Page [unnumbered] BIBLIOGRAPHIC RECORD TARGET Graduate Library University of Michigan Preservation Office ACH8650 010: la 08035377//r543 035/1:: a (RLIN)MIUG82-S8581 035/2:: a (CaOTULAS)160674766 040:: Ic MUL Id OCL Id NIC d CStRLIN Id MiU 050/1:0: a HV88 Ib.A3 110:2: a National Conference on Social Welfare. 245:14: a The social welfare forum. I b Official proceedings [of the] annual meeting. 247/1:00: 1 a Proceedings. I b Selected papers [of the] annual meeting I g (varies slightly) I f 1874-1948 260:: | a New York [etc.]. 300/1:: a v. b ill., ports. |c 22-24 cm. 362/1:0: la 1st- 1874 -500/1:: | a Volume for 1874 (originally published in the Journal of social science, no. 6) was issued without title by the American Social Science Association; reprinted in 1885 under title Proceedings of the first Conference of Charities and Correction. 515/2:: | a Volumes for 1875-1881 are regarded as extra numbers of the Journal of social science, though only the issue for 1875 was so designated on the title-page. 550/3:: | a Issued under earlier names of the Conference as follows: 1874, Conference of Boards of Public Charities; 1875-1879, Conference of Charities; 1880-1881, Conference of Charities and Correction; 1882-1916, National Conference of Charities and Correction; 1917-1956, National Conference of Social Work; 1957-, National Conference on Social Welfare. 650/1: 0: a Public welfare I z United States I x Congresses. 650/2: 0: | a Charities I z United States | x Congresses. 710/1:22: a American Social Science Association Scanned For: Preservation Division University of Michigan Libraries Date Scanning Began: Camera Operator:
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Page III THE SOCIAL WELFARE FORUM, 1967 OFFICIAL PROCEEDINGS, 94TH ANNUAL FORUM NATIONAL CONFERENCE ON SOCIAL WELFARE DALLAS, TEXAS, MAY 21-MAY 26, 1967 KtU Published i967 for the NATIONAL CONFERENCE ON SOCIAL WELFARE by COLUMBIA UNIVERSITY PRESS, New York and London
Page IV adz -j,> r. 1-I U,7 _ v I Copyright () i967, National Conference on Social Welfare Columbus, Ohio Published by Columbia University Press Library of Congress Catalog Card Number: 8-85377 PRINTED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICA UCIL
Page V The Contributors JEROME P. CAVANAGH, Mayor, Detroit, Mich. BERNARD J. COUGHLIN, S.J., Dean, School of Social Service, Saint Louis University, St. Louis RONALD DORFMAN, free-lance journalist, Chicago PHILIP M. HAUSER, Professor of Sociology, University of Chicago; Director, Population Research and Training Center, Chicago BEN W. HEINEMAN, Chairman and President, Chicago and North Western Railway Company, Chicago JOE R. HOFFER, Executive Secretary, National Conference on Social Welfare, Columbus, Ohio HUBERT H. HUMPHREY, Vice President of the United States, Washington, D.C. JANE K. LACOUR, Operations Research Specialist, Lockheed Missiles and Space Company, Sunnyvale, Calif. ARNULF M. PINS, Executive Director, Council on Social Work Education, New York CHARLES I. SCHOTTLAND, Dean, Florence Heller Graduate School for Advanced Studies in Social Welfare, Brandeis University, Waltham, Mass. THOMAS D. SHERRARD, Professor of Urban Affairs and Director Urban Development Institute, Purdue University, Hammond, Ind. SANFORD SOLENDER, Executive Vice President, National Jewish Welfare Board, New York BARBARA WARD (Lady Robert Jackson), author and lecturer, London, England ROBERT C. WEAVER, Secretary, Department of Housing and Urban Development, Washington, D.C. WHITNEY M. YOUNG, JR., Executive Director, National Urban League, New York; President, National Conference on Social Welfare
Page VII The National Conference on Social Welfare THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE ON SOCIAL WELFARE is a voluntary organization of individual and organizational members whose major function is to provide a national forum for the critical examination of basic problems and issues in the social welfare field. These annual forums furnish a two-way channel of communication between paid and volunteer workers, between social welfare and allied fields, and between the service organizations and the social work profession. Since 1874, through its annual forums and its comprehensive publications program, the National Conference has reflected the history and dynamic development of social welfare in this country. Its national office serves as headquarters for state conferences in social welfare; as secretariat for the U.S. Committee of the International Council on Social Welfare; and as a clearinghouse for educational materials for use on a local, state, national, and international level. Among the newer services developed by the Conference in recent years is its insurance program and information services including a library of unpublished Annual Forum manuscripts; its document retrieval program, of which the data-processed production of the KWIC Index of its publications since 1874 is a part; and its Selected Bibliography service.
