (p. 262) says that on disembarking they went to give thanks "to almyghtie god who had brought them safe to theyr owne countrey, and restored them to theyr wyues and chyldren." 648 The account of the voyage given by Pigafetta to the emperor was probably only his brief records as set down from day to day, and not in any sense the relation as here published. The relation is known to have been compiled after Pigafetta's return to Italy. Stanley (p. xiv, appendix) gives the original petition made by Pigafetta to the doge and council of Venice, asking permission to print his relation. Its translation is as follows: "M.D. xxiv. of the month of August. "Most Serene Prince, and your Excellencies: "Petition of me, Antonio Pigafetta, Venetian knight of Jerusalem, who desiring to see the world, have sailed,in past years, with the caravels of his Cesaraean Majesty, which went to discover the islands in the new Indies where the spices grow. On that voyage I circumnavigated the whole world, and since it is a feat which no man had [before] accomplished, I have composed a short narration of all the said voyage, which I desire to have printed. For that purpose, I petition, that no one may print it for xx years, except myself, under penalty to him who should print it, or who should bring it here if printed elsewhere, of a fine of three lire per copy besides the loss of the books. [I petition] also that the execution [of the penalty] may be imposed by any magistrate of this city who shall be informed of it; and that the fine be divided as follows: one-third to the arsenal of your Highness, one-third to the accuser, and one-third to those who shall impose it. I humbly commend myself to your kindness. August v." The docket follows.. 649 Ramusio says that Pigafetta presented one of his books to the regent Louise, and that she had it translated into French by Jacques Fabre (see volume on Bibliography at end of this series). Stanley is wrong in his conjecture that MS. 22,224 of the Bibliotheque Nationale is the copy above mentioned, as it is in fact even later than MS. 5,650. 650 The signature in MS. 5,650 is "Anthoyne Pigaphete." 249

Page  250 DE MOLVCCIS INSULIS* Most Reverend and Illustrious Lord: my only Lord, to you I most humbly commend myself. Not long ago one of those five ships returned which the emperor, while he was at Saragossa some years ago, had sent into a strange and hitherto unknown part of the world, to search for the islands in which spices grow. For although the Portuguese bring us a great quantity of them from the Golden Chersonesus, which we now call Malacca, nevertheless their own Indian possessions produce none but pepper. For it is well known that the other spices, as cinnamon, cloves, and the nutmeg, which we call muscat, and its covering [mace], which we call muscat-flower, are brought to their Indian possessions from distant islands hitherto only known by name, in ships held together not by iron fastenings, but merely by palm-leaves, and having round sails also woven out of palmfibers. Ships of this sort they call "junks," and they are impelled by the wind only when it blows directly fore or aft. Nor is it wonderful, that these islands have not been known to any mortal, almost up to our time. For whatever statements of ancient authors we have hitherto read with respect to the native soil of these spices, are partly entirely fabulous, and partly so far from truth, that the very regions, in which they asserted that these spices were produced, are scarcely less distant from the countries in which it is now ascertained that they grow, than we are ourselves. For, not to mention others. Herodotus, in other respects a very good authority, states that cinnamon was found in birds' nests, into which the birds had brought it from very distant regions, among which birds he mentions especially the Phoenix - and I know not who has ever seen the nest of a Phoenix. But Pliny, who might have been thought to have had better means of * Reproduced from Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Vol. I, p. 305. The Arthur H. Clark Company. 250

Page  251 DE MOLVCCJS INSULIS knowing the facts, since long before his time many discoveries had been made by the fleets of Alexander the Great, and by other expeditions, states that cinnamon was produced in Ethiopia, on the borders of the land of the Troglodytes. Whereas we know now that cinnamon is produced at a very great distance from any part of Ethiopia, and especially from the country of the Troglodytes, i.e., dwellers in subterraneous caves. Now it was necessary for our sailors, who have recently returned, who knew more about Ethiopia than about other countries, to sail round the whole world and that in a very wide circuit, before they discovered these islands and returned to Europe; and, since this voyage was a very remarkable one, and neither in our own time, nor in any former age, has such a voyage been accomplished, or even attempted, I have determined to send your Lordship a full and accurate account of the expedition. I have taken much care in obtaining an account of the facts from the commanding officer of the squadron,1 and from the individual sailors who have returned with him. They also made a statement to the emperor, and to several other persons, with such good faith and sincerity, that they appeared in their narrative, not merely to have abstained from fabulous statements, but also to contradict and refute the fabulous statements made by ancient authors. For who ever believed that the Monosceli, or Sciapodes [one-legged men], the Scyrites. the Spithamaei [persons a span -seven and one-half inches - high], the pigmies [height thirteen and one-half inches], and such like were rather monsters than men? Yet, although the Castilians in their voyages westwards, and the Portuguese sailing eastwards, have sought out, discovered, and surveyed so many places even beyond the Tropic of Capricorn, and now these countrymen of ours have sailed completely round the world, none of them have found any trustworthy evidence in favor of the existence of such monsters; and therefore all such accounts ought to be regarded as fabulous, 251

Page  252 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY and as old wives' tales, handed down from one writer to another without any basis of truth. But, as I have to make a voyage round the world, I will not extend my prefatory remarks, but will come at once to the point. Some thirty years ago, when the Castilians in the West, and the Portuguese in the East, had begun to search after new and unknown lands, in order to avoid any interference of one with the other, the kings of these countries divided the whole world between them, by the authority probably of Pope Alexander VI, on this plan, that a line should be drawn from the north to the south pole through a point three hundred and sixty leagues west of the Hesperides which they now call Cape Verde Islands, which would divide the earth's surface into two equal portions. All unknown lands hereafter discovered to the east of this line were assigned to the Portuguese; all on the west to the Castilians. Hence it came to pass that the Castilians always sailed southwest, and there discovered a very extensive continent, besides numerous large islands, abounding in gold, pearls, and other valuable commodities; and have quite recently discovered a large inland city named Tenoxtica [Mexico] situated in a lake like Venice. Peter Martyr,2 an author who is more careful as to the accuracy of his statements than of the elegance of his style, has given a full but truthful description of this city. But the Portuguese sailing southward past the Hesperides [Cape Verde Islands] and the fish-eating Ethiopians [West Coast of Africa,] crossed the Equator and the Tropic of Capricorn, and sailing eastward discovered several very large islands heretofore unknown, and also the sources of the Nile and the Troglodytes. Thence, by way of the Arabian and Persian Gulfs, they arrived at the shores of India within the Ganges, where now there is the very great trading station and the kingdom of Calicut. Hence they sailed to Taprobane which is now called Zamatara [Sumatra] For where Ptolemy, Pliny, and other geographers placed Taprobane, there is now no island which can possibly be identified with it. Thence they came to the 252

Page  253 DE MOLVCCIS INSULIS Golden Chersonesus, where now stands the well-peopled city of Malacca, the principal place of business of the East. After this they penetrated into a great gulf, as far as the nation of the Sinae, who are now called Schinae [Chinese], where they found a fair-complexioned and tolerably-civilized people, like our folks in Germany. They believe that the Seres and Asiatic Scythians extend as far as these parts. And although there was a somewhat doubtful rumour afloat, that the Portuguese had advanced so far to the east, that they had come to the end of their own limits, and had passed over into the territory appointed for the Castilians, and that Malacca and the Great Gulf were within our limits, all this was more said than believed, until, four years ago, Ferdinand Magellan, a distinguished Portuguese, who had for many years sailed about the Eastern Seas as admiral of the Portuguese fleet, having quarreled with his king, who he considered had acted ungratefully towards him, and Christopher Haro, brother of my father-in-law, of Lisbon, who had through his agents for many years carried on trade with those eastern countries, and more recently with the Chinese, so that he was well acquainted with these matters (he also, having been ill-used by the King of Portugal, had returned to his native country, Castille), pointed out to the emperor, that it was not yet clearly ascertained, whether Malacca was within the boundaries of the Portuguese or of the Castilians, because hitherto its longitude had not been definitely known; but that it was an undoubted fact that the Great Gulf and the Chinese nations were within the Castilian limits. They asserted also that it was absolutely certain, that the islands called the Moluccas, in which all sorts of spices grow, and from which they were brought to Malacca, were contained in the western, or Castilian division, and that it would be possible to sail to them and to bring the spices at less trouble and expense from their native soil to Castille. The plan of the voyage was to sail west, and then coasting the Southern Hemisphere round the south of 253

Page  254 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY America to the east. Yet it appeared to be a difficult undertaking, and one of which the practicability was doubtful Not that it was impossible, prima facie, to sail from the west round the Southern Hemisphere to the east; but that it was uncertain, whether ingenious Nature, all whose works are wisely conceived, had so arranged the sea and the land that it might be possible to arrive by this course at the Eastern Seas. For it had not been ascertained whether that extensive region, which is called Terra Firma, separated the Western Ocean [the Atlantic] from the Eastern [the Pacific] but it was plain that that continent extended in a southerly direction, and afterwards inclined to the west. Moreover two regions had been discovered in the north, one called Baccalearum from a new kind of fish,3 the other called Florida; and if these were connected with Terra Firma, it would not be possible to pass from the Western Ocean to the Eastern; since although much trouble had been taken to discover any strait which might exist connecting the two oceans, none had yet been found. At the same time it was considered that to attempt to sail through the Portuguese concessions and the Eastern Seas would be hazardous enterprise, and dangerous in the highest degree. The emperor and his council considered that the plan proposed by Magellan and Haro, though holding out considerable advantages, was one of very considerable difficulty as to execution. After some delay, Magellan offered to go out himself, but Haro undertook to fit out a squadron at the expense of himself and his friends, provided that they were allowed to sail under the authority and patronage of his majesty. As each resolutely upheld his own scheme, the emperor himself fitted out a squadron of five ships, and appointed Magellan to the command. It was ordered that they should sail southwards by the coast of Terra Firma, until they found either the end of that country or some strait, by which they might arrive at the spice-bearing Moluccas. 254

Page  255 DE MOLVCCIS INSULIS Accordingly on the tenth of August, 1519, Ferdinand Magellan with his five ships sailed from Seville. In a few days they arrived at the Fortunate Islands, now called the Canaries. Thence they sailed to the islands of the Hesperides [Cape Verde]; and thence sailed in southwesterly direction towards that continent which I have already mentioned [Terra Firma or South America], and after a favorable voyage of a few days discovered a promontory, which they called St. Mary's. Here admiral John Ruy Dias Solis, while exploring the shores of this continent by command of King Ferdinand the Catholic, was, with some of his companions, eaten by the Anthropophagi, whom the Indians call Cannibals. Hence they coast. ed along this continent, which extends far on southwards, and which I now think should be called the Southern Polar land, then gradually slopes off in a westerly direction, and so sailed several degrees south of the Tropic of Capricorn. But it was not so easy for them to do it, as for me to relate it. For not till the end of March in the following year, [1520] did they arrive at a bay, which they called St. Julian's Bay. Here the Antarctic polestar was forty-nine and one third degrees above the horizon, this result being deduced from the sun's declination and altitude, and this star is principally used by our navigators for observations. They stated that the longitude was fifty-six degrees west of the Canaries.4 For since the ancient geographers, and especially Ptolemy reckoned the distance easterly from the Fortunate Islands [Canaries] as far as Cattigara to be one hundred and eighty degrees. and our sailors have sailed as far as possible in a westerly direction, they reckoned the distance from the Canaries westward to Cattigara to be also one hundred and eighty degrees. Yet even though our sailors in so long a voyage and in one so distant from the land lay down and mark certain signs and limits of the longitude, they appear to me rather to have made some error in their method of reckoning of the longitude than to have attained any trustworthy result. 255

Page  256 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY Meanwhile, however this may be. until more certain results arrived at, I do not think that their statements should be absolutely rejected, but merely accepted provisionally. This bay appeared to be of great extent, and had rather the appearance of strait. Therefore admiral Magellan directed two ships to survey the bay; and himself remained with the rest at anchor. After two days, they returned, and reported that the bay was shallow, and did not extend far inland. Our men on their return saw some Indians gathering shell-fish on the sea-shore, for the natives of all unknown countries are commonly called Indians. These Indians were very tall. ten spans high [seven feet six inches], clad in skins of wild beasts, darker-complexioned than would have been expected in that part of the world; and when some of our men went on shore and showed them bells and pictures, they began to dance round our men with a hoarse noise and unintelligible chant and to excite our admiration they took arrows a cubit and a half long, and put them down their own throats to the bottom of their stomachs without seeming any the worse for it. Then they drew them up again, and seemed much pleased at having shown their bravery. At length three men came up as a deputation, and by means of signs requested our men to come with them further inland, as though they would receive them hospitably. Magellan sent with them seven men well equipped, to find out as much as possible about the country and its inhabitants. These seven went with the Indians some seven miles up the country, and came to a desolate and pathless wood. Here was a very low-built cottage roofed with skins of beasts. In it were two rooms, in one of which dwelt the women and children, and in the other the men. The women and children were thirteen in number, and the men five. These received their guests with a barbarous entertainment, but which they considered to be quite a royal one. For they slaughtered an animal much resembling a wild ass, and set before our men half-roasted steaks of it, but no other food 256

Page  257 DE MOLVCCIS iNSULIS or drink. Our men had to cover themselves at night with skins, on account of the severity of the wind and snow. Before they went to sleep they arranged for a watch to be kept; the Indians did the same and lay near our men by the fire, snoring horribly. When day dawned, our men requested them to return with them, accompanied by their families to our ships. When the Indians persisted in refusing to do so, and our men had also persisted somewhat imperiously in their demands, the men went into the women's chamber. The Spaniards supposed that they had gone to consult their wives about this expedition. But they came out again as if to battle wrapped up from head to foot in hideous skins, with their faces painted in various colours, and with bows and arrows all ready for fighting, and appearing taller than ever. The Spaniards, thinking a skirmish was likely to take place, fired a gun. Although nobody was hit, yet these enormous giants, who just before seemed as though they were ready to fight and conquer Jove himself, were so alarmed at the sound, that they began to sue for peace. It was arranged that three men, leaving the rest behind, should return with our men to the ships, and so they started. But as our men not only could not run as fast as the giants, but could not even run as fast as the giants could walk, two of the three, seeing a wild ass grazing on a mountain at some distance, as they were going along, ran off after it and so escaped. The third was brought to the ships, but in few days he died, having starved himself after the Indian fashion through homesickness. And although the admiral returned to that cottage, inorder to make another of the giants prisoner, and bring him to the emperor, as a novelty, no one was found there, as all of them had removed elsewhere, and the cottage had disappeared. Hence it is plain that this nation is a nomad race, and although our men remained some time in that bay, as we shall presently mention, they never again saw an Indian on that coast; nor did they think that there was anything in that country that would make it worth while to ex257

Page  258 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY plore the inland districts any further. And though Magellan was convinced that a longer stay there would be of no use, yet since for some days the sea was very rough and the weather tempestuous, and the land extended still further southward, so that the farther they advanced, the colder they would find the country, their departure was unavoidably put off from day to day, till the month of May arrived, at which time the winter sets in with great severity in those parts, so much so, that, though it was our summer-time, they had to make preparations for wintering there. Magellan, perceiving that the voyage would be a long one, in order that the provisions might last longer, ordered the rations to be diminished. The Spaniards endured this with patience for some days, but alarmed at the length of the winter and the barrenness of the land, at last petitioned their admiral Magellan, saying that it was evident that this continent extended an indefinite distance southwards, and that there was no hope of discovering the end of it, or of discovering a strait; that a hard winter was setting in, and that several men had already died through scanty food and the hardships of the voyage; that they would not long be able to endure that restriction of provisions which he had enacted; that the emperor never intended that they should obstinately persevere in attempting to do what the natural circumstances of the case rendered it impossible to accomplish; that the tolls they had already endured would be acknowledged and approved, since they had already advanced further than the boldest and most adventurous navigators had dared to do; that, if a south wind should spring up in a few days, they might easily sail to the north, and arrive at a milder climate. In reply, Magellan, who had already made up his mind either to carry out his design, or to die in the attempt, said that the emperor had ordered him to sail according to a certain plan, from which he could not and would not depart on any consideration whatever, and that therefore he should continue this voyage till he found either the end of this continent, or a strait. That though he 258

Page  259 DE MOLVCCIS INSULIS could not do this at present, as the winter prevented him, yet it would be easy enough in the summer of this region; that if they would only sail along the coast of the south, the summer would be all one perpetual day; that they had means of providing against want of food and the inclemency of the weather, inasmuch as there was a great quantity of wood, that the sea produced shell-fish and numerous sorts of excellent fish; that there were springs of good water, and they could also help their stores by hunting and by shooting wild fowl; that bread and wine had not yet run short, and would not run short in the future, provided that they used them for necessity and for the preservation of health, and not for pleasure and luxury; that nothing had yet been done worthy of much admiration, nor such as could give them a reasonable ground for returning; that the Portuguese not only yearly, but almost daily, in their voyages to the east, made no difficulty about sailing twelve degrees south of the tropic of Capricorn: what had they then to boast of, when they had only advanced some four degrees south of it; that he, for his part, had made up his mind to suffer anything that might happen, rather than to return to Spain with disgrace; that he believed that his companions, or at any rate, those in whom the generous spirit of Spaniards was not totally extinct, were of the same way of thinking; that he had only to exhort them fearlessly to face the remainder of winter; that the greater their hardships and dangers were, the richer their reward would be for having opened up for the emperor a new world rich in spices and gold. Magellan thought that by this address he had soothed and encouraged the minds of his men, but within a few days he was troubled by a wicked and disgraceful mutiny. For the sailors began to talk to one another of the long-standing illfeeling existing between the Portuguese and the Castilians, and of Magellan's being a Portuguese; that there was nothing that he could do more to the credit of his own country than to lose this fleet with so many men on board; that it was not to be 259

Page  260 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY believed that he wished to find the Moluccas, even if he could delude the emperor for some years, by holding out vain hopes, and that in the meanwhile something new would turn up, whereby the Castilians might be completely put out of the way of looking for spices: nor indeed was the direction of the voyage really towards the fertile Molucca islands, but towards snow and ice and everlasting bad weather. Magellan was exceedingly irritated by these conversations, and punished some of the men, but with somewhat more severity than was becoming to a foreigner, especially to one holding command in a distant part of the world. So they mutinied and took possession of one of the ships, and began to make preparations to return to Spain, but Magellan, with the rest of his men who had remained faithful to him, boarded that ship, and executed the ringleader and other leading mutineers, even some who could not legally be so treated: for they were royal officials, who were only liable to capital punishment by the emperor and his council. However under the circumstances no one ventured to resist. Yet there were some, who whispered to one another, that Magellan would go on exercising the same severity amongst the Castilians, as long as one was left, until having got rid of everyone of them, he could sail home to his own country again with the few Portuguese he had with him. The Castilians therefore remained still more hostile to the admiral. As soon as Magellan observed that the weather was less stormy and that winter began to break up, he sailed out of St. Julian's Bay on the twenty-fourth of August, 1520, as before. For some days he coasted along to the southward and at last sighted a cape, which they called Cape Santa Cruz. Here a storm from the east caught them, and one of the five ships was driven on shore and wrecked, but the crew and all goods on board were saved, except an African slave, who was drowned. After this the coast seemed to stretch a little south eastwards, and as they continued to explore it, on the twenty-sixth of November [1520] an opening was observed having the appearance of a 260

Page  261 DE MOLVCCIS INSULIS strait; Magellan at once sailed in with his whole fleet, and seeing several bays in various directions, directed three of the ships to cruise about to ascertain whether there was any way through, undertaking to wait for them five days at the entrance of the strait, so that they might report what success they had. One of these ships was commanded by Alvaro de Mezquita, son of Magellan's brother, and this by the windings of the channel came out again into the ocean whence it had set out. When the Spaniards5 saw that they were at a considerable distance from the other ships, they plotted among themselves to return home, and having put Alvaro their captain in irons, they sailed northwards, and at last reached the coast of Africa, and there took in provisions, and eight months after leaving the other ships they arrived in Spain, where they brought Alvaro to trial on the charge that it had chiefly been through his advice and persuasion that his uncle Magellan had adopted such severe measures against the Castilians. Magellan waited some days over the appointed time for this ship, and meanwhile one ship had returned, and reported that they had found nothing but a shallow bay, and the shores stony and with high cliffs; but the other reported that the greatest bay had the appearance of a strait, as they had sailed on for three days and had found no way out, but that the farther they went the narrower the passage became, and it was so deep, that in many places they sounded without finding the bottom; they also noticed from the tide of the sea, that the flow was somewhat stronger than the ebb, and thence they conjectured that there was a passage that way into some other sea On hearing this Magellan determined to sail along this channel. This strait, though not then known to be such, was of the breadth in some places of three, in others of two, in others of five or ten Italian miles,6 and inclined slightly to the west. The latitude south was found to be fifty-two degrees, the longitude they estimated as the same as that of St. Julian's Bay. It being now hard upon the month of November, the length of ^261

Page  262 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY the night was not much more than five hours; they saw no one on the shore. One night however a great number of fires was seen, especially on the left side, whence they conjectured that they had been seen by the inhabitants of those regions. But Magellan, seeing that the land was craggy, and bleak with perpetual winter, did not think it worth while to spend his time in exploring it, and so with his three ships continued his voyage along the channel, until on the twenty-second day after he had set sail, he came out into another vast and open sea: the length of the strait they reckoned at about one hundred Spanish miles. The land which they had to the right was no doubt the continent we have before mentioned [South America]. On the left hand they thought that there was no continent, but only islands, as they occasionally heard on that side the reverberation and roar of the sea at a more distant part of the coast. Magellan saw that the main land extended due north, and therefore gave orders to turn away from that great continent, leaving it on the right hand, and to sail over that vast and extensive ocean, which had probably never been traversed by our ships or by those of any other nation, in a northwesterly direction, so that they might arrive at last at the Eastern Ocean, coming at it from the west, and again enter the torrid zone, for he was satisfied that the Moluccas were in the extreme east, and could not be far off the equator. They continued in this course, never deviating from it, except when compelled to do so now and then by the force of the wind; and when they had sailed on this course for forty days across the ocean with a strong wind, mostly favourable, and had seen nothing all around them but sea, and had now almost reached again the Tropic of Capricorn, they came in sight of two islands,7 small and barren, and on directing their course to them found that they were uninhabited: but they stayed there two days for repose and refreshment, as plenty of fish was to be caught there. However they unanimously agreed to call these islands the Unfortunate Islands. Then they set sail again, 262

Page  [unnumbered] Observers and chroniclers of the 16th Century noted that in most places in the Philippine archipelago people went about their daily life either naked or were scantily dressed. It was observed, however, that the people of the upper class dressed themselves elegantly, using not only cotton but also cloth made of banana, medriiaque, pineapple, and silk fabrics. Photo above, left, was the attire of upper class women in Cagayan; and photo, right, shows the attire of the upper class Visayan.

Page  [unnumbered] I

Page  263 DE MOLVCCIS INSULIS and continued on the same course as before. After sailing for three months and twenty days with good fortune over this ocean, and having traversed a distance almost too long to estimate, having had a strong wind aft almost the whole of the time, and having again crossed the equator, they saw an island, which they afterwards learnt from the neighboring people was called Inuagana.8 When they came nearer to it, they found the latitude to be eleven degrees north; the longitude they reckoned to be one hundred and fifty-eight degrees west of Cadiz. From this point they saw more and more islands, so that they found themselves in an extensive archipelago, but on arriving at Inuagana, they found it was uninhabited. Then they sailed towards another small island, where they saw two Indian canoes, for such is the Indian name of these strange boats; these canoes are scooped out of the single trunk of a tree, and hold one or at most two persons; and they are used to talk with each other by signs, like dumb people. They asked the Indians what the names of the islands were, and whence provisions could be procured, of which they were very deficient; they were given to understand that the first island they had seen was called Inuagana, that near which they then were, Acacan,9 but that both were uninhabited; but that there was another island almost in sight, in the direction of which they pointed, called Selani,10 and that abundance of provisions of all sorts was to be had there. Our men took in water at Acacan, and then sailed towards Selani, but a storm caught them so that they could not land there, but they were driven to another island called Massana,11 where the king of three islands resides. From this island they sailed to Subuth [Zebu], a very large island, and well supplied, where having come to a friendly arrangement with the chief they immediately landed to celebrate divine worship according to Christian usage - for the festival of the resurrection of Him who has saved us was at hand. Accordingly with some of the sails of the ships and branches of trees they erected a chapel, and in it constructed an altar in 263

Page  264 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY the Christian fashion, and divine service was duly performed. The Chief and a large crowd of Indians came up, and seem much pleased with these religious rites. They brought the admiral and some of the officers into the chief's cabin, and set before them what food they had. The bread was made of sago, which is obtained from the trunk of a tree not much unlike the palm. This is chopped up small, and fried in oil, and used as bread, a specimen of which I send to your lordship; their drink was a liquor which flows from the branches of palmtrees when cut, some birds also were served up at this meal; and also some of the fruit of the country. Magellan having noticed in the chief's house a sick person in a very wasted condition, asked who he was and from what disease he was suffering. He was told that it was the chief's grandson, and that he had been suffering for two years from a violent fever. Magellan exhorted him to be of good courage, that if he would devote himself to Christ, he would immediately recover his former health and strength. The Indian consented and adored the cross, and received baptism, and the next day declared that he was well again, rose from his bed, and walked about, and took his meals like the others. What visions he may have told to his friends I cannot say; but the chief and over twentytwo hundred Indians were baptized and professed the name and faith of Christ. Magellan seeing that this island was rich in gold and ginger, and that it was so conveniently situated with respect to the neighboring islands, that it would be easy, making this his headquarters, to explore their resources and natural productions, he therefore went to the chief of Subuth and suggested to him, that since he had turned away from the foolish and impious worship of false gods to the Christian religion, it would be proper that the chiefs of the neighboring islands should obey his rule; that he had determined to send envoys for this purpose, and if any of the chiefs should refuse to obey this summons, to compel them to do so by force of arms. The proposal pleased the savage, and the envoys were sent: the 264

Page  265 DE MOLVCCIS INSULIS chiefs came in one by one and did homage to the chief of Subuth in the manner adopted in those countries. But the nearest island to Subuth is called Mauthan [Matan], and its king was superior in military force to the other chiefs; and he declined to do homage to one whom he had been accustomed to command for so long. Magellan, anxious to carry out his plan, ordered forty of his men, whom he could rely on for valor and military skill, to arm themselves, and passed over to the island Mauthan in boats, for it was very near. The chief of Subuth furnished him with some of his own people, to guide him as to the topography of the island and the character of the country, and, if it should be necessary, to help him in the battle. The king of Mauthan, seeing the arrival of our men, led into the field some three thousand of his people. Magellan drew up his own men and what artillery he had, though his force was somewhat small, on the shore, and although he saw that his own force was much inferior in numbers, and that his opponents were a warlike race, and were equipped with lances and other weapons, nevertheless thought it more advisable to face the enemy with them, than to retreat, or to avail himself of the aid of the Subuth islanders. Accordingly he exhorted his men to take courage, and not to be alarmed at the superior force of the enemy; since it had often been the case, as had recently happened in the island [peninsula] of Yucatan, that two hundred Spaniards had routed two or even three hundred thousand Indians. He said to the Subuth islanders, that he had not brought them with him to fight, but to see the valour and military prowess of his men. Then he attacked the Mauthan islanders, and both sides fought boldly; but as the enemy surpassed our men in number. and used longer lances, to the great damage of our men, at last Magellan himself was thrust through and slain.12 Although the survivors did not consider themselves fairly beaten, yet, as they had lost their leader, they retreated; but, as they retreated in good order, the enemy did not venture to pursue them. The Spaniards then, having lost their admiral, Magellan, and seven 265

Page  266 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY of their comrades, returned to Subuth, where they chose as their new admiral John Serrano, a man of no contemptible ability. He renewed the alliance with the chief of Subuth, by making him additional presents, and undertook to conquer the King of Mauthan. Magellan had been the owner of a slave, a native of the Moluccas, whom he had formerly bought in Malacca; and by means of this slave, who was able to speak Spanish fluently, and of an interpreter of Subuth, who could speak the Moluccan language, our men carried on their negotiations. This slave had taken part in the fight with the Mauthan islanders, and had been slightly wounded, for which reason he lay by all day intending to nurse himself. Serrano, who could do no business without his help, rated him soundly, and told him that though his master Magellan was dead, he was still a slave, and that he would find that such was the case, and would get a good flogging into the bargain, if he did not exert himself and do what was required of him more zealously. This speech much incensed the slave against our people: but he concealed his anger and in a few days he went to the chief of Subuth, and told him that the avarice of the Spaniards was insatiable: that they had determined, as soon as they should have defeated the King of Mauthan, to turn round upon him, and take him away as a prisoner; and that the only course for him [the chief of Subuth] to adopt was to anticipate treachery by treachery. The savage believed this, and secretly came to an understanding with the King of Mauthan, and made arrangements with him for common action against our people. Admiral Serrano, and twentyseven of the principal officers and men, were invited to a solemn banquet. These, quite unsuspectingly, for the natives had carefully dissembled their intentions, went on shore without any precautions, to take their dinner with the chief. While they were at table, some armed men, who had been concealed close by, ran in and slew them. A great outcry was made: it was reported in our ships that our men were killed, and that the whole island was hostile to us; our men saw, from on 266

Page  267 DE MOLVCCIS INSULIS board the ships, that the handsome cross, which they had set up in a tree, was tor down by the natives and cut up into fragments. When the Spaniards, who had remained on board, heard of the slaughter of our men, they feared further treachery: so they weighed anchor and began to set sail without delay. Soon afterwards Serrano was brought to the coast a prisoner; he entreated them to deliver him from so miserable a captivity, saying that he had got leave to be ransomed, if his men would agree to it. Although our men thought it was disgraceful to leave their commander behind in this way, their fear of the treachery of the islanders was so great, that they put out to sea, leaving Serrano on the shore in vain lamenting and beseeching his comrades to rescue him. 'The Spaniards, having lost their commander and several of their comrades, sailed on sad and anxious, not merely on account of the loss they had suffered but also because their numbers had been so diminished, that it was no longer possible to work the three remaining ships. On this question they consulted together, and unanimously came to the conclusion, that the best plan would be to burn one of the ships, and to sail home in the two remaining. They therefore sailed to a neighboring island, called Cohol [Bohol], and having put the rigging and stores of one of the ships on board the two others, set it on fire. Hence they proceeded to the island of Gibeth."3Although they found that this island was well supplied with gold and ginger and many other things, they did not think it desirable to stay there any length of time, as they could not establish friendly relations with the natives; and they were too few in number to venture to use force. From Gibeth they proceeded to the island of Porne [Borneo]. In this archipelago there are two large islands: one of which is called Siloli [Gilolo], whose king had six hundred children. Siloli is larger than Pome, for Siloli can hardly be circumnavigated in six months, but Pome in three months. Although Siloli is larger than Pome, yet the latter is more fertile, and distinguished as containing a large city of the same name as the island. And 267