Page IX Foreword THE THEME OF THE 94th Annual Forum, "Humanizing the City," indicates the widespread recognition of the ills of our cities and the need for a vigorous attack upon them by governmental and nongovernmental organizations. The creation of the new United States Department of Housing and Urban Development, the increased attention being given by the Congress to the plight of cities, and the efforts of mayors to secure more citizen involvement in solving urban problems give evidence of the depth of the concern. Speakers at the General Sessions and at the Division meetings were asked to consider the role of social welfare in urban development and to suggest the means by which metropolitan centers can promote and nurture individual well-being rather than tend to destroy the human spirit. Since the enormously complicated problem of humanizing the city cannot be solved by social welfare alone, leaders from related professions and disciplines, from government and from business, as well as social workers appeared on the program. As a result of this wider participation there was a clearer understanding of the complexities of the challenge. The creative solutions and new strategies presented gave many members new hope for the resolution of the crisis. In the opening General Session, the Hon. Hubert Humphrey, Vice President of the United States, made a special plea for instituting measures which would foster a better environment for our urban youth. At the closing General Session, the Hon. Robert C. Weaver, Secretary of the Department of Housing and Urban Development, presented a paper on "Government in Urban Affairs." The papers selected for this Social Welfare Forum represent, of necessity, only a limited number of those delivered at the 1967
Page X x Foreword Annual Forum. Those presented here relate to the theme of the Conference, but each approaches the subject from a different vantage point. A summary paper, highlighting the contents of the Division manuscripts, has been written by Thomas D. Sherrard, who served as Division Chairman. A companion volume of papers concerned with social work practice will be published by Columbia University Press. Members of the Editorial Committee who, in addition to the chairman, selected the manuscripts for the two volumes of proceedings were Arnulf M. Pins, chairman of the subcommittee on practice papers, Martha Branscombe, Charles Chakerian, and Malvin Morton. The members were saddened by the death shortly before the meeting of Roger Cumming, who was to have served with the committee. The difficult task of the Editorial Committee was lightened by the consistent helpfulness of Joe R. Hoffer, Sara Lee Berkman, and Mabel Davis, of the Conference staff, and our appreciation is extended to them. A special word of thanks is due Dorothy M. Swart, the representative of Columbia University Press. The chairman wishes to pay special tribute to the committee members for their dedication and the quality of their investment in this important assignment. MARY HOUK Chairman, Editorial Committee
Page XI Greetings to the Conference from PRESIDENT LYNDON B. JOHNSON IT Is A GREAT PLEASURE to send greetings and best wishes to the National Conference on Social Welfare on the occasion of your 94th Forum. The theme of your Forum this year-"Humanizing Our Cities" -expresses a goal long shared by all Americans. Today, however, we have unprecedented means for achieving that goal. There is now in the federal government a Cabinet department dedicated to serving the needs of the cities. There is now a federal law-a model cities law-to spur our progress. There is now a new spirit of cooperation among our city, state, and federal governments. We now have power to open opportunities to all our people, to wipe out the ghettos of poverty and the despair of those who dwell in them. May your meetings help each of you to enlarge your contribution to this great national goal.