Page  268 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY since Porne must be considered to be more important than the other islands, which they had hitherto visited, and it was from it that the other islanders had learnt the arts of civilized life, I have determined to describe briefly the manners and customs of these nations. All these islanders are Caphrae or Kafirs, i.e., heathens, they worship the sun and moon as gods; they assign the government of the day to the sun, and that of the night to the moon; the sun they consider to be male, and the moon female, and that they are the parents of the other stars, all of which they consider to be gods, though little ones. They salute rather than adore, the rising sun with certain hymns. Also they salute the bright moon at night, from whom they ask for children, for the increase of their flocks and herds, for an abundant supply of the fruits of the earth, and for other things of that sort. But they practice piety and justice: and especially love, peace and quiet, and have great aversion to war. As long as their king maintains peace they show him divine honours: but if he is anxious for war, they never rest till he is slain by the enemy in battle. When the king has determined on war, which very seldom happens, his men set him in the front rank, where he has to stand the whole brunt of the combat; and they do not exert themselves vigorously against the enemy, till they know that the king has fallen: then they begin to fight for liberty and for their new king: nor has any king of theirs entered on a war without being slain in battle. For this reason they seldom engage in war, and they think it unjust to extend their frontiers. Their chief care is to avoid giving offence to the neighboring nations or to strangers. But if at any time they are attacked, they retaliate; and yet, lest further ill should arise, they at once endeavor to come to terms. They think that the party acts most creditably, which is the first to propose terms of peace; that it is disgraceful to be anticipated in so doing; and it is scandalous and detestable to refuse peace to those who ask for it, even though the latter should have been the aggressors: all the neighboring people 268

Page  269 DE MOLVCCIS INSULIS unite in destroying such refusers of peace as impious and abominable. Hence they mostly pass their lives in peace and leisure. Robberies and murders are quite unknown among them. No one may speak to the king but his wives and children. except at a distance by hollow canes which they apply to his ear, and through which they whisper what they have to say. They think that at death men have no perception as they had none before they were born. Their houses are small, built of wood and earth, covered partly with rubble and partly with palmleaves. It is ascertained that there are twenty thousand houses in the city of Porne. They marry as many wives as they can afford to keep; they eat birds and fish; make bread of rice; and drink a liquor drawn from the palm tree - of which we have spoken before. Some carry on trade with the neighbouring islands, to which they sail in junks, some are employed in hunting and shooting, some in fishing, some in agriculture: their clothes are made of cotton. Their animals are nearly the same as ours, excepting sheep, oxen, and asses: their horses are very slight and small. They have a great supply of camphor, ginger, and cinnamon. On leaving this island our men, having paid their respects to the king, and propitiated him by presents. sailed to the Moluccas, their way to which had been pointed to them by the king. Then they came to the coast of the island of Solo,14 where they heard that pearls were to be found as large as doves' eggs, or even hens' eggs, but that they were only to be had in very deep water. Our men did not bring home any single large pearl, as they were not there at the season of the year for pearlfishing. They said however that they found an oyster there the flesh of which weighed forty-seven pounds. Hence I should be disposed to believe that pearls of the size mentioned would be found there; for it is certain that large pearls are found in oysters. And, not to forget it, I will add that our men reported that the islanders of Porne asserted that the king wore two pearls in his crown as large as goose eggs. After this they came to the island of Gilona, where they saw some men with such long ears, 269

Page  270 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY that they reached down to their shoulders; and when they expressed their astonishment, the natives told them that in an island not far off, there were men, who had such long and wide ears, that one ear could, when they liked, cover the whole of their heads. But as our men were not in search of monsters but of spices, they did not trouble themselves about such rubbish, but sailed direct for the Moluccas, where they arrived in the eighth month after their admiral Magellan had been slain in the island of Mauthan. The islands are five in number, and are called, Tarante, Muthil, Thedori, Mare, and Matthien,'1 situated partly to the north, partly to the south, and partly on the equator: the productions are cloves, nutmegs, and cinnamon: they are all close together, but of small extent. A few years ago the kings [of] Marmin began to believe that the soul is immortal. They were induced to believe this solely from the following reason, that they observed that a certain very beautiful small bird never settled on the earth, or on anything that was on the earth; but that these birds sometimes fell dead from the sky to the earth. And when the Mohammedans, who visited them for trading purposes, declared that these birds came from Paradise, the place of abode of departed souls, these princes adopted the Mohammedan faith, which makes wonderful promises respecting this same paradise. They call this bird Mamuco Diata; and they venerate it so highly, that the kings think themselves safe in battle under their protection, even when, according to their custom, they are placed in the front line of the army in battle. The common people are Kafirs, and have much the same manners and customs as the islanders of Porne, already spoken of; they are much in need of supplies from abroad, inasmuch as their country only produces spices, which they willingly exchange for the poisonous articles, arsenic and sublimated mercury, and for the linen which they generally wear; but what use they make of these poisons has not yet been ascertained. They live on sago-bread, fish, and sometimes parrots; they live in very low-built cabins: in short, 270

Page  271 DE MOLVCCIS INSULIS all they esteem and value is peace, leisure, and spices. The former, the greatest of blessing, the wickedness of mankind seems to have banished from our part of the world to theirs: but our avarice and insatiable desire of the luxuries of the table has urged us to seek for spices even in those distant lands. To such a degree has the perversity of human nature persisted in driving away as far as possible that which is conducive to happiness, and in seeking for articles of luxury in the remotest parts of the world. Our men having carefully examined the position of the Moluccas, and of each separate island, and also into the characters of the chiefs, sailed to Thedori, because they understood that this island produced a greater abundance of cloves than the others, and also that the king excelled other kings in prudence and humanity. Providing themselves with presents they went on shore, and paid their respect to the king, and handed him the presents as the gift of the emperor. He accepted the presents graciously, and looking up to heaven said, "It is now two years since I learnt from observation of the stars that you were sent by the great King of kings to seek for these lands. Wherefor your arrival is the more agreeable to me, inasmuch as it has already been foreseen from the signification of the stars. And since I know that nothing happens to man, which has not long since been ordained by the decree of Fate and of the stars, I will not be the man to resist the determinations of Fate and the stars, but will spontaneously abdicate my royal power, and consider myself for the future, as carrying on the government of this island as your king's viceroy. So bring your ships into the harbour, and order the rest of your companions to land in safety, so that now after so much tossing about on the sea, and so many dangers, you may securely enjoy the comforts of life on shore, and recruit your strength; and consider yourselves to be coming into your own king's dominions." Having thus spoken the king laid aside his diadem, and embraced each of our men, and directed such refreshments as the country produced 271

Page  272 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY to be set on table. Our men, delighted at this, returned to their companions, and told them what had taken place. They were much delighted by the graciousness and benevolence of the king, and took up their quarters in the island. When they had been entertained for some days by the king's munificence, they sent envoys thence to the other kings, to investigate the resources of the islands, and to secure the good will of the chiefs. Tarante was the nearest; it is a very small island, its circumference being a little over six Italian miles. The next is Matthien, and that also is small. These three produce a great quantity of cloves, but every fourth year the crop is far larger than at other times. These trees only grow on precipitous rocks, and they grow so close together as to form groves. The tree resembles the laurel as regards its leaves, its closeness of growth, and its height; the clove, so called from its resemblance to a nail [Latin, clavus] grows at the very tip of each twig; first a bud appears, and then a blossom much like that of the orange; the point of the clove first shows itself at the end of the twig, until it attains its full growth; at first it is reddish, but the heat of the sun soon turns it black. The natives share groves of this tree among themselves, just as we do vineyards: they keep the cloves in pits till the merchants fetch them away. The fourth island, Muthil, is no larger than the rest. This island produces cinnamon; the tree is full of shoots, and in other respects fruitless, it thrives best in a dry soil, and is very much like the pomegranate tree. When the bark cracks through the heat of the sun, it is pulled off the tree, and being dried in the sun a short time becomes cinnamon. Near Muthil is another island, called Bada [Badjan or Batchianr], more extensive than the Moluccas; in it the nutmeg grows. The tree is tall and widespreading, a good deal like a walnut tree; the fruit too is produced just in the same way as a walnut, being protected by a double covering, first a soft envelope, and under this a thin reticulated membrane which encloses the nut. This membrane we call Muskatbliithe, -272

Page  273 DE MOLVCCIS INSULIS the Spaniards call it mace, is an excellent and wholesome spice. Within this is a hard shell, like that of a filbert, inside which is the nutmeg properly so called. Ginger also is produced in all the islands of this archipelago: some is sown, some grows spontaneously; but the sown ginger is the best. The plant is like the saffron-plant, and its root, which resembles the root of saf. fron, is what we call ginger. Our men were kindly received by the various chiefs, who all, after the example of the king of Thedori spontaneously submitted themselves to the imperial government. But the Spaniards, having now only two ships, determined to bring with them specimens of all sorts of spices, etc., but to load the ships mainly with cloves, because there had been a very abundant crop of it this season, and the ships could contain a great quantity of this kind of spice. Having laden their ships with cloves, and received letters and presents from the chiefs to the emperor, they prepared to sail away. The letters were filled with assurances of fidelity and respect: the gifts were Indian swords, etc. The most remarkable curiosities were some of the birds. called Mamuco Diata, that is the Bird of God, with which they think themselves safe and invincible in battle. Five of these were sent, one of which I procured from the captain of the ship, and now send it to your lordship - not that you will think it a defense against treachery and violence, but because you will be pleased with its rarity and beauty. I also send some cinnamon, nutmegs, and cloves, that you may see that our spices are not only not inferior to those imported by the Venetians and Portuguese, but of superior quality, because they are fresher. Soon after our men had sailed from Thedori. the larger of the two ships [the Trinidad] sprang a leak, which let in so much water, that they were obliged to return to Thedori. The Spaniards seeing that this defect could not be put right except with much labor and loss of time, agreed that the other ship [the Victoria] should sail.273

Page  274 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY to the Cape of Cattigara, thence across the ocean as far as possible from the Indian coast, lest they should be seen by the Portuguese, until they came in sight of the southern point of Africa, beyond the tropic of Capricorn, which the Portuguese call the Cape of Good Hope, for thence the voyage to Spain would be easy. It was also arranged that, when the repairs of the other ship were completed, it should sail back through the archipelago and the Vast [Pacific] Ocean to the coast of the continent which we have already mentioned [South America], until they came to the Isthmus of Darien, where only a narrow neck of land divides the South Sea from the Western Sea, in which are the islands belonging to Spain. The smaller ship accordingly set sail again from Thedori, and though they went as far as twelve degrees south, they did not find Cattigara,16 which Ptolemy considered to lie considerably south of the equator; however after a long voyage, they arrived in sight of the Cape of Good Hope, and thence sailed to the Cape Verde Islands. Here this ship also, after having been so long at Sea, began to be leaky, and the men, who had lost several of their companions through hardships in the course of their adventures, were unable to keep the water pumped out. They therefore landed at one of the islands called Santiago, to buy slaves. As our men, sailor-like, had no money, they offered cloves in exchange for slaves. When the Portuguese officials heard of this, they committed thirteen of our men to prison. The rest, eighteen in number, being alarmed at the position in which they found themselves, left their companions behind, and sailed direct to Spain. Sixteen months after they had sailed from Thedori, on the sixth of September 1522 they arrived safe and sound at a port [San Lucar] near Seville. These sailors are certainly more worthy of perpetual fame, than the Argonauts who sailed with Jason to Colchis; and the ship itself deserves to be placed among the constellations more than the ship Argo. For the Argo only sailed from Greece through the Black Sea; but our ship setting out from Seville sailed first southwards, then -274

Page  275 DE MOLVCCIS INSULIS through the whole of the West, into the Eastern sea, then back again into the Western. I humbly commend myself to your Most Reverend Lordship. Written at Valladolid twenty-fourth of October 1522. Your Most Reverend and Most Illustrious Lordship's Most humble and perpetual servant, MAXIMILIANUS TRANSYLVANUS Cologne - [printed] at the house of Eucharius Cervicornus. A.D. 1523 - in the month of January. NOTES 1 Juan Sebastian del Cano. - Stevens. 2 Pietro Martire d'Anghiera (commonly known as Peter Martyr) was an Italian priest and historian, who was born in 1455. At the age of thirtytwo years he went to the Castilian court; at various times, he served in the army (during two campaigns), maintained a school for boys, was sent as an ambassador to other courts, and in many ways occupied a prominent place in the affairs of the Spanish Kingdom. He died in 1526. His most noted work was De orbe nouo Decades (Alcala, 1516); it had numerous editions, and was translated into several other languages. An English translation of the first three Decades was made by Richard Eden (London, 1555); this was reprinted in Arber's First Three English Books on America (Birmingham, 1885). 3 The name Bacallaos (according to early French writers a Basque appellation of the codfish) was also applied, by a natural extension, to the region afterward known as Canada. According to Peter Martyr, the name Bacallaos was given to those lands by Sebastian Cabot, "because of the great multitudes of fishes found in the seas thereabout." See Jesuit Relations (Cleveland reissue), i, p. 308, and ii, p. 295. 4 Fifty-six degrees west of the Canaries would be about seventy-four degrees west of Greenwich -- Magellan was some ten or twelve degrees out.-Stevens. S Among whom was Esteven Gomez; this ship was the San Antonio. -Stevens. 275

Page  276 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY 6 The measure of length known as a mile varies greatly in different countries. The geographical or nautical mile (one-sixtieth of a degree of the equator, and equal to 1.153 English statute miles) is used by mariners of all nations. The milha of Portugal is equivalent to 1.2786 English miles; the Italian miglio varies from 0.6214 to 1.3835 English miles; the legua (league) of Spain amounts to 4.2151 English miles. 7 San Pablo and Tiburones. Cf. Droysen and Andree's Historischer Hand Atlas, 1884, Karte 83; also Admiralty Chart, Sec. xv, 767.-Stevens. 8 Inarajan, now confined to the port on the southeast coast of Guajan, the southernmost of the Ladrones. - Stevens. 9 Acacan, i.e., Sosan-jaya, the watering place at the west end of Rota Island, north of Guajan. - Stevens. 10 The Caylon of Magellan, now confined to the port on the southwest side of the island of Leyte, Philippines. - Stevens. 1 The Maasin of Coel.lo, or Masin of Admiralty Chart, Sec. xiii, 943; at south end of island of Leyte, the Selani of text. - Stevens. 12 In the museum of the Colegio de Agustinos Filipinos at Valladolid, Spain, is a tablet bearing the following inscription (in English translation): "On the twenty-sixth of April, 1521, died on this spot, while fighting valiantly, Don Hernando Magallanes, general of the Spanish fleet, whose name alone is his greatest eulogy. Desiring that the memory of the place where so famous and fatal an event took place should not perish, and circumstances not permitting us at this time to erect a monument worthy of the heroic discoverer, this present inscription is religiously and humbly consecrated, as a memorial, by the parochial priest of the island, the reverend father Fray Benito Perez, on the twenty-ninth of February, 1843." This tablet is about three feet by one and one-half feet in size, and is made of molave wood; the letters (capitals) are neatly carved in the wood - the work being done, in all probability, by some native under the priest's supervision. Attached to the tablet is a card, bearing the following inscription: "This inscription, cut in molave wood, was accidentally found by the very reverend father Fray Jorge Romanillos, the present parish priest of Opong, in the island of Mactang, where it stood beside a cross, before the erection of the monument. He sends it as a memento to the royal college of the Augustinian Fathers of the Filipinas, at Valladolid, in the year 1887." 13 Or Quipit, the port of this name on the northwest part of Mindanao, applied in error to the whole island. - Stevens. 14 Probably Yolo, certainly one of the Sulu islands. - Stevens. 15 I,e., Ternate, Moter, Tidore, Maru, Mutjan. - Stevens. 16 "They did not find Cattigara" is as true today as when Maximilian wrote in 1522. For various conflicting authorities upon its site north of the equator, cf. ante p. 255, and McCrindle's Ancient India, 1885, p. 10. Ptolemy, however places it (Asia Tab. xi) nine degrees south of the equator. For a curious chapter upon this point see Manoel Godinho de Eredia's Malacca, edited by Janssen, Brussels, 1883. 4 to, part 3. Why not KotaRadja at the north end of Sumatra? - Stevens. 276

Page  277 MA-YI* [Chapter XL of the Ms.]1 The country Ma-yi2 is located north of Poni.? About one thousand families inhabit the shores of a river which has many windings.4 The natives dress in linen, wearing clothes that look like sheets; or they cover their bodies with sarongs.5 In the thick woods are scattered copper statues of Buddha, but no one can tell the origin of those statues.6 Parties seldom visit those districts. When [Chinese] merchants arrive at that port they cast anchor at a place [called] the place of Mandarins. That place serves them as a market, or site where the products of their countries are exchanged. When a vessel has entered into the port (its captain) offers presents consisting of white parasols and umbrellas which serve them for daily use. The traders are obliged to observe these civilities in order to be able to count on the favor of those gentlemen. In order to trade, the savage traders are assembled,7 and have the goods carried in baskets, and although the bearers are often unknown, none of the goods are ever lost or stolen. The savage traders transport these goods to other islands, and thus eight or nine months pass until they have obtained other goods of value equivalent to those that have been received [from the Chinese]. This forces the traders of the vessel to delay their departure, and hence it happens that the vessels that maintain trade with Ma-yi are the ones that take the longest to return to their country. The most noteworthy places of this country are: San-hsii; Pai-pu-yen; Pu-li-lu, which is located near San-hsii; Li-yin-tung; Lin-hsin; and Li-han.8 The products of that country are yellow *Reproduced from Blair and Robertson, The Philippine Islands, 1493-1898, Vol. XXXIV, p. 185. The Arthur H. Clark Company. 277

Page  278 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY wax,9 cotton, pearls, shells,10 betel nuts, and jute [yu-ta] textiles.1' Foreign traders import porcelain, commercial gold,'2 iron vases for perfumes, leaden objects glass, pearls of all colors,'3 and iron needles.'4 San-hsii, or the Three Islands," belong to Ma-yi. Their names are Ka-may-en, Pa-lao-yu, and Pa-chi-neng.15 Each of these islands is inhabited by its own races, who are scattered throughout them. But upon the arrival of the vessels, the natives assemble in order to trade. Their general name is San-hsii. Their customs are about the same as those observed in Ma-yi. Each tribe'6 consists of about one thousand families. The country has many lofty hills and rugged rocks which rise up like gigantic walls. The houses of the inhabitants are built of bamboo. The high region of the country has few springs, but the women go to the banks of the rivulets and creeks and thence back to the mountain bearing on their heads two or three jars filled with water, a load that does not bother them. They ascend the mountain with the same ease as if they were on the level. The interior of the valleys is inhabited by a race called Hay-tan. They are of short stature. have round yellow eyes, curly hair, and their teeth can be plainly seen [showing] from between their lips.17 They build their nests in the forking of the branches of trees, and a family, usually consisting of from three to five individuals, lives in each nest.'8 They wander through the fastnesses of the thickets and invisible to the sight, shoot their arrows at the passers-by. On this account they are greatly feared. When the trader takes them a porcelain jar, they bow and take it, and then uttering cries of joy, run away with it. When foreign traders come to one of their villages,19 they must not touch the ground, but must remain aboard their vessel, which is anchored in the middle of the current20 and announce their presence by beat of drum. Thereupon the savage traders approach in their light craft, in which they carry cotton,2 278

Page  279 DE MOLVCCIS INSULIS yellow wax, strange cloth,22 cocoanuts, onions,22 and fine mats, and all those things they offer for sale in exchange [for the articles of the Chinese]. In case of misunderstanding in the price of the goods, it is necessary to summon the chief of the traders of that place, so that he may present himself in person, and arrange the tariff to the satisfaction of all. The imported objects are silk umbrellas, porcelain, and a kind of basket woven from rattan. Foreign traders receive twice or thrice the value of the goods sold aboard, in order to serve them as a bond of security. Afterward the foreign traders disembark and perform their contracts there, and then return to their vessel. The goods pledged by the natives remain only three or four days aboard the vessel, and then after the expiration of that term they are restored [to shore]. Then the vessel visits another village of the savages, for the coast villages of the Three Islands do not have one common jurisdiction.24 The hills keep the winds from the vessels during the continuance of the northeast monsoon. But when the southwest monsoon begins, the dashing of the waves against the coast is so violent that great currents are formed that (do not allow the vessels to remain at anchor. This is the reason why those who maintain trade with the Three Islands delay their return for four or five months. Porcelain, black damask, and other silk fabrics, pearls of various colors, lead, fishnets, and tin are imported. Pu-li-lu is near Three Islands. Its villages are very densely populated,25 but its inhabitants are very cruel and inclined to piracy. The sea is full of reefs and shoals, and the beach has rocks which are indented like dry wood, and their points are very sharp like those of swords and spears.26 In order that the vessels may reach that country, they take a long and circuitous route, in order to avoid those shoals.27 There are corals there, but it is very difficult to get them. The popular and trading customs are the same as those which exist at Three Islands. 279

Page  280 NOTES 1 The notes followed by the letter B are of Blumentritt.-Ed. 2"Ma-yi," the ancient name for Luzon, is derived from "Bahi" or "Bahy," former names of the lake of Bay. In other Chinese dialects, the name is given as "Ma-yit," "Ba-hi," or "Ba-yit." As the chief Tagalogs of Bulakan at the time of the conquest bore the title of "Gat-maytan," I infer that the name "Ma-yi" might very reasonably be derived from the ancient name of Bulakan, for that province was always the richest district of Luz6n. The whole of the Philippine archipelago was called "Mayi" by the Chinese author. Dr. Hirth says also that the Chinese character "Ma-hi," may also be read "Mo-yat," "Ba-ek," "Ma-i," "Ma-yek," etc.-B. 3Ancient Chinese name for the island oi Borneo.-B 4Probably the river is the Pasig, and the settlement, Manila-B. 5Sarong is the Malay word for skirt.-B. 'This confirms the statement that the Philippine Islands were once under the influence of Buddhism, from India.-B. It is far more likely that such images were traded by the Chinese to the superstitious people, and that Buddhism never had any foothold and was never introduced in the Philippines; notwithstanding P.L. Stangl's belief that Buddhism was introduced into the Philippines from Java. 7The Chinese call all foreigners savages except the Japanese, Koreans, and people of Anam. —B. 8San-hsii signifies the "Three Islands" and is attributed to the Visayan Islands. Pai-pu-yen is perhaps the Babuyanes. Pu-li-lu may be Mindanao; Li-yin-tung, Lingayen; Lin-hsin sounds like Lin-hsing (called Linsung by Stangl), a Chinese name corresponding to their name for modern -Luz6n. However, Lin-hsin appears to be the Chinese name for Calilaya (modern Tayabas). Li-han is the primitive Chinese name for the present Malolos, whose princes bore the title of "Gat-Salihan" or "GatStalian." —B. 9Stangl believes that the yellow wax is an aromatic resin resembling wax, and somewhat like but not exactly the same as white pitch, and today sold in Mindanao under the name of yellow wax. wie. Tortoiseshell.-B. 11Yu-ta seems to be the abaca.-B. Stangl prints "yii-ta." 12Coins of Siam and Java? For it appears that such coins circulated in the country.-B. ao

Page  281 DE MOLVCCIS INSULIS Stangl reads the second half of this note "But how did it come to pass current in the country?" It is probable that the commercial gold was in the form of gold dust or ornaments of gold. If there were any Javanese or Siamese gold coins in the country (and it is highly improbable), they must have been taken there by the Chinese, who were keen traders who early penetrated to all parts of the eastern archipelagoes. '3Stangl inserts here "iron fixtures" [enseres de hierro]. '4The following paragraph begins chapter xli in Stangl. '5Ka-may-en is Mait or the modern Mindoro; and Pa-lao-yu, Paragua. "Pa-chi-neng" may also be read "Pa-kat-lung" and "Ba-ki-lung." It seems to be the term for the true Visayans, while under the name San-hsii are understood the Visayans proper, together with the islands of Mindoro and Palawan.-B. 16I believe that the word "tribe" means here village or settlement; for I think that the author meant to say that the villages usually had one thousand families.-B. 7This phrase needs explanation. The Indians were accustomed to stain the teeth black, a custom quite general among many Malay nations. The Negritos, on the contrary, did not stain them.-B In Chao Ju-kua's description, Stangl translates "round eyes of a shining appearance," instead of "round yellow eyes." '8These "Hay-tan" are the Aetas, Itas, or Negritos of modern authors. The antiquity of this ethnographical name surprises us. The description of the Negritos seems to have been written yesterday. The Chinese author, in speaking of the nests of the Negritos, seems to have confused them with the houses that are built today in the forking of the branches of trees by some heathen tribes of Mindanao.-B. Mr. James A. LeRoy, in a letter dated March 14, 1905, says that it is at least doubtful that the Negritos were ever tree-dwellers in the true sense of the word, i.e., building solid, defensible structures like those of the typical tree dwellers. The Negritos do indeed spend a portion of their time in the treetops and often hunt their game in that way. It is probable that the tree-dwellers of the Philippines are Malays, although some of them may have a strain of Negrito blood. 19This refers to the Indians and not the Negritos.-B. 200f the mouth of the rivers?-B. 21By cotton, the author evidently means cotton textiles.-B. This is not necessarily so. Stangl remarks that the author's meaning must be the tree cotton, which is called kapok, basing his assertion upon 281

Page  282 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY the word that is used, presumably in the Chinese. The cotton plant is called kapas in Java. Apropos of tree cotton, Census of the Philippines, iv, p. 120, says: "A species of tree cotton (Celia pentandra) is found growing in a wild state in many of the islands; the cotton is useless for spinning purposes, the staple being very short, but it is used for making cushions and other articles." 22Foreign cloth: sinamay [a light fabric made from abaca] and other textiles of the country?-B. 23Camotes?-B. 24The author accentuates the fact that the Visayan villages had no common jurisdiction. This appears to imply that several villages in Luzon were under the jurisdiction of one king or prince.-B. This does not necessarily follow. 25The island of Mindanao was also more populous during the period of the Spanish conquest than now. The islands of Sarangani which have now 1,500 Bilanes and 100 Moros, were very thickly populated by the latter in 1548, and they had a large fort on a hill there.-B. But see Vol. IX, p. 290 [of Blair and Robertson] where it appears that the early reports of the population of Mindanao were greatly overstated. 26According to the letters from the Jesuit fathers of Filipinas, there are yet similar coasts near Zamboanga, and such as are described by the Chinese author.-B. 27This reminds us of the dangerous and arduous navigation about the eastern and southern coasts of Mindanao, especially near Cape San Agustin.-B. 282

Page  283 THE PHILIPPINES IN PREHISTORIC TIMES By ROBERT B. FOX Man is ancient in the Philippines; his history, complex. Lying on the eastern margin of the continent of Asia, one of the cradle-lands of mankind, the Philippines has shared the thousands of years of cultural and racial development which occurred here. There is evidence that ancient man first came into the Philippines by way of land-bridges at least one quarter of a million years ago, during the Middle Pleistocene or "Ice Age" as it is popularly known. But this was only the beginning, the "dawn of man," for in subsequent millennia, new races, cultures, and traditions found their way into the Archipelago, shaping and reshaping the life-ways of the early Filipinos. The Filipinos in ancient times were not simply the recipient of cultures from Asia and elsewhere but mediators, as well. It is certain that some of the peoples who now inhabit the far-flung islands of the Pacific came from the Philippines, taking with them culture-traits which had been developed in the islands.1 Moreover, local developments continually modified external influences. Throughout the thousands of years of contact, direct and indirect, with Asia and Southeast Asia, the Filipino people selected and elaborated trait-complexes which were part of the flow ("trickle" would perhaps be a better term) of traditions into the Islands. Cultural and social patterns were not borrowed in Robert B. Fox, Ph.D., is the Head of the Division of Anthropology of the National Museum and the author of several scientific articles. This article, which was published in the Handbook for the First National Exhibition of Filipino Pre-history and Culture of the Unesco National Commission 6f the Philippines, in 1959, in Science Review of September, 1962, and in the Sunday Times Masazine of February 17, 1963, is considered by the Journal of History as a valuable addition to the documents of early Philippine history that appeared in the previous issue (Vol. XI, Nos. 1 and 2, Mgrch and June, 1963). Hence it is here printed for whatever aid it gives to our teachers of Philippine history.-Ed. 1 Beyer, LH Otley. Philippine and East Asian Ahaeolgy and Its Relation to the Origin of the Pacific Islands Population. National Research Council of the Philippines, Bull. no. 29 (1948). 283

Page  284 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY toto; then, as now. specific influences were borrowed and reshaped to conform with existing institutions, values and beliefs. and in response to local needs. Thus, unique, locally elaborated, and locally developed ways of doing, believing, and thinking emerged.2 During the long prehistoric period, many cultural changes took place in the Philippines, the people gradually developing more effective tools and techniques for coping with the problems of food, shelter, and social-living. The very earliest people were food-gatherers, hunters, and fishermen, and their stone tools were rough and crude made by striking chips from river pebbles or nodules. Later, the tools were beautifully made by grinding and polishing hard stones; pottery and agriculture appeared. The techniques of making glass and iron were introduced, as well as weaving, and advanced agricultural methods which allowed for an expansion of the population. Then, largely as a result of trade, the influences of China, India, Hindu-Indonesia, and other countries representing "Great Traditions" seeped into the Islands. Before Spanish contact, sophisticated and unique Filipino cultures and societies had emerged, and these preSpanish social and cultural patterns still form the basic characteristics of contemporary Filipino life-ways. Thus, the story of man in the Philippines is dramatic. Though almost bewildering in its complexity, much is known today about the culture-history of the Archipelago owing largely to the pioneer-researches of one man - Prof. H. Otley Beyer. He has sketched the outline of the Philippines' past but it will require future generations of scholars and scientists to reveal details. The importance of the study of history was vividly pointed out by Dr. Jose Rizal, when he wrote: "We are anxious to learn of the Philippines' past, which we need to understand in order to plan intelligently for the future."3 2 Fox, Robert B. "Pre-Spanish Influences in Filipino Culture." Sunday Times Magasine Special (February 2, 1958) pp. 2-4. 3 Epistolario Rizalino, Vol. II, pp. 136-137. 284

Page  [unnumbered] Above: Specimens of Old Stone Age Materials (Hand-Axes) Unearthed by Present-Day Scholars in Some Old Civilizational Sites such as Bataan, Bulacan, and Rizal Provinces. Below: A Legbone of an Extinct Elephant found in Anda, Pangasinan, being analyzed by Archeologist-Anthropologists G. H. R. Von Koenigswald and H. Otley Beyer. — Co Iurtesy, 3Burteau of Science.