Page XIII National Conference on Social Welfare Distinguished Service Awards THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE ON SOCIAL WELFARE AWARDS were established by Executive Committee action in 1954 to accomplish a twofold purpose by calling attention to the significant social problems of the times, and by recognizing the outstanding achievements of individuals or organizations in helping to solve them. The first award was presented at the 1955 Annual Forum in San Francisco. Conditions of the awards and procedures for selection of recipients adopted by the Executive Committee specified that awards would be given only when outstanding candidates were submitted; that up to three awards might be given in any one year in recognition of outstanding contributions in administration, research, practice, or, in exceptional cases, for long and sustained achievement in the advancement of social welfare, but not solely for long service; and that recipients need not be members of the Conference or of the social work profession. Final selection of recipients is made by the National Board of the Conference (formerly the Executive Committee) from nominations and supporting background material submitted by the members. Awards for 1967 were presented by Whitney M. Young, Jr., President of the National Conference on Social Welfare, to Vice President Hubert H. Humphrey at the General Session on Sunday, May 21, 1967, and to Planned Parenthood-World Population at the General Session on Wednesday, May 24, 1967. A Special Award paying posthumous tribute to Ruth M. Williams for her many years of devoted service to the Conference was presented at the General Session on Monday morning, May 22. The Award was accepted by Joe R. Hoffer, Executive Secretary of
Page XIV xiv National Conference Awards the Conference, on behalf of Miss Williams's friends and associates. Texts of the three citations and of Mr. Hoffer's acceptance of the Special Award are as follows: To RUTH M. WILLIAMS In recognition of.... Her high professional competence in serving the social welfare field and in making the Forum function a vital part of it... Her knowledge and understanding of social welfare programs and services, and her firm conviction that all peoples, regardless of nationality, could learn from one another... Her personification of high moral principles and personal ethics, and her complete selflessness in her pursuit of idealistic goals.. The National Board of the National Conference on Social Welfare voted to Ruth M. Williams this Special Award at its meeting in November, 1966. Acceptance by Joe R. Hoffer of Special Award to Ruth M. Williams I stand here today accepting this Special Award to Ruth Williams as a representative of her associates and her friends who are legion. As one who worked with her closely over a period of nearly eighteen years in both the National and the International Conference, I am well aware of all her capabilities and her attributes that have been extolled here today. In the vanguard of every movement, there are two types. One is the inspired leader, usually serving on a board of directors, who pioneers the ideas, whose visions would remain only dreams unless they could be implemented by practical, down-to-earth detail work. The other type is the quiet, self-effacing individual who is usually appointed secretary and plunges into the terrific mass of detail, the extent of which is seldom realized even by close associates. Ruth Williams personified these two types. As a friend who knew her well, admired her, and appreciated her, I speak now of her loyalty and her dedication to purpose that
Page XV National Conference Awards XV went way beyond the call of duty-the "extra mile," so to speak; and of her steadfast commitment to the cause of social welfare, not only here but around the world; and, maybe most importantly for all of us who called her friend, of her warmth, sincerity, and devotion that drew to her uncounted numbers of people from all walks of life and from all nations and all creeds. We pay tribute here today, not only to our friend, but to a friend of all mankind. To THE HONORABLE HUBERT H. HUMPHREY, Vice President of the United States For his courageous leadership and dedicated service in the area of social reform through effective legislation and for his own understanding of the needs of all deprived people, and his lifetime of effort toward a greater public understanding of these needs at home and abroad... the National Conference on Social Welfare pays tribute. To PLANNED PARENTHOOD-WORLD POPULATION For pioneering efforts and courageous leadership in the area of family planning, both in this nation and around the world and for dedicated service toward the goal of improving the quality of life for all children by means of "responsible parenthood"... the National Conference on Social Welfare pays tribute.
Page XVI NATIONAL CONFERENCE ON SOCIAL WELFARE DISTINGUISHED SERVICE AWARDS 1955-66 1955 EDITH M. BAKER, Washington, D.C. FEDELE F. FAURI, Ann Arbor, Mich. ELIZABETH WICKENDEN, New York 1956 TIAC (Temporary Inter-Association Council) PLANNING COMMITTEE, New York 1957 THE REVEREND MARTIN LUTHER KING, JR., Montgomery, Ala. WILBUR J. COHEN, Ann Arbor, Mich. 1958 REPRESENTATIVE JOHN E. FOGARTY, Rhode Island LEONARD W. MAYO, New York 1959 ELISABETH SHIRLEY ENOCHS, Washington, D.C. OLLIE A. RANDALL, New York 1960 LOULA DUNN, Chicago RALPH BLANCHARD, New York HELEN HALL, New York 1961 REPRESENTATIVE AIME J. FORAND, Rhode Island 1962 THE ATLANTA Constitution, Ralph McGill and Jack Nelson, Atlanta, Ga. CHARLOTTE TOWLE, Chicago 1963 HARRIETT M. BARTLETT, Cambridge, Mass. ERNEST JOHN BOHN, Cleveland FLORENCE G. HELLER, Glencoe, Ill. Special Award: Television Documentary, "The Battle of Newburgh," IRVING GITLIN and the NATIONAL BROADCASTING COMPANY, New York Special Citation (Posthumous): ANNA ELEANOR ROOSEVELT, "First Lady of the World" 1964 DR. ROBERT M. FELIX, Bethesda, Md. Special Citation (Posthumous): JOHN FITZGERALD KENNEDY, "Man of Destiny" 1965 JAMES V. BENNETT, Washington, D.C. SIDNEY HOLLANDER, Baltimore, Md. CORA KASIUS, New York 1966 REPRESENTATIVE WILBUR D. MILLS, Ark.
Page XVII Contents THE CONTRIBUTORS V THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE ON SOCIAL WELFARE Vii FOREWORD Mary Houk ix GREETINGS TO THE CONFERENCE President Lyndon B. Johnson xi NATIONAL CONFERENCE ON SOCIAL WELFARE DISTINGUISHED SERVICE AWARDS Xiii ABSTRACTS xix HUMANIZING THE CITY FOR YOUTH Hubert H. Humphrey 3 SOCIAL WELFARE'S RESPONSIBILITY IN URBAN AFFAIRS Whitney M. Young, Jr. 15 ENVIRONMENTAL FORCES SHAPING OUR CITIES Philip M. Hauser 30 GOVERNMENT IN URBAN DEVELOPMENT Robert C. Weaver 46 POLICY-MAKING IN LARGE CITIES Jerome P. Cavanagh 55 TECHNOLOGY AND HUMAN VALUES Jane K. Lacour 62 THE LARGE FORUM IN THE SOCIAL WELFARE SYSTEMPLANNING AND ACTION Joe R. Hoffer 85
Page XVIII xviii Contents THE RESPONSE OF BUSINESS TO SOCIAL WELFARE Ben W. Heineman 104 VALUE ORIENTATION IN SOCIAL WELFARE Bernard J. Coughlin, S.J. 115 IMPLICATIONS OF CHANGE FOR SOCIAL AGENCIES Sanford Solender 127 UNDERGRADUATE EDUCATION IN SOCIAL WELFARE Arnulf M. Pins 142 URBANIZATION-INTERNATIONAL PERSPECTIVES Barbara Ward 159 IMPLICATIONS OF THE XIIITH ICSW Charles I. Schottland 172 URBAN PROBLEMS-A SUMMATION OF THE DIVISION PAPERS Ronald Dorfman and Thomas D. Sherrard 187 APPENDIX A: PROGRAM 207 APPENDIX B: BUSINESS ORGANIZATION OF THE CONFERENCE FOR 1967 249 INDEX 257
Page XIX Abstracts CAVANAGH, JEROME P. "Policy-making in Large Cities" Detroit's public welfare reorganization. The crucial position of the office of mayor in today's political structure. Two key factors in urban policy: civil rights and inadequate finances. The American tendency to overestimate the importance of economies in measuring worth. COUGHLIN, BERNARD J., S.J. "Value Orientation in Social Welfare" The meaning and definition of value, and the importance of value systems to society in terms of stability, long-range policy-making, and a modicum of universality. How value influences action. The religious roots of some common American values, which are transmitted to welfare through the sectarian agency. DORFMAN, RONALD, AND SHERRARD, THOMAS D. "Urban Problems-a Summation of the Division Papers" HAUSER, PHILIP M. "Environmental Forces Shaping our Cities" The transformation of American society through population growth and urbanization, and their physical, social, and political consequences. The ensuing crisis in the urban plant, intergroup relations (as exemplified by the Negro), education, and local government. The need of welfare to keep pace. HEINEMAN, BEN W. "The Response of Business to Social Welfare" The Chicago "summit agreement" on open housing as an example of creative business leadership's help in solving an urban crisis. Faulty intercommunication between business and welfare as a source of misunderstanding. Their basically compatible views on human values. The businessman's stake and role in social reform.
Page XX xx A bstracts HOFFER, JOE R. "The Large Forum in the Social Welfare System-Planning and Action" Some assumptions and principles based on a partial use of systems analysis. Tentative parameters for allied systems. Possible contribution of the forum to social planning and action. Cooperative coalitions among the "umbrella organizations." HUMPHREY, HUBERT H. "Humanizing the City for Youth" A charge to the American social worker to personalize our social system and to assume leadership responsibilities in mobilizing resources, the war on poverty, and, for young people, volunteer activities, equality of opportunity, jobs, and adequate school programs. LACOUR, JANE K. "Technology and Human Values" A look at technology: what it is, its development, methods, and effects. Values and their implications in general, and for the nation. Social work as a form of technology, and the potential of the computer as a tool for social welfare. PINS, ARNULF S. "Undergraduate Education in Social Welfare" Historical sketch from 1930. Growing acceptance since 1960. Objectives: general education; preparation for graduate training, direct employment, or other human services. Curriculum content as suggested by the Council on Social Work Education. Number of programs; students and faculty; administrative organization. Current issues, and a forecast. SCHOTTLAND, CHARLES I. "Implications of the XIIIth ICSW for Urban Development" A sketch of the Washington conference, its make-up and participants. Recent changes in the structure and role of the ICSW. Major emphases of the National Committee and Pre-Conference Working Party reports, and the ideas highlighted by some of the principal speakers. SOLENDER, SANFORD "Implications of Change for Social Agencies" The need for dynamic acceptance of change, and some guidelines for the corresponding retooling process in terms of purposes and function, program content, reevaluation of practice techniques, organization, coordination, financing of services, and community relationships.