Page  [unnumbered]

Page  285 THE PHILIPPINES IN PREHISTORIC TIMES The Role of Archaeology in the Study of Pre-history. Detailed historical accounts about the Philippines date only from Spanish contact, the 16th century. As early as the 10th century (A.D. 982) references to the Islands are found in Chinese Annals, but these records are few and brief, as presently known, and the period which covers these pre-Spanish references is usually spoken of as proto-historic. The primary source of data about the people of the Philippines prior to the 16th century is archaeology-the "study of the material remains of man's past" as found through excavations of his habitation and burial sites. Unfortunately, the archaeological record will never be complete, for only fragments of man's products and activities survived the ravages of time. It is possible to study the tools which he made and used, the foods which he ate, but not his kinship system nor the language he spoke. Nevertheless, in reconstructing the past considerable details can be achieved, if archaeological excavations and the interpretations derived from the materials recovered are carried out by professionally trained persons. In view, therefore, of the growing interest in the prehistory of the Philippines, it is appropriate to discuss briefly at this time the functions and responsibilities of the archaeologist in Filipino society. The long-range goal of the archaeologist is to reconstruct history. He is not an antiquarian, nor is he concerned only with a collection of man's handicraft to display or store in a museum. Rather, he recovers objects of material culture, tells their story-the story of man's activities and achievements. A fragment of pottery may be more important than a whole vessel; each is valued. Archaeology begins in the field. While excavating, the archaeologist attempts to recover all items made or used by man or related to his activities, whether whole or fragmentary tools, ornaments, potteries, human and animal bones, organic materials, such as charcoal or shell which can be used in radiocarbon-14 dating, and even samples of earth. Before the ex285

Page  286 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY cavation begins, the site is surveyed, and nearby areas explored. During the actual digging, the soil is carefully removed by layers, perhaps 10 centimeters to each layer, and an exact record is kept of the location and depth of all objects found. The archaeologist is continually concerned with the principles of stratigraphy. In sites which have been occupied continuously for many years, sometimes centuries, or at different time periods, the oldest cultural remains will normally be the deepest; the shallower materials, the more recent. In ancient dwelling sites, the periods of man's occupations will be laid down in layers or strata, in some instances with sterile soils between occupation periods. By removing the soil, layer by layer, and keeping careful records of the position and depth of all objects found, it is possible to properly associate the cultural materials by time-horizons, as well as to study changes in tool-traditions or types of pottery. If this is not done, older materials will be mixed with younger materials, invalidating any historical reconstruction. During the excavation, a careful photographic study, such as of the materials uncovered or of the profiles of trenches showing stratigraphy, is made. Changes in the colors of the soil are also carefully appraised. In very ancient sites, soil colors and soil composition may be related to different climatic periods. It is possible, moreover, to work out the patterns of dwellings and other structures by studying contrasts in the soil; for example, the earth in the holes of disintegrated houseposts is invariably different in color from the surrounding undisturbed soils. Such features are plotted on a map of the site. It should be apparent that archaeology is not an activity for amateurs. When discovered, sites should be reported immediately to institutions, such as the National Museum of the Philippines, which have personnel trained to excavate and to study the materials recovered. An individual who loots a cave or digs haphazardly in an ancient burial or habitation site is literally destroying history, obliterating the only record of man's 286

Page  287 THE PHILIPPINES IN PREHISTORIC TIMES past. "Pot hunting," the term for amateur archaeology, is comparable to burning a library in which precious historical records and manuscripts are kept. The Archaeological field teams of the National Museum have used and welcome volunteer workerstudents, and any person who has a burning desire to peer into the past with a spade can be accommodated on occasions. The work of the archaeologist, as noted, only begins with an excavation. In the laboratory, as at the National Museum, the many artifacts and associated materials recovered are cleaned. treated for preservation, restored, and studied. With the help of technicians and specialists in other fields, qualitative analyses are made of such artifacts or materials. If, for example, a spear is found which does not appear to be related to forms occurring in the Philippines, and if the analysis shows that it contains tin which does not occur as a base metal in the Islands, then it is likely that the weapon came from another country. A study of archaeological reports from neighboring lands may reveal its origin. Pottery is studied as to forms, types, methods of manufacture, classes of design, and clay, even though only fragments (sherds) are available for study. Human skeletal material is analyzed as to race, height, age, sex, types of disease, and causes of death. The bones of animals, fish, as well as shells, are identified, providing data as to the types of food eaten and the characteristics of the food quest. When the materials from one site have been thoroughly studied (usually leading to a "site report"), they are compared with the cultural materials found in other sites in the Philippines and elsewhere in South and East Asia If there is a close relationship in the assemblage of cultural materials, then an affinity is suggested, the assumption being that the objects were made during the same relative time-period and perhaps by related people. Similarities in the archaeological materials from sites in different areas may not be due to the movements of people (the usual treatment of Filipino culture history in terms of 287

Page  288 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY "migrations" and "waves of influences" is vastly overdrawn) but to the movements of ideas- stimulus diffusion. Generally speaking, the broad picture of man's development in Southeast and East Asia will be valid for the Philippines, though details will vary by areas. Thus, archaeological research in Borneo or the Malay Peninsula will throw light on developments in the Philippines. I The principle of stratigraphy gives relative dates to successive levels of cultural materials. Techniques have recently been developed which give reliable absolute dates for archaeological sites. The most dramatic of these is the "Atomic Clock" or radiocarbon-14 dating method, which utilizes organic materials for analyses, such as animal bones, shells, or bits of carbon obtained from ancient earths. This method "is based on the observation that radioactive carbon-14, being manufactured constantly from the nitrogen in the atmosphere through cosmic ray bombardment and assimilated as carbon dioxide by living things all during life, provides a known percentage of 'tagged atoms' whose rate of decay can be checked to determine, within limits, how long ago a given plant or animal lived".4 It has been found "that as time passes, the beta particles (fast electrons) are given off at a diminishing rate by carbon-14 until after each 5,568 years only half as much activity remains as was present at the start of each such period."5 If unaltered organic material is used in the analyses, reliable dates may be obtained up to 20,000 years ago and even longer, though with less accuracy. Two sets of radiocarbon-14 dates have recently been obtained for Philippine archaeological materials, the first of their kind. Organic materials from other sites are now being processed, and these may alter traditional views as to the age of Philippine sites. The Bato Caves, Bacon, Sorsogon, which 4 U.S. Dept. of Interior. Information Service. "Atomic Clock Established New Dates for Age-of-Man Mileposts." Released Feb. 26, 1956 5 Beyer, Op. cit. 288

Page  289 THE PHILIPPINES IN PREHISTORIC TIMES have provided two dates. were excavated in 1956 by a team from the National Museum. The burial caves and one habitation-burial cave revealed an identical assemblage of huge earthenware burial-jars, stone tools, and stone and shell ornaments. Sea shells were found in the burial jars, apparently placed there as food offerings, and in the refuse-heap of the habitation cave. Analyses of these shells at the University of Michigan, using a control sample of moder shells of identical species from the same area, have yielded two dates 91 B.C. for Cave No. 2, a habitation-burial cave; and A.D. 179 for Cave No. 1, a burial cave.6 These radiocarbon-14 dates clearly establish that some people in Southern Luzon were utilizing stone tools up to the birth of Christ and for possibly a century or two afterwards. William G. Solheim II also obtained a radiocarbon-14 date for the huge Batungan Cave on Masbate Island: 756 B.C. plus or minus 100 years.7 As noted, our knowledge of ancient man depends solely upon archaeological and allied evidences. Within the Christian era, the study of prehistory is supported and broadened with data provided by other lines of inquiry. Among these are historical linguistics, including glotto-chronology, by which it is possible by comparing basic vocabularies to determine an absolute date for the separation of two or more related languages; ethnography or the study of non-Christian peoples and minority groups who have retained pre-Spanish customs; the utilization of non-Western, proto-historic references to the Philippines: the study of the earliest Spanish accounts of Filipino life-ways; and the use of modern anthropological theory and method correlated with data provided by other disciplines, such as botany, geology, geography, and ecology. In a culture-historical approach man is viewed as a social being, as well as a tool-user; hence, considerable emphasis is placed on institutional develop6 Crane, H.R. and James B. Griffin. "University of Michigan Radiocarbon Dates IV." American Journal of Science, Radio Carbon Supplement, Vol. I, pp. 173-198. 7 Ibid. 289

Page  290 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY ments, as well as upon the study of the implements which he made and used. When possible, it is effective to work back into prehistory, excavating in sites used just prior to Spanish contact and correlating the archaeological evidences with the earliest historical documents; then, in the same or a nearby area, digging in earlier sites, to achieve greater time-depth and spacecontrols. MAN FIRST APPEARS Discoveries in the Philippines of crude stone tools associated with extinct types of animals and tektites8 indicated that man first appeared in the Islands some 250,000 to 300,000 years ago during the Middle Pleistocene. This geologic period, popularly known as the "Ice Age," was one of the great climatic changes, being characterized in the Northern Hemisphere by the advance and retreat of huge glaciers of ice, markedly influencing the movements and distributions of life-man, plant, and animal. At the end of the Pliocene or the beginning of the Pleistocene, some one million years ago, the earth gradually began to cool (many theories for this phenomenon have been advanced), leading to the enlargement of the ice caps in the polar regions and of the glaciers in mountainous areas. As they grew larger, the glaciers began to move and spread eventually over large portions of Northern Europe, Asia, and North America (in Northern Europe it has been estimated that the glaciers covered some 1,650,000 square miles). These movements caused marked changes in the amount of precipitation, in the location of rainfall belts, in the relative levels of the land and sea, and in the types of associated plants and animals. Whole environments and ecologies were altered, regions which had been temperate became cold, frozen wastes. Forms of animal life were forced to migrate and some, unable to adjust themselves, became extinct. MBeyer, H. Otley. Op. cit. 290

Page  291 THE PHILIPPINES IN PREHISTORIC TIMES Even in the areas nearer the equator, such as the Philippines, the effects of the glaciations were felt. Tremendous amounts of water were enveloped, literally frozen, by the advancing ice packs, lowering the water levels in the seas, rivers, and lakes. It has been estimated that water in the South China Sea receded to 240 feet. Land areas, such as the Malay Peninsula, Borneo, and the Philippines, which are at present separated by water only about 120 to 150 feet deep, were then connected by land-bridges, allowing men and animals to move from one place to another with relative ease. Then, after a long period of time, the glaciers began to retreat, slowly. The earth became warmer and the rainfall zones moved northward. As more moderate conditions returned to the continental regions, plants and animals moved back into their former habitats. The volume of water in the seas, lakes, and rivers swelled, and the land-bridges disappeared. Animal forms which had crossed into archipelagic areas, such as the Philippines, were trapped. Some animals became extinct and others survived on isolated, disconnected islands as unique types; for example, the tamaraw, which is found only on the island of Mindoro. During the Pleistocene, the glaciers advanced and retreated four different times, and there were minor fluctuations. During these movements, man in more northern latitudes sometimes lived in caves and his artifacts were found with the bones of the arctic-type animals which he killed-huge wooly mammoths, the rhinoceros, and others. Between the four glacial periods, there were warmer interglacial periods having a more plentiful fauna and flora. Man's life was much less severe. Our "age of the atom" may be viewed as a part of a fourth interglacial period. True hominids or types of man emerged during the Pleistocene, though his ancestors, prehominids, certainly date from an earlier epoch. It is generally held that man evolved only once and recent evidence would suggest that his evolution oc291

Page  292 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY curred on the continent of Africa. Nevertheless, man is also very ancient in Southeast and East Asia, and one of the best series of bones of fossil men has been found on the Island of Java, just south of the Philippines. This was due in part to Java's marginal position which freed her of the major effects of glaciation. In Java, ancient human skeletons, including the skull of a three-year-old child, have been recovered from fossil beds which date from early Pleistocene. The famous "Java Man" (Pithecanthropus erectus), and a number of related hominids have also been found in fossil beds, called Trinil, which date from the Middle Pleistocene-the beginning of the second interglacial to the end of the third glacial period. A similar geologic and faunal association with man's tools also occurs in the Philippines. True modern man, Homo sapiens, includes the entire population of the earth today. He did not appear in Java, the Philippines, and elsewhere until the Upper Pleistocene. More than thirty individuals similar to Pithecanthropus have also been found in a cave of middle pleistocene date near the village of Chou Kou Tien, about forty miles from Peking, China. Although there are morphological differences between the Java man and the Peking Men, such differences are generally held to be no greater than differences separating modern races. To date, no fossil remains of Middle Pleistocene man have been found in the Philippines but, as noted. handaxes and the bones of extinct animals have been uncovered in a geological and fossil stratum which is similar to the Trinil zone of Java. The related Java Man and Peking Men were apparently widespread in limited numbers in East and Southeast Asia. It is likely that these were the types of men who entered the Philippines during the Middle Pleistocene. A study of the bones of the Java Man shows that he walked erect. His skull was massive with enormous browridges and narrow, slanting forehead. He had a cranial ca292

Page  293 THE PHILIPPINES IN PREHISTORIC TIMES pacity of only about 940 cc., whereas modern man averages about 1,450 cc. Mid-Pleistocene man had no agriculture, relying solely upon food gathering, hunting, and fishing. It is probable that the widespread distribution of this ancient man, using landbridges to cross into areas such as the Philippines, was due in part to hunting and following the Pleistocene animals as they moved from place to place. The game which he hunted (the fossils of many have recently been found in Cagayan Valley and Pangasinan) were very different from modern animalslarge, medium, and very small elephants, the rhinoceros, the stegodon, types of wild buffaloes, deer, pigs, and even giant land tortoises. The Peking Men, at least, knew and used fire, for charred bones and fire hearths have been found in the cave at Chou Kou Tien. The only tools of the Pleistocene man which have survived in the Philippines are large, rather crudely made hand-axes manufactured by striking large chips from a pebble or nodule. The common materials used for these hand-axes were flint, quartz, and chalcedony. It is possible that Mid-Pleistocene man had tools and weapons made of wood and other media with which he used to hunt animals, but these have not survived. Man, we believe, continued to live in the Philippines during the Late Pleistocene, inasmuch as a few hand-axes have been recovered which are typologically similar to later forms found elsewhere in Southeast and East Asia. But, the earlier Pleistocene types of men were eventually replaced by modern man in the late "Ice Age." Then, about 10,000 to 13,000 years ago, when the last land-bridges were still exposed, a new people, it is believed, entered the Archipelago bringing with them an entirely different tool-tradition called microlithic. These microlithic tools, as their name indicates, were small and made from sharp flakes of obsidian or volcanic glass (the only known source of this 293

Page  294 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY material is Mt. Banahaw in Central Luzon), flint, agate, and tektite glass. Many form variations of these tools have been found, each apparently having different uses - knives, saws, scrapers, engravers, and crudely made projectile points. There is no clear evidence that the people who made the microliths knew agriculture, and it is likely that they were still food gatherers, hunters, and fishermen, like the earlier Palaeolithic people. It has been suggested that the microlithic tools were distributed by pygmy peoples, such as the Aeta of the Philippines. However, no skeletal remains of a pygmy group have been found in positive association with these small tools. Altogether, more than 100 different microlithic stations have been located on the Island of Luzon, but no stratified site has been systematically excavated. Another stone-tool assemblage is also encountered during the transition period (Mesolithic) between the Palaeolithic or '"Old Stone Age" and the Neolithic or "New Stone Age." (The usage of terms such as Mesolithic and Neolithic for the chronology of Philippine archaeology implies no time or cultural correlations with a similar usage of terms in European.) For in addition to microliths, relatively large, roughly worked stone tools made of river pebbles have been found in the provinces of Bataan, Rizal, and Bulacan. This type of tools is usually round, oval, or kidney shaped, and both sides are chipped to a rough edge. Forms closely related to these, called Hoabinhian, have been found in Indo-China. A relatively few tools of a similar type, which are chipped on only one side, called the "Sumatra type" in relation to the area where they have been found in large numbers, have also been found in the Philippines. Traditionally, the Hoabinhian tools are considered the oldest "culture" of the Mesolithic period, and are associated with a people of the Melanesoid type; that is, the skeletal materials which have been found with these tools are said to have the physical characteristics of the people who are now called Pa294