Page XXI A bstracts xxi WARD, BARBARA "Urbanization: International Perspectives" Negative factors: rural exodus, inadequate urban facilities, innercity decay, racial complications. Solutions: new jobs, the guaranteed income, educational specialists for ghetto schools, innovations in renewal and planning. Financing the city of the future in an economy of abundance. WEAVER, ROBERT C. "Government in Urban Development" The complexity of the problems of the metropolis. Some illustrations, in human terms, of HUD programs at work, and a run-down of recent federal urban achievements. The importance of incorporating the social with the physical side. Comments on the rent supplement, the model cities, and the home ownership for the poor projects. YOUNG, WHITNEY M. JR. "Social Welfare's Responsibility in Urban Affairs" The necessity for a coordinated, multifaceted attack upon the slum, incorporating both physical and social planning as exemplified by the model cities and neighborhood service center programs. The need of crusading zeal and political sophistication among social workers. Combating physical and cultural poverty: guaranteed income and ENABLE.
Page 1 THE SOCIAL WELFARE FORUM, i967
Page 3 Humanizing the City for Youth by HUBERT H. HUMPHREY THINGS ARE MOVING SO RAPIDLY and urbanization has developed so quickly that a degree of impersonalization has beset our society. There are those who say that it would be impossible to bring back the human and personal touch. But I say that if we are true to our belief in social progress, then we have an obligation to challenge the problems of our environment on the basis that they can be solved. If we, in this rich nation-advanced in education, science, and technology-cannot overcome the problems of our society, how in the world can we expect other countries to overcome their problems? Just ponder that for a while. Remember that we produced 44 percent of everything produced in the world in 1966. The gross national product of this nation is larger than the gross national products of all of Western Europe, Japan, and Canada combined. The gross national product of this country is ten times that of China. We have an incredibly rich country with vast physical and human resources. So if we are unable to meet the problems that beset our society, we cannot expect very much of Asia or Latin America or Africa. If America is to represent hope for people, then we must demonstrate that this system of ours knows how to personalize society -how to humanize it and how to give a real meaning to human dignity-how to preserve self-identity in a highly complex, urbanized, industrialized, and technically advanced society. That is our task. Gunnar Myrdal once said about our country: In the long run it detracts from the position of America as leader of the western world if, in spite of its wealth, it leaves its cities blighted
Page 4 4 Humanizing the City for Youth by horrible slums, if it lags behind other countries in social security for its old people, its invalids, its widows and its children, and if, generally, it accepts so much poverty for a large part of the nation. None has so little licence-needs all its virtues so much-as a leader. And America for its own security cannot retreat from leadership. What he was saying is that leadership is not a privilege, it is a burden; leadership does not give us luxury, it imposes responsibility. He is saying that if we are a leader, and America must be a leader for its own security, then we must make sure that in the pattern of our social order social justice is the prevailing stripe. In this age when man is conquering outer space, we must find a way for man to control his social space right here on earth. If this nation can afford to make all the investments that are required to put a man on the moon, then this same rich nation can afford to make the necessary investments to help put a man on his feet right here on earth. Now let me define social space. Social space is the space man uses to seek his purposes and hopes in a social order. We know that the inner life and the social life of man are both individual and indivisible. We know that man's environment today is at once greatly expanded and at the same time sharply contracted. It is expanded because man has access to his world as never before through rapid transportation, communication, and increased knowledge. It is contracted by the concentration of population, the speed of change, and, indeed, by the speed of communication and the growth of fear and distrust among people, particularly those people who are crowded together in our urban centers. We have made fantastic changes in this country in the last twentyfive years, and it is no wonder that there are some social disturbances. Compare what is happening in America today with the weather system. I fly often, all over this vast land, and every time I take a trip in a plane I check the weather. I know that when there is a high and a low and the chart shows a front, we will be going through turbulence. Well, we are going through a change of social systems. We are going out of one system in which there was first
Page 5 Humanizing the City for Youth 5 and second-class citizenship for Americans, and we are coming into a new system in which everyone is to be a participant. The high and low systems are in conflict, and until the fresh winds of change have covered this entire social structure, there will be turbulence. Until the air is cleared there will be troubles, but I think we have built a ship of state that can weather it, and I trust that we have a pilot and crew to guide us through this turbulence. What we are seeing now in our cities is the impact of change. And the convergence of forces bringing change leaves many people feeling powerless, hopeless, futile, lost, and not needed. They become isolated from people and from purpose. This is a problem that social workers face daily. But let there be no doubts about public policy in meeting these converging forces. Over the years we have found ways to enrich human life, and we are committed to seeking new and better ways. We seek renewed commitment to our deepest national conviction, our belief in the equality of man and his equal access to opportunity. We seek to increase the supply of professional personnel, to help bring the right people with the right skills to the right places at the right time to challenge these problems. We seek to add to our knowledge of social problemsolving through research and development, and to apply modern technology and the systems approach to human problems, just as we do to the complex problems of aeronautic space engineering. We seek through legislation to engage the states and their political subdivisions, voluntary agencies, and private resources in cooperative arrangements to meet needs that cut across old jurisdictions. This is a way of saying that we are seeking to upgrade the quality of government, to modernize the techniques of social service, and to recognize that all these problems that face us are so big, so complex, and so challenging that no single level of government and no single agency is capable of handling them alone. In other words, partnership is the theme. Cooperation in mobilizing resources to face the problems of urban life is essential. We must focus attention on the problems that need to be solved, and bring to bear on them the talent and resources of all available agencies and instrumentalities. This will mean that people will have to
Page 6 6 Humanizing the City for Youth give up old habits. Old jurisdictions that no longer relate to human need must be canceled out or at least revised. We are all well aware of the tremendous efforts that have been made in the public sector in the field of human welfare. We have shared together through the years the achievements and the disappointments of national struggles for opportunity and social progress. All of us have had wounds inflicted upon us by carping critics for what they considered to be our failures or inadequacies, and we know that there is no greater joy in life than the realization that we have helped somebody find himself and become a participant in society. That is the reward of public service. We have seen some of these struggles won, and we won them together. Every piece of social legislation that has been passed, at federal, state, or local level has been the result of our working together. In fact, right now, the Congress of the United States needs your guidance and your expressed interest. Important programs passed by the 8gth Congress can be starved to death through the appropriations process by the goth Congress. America is rich enough to fulfill its commitments abroad to other people, and to fulfill its commitments at home to its own people. In the past, because there has been so much to do, we have taken a quantitative approach, too often speaking of people in a collective and impersonal sense. Now we are coming into a time when we will be able to concentrate more fully on the individual. We are not a mass, we are a mosaic of individual differences. And that is the miracle of creation, the beauty of God's work, and the mystery of nature. The whole purpose of democratic society is to permit difference to live and grow and be enriched. Man's life has meaning to the extent that his environment affords him the dignity of choice, and to the extent to which his community needs his unique contribution. Those of us who are engaged in social welfare work are not just relieving the pain of poverty, but also are releasing the uniqueness of personality. The war on poverty is not designed to make poverty more palatable; its purpose is to find the cure. That is why it takes so long. That is why it is going to require experi
Page 7 Humanizing the City for Youth 7 mentation, and that is why it is going to be under attack. Because the old approaches did not work we have to try something different. We are having to work with individuals, not merely to relieve the poverty of the purse, which can be done by a handout, but to relieve the poverty of the spirit-the poverty of being unwanted, of finding no place, of having no identity and no relationship to the community. This terrible poverty finally ends up with bitterness, hatred, and fear. It takes no particular professional competence to dispense relief checks, in fact, we can do it by machines. The purpose of a social worker is to find the answer to another man's need. While this is no more new than is the long list of human needs, what is new is our ability today to do much more to satisfy those needs. For a first priority, I suggest that we look at youth. Half the people in our great country are under the age of thirty, and the proportion is increasing. These young people have never known a depression, and virtually all have known only this rapidly changing technological scene. In a sense, each young person feels that he is a social experiment unto himself. He represents a chance to break the old pattern. His tremendous energy can be used for personal and social development, or, as we have long known, it can go unharnessed and be lost or turned to destruction. Young people are always testing. They are testing you, society, the establishment, and the norms of the day. In response to the needs of the young, we are making a concerted effort. The government is interested. But let me make it clear that the government has a supplementary role, not a dominant role. The federal government should help those who work closely with the people and provide resources with which they can do the jobs at the local level. President Johnson recently established the President's Council on Youth Opportunity, and I am privileged to be its Chairman. Of all the assignments the President has given me, none has pleased me more than this for many reasons. For one thing, I like young people. Also, we are doing a lot of things at the governmental level that I think we can do better. And finally, I believe that we may be able to do some pv - IT A.U Sl