Page  295 THE PHILIPPINES IN PREHISTORIC TIMES puans and Melanesians living in the Southwest Pacific and in parts of New Guinea. This tool and racial association seems well established for Malaya where Hoabinhian tools have been found with numerous skeletal remains, particularly in caves. Unfortunately no skeletal-tool associations have been established for the Hoabinhian in the Philippines. Though the Hoabinhian is usually thought of as older than the microlithic cultures and is dated 15,000 to 20,000 years ago for the Philippines, there is evidence that these two tool-traditions may be roughly coterminous. In the Malay Peninsula, where data are more plentiful, the Hoabinhian is definitely Post-Pleistocene and is thought to have initially appeared not more than 9,000 years ago. The great contrast between the two tool-traditions would strongly suggest, at least, that distinct peoples and cultures were associated with each tool type. However, a great deal more of systematic archaeological investigations must be accomplished before these and other problems will be clarified. POLISHED STONE TOOLS AND THE BEGINNINGS OF AGRICULTURE Man has continually sought to improve his tools and implements, for better techniques give him greater security in his food-quest and a more effective control over his environment. The record of man as a tool-user is one of continual change in the methods by which he worked stones and other media. These changes are clearly reflected in archaeological record and when found in stratified sites become one of our principal techniques for studying cultural developments during the long prehistoric period. The changes in the tool-traditions were not necessarily abrupt; earlier forms continued to be used with later types; and there were undoubtedly regions of "cultural lag." The earliest tools used during the Palaeolithic period were crude hand-axes and choppers made by the percussion method, 295

Page  296 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY in which nodules and river pebbles were struck with a hammerstone and large flakes removed producing rough-edged tools. Later, during the Mesolithic, flakes were struck from a prepared or unprepared core of hard stones, such as flint and quartz, the fragments yielding various forms of blades which served as knives, scrapers, and other implements. In many areas of the world, flaked tools were wonderfully reworked by pressure flaking in which smaller chips were removed from the edges of the blade by pressing a deer horn or another material against the edge. This latter technique was not well developed in the Philippines, though secondary-flaking may be seen on the edges of neolithic flint knives. In the Post-Pleistocene or Recent period, from 8,000 to 9,000 years ago, other techniques were learned by man which led eventually to the appearance of beautifully ground, highly polished stone implements. This period is called the Neolithic or "New Stone Age." But older tool-making techniques also survived, and knives made from obsidian and flint continued to be used during the Philippine Neolithic period along with polished stone tools. In a sense, the Neolithic period brought a "revolution" tc man's behavior and activities, for agriculture and, later, the art of making pottery, appeared. Man achieved for the first time, a more settled, self-sufficient economy. He continued, of course, to supplement agriculture with hunting and fishing. The Neolithic period in the Philippines may be divided into three phases: the Early, Middle, and Late, each having differences in tool-traditions and associated material culture. It is believed that some of the tool-traditions came from different areas on the mainland of Asia, explaining, in part, the patterns of distribution of the tools. The appearance of new tools is usually ascribed to successive "waves of migrations," but it is more likely that the early movements involved only a few people or families and "drift contacts" in which people in boats were caught in currents and winds and were swept into 296

Page  297 THE PHILIPPINES IN PREHISTORIC TIMES Philippine waters. Neverthelss, the Neolithic peoples were unquestionally superb sailors, for some of them sailed into the great Pacific Ocean, eventually reaching and settling every habitable island. The Neolithic peoples have also been associated with specific racial and physical types, such as "Indonesian A" and "Indonesian B." However, these have not been clearly established by archaeological records; in fact, almost no skeletons have been found in the Philippines associated with particular Neolithic tool-traditions. It is unlikely, in addition, that the people represented homogenous physical type, for man had been on the earth a long time before the Neolithic period began. Correlation of the Neolithic peoples with contemporary Filipinos ( for example, the Mandayas of Davao are often called 'Indonesian") is also highly tenuous. Judgments as to the relationships of modern peoples to prehistoric cultures, such as to each stone tool-tradition of the Neolithic, must be suspended until we have a far greater body of data. The Early Neolithic.-The earliest types of Neolithic tools, usually spoken of as proto-neoliths, still continued to have roughly flaked bodies, but ground blades or cutting-edges, that is, the blade of the tool, unlike its body, was smoothed to a polished surface by grinding one rock against another. Many proto-neoliths of this type have been found in Bataan Province, on the China Sea side, and in the valleys of Baras and Pililla, Rizal Province. The characteristic stone tool of the Early Neolithic, however, was oval or cylindrical in form, and the entire body, including the blade, was ground and polished. The grinding during this time did not, however, reach the quality of the late Neolithic stone tools; the flake-marks can be seen on the bodies of many Early Neolithic specimens. The axes and adzes of oval form, with either blunt or pointed butts, began to appear about 6,000 to 7,000 years ago, and they continued to be the typical tool for nearly two millennia. 297

Page  298 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY It is believed that the Early Neolithic peoples came into the Philippines by boats (the land-bridges had disappeared) directly from South China and what is now northern IndoChina. It is likely that they brought the earliest form of agriculture which involved the cultivation of root crops, such as yams, and other hardy plants. The Middle Neolithic.-This period, beginning about 4,000 years ago and lasting for about 1,000 years, is characterized by numerous new types of stone tools. One form had a true shoulder, others a ridged back, and still another type, a tanged butt-a type which is certainly ancestral to the forms of adzes found in the Hawaiian Islands and Eastern Polynesia. The major stimuli for changes in the axe-adze forms of this period were apparently derived from the Hoifung-Hongkong area of South China, and nearby regions. Nevertheless, some of the Middle Neolithic axes-adzes found in the Philippines do not occur elsewhere, showing local specialization. Evidence provided by a comparative study of stone tools strongly suggest that some of the peoples of the Pacific World, Hawaii and East Polynesia came from the Philippines, the movement into the Pacific Islands occurring during the Middle Neolithic and the early phase of the Late Neolithic. Tanged adzes, typical of East Polynesian forms, are found fully developed in the Philippines, and an ancestral type occurs in the Hoifung-Hongkong area of South China. Moreover, these adzes, the ridged and tanged types, are absent in Indonesia. Gabi (or taro as it is known in the Pacific) was surely cultivated in the Philippines at this time. It is reasonable that the movement into the Pacific Islands occurred largely during the Middle Neolithic and the early phase of the Late Neolithic, as the technique of sawing and drilling stone, which was highly developed during the last part of the Philippine Late Neolithic, was unknown in East Polynesia. Thus, the movements into the Pacific took place before stonesawing and drilling reached the Philippines. 298

Page  299 THE PHILIPPINES IN PREHISTORIC TIMES The Late Neolithic.-This last phase of the "New Stone Age" is clearly recognized by still another diagnostic tool-tradition-the rectangular or trapezoidal adze-complex. The implements of this period were made of hard, fine-grained stones which were carefully shaped and highly polished. The Late Neolithic is also characterized by two new techniques which were used in shaping stone tools-sawing and drilling. In addition, during the last phase of the Late Neolithic, extensive use was made of nephrite or "jade" for both implements and ornaments, particularly in the area which is now Batangas Province. No source of jade has been found in the Philippines, and it would appear that the Late Neolithic peoples brought this material with them when they came into the Islands from South China and Indo-China. It is apparent that nephrite was both scarce and highly prized, for larger tools, when broken, were carefully reworked, commonly by sawing. Thus, many extremely competent tool-makers, the Late Neolithic peoples, executed a wide variety of beautifully worked and polished stone tools-weapons and ornaments, including bark-cloth beaters, projectile points. such as spear heads, and beads. The Late Neolithic may be dated as beginning about two millennia before the birth of Christ. It lasted until iron became widespread, sometime between 100 B.C. and A.D. 100. It is very probable that the cultivation of upland rice and millet, as well as the domestication of pig, was introduced at this time. Bones and teeth of the latter have been found in Late Neolithic excavations. Megalithic monuments which were common to the South of the Philippines were weakly present in the Islands owing largely, it would seem, to the widespread persistence in the Philippines of shifting cultivation which is not readily equated with the erection of large permanent stone monuments. Bronze weapons have also been collected on the surface of Late Neolithic "stations" which date about 2,000 years ago and mark the first appearance of metals in the Islands 299

Page  300 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY (along with the use of copper). But implements of bronze were apparently extremely rare, and as stone continued as the primary material for the making of many types of tools and ornaments, it is doubtful if one can justifiably speak of a "Bronze Age" or a "Copper-Bronze Culture" in the Philippines. The basic transition was from stone tools to iron tools, except perhaps in Northern Luzon where copper was extensively mined and worked, possibly before the appearance of iron. Pottery certainly appeared during the last phase of the Late Neolithic. An archaeological team of the National Museum has found eleven different caves around Albay Gulf in the provinces of Sorsogon and Albay, which had an assemblage of earthenware vessels, including huge burial jars, quadrangular and trapezoidal stone tools some of which were stepped, representing the last type of Neolithic implements, ornaments of shell and stone, and utensils of shell. A radiocarbon-14 date for one of the Bato Caves which contained this assemblage of materials was 91 B.C.9 The custom of jar-burial is widespread in China and Japan, and it is likely that the stimulus for this practice in the Philippines came from their direction. Though the "Jar-Burial Culture" has been identified as an "Iron Age" migration from China, specifically Fukien Province, dating from the 3rd to the 18th century A.D.,'1 it is unquestionably older and probably involved the appearance of a number of distinct jar-burial traditions. In the north of the Philippines, as in the Babuyan Islands, the burial jars have another jar for a cover (a similar type is found in Japan) and they were placed in stone cairns. Elsewhere, as in Masbate, the jar burials were in the open and had jar covers made of limestone. Burial jars were also placed in caves throughout the Philippines. Either primary or secondary burials (in secondary burials only the bones 9 Crane, H.R. and James B. Griffin, Op. cit. 10 Beyer, H. Otley, et. al. Philippine Saga. A Pictorial History of the Archipelago Since Time Began, Manila, Evening News Pub. (1957). 300

Page  301 THE PHILIPPINES IN PREHISTORIC TIMES were placed in the jar), or both, were practiced and the Filipino people continued to utilize burial jars up to Spanish contact and later. The excavations at Calatagan, Batangas, which date from the late 14th century to the beginning of the 16th, revealed an infant jar-burial complex in which the jars utilized were made in either China or Siam. Elderly Tagbanuwa of Palawan Island, a non-Christian group, can recall secondary jarburial; and a mountain group in Panay-the Sulod-still practices it.1 In this brief sketch of the Neolithic period, it is apparent that a great part of the cultural influence, as well as of the people, came from the mainland of Asia, specifically from China and Indo-China. This was not, however, the specialized Chinese culture and society which we know today, rather an early or proto-Chinese culture which was also changing at that time. Moreover, the people, racially speaking, would not fit the modern stereotype of the Chinese. It was, I believe, a heterogeneous population which, until we have greater evidence, might best be described as a generalized "Southern Mongoloid." USE OF METALS AND CIVILIZATION At about the birth of Christ, influences from the South and Southwest, rather than from the North and West, stimulated dramatic changes in the way-of-life of the ancient Filipinos. The art of smelting and forging iron was introduced, as well as glass-making, weaving, and more advanced agricultural techniques, including many new food plants and spices. Potteries, including highly attractive forms having elaborate designs, were made throughout the Islands. Slags of iron and glass commonly encountered in "Iron Age" sites, reveal that the iron was worked with the "Malay Forge." This forge had two standing bellows made of either bamboo or wood; it is still utilized by many non-Christian groups in the Philippines, as well as elsewhere in Southeast Asia. Glass 1 Jocano, F. Lpnrta. Sulod Life-ways. Unpublished manuscripts. (1959). 301

Page  302 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY beads and bracelets were made in two colors, a translucent blue and green. Weaving was accomplished with the back-loom, a type of loom still utilized in Mountain Province and Mindanao; and tie-and-die weaving, so highly developed in Indonesia, possibly appeared during the latter part of the "Iron Age." It is known in both Mindoro and Mindanao. It is argued that both the carabao and the horse were known during the early phase of the "Iron Age," but it is doubtful if either animal was common (in fact, the cultural-complex built around the horse in the Philippines is largely Spanish in character, though the animal is an Asiatic form). The developments during the "Iron Age" in the Philippines were certainly correlated with the first marked expansion of the population. For, during the "Iron Age" lowland rice was cultivated in diked fields, which collected rainfall, and. in some areas, in terraced fields which utilized spring water, both developments providing a more dependable and larger supply of food. By this time the Filipino peoples spoke languages which were ancestral to all of the present-day Philippine tongues. All of the Philippine languages are, in fact, derived from a single prototype language which has been called "Original Indonesian." The great number of mutually non-intelligible languages which are now found in the Philippines, such as Tagalog and Ilocano, is due to many centuries of social and geographical isolation which separated relatively small groups of people and this. in turn, made their closely related languages drift apart. The first ten centuries of the Christian era, which roughly embrace the Philippine "Iron Age," witnessed an ever-increasing tempo in external contacts (the protected inland seas which formed the archipelagic world of the Philippines and Southeast Asia afforded easy movements for people) as well as numerous local developments. 302

Page  303 THE PHILIPPINES IN PREHISTORIC TIMES EARLY FILIPINO CONTACTS WITH THE GREAT TRADITIONS The influence of the "Great Traditions" from the mainland of Asia and the Middle East, which began to be felt in the Philippines towards the end of the 9th century, brought about further marked changes in the social, religious, and economic life of the early Filipinos. Adventurers and traders crossed and re-crossed the Archipelago in search of products and markets. People bearing new ideas, values, and attitudes continued to "filter" into the Islands mingling with earlier settlers. The impact of these protohistoric contacts lent new color to the existing traditions, as well as rigidity and formality to local institutions. A few of the scattered family-oriented settlements, especially those near the coast, crystallized into trading centers, carrying on commercial relations not only among the local peoples but with the ever-increasing number of foreign merchants. The earliest representatives of the "Great Traditions" to trade in the Philippines, literally opening the Archipelago to foreign commerce, were the Arabs. These fearless, seafaring traders traveled thousands of miles, frequently carrying horses in their boats, to develop new channels of trade. The stories of "Sinbad the Sailor" are not mere myths. The Arabs were ousted from their trading ports in the South and Central China coast by uprisings which occurred during the middle of the 9th century. However, this "closed door" policy did not prevent the enterprising Arabians from still acquiring Far Eastern products for the lucrative Western markets. Taking a new route northward from the Malacca Strait by way of Borneo, the Philippines, and Formosa, they continued trading, and many goods and ideas reached the Philippines both on the northern trips and the return voyages. During the latter part of the 10th century, the Arab traders were allowed to re-enter the ports of Chuan-Chow and Canton in Central and South China. It would appear, however, that the Arabs did not cease, instead continued, their trade with the 303