Page 8 8 Humanizing the City for Youth perimenting that may result ultimately in some breakthroughs. When he set up the Council, the President said, "We must meet the needs of youth so that the formative years will equip them for a productive role in society and prepare them for citizenship." I want to enlist the help of social workers in this endeavor. If I can get the help of the social work profession, our youth opportunity program will surely be a great success and our young people will be assured a very hopeful future. I ask that we engage youth in the work of citizenship and, most specifically, in building a better America-qualitatively as well as quantitatively. I ask their help in designing what we mean by a better America. This is the third successive summer of the Youth Opportunity Program, and if we follow through on some of my suggestions this summer can be a productive one for our young people. For example, we can make sure that each youngster is in good health. We should redouble our health efforts. We can make opportunities for young people to serve others and to act on urgent social problems, "to be where the action is." Young people have proved that they can serve effectively as aides in hospitals, just to mention one social service. They can bring technical assistance to community action programs. They are bright. Many of them are very well taught. They can help organize neighborhood play streets and day camps. They can provide tutoring and story hours in slum areas. They can take children to clinics or on trips and excursions. There are one hundred and one things that socially concerned young people can do. Help them to do it. Find ways to mobilize them, to attract them. Show them the work that needs to be done. This month 25o,ooo college students are giving freely of their time as volunteers in these activities. Those quarter of a million youngsters represent the social concern of America and I salute them. I want to thank the 250,000 high school seniors who are doing the exact same thing. This is the young America that I know and that I like. This is the volunteer generation, and we want to work with them. There are members of eleven national voluntary youth agencies today who are busily and effectively conserving and beautifying
Page 9 Humanizing the City for Youth 9 this landscape from sea to shining sea, doing things that their parents ought to have done, and doing it out of the goodness of their hearts and their love of the country. They did not get their pictures in the paper. They did not burn their draft cards. They just volunteered for America-volunteered for a better life. I think they are entitled to a pat on the back. Experience with citizen action should not be denied to anyone, particularly to youth-but sometimes it is. Nor should young people be denied the chance to help others when they want to help. But they are often denied this chance. Young people should have summer adventure, should test themselves in camps, in the arts, in laboratories, in trips, in recreation. These opportunities cannot be reserved for the few. Therefore, I ask that we mobilize our resources to provide diversity of learning: learning from experience in our city streets, learning from travel; learning from partnership of adults and youths in working on a shared problem. I ask that we find the means to permit fourteen- and sixteen-yearold youngsters from low-income families to experience economic independence. We have made a start with the work study programs, with the Neighborhood Youth Corps, and with other programs of financial aid to young people and students. But we do not yet fulfill our promise of equal opportunity for all. And until that promise is fulfilled, we cannot really say that our work has been successful. I ask that we further reduce the hazards of chance that cast such a dark shadow over the lives of too many of our youth. We cannot delay in making equal the life chances for our Negro youth, our Puerto Rican youth, our Mexican-American youth, our Indian youth, for the youth of our low-income families, or for the girls of the low-income families who have been neglected in our social thinking. They do not have a fair chance and we know it. That is what I mean by the adventure and the opportunity that we are engaged in now in our country. A tremendous thing is happening in America. For the first time we have seen the vision of this nation really fulfilling its highest calling. One nation under God, and indivisible, with liberty and justice for all is not just a little verse that children recite. I want to lay it on the line. Either we believe it
Page 10 10 Humanizing the City for Youth or we do not. I think we ought to ask every person to stop and discuss each word. This is not a divided nation. It must not be. It cannot be a nation of rich and poor, of white and black, of different religious groups with no contact and no sense of common purpose. And it is not a nation that is strictly materialistic. Human dignity does not come from materialism. Human dignity is in the soul and in the spirit, and that is what is precious about man. So when we speak of one nation, we mean just what we say-or we don't. When we say it is under God, we mean that we recognize this thing called "dignity" for what it is-a spiritual quality. And when we talk about a nation that is indivisible, with liberty and justice for all, we mean just that. Every American has the equal rights and duties and privileges and responsibilities of American citizenship. That is the purpose of our government. That is my objective, and that is the objective of our President. I know that this objective sometimes meets strong resistance. That is why the victory, when it is fully achieved, will be all the greater. We will achieve it-make no mistake about that. It will be won. So I ask for a commitment now to year-round programs in which all youth may have ready access to health, education, recreation, and work in community responsibilities. I am not just talking about summer programs, but year-round programs in which schools, private enterprise, public and voluntary agencies arrange their resources for the development of competent young citizens and workers; year-round programs that will equip our youth to be well-educated, compassionate, competent citizens, able to assume individual choice and responsibility in this interdependent world. This is a big order, but we have to think big if we intend to do great work. I say to those who say this is impossible, that this is a challenge. Anyone can do what is possible. No one gets any merit badges for that. The difference between the great and the average man is that one will undertake what seems impossible and make it possible. We have been doing that throughout our history. We started this republic when it was impossible to have government by the consent of the public. We held a nation together after a