Page  304 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY Philippines and other Southeast Asian countries. This is indicated by a report in a Chinese chronicle which noted "the arrival of an Arab ship at Canton with a load of native goods from Mindoro (Mai-i) in 982 A.D."12 The Arabs, in fact, often sailed southward from Chinese ports into the Philippines and Borneo, rather than along the coast of Indo-China. By the end of the 12th century, however, the Arab traders found themselves face to face with an enterprising competitor - the Chinese. Although well established in Philippine and Southeast Asian trade, these Middle-Eastern merchants could not withstand Chinese competition. At the close of the 13th century, there were probably no Arab trading vessels plying the high seas between China, the Philippines, Borneo, and neighboring areas. Sino-Philippine contacts, possibly casual trade, occurred as early as the Tang Dynasty (A.D. 618-907). Late Tang potteries have been found in a few archaeological sites. However, trade with China did not develop to an appreciable scale until the 13th century, shortly after the Sung emperors were forced to move south of the Yangtze River, establishing their new capital at Hangchow. By this time, the ceramics industries were flourishing in China, forming a base for extensive commercial activities. Great quantities of porcelains and stoneware vessels were kilned in many places, often under imperial edict and supervision. But it was largely the provincial wares of poorer quality which were traded into the Philippines and Southeast Asia. Pottery trade reached a climax in the 15th century during the reign of the early Ming emperors. During this time, countless thousands of potteries, as well as other items, were carried into the Archipelago. Pigafetta, the chronicler of Magellan, 12 Beyer, H. Otley. "Outline Review of Philippine Archaeology by Islands and Provinces," Philippine Journal of Science, 1947, pp. 205-390. Also, Early History of Philippine Relations with Foreign Countries, Especially China. Manila, National Printing Co., (1948). 304

Page  305 THE PHILIPPINES IN PREHISTORIC TIMES noted in 1521 that many porcelain dishes as well as large jars in which rice wine was placed were being utilized by Filipino leaders on the islands of Leyte and Cebu. And, in 1570, Salcedo seized two Chinese ships off the Island of Mindoro which were loaded with "gold thread, silk and cotton cloth, gilded water jugs, porcelain vases, plates, and bowls, and some fine porcelain jars."'3 The items were traded with Filipino products, such as hardwood, gums, resins, edible nuts, pearl-shells, fancy corals. gold, cotton, rattans, and others. As commercial relations developed, the Chinese merchants began to establish themselves in various well-situated coastal settlements, such as Manila, Cebu, and Jolo. There they inter-married with Filipino women and developed merchandising centers, beginning their roles as middlemen which they have held for centuries. Gradually, they were able to minimize the activities of other traders, though Chinese resident-traders were never numerous during the pre-Spanish period. The island world which is to the south of the Philippines (the region now known as Indonesia) received far greater Indian and further Indian influences than the Philippines as reflected in an early development of political states. The first of these states was Sri-Vishaya which began to develop in Sumatra at the beginning of the 10th century. By A.D. 1180, Sri-Vishaya had reached "empire" proportions embracing much of Indonesia, Borneo, the Philippines, parts of the Malay Peninsula, and even reaching Formosa to the north and Ceylon to the west. Although its political domination of this area was highly tenuous, the social and cultural influences of Sri-Vishaya in areas such as the Philippines were extensive. Sri-Vishaya fell before the Javanese empire of Madjapahit and by A.D. 1330, the latter state had embraced most of the area formerly falling under the influence and quasi-domination 13 Fox, PRbert B. "The Calatagan Excavations". Philippine Studies, Vol. 7, No. 3 (1959), Manila. 305

Page  306 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY of Sri-Vishaya. It is held by some scholars that actual vassal communities were established in the Philippines during the Madjapahit era, specially in Sulu, Mindanao, and Luzon, but this has been questioned.14 Butuan has been described as a Madjapahit colony and it has been said that the Javanese mined gold in the AgusanSurigao area during the 14th century. A solid gold image which is now found in the 'Gem Room" of the Chicago Natural History Museum was found in Agusan in 1917. Although of local manufacture, it is a Ngundjuk-type image of the early Madjapahit period. Other bronze images of this date or earlier have also been recovered in Davao. Artifacts, such as pottery and gold ornaments, made in Java and Sumatra have been found in Philippine archaeological sites. Scholars attribute the presence of the boat-lute, a type of musical instrument found in the southern Philippines, to the Madjapahit expansion. Much of the Hindu-Indonesian elements in the religion, epics and myths of the southern Filipinos were the results, in part of later influence coming from the south during this period. In fact, many of the differences which were present among the various groups of Filipino peoples scattered throughout the Islands were leveled during this time. An early, widespread impact of a "mass culture" gave uniformity to the cultures and societies of the coastal and near-coastal peoples. The rise of the Madjapahit empire caused considerable readjustments in the commercial relations existing between the Philippines and other countries, especially China. The old states of Cambodia and Champa in Indo-China began taking active part in the island commerce. In Annam and Tonkin the Siamese artisans began to produce good porcelains in quantity, the Siamese kilns at Sawankhalok and Sukhotai being particularly active during the 14th and 15th centuries. These wares, Siamese 14 Hassel, Elizabeth L. "Thp Sri-Vishayan and Madjapahit and the Theory of the Political Association with the Philippines." Philippine Social Science and Humanities Review, Vol. 19 (1951) pp. 3-8. 306

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Page  307 THE PHILIPPINES IN PREHISTORIC TIMES and Annamese, offered stiff competition to the Chinese potteries. About the beginning of the 15th century, the exported Siamese wares to the Philippines reached approximately 20 to 40 per cent of the total southern trade. At the end of the 15th century, the Madjapahit empire crumbled under the ambitious rule of Yung Lo, the second Ming Emperor. A great Chinese fleet under the command of Chong Ho was said to have passed through the Philippines visiting the ports of Lingayen, Manila, Mindoro and Sulu in 1405-6, 1408-10 and 1417. From the Philippines, this Chinese admiral directed his course toward southern Malaysia, South India, and the Persian Gulf. Meanwhile as empires rose and crumbled along the near coast of the Asia mainland, a group of people, according to folk history, fled the tyrannical rule of Sultan Makatunaw in Borneo. According to this folk history, this group was led by Datu Puti, chief minister of the Sultanate of Makatunaw. Guided by the stars and favored by tropical winds, Datu Puti steered the expedition along the coast of Parawan (Palawan Island) until the island of Panay was sighted. Upon reaching the southeastern tip of the island, the expedition sailed further north and finally, one day about 1250, entered the Sirawagan River, landing on the bank of Andana Creek, not far from the site of Barrio Sinugbuhan in San Joaquin, Iloilo. Here the members met the "Ati" (Negrito) fishermen who led them to their Negrito "chieftain," Marikudo. The "Bornean chiefs" purchased Panay from the Ati for one gold saduk (native hat made of gold) and one gold necklace (sumangyad). The Ati, after the purchase, retreated to the hinterland, leaving the coastal plains to the newcomers. The Borneans established their capital in Malandog in Antique province. From this place, Datu Sumakwel, the chiefin-charge of the settlements after Datu Puti returned to Borneo bringing along with him several chieftains, ruled Panay. The new settlers divided Panay into three main sakups or dis307

Page  308 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY tricts - Irong-Irong, Aklan and Hamtik. Irong-Irong was headed by Datu Paiburong, Aklan by Datu Bangkaya and Hamtik by Datu Sumakwel, respectively. In the meantime, the chieftains who went with the returning Datu Puti left him somewhere near Mindoro and proceeded northward. They are said to have settled in Taal, the Bicol Peninsula and other regions in southern Luzon. Effects of These Foreign Contacts. - The Arab traderoute intensified not only the commercial contacts of the Philippines but it also enriched and broadened the indigenous cultural horizon. New ideas, beliefs and practices came side by side with the expanding trade and commerce. The later Arabs contributed much to the development of the Muslim religion, particularly in the southern regions - Mindanao and Sulu. Islam was active in the Philippines by the middle of the 15th century. The most active group among the early Muslim missionaries was the "Hadramaut Sayyids." These religious teachers went along with the seafaring merchants. A careful study of Mindanao myths reveals a deep-seated influence of Arabian culture on local traditions. In fact, the Muslim Filipinos trace their descent to Kabungsuwan, a mythological Arabian missionary-adventurer. The Chinese influence in the Islands was economic rather than social or cultural. Iron, lead, gold and silver were chiefly derived from the Chinese traders. The jackets with sleeves and trousers which are still worn by some Muslims in Mindanao and Sulu are of Chinese origin. Food habits of the Filipinos were deeply influenced by the Chinese. The element of Chinese ancestry in the Philippines has been estimated as approximately 10 per cent. While Chinese culture merely scratched the surface of Philippine society, the Indian's penetrated deep into the very heart of the Filipinos. Filipino myths, epics, and art have been enriched by Indian traditions. In fact, the major Philippine lan308

Page  309 THE PHILIPPINES IN PREHISTORIC TIMES guages contain many Sanskrit derivations. The surviving artdecorations of the pagan Filipinos show strong traces of Indian and Hindu-Indonesian elements. This, then, is a brief survey of some of the influences and developments which molded Filipino cultures and societies. Even by Spanish contact great similarities in behavior, belief, and activity were found in the lowland and coastal areas. We might ask: "What were the characteristics of Filipino culture and society when the Spanish first arrived?" FILIPINO CULTURE AND SOCIETY AT SPANISH CONTACT' The communities in which the pre-Spanish Filipinos lived were characteristically small and scattered. The basic residential pattern of these settlements was lineal, compact communities being relatively rare. The much-preferred living-sites were usually near sheltered bays and places protected by off shore islands, and, in the interior, along streams and rivers. Like the sea, the rivers and streams were the principal sources of proteins, yielding many species of edible fish, shrimps, eels, and shells. The movements of peoples and goods were up and down the rivers and on trails which paralleled the river valleys. Along the coasts, the people travelled less by land, for watercraft provided the most common and effective means of transportation. Wheeled vehicles were apparently not known, hauling being accomplished by means of sleds. These factors account for the basic riverine and coastal orientation of the Filipino population in pre-Spanish times-a population totalling not more than half a million when Magellan reached the Islands. In the coastal and interior regions where wet-rice agriculture formed the mainstay of the people's economic life some nucleated communities were found on small hills and promontories which had no agricultural value. However, the community nucleation which we see now occurred primarily during Spanish times when the priests brought the people "under the 15 See Fox, Op. cit. from which the following is derived with few alterations. 309

Page  310 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY bells." The few sizeable nucleated communities found near the mouths of big rivers and around the bays later became trading centers with more developed political organizations (e.g. Manila, Cebu, Butuan. Jolo, and others), a growth due initially to the activities of the early traders, such as the Arabs and the Chinese. Characteristically, communities formed independent and separate social, political, and economic entities. Connections between these communities were established through intercommunity marriages and alliances against common enemies. Leadership and authority were vested in the hands of family heads and older persons who were well-versed in customary laws and religious sanctions. To settle disputes, as in the case of a divorce or of an aggression or violence, these persons held a council in which the parties involved were represented and defended by kinsmen. Arguments were based on a developed custom law and decisions were actually a consensus reinforced by ritual sanctions. Social rather than geographical isolation divided neighboring communities, a principal factor being vendettas between families and kin-groups of different communities which involved head-taking as shown by archaeological findings and early historical records. Wealth distinctions certainly arose, particularly among the wet-rice agriculturists, leading to the formation of amorphous and mobile social classes and, when a wealthy man was supported by a strong kinship group, of powerful leaders. Though power ultimately rested upon force-the slash of a bolo or the thrust of a spear-leaders usually maintained their super-ordinate status by wisdom and shared their privileges by giving ritual-feasts for their kinsmen and followers, as well as for the supernaturals, in which the consumption of meat and intoxicants, such as rice wine, played an important role. Traditionally, the pig, the chicken, in some areas the dog, and the water buffalo, were ceremonial animals, not daily sources of food, during rituals and festivals. 310

Page  311 THE PHILIPPINES IN PREHISTORIC TIMES Though raids were led by powerful leaders on hostile communities, trouble was usually between kin-groups of different communities, not between the communities per se, and terms such as "war," as applied to the patterns of the early Filipino, are singularly inappropriate. The fundamental characteristics of pre-Spanish social and political organization do not justify the use of such terms as "king," "noble," "slaves," "baranganic confederations," and so forth. To give the meaningful expressions usually assigned to these terms is to contribute to a myth-building not consistent with analytic scholarship. The problem lies in that many of the descriptions of the early Spanish historians are of the few large communities which had just developed into trading centers with an atypical political structure due primarily to relatively late Bornean and Muslim influences. The Kalantiaw Code appears to be a "colonial" document, for it certainly does not reflect the social and cultural characteristics of the preSpanish Filipino, even in the late protohistoric period. Community life and social activities were organized principally on the basis of kinship and common economic and ritual interests. As in the barrios today, the pre-Spanish communities had weakly developed political structures. Most individuals in the small communities were linked by blood ties, marriage, and ritual kinship, and it was these factors-shared residence, common interests and experiences, and communitylevel ritual obligations-which defined the community as a social unit. It was not a political organization per se. The basic social, economic, and ritual unit of the pre-Spanish Filipino society, as now was the elementary family, consisting of the father, the mother, and their child or children, and the extended bilateral family, which included the consanguineal relatives of both the mother and the father. There were no clans or similar unilateral groupings, all societies being structured bilaterally in which a person reckoned relationship with both the paternal and maternal kin-groups. The sibling group was of marked importance as reflected in proximate residence and 311

Page  312 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY shared activities. The elementary family and sibling group formed the primary units of corporate action. Marriages were arranged between parents and involved protracted and elaborate gift-giving. The resident of the newly married couple was either in the community of the maternal or paternal parents or in one then the other. Divorce was probably common until a child was born to the couple. It was the birth of a child which formalized (structured) the bilaterally formed family, for the child, unlike the parents, was equally related to the maternal and paternal kin-groups. Relationships between husband and wife were remarkably equalitarian; it is doubtful if even the term "patricentric" could be applied to the pre-Spanish Filipino family. This was due also to the bilateral character of the family and kinship in which each spouse, after marriage, continued to maintain strong blood ties with his or her kinsmen. The property which a spouse brought to marriage remained an individual possession. If a divorce occurred, only conjugally acquired holdings were divided. In marriage, man's demandprivileges were primarily sexual. If, for example, he abused his wife (or her kinsmen) in any way, a divorce or fines would be sought. The size and range of the bilaterally extended family was of great importance as it provided strength and security. Blood pacts and ritually sanctioned "kinship agreements" were employed to extend lateral relationships, as is the "compadre system" today. The family and kin-group assumed collective responsibility for the acts of its members; an offense against one member of the family was an offense against all and led, as noted, to vendettas. A person's self-esteem was always the concern of another, particularly that of a nonrelative. To bridge the social distance which arose between non-kinsmen in these societies which avowedly centered their interests and loyalties on the family and kin-group, there developed a striking pattern of generosity, hospitality, and polite speech. The societies were further structured by generations and relationships 312

Page  313 THE PHILIPPINES IN PREHISTORIC TIMES between individuals; kinsmen and non-kinsmen alike were ordered on the principle of generational respect-a young individual always showing deference in speech and behavior to an older person. The dwellings, sheds, and granaries of the people were built of bamboo, with timber posts, and such materials as thatched grass and palm leaves for roofing. No community structures, such as buildings for religious and political purposes. were built of nonperishable materials, a further testimony of the absence of higher levels of political and social organizations, and an evidence of the widespread practice of shifting-cultivation. Kings erect their edifices with stones. There were no community or public markets as we now know them, except perhaps in the extreme southern Philippines. Particular communities, however, specialized in the production of specific material objects-pottery; tools, utensils, and ornaments of metals; wooden objects, mats, baskets, and hats; and sea products, such as salt and dried fish. These were distributed by individual traders. While trading in distant communities, they were protected by blood pacts such as was described by Pigafetta. Thus, the blood pacts acted as "trading pacts" in addition to being a means of ritually extending kinship. The family or household was also the basic economic unithusband, wife, and older children sharing the labor of extracting a living from the soil, the forest, and the sea. The overall impression is that of a people living on a subsistence level within a tolerant and productive environment. Economic activities were highly diversified in which food gathering and hunting as well as farming and fishing contributed to the daily larder of the family. Though many specialists existed-the smith, potter, midwife, trader, the religious functionary, and othersthey were probably not free of daily economic pursuits. Cooporative labor was effective and common. Families cleared fields, planted, harvested, built houses, and hunted with the aid of neighbors and kinsmen, providing, in return, feasts and drinking for the participants when the work was completed. 313

Page  314 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY The major crops in the house-lot gardens and nearby fields, crops which dominated the agricultural cycle and influenced ritual and social activities were rice (upland cultivation was older and far more widespread), gabi (Colocasia esculentum), a number of species of yams (Dioscoreae), and the bananas (Musa paradisiaca and M. sapientum). Though often ignored in discussions of the early Filipinos, the bananas, particularly the cooked types, must have been a major daily food. Other plants which are of minor importance today, such as the Indian millet and even Job's-tear, were probably more widely cultivated in the past. Sweet potato, corn, cassava, and tobacco were not known (despite statements to the contrary), having been introduced by the Spaniards from the New World. A few vegetables were grown-the patola (Luffa acutangula) and the related Luffa cylindrica, the kondol (Benincasa hispida), the cowpea (Vigna sinensis) and the eggplant (Solanum melongena)-but many which we now know (the tomato, beans, squashes, as well as the pepper, peanut, pineapple, and others) are native to the New World and were brought by the Spaniards to the Islands. The number of fruit trees is not impressive and they were apparently sporadically planted —a number of species of citrus, the santol (Sandoricum koetjape), the mango, the rimas (Arfocarpus altilis) and the related jackfruit (A. heterophyllus), the lanzones, and a few others. Of far greater importance than vegetables and fruit trees in the everyday life of the people were the cultivated bamboos (Bambusa spinosa, B. vulgaris, and Gigantochloa levis) with uses so numerous as to defy enumeration; and the palms, the betel nut, buri, and coconut. Intoxicants were made from rice, sugar cane, and from the nipa and coconut palms. Indigo, cotton, ramie, and hemp were items of foreign trade, as well as for local use. The early Filipino had a tremendous knowledge, unsurpassed perhaps in the entire world, of wild plants and their uses. Many were utilized as a daily food, such as edible fruits, nuts, 314

Page  315 THE PHILIPPINES IN PREHISTORIC TIMES and flowers; and hundreds of others as medicines, for clothing, cordage, construction materials, household utensils, weapons and ornaments. In addition, forest products (gums, rattan, honey and wax, and woods) were exchanged with the foreign traders for cloth, porcelains and stonewares, and metals. The pig, chicken, dog, and water buffalo, as noted, were domesticated. It is doubtful, however. if the water buffalo was widely distributed. When present, it appears to have been used primarily for riding and hauling and not for agricultural activities. Nor would it appear that the plow was known, minimizing the role of this sturdy animal. The elaborate ritual practices were based upon beliefs in a myriad of environmental spirits which were potentially good or evil in terms of man's daily relationships with them (e.g., if a person accidentally chopped down a tree which was the abode of a spirit, it would become angry and cause illness), and spirits which were per se malign; upon continued social interaction with the soul-spirits of recently dead relatives who dwelt in one of a number of afterworlds depending upon the cause of death and social status; and upon beliefs in a hierarchy of deities who controlled the weather, the success of the harvest, and other phenomena basic to man's survival. The cosmological beliefs and associated practices involved many Indian (Hindu-Indonesian) elements of protohistoric introduction. The environmental spirits and soul-spirits of the recently dead relatives were the principal causes of illness and disease, and rituals and curing-seances to appease these spirits were common familial activities. The use of charms to protect the wearer from illness, from malign spirits, to secure good luck in hunting and fishing, as well as to influence and control the behavior of other persons was widespread; and intrinsic power being attributed to unusual and rare objects which were used as charms. The mediums and religious functionaries, frequently women, were called upon to interpret dreams and omens, to divine auspicious occasions, to marry, to plant crops, to travel, to 315

Page  316 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY hunt, and to fight. They related myths and ritual-epics which explained the Iorigin of the people and their institutions and whic~h juistif ied their beliefs and value. Not infrequently, the religious functionaries were aware and sensitive people solving, within the f ramework of ritual practices and social beliefs, many community problems, as well as the social-psychological problems of individuals. Ritual beliefs were linked with social values, reinforcing custom law and jural decisions. The afterworlds. of the early Filipino have been described frequently as "heavens"9 and "hells"; however, the evidence does not' support the position that the early religious beliefs dicho - tomQusly distinguished guilt and established retribution. Rather, the dead went to one of a number of skyworlds, or underworlds which was predetermined by the cause of death and the social status of the person. At the time of Spanish contact, there were at least sixteen different cultural-linguistic groups in the Philippires, utiliza form f syllaic writiig writing which was originally developeq in South Indiq. Three non-Christian groups, the Ta1g - banuwq of Palawan Island and the Hanmunoo and Buhid of Minidoto stil wrte te sae tpe of ancient Indic script. The type of writing which was found in the Philippinesnqt ain alph~pet-.utilized syllable-signs tQ record a consonantvowel or consonant-vowel-consonant cluster. For example, the symol intepeet-day Tagbanuwa, syllabary which is written like a large""X" stands for kq4. If a small mark (the korlit) is placed to t~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~e ~~left qf tbe~ 4yllcible-sign, it stands for ku; toth righ~t ki. Vowels, hWave individual sylal-sigps. In writing, peri'hakble m4terials. 4uch as bamboo were utilized, and then writipg ran from bottomn to top, left to right. Th~e Philippine syllabaries, unlike those found throughout rncmt of Indqnsa sin Java and Sumatraddntrcdfia cQnsonant5; hence, the terms bubo and bubon wQuld be~ writterq t~e samei way. Filipino 14flup.gf* have finel consonants; and the fact that final consonaiqts qre nQt written in the Philip316

Page  317 THE PHIl IPPINES IN PREHISTORIC TIMES pine syllabaries gives a clue as to which group of people brought this writing into the Islands. Among the great traders in the past, as well as at present, are the Buginese of Southern Celebes. They have used a syllabary which has similarities to the Philippine writing, and they do not record final consonants. Like some of the languages of the Pacific World, the Buginese have no final consonants in their spoken language. The languages of the Philippines, as noted, do have final consonants; and if the syllabary was introduced by the Javanese or another group in Indonesia who write final consonants, why did not the ancient Filipinos employ a similar feature? It would appear that the actual mediators of the type of syllabary found in the Philippines were the Buginese traders, and that the syllabary was introduced relatively late, probably not more than seven or eight hundred years ago. Writing changes rapidly but all the syllabaries found in the Philippines show close relationships, indicating a relatively recent borrowing. 317

Page  318 INDEX A Adam and Eve, 64 Adem, 109 adore, 15 Alexander, Pope VI, 252 Alvaro de Mesquita, 11 amoretti, 6 Andrea de Mosto, 6 Animals, native, 61 Antartic Pole, 47 arack (wine), 91 Arber, 7 archeology, 285 Archipelago of St. Lazarus, 12, 52 Argo, 274 ardor, 15 Ayer, Edward, 8 B Bachian, 104, 105 bahar, 107 bahas,96 balanguais (barangays), 77 Balibo, 138 baptism first, 14, 68, 70 banquet, 16 Barbosa, Duarte, 80 Bendara, 72 Beyer, H. 0. 284, 304 Biblietoteca Ambrosina, 5 Blair, Emma, Helen, 3, 9 blood brotherhood, 13 blood friendship, 16, 66, 67 blowpipe, 16 Blumentritt, Ferdinand, 3 Bohol, 16 boii, 28 Bona Speransa, 108 Bornean chiefs, 307-308 Brazil, 10 Bronze Age, 300 Brunei, 17 Burnei, 94 ff. Buru, 112, 135, 137 C cacich, cacique, 29 Cagayan Sulu, 16 Calicut, Kingdom of, 252 camphor, 17, 97 Cannaries, 9, 26, 255, 285 Canton, 303, 304 Canibali, Canibals, 31 Cape of Good Hope, 20 Cape Verde, 26, 47 Carlo Amoretti, 4 Carvaio (Carballo), Johan, 81, 95 Carnagio, Johane, 292 Caphre (Kaffirs), 269 Cartagena, Juan, 11 castiglia, 73, 103 Cebu, 13 cepac, 45 ceremonies, 13 Champa, 306 Chao, 3 China, 67, 96 Christian king, 78, 79, 80 Cilapulapu, Chiefs, 15, 74, 77 cinnamon, 97, 99 Cipangu, 12 circumnavigation, 5 clove, 19, 110, 102 cocoanut, 50 Concepeion (ship), 16 consecrated, 67 conspiracy, Cebuano, curios, 10 cutlass, 79 cathil, 96 chianche, 112 Colchis, 274 Copper-Bronze Culture D 16 e, 300 Dapitan, 3 diuata, 118 Datu Sumakwel, 307 318

Page  319 INDEX Dona Beatrice, 80 Duarte Barbosa E ecology, 289 elephants, 92 Enrique, Malaccan slave,, 13, 16 equinoctial line, 28, 47 Esteban Gomez, 11 ethnography, 289 excavations, 285 expedition, Magellan departure, 9, 25 return, 147 F flint stones, 33 Fax, R. B., 283, 305 Francisco Feria, 109 Francisco Serrao, 18 G Gaspar de Casada, 37 Ghinia, (Ethiopia), 26 ghomoda, 112 giants, 34, 36, 37 Gilolo, Moro king, 19 Globus, 3 gloto-chronology, 289 gong, 15, 67 goods, exchange of, 60, 91, 96, 98 goods found, 81, 278-9, 305 Great Canaria, 26 Great Traditions, 303 Guadalquivir, 9 H Hakluyt Society, 5 Haro, Christopher, 253, 254 heathen, 53, 60 Henrich (Enrique) 80 Hesperides, 252, 253 Hoabinhian, 294 Humar, 114 Humunu, 12, 52 idols, 15 inmage of Christ, 15 instruments, musical, 17, 67 war, 65 inuagana, 263 islands, visited, 135 ff. Isthmus of Panama, 20 J Jao Carvalho, 16, 17 Jao de Serrao, 16 Jar-burial culture, 300 Java Man, 92 Johan Serrano, 80, 81 Johanna, 70 Jose Rizal, 4 Juan Carvaio, 81, 95, 120 Juan de Cartagena, 11 Juan Solis, 10 junk, 17, 95 L Ladrones, Ladroni (islands), 12, 49 leguas, league, 17, 31 I,e Roy, 4 Liceo de Manila, 4 Lihan, 277 Iimasaua, 13, 61 Lin-hsin, 277 Lizabeta, 70 Lord Stanley, 5 Lozon, Luzon, 16, 94, 139 M Mactan, Matan, Mauthan, 15, 77, 265 Magalhaes, Fernao, 5, 9, 10, 11, 14 Magellan, 254, 275 death of 77, 79, 270. list of members of expedition, 154, 165 Synopsis of expedition, 9-21 relation of expedition, 22-249. departure of, 25 ff. Magallanes, Hernando, 276 Malacca, 142, 250, 253 Malna, 137, 138 Malucho, 102 Madjapahit, 306, 307 Mandarins, 277 319

Page  320 JOURNAL OF THE PHILIPPINE NATIONAL HISTORICAL SOCIETY Marcello, 114 March 16, 1521, 12 Marikudo, 307 Mass, 58 Massacre, 16 Mazalla, Liniasawa, 61, 13 Maximianus Transylvanus, 4 Ma-yi (Mai-i), 277, 278, 304 Mazana (Limasawa) island of, 61. Microlethic, 297 Millema, 283 Mindanao, 87 miracle, 73 missigliono, 38 malucho, island of, 81, 99, 102 ff. depart from, 119 products of, 120 moluccas, 18, 254, 260, 271 Molluccan islands, names of, 104 Monte Roso, 26 Morga, 4 Mossahap, 107 Mosto, Andress da, 6, 7 mourning, practice of, 15 musk, 144 mutir, 107 N Nancy Manuscript, 7, 8 nipa, 13 Neolithic Age, 296-301 novelties, 10 nutmeg, 19 0 Old Stone Age, 294 Oli, 45 Oriental court, 17 P Pacific Ocean, 12, 46 Pagaphetta, 4, 6, 16, 304 Pai-pu-yen (Babuyan Isl. or Palawan), 277 Paragua, 16, 18 Patagoni, 10, 12 Patagonian, 10, 12 vocabulary of, 42-45 patolo, 116 Patrician of Venetia, 22 Pedro Alfonso de Larosa, 19, 195, 1 Peking Men, 292, 293 Peter Martyr, 251, 252 Philippines, pre-historic, 283-317 Phoenix, 251, 252 picis, 96 Pietro Alfonso, account of, 108 Pigaffeta, 5, 6, 7, 16, 22, 148, 149 Pleistocence, 283 plot, 37 poisoned arrows, 16 Poni, 277 pottery, 287 porcelain, 17 Portugal, 145, 148 Portuguese, 23, 108, 146 prau, 17, 94, 116 Ptolomy, 255 Pu-li-lu (Polillo), 277 puti, 307 106 R Racolta di documenti e studi, 6 radiocarbon, 14, 288 Raca (rajah) Colambu, 57 Raia Siorie, 47 Raia Sultan, 103 Raja Calanao, 89 Raja Humabon, 7 Raja Abuleis, 105 Raia Papua, 106 Revista Historica, 4 rice, 17 Rio de la Plata, 10 Rizal, Jose, 4 rout, 16 Robertson, 3, 250, 277 S sacrifice, 15 Saghir, 112 Samar (Zamal), arrival at, 50 San Antonio, 9, 10 San Antonio, desertion, 11, 40 ships, names of, 39 St. Agustine, 10 San Lazaro, island of, 52 320

Page  321 INDEX St. Elmo, 27 St. Elmo's fire, 9 Salvos of artillery, 9 Santo Jacobo, 38 Santo Juliano (St. Julian), Port of, 37. San-Hsui, 4 Serrano, Johan, 80 Shri-Vishaya, 305 St. James of Galitia, 117 Sta. Julian, 11 San Lucas, San Luchas, 21, 26 San Martin de Sevilla, 81 Scurvy, 12 Serrano, Francisco, 104 Setebos, 35, 37, 45 settlement, 14 Signio Magno, 67 Seville, 9 Siera Leona, 26 Solidaridad, 3 strait, 12 stratignaphy, 286 Subuth (Cebu) 263-265 Sumakwel, 307 T Tadore, 102, 104 tahils, 96 tarnate, 104, 112 tattooed, 12 teneriphe, tenerife, 26 tenoxtria, 252 Tarenate (Ternate), 18, 103 ff. tidore, 18, 19, 121 Timur, 21 treason, 37 Trinidad (flagship), 10, 12, 16, 20, 119 troglodytes, 251 U unhappy fate, 16, 59 uraca (arrack) native wine, 50 V Verzin, island of, (Brazil), 27-32 Victoria, 4, 20, 119 Villers, Philips de, 22 Virgin, Land of, 27, 28 Visayan house, 13 Vocabulary, Visayan, 82-86 Vocabulary of the Moros in Tidore and Moluccas, 121-135. W weights and measures, 14, 68 X Xiritoles, 94 z Zamarl, archipelago of, 50, 121 Zolo (Sulu), island of, 99 Zubu (Cebu), 61, ff. First baptism in, 69. massacre of Spaniards in, 81 Zula, Chief, 77 Zuluan, 52 Zulueta, 3 321

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