Page 11 Humanizing the City for Youth 11 bloody war when it was impossible, some people said, to hold it together. We have won wars that people said were impossible to win. The only people who are remembered in this world's great contest for attention are those who did what most people thought was impossible. I do not think it is impossible to unify our people. I do not think it is impossible for this nation in the days ahead to be a totally integrated society where we speak not of Negro and white, but of people as individuals; where we do not divide on the basis of size, or color, or ethnic origin, or race, or religion, or how a person spells his last name. I think this dream of America is possible, and that some people think it is impossible makes it all the more enjoyable and interesting. All over this country of ours new programs are getting under way. Youth councils are being organized to work with our new federal Council office. I have had thirty-two meetings with mayors and local officials in the past eighteen months to organize youth activities. Let me say it once again: if there is going to be a better community, it is not going to come from Washington. It is going to be because of what people do where they are. They can look to government for help, but they cannot look to us to do the work. If there are to be better schools it will be thanks to local effort. If there is to be better housing, it will be because the community works for it. Coordinated community action is needed all across this country. Every place in America today there is a need for a youth council. No matter how large or how small the town is, that youth council should be broadly based. It should represent the entire fabric of the community and not just the establishment. It must represent all ethnic groups, religious groups, labor, business, and public officials so that people are brought into the process of deciding what is to happen in their town. Now I know that new programs are being formulated and energized today in every state and community. Many social workers have already been a part of this work. I want social work to be the carrier of my message. I want social workers to ask these
Page 12 12 Humanizing the City for Youth questions of their elected and appointed officials and their community leaders: "Mr. Mayor, what are we doing now to tie into the new national youth programs?" "Mr. City Commissioner, Mr. Mayor, do you have a youth council? Who is on it? When was it appointed? What funding does it have? What is it doing? What are its plans? Who is undertaking the administration of these plans? What's being done in our city to provide summer jobs for young people who need them?" There is no better therapy for a mixed-up young man or woman, or a highly energized one, than work-good old employment. That is the best social therapy that one can give most people. We need a minimum of two million jobs this summer for young Americans between the ages of sixteen and twenty, two million jobs for deprived, denied, poor, young Americans. Tell the Chamber of Commerce, the mayor, or the labor unions that it is a whole lot easier to provide jobs than it is to go around, after there has been trouble, picking up the pieces. Might I make another suggestion? I do not think we ought to be rewarding violence and lawlessness in this country. Freedom does not live in a lawless society. Disregard of the law is the enemy of freedom. But the law also must be just. We want law enforcement, but we also need law observance. When the laws are just, and when they apply equally, they are observed. I want to talk to people about this. These jobs that we speak of ought to be available before some demagogue grabs hold of the people. Mr. Mayor, Mr. Leader of the Chamber of Commerce, Mr. Corporation Executive, open up your mind, your heart, your gates. Don't wait for violence on the streets. Dont wait for somebody to threaten you. Don't honor and reward violence. Honor and reward justice. Speak up now. Act now. Open up these training programs and give young men and women a chance to make something out of their lives. Recruit them. A demagogue knows how to stir up violence and recruit converts. I would hope that every responsible leader in America will make it his business to challenge those who challenge us. Challenge those who challenge law and order, not merely by law enforcement but above
Page 13 Humanizing the City for Youth 13 all by constructive community programs of jobs, and education, and recreation, and community activity that will dry up the source of trouble. Ask school administrators what programs they have to encourage young people to return to school next year. I am an educator of sorts, and I have a high regard for teachers and school administrators. I should think that if a businessman lost as many "customers" as some of our schools do, he would try to find out what was wrong with the merchandise. There is no reason why education should not be an interesting experience if it is relevant to modern living. Let us look at this school drop-out problem. How are young people being brought into the everyday work of building a better community? These are some of the questions I want social workers to ask. If they cannot get the right answers, I hope they will write the Vice President in Washington, D.C., and I shall try to help get some answers. But if some answers do come, please share them with me. We need to talk to each other. We need to know what other communities are doing. I want each social worker to be an extra set of eyes and ears and hands for me this summer. I deputize each one to help get this summer job done. The Vice President cannot do it. The President cannot do it. The Mayor cannot do it. We are going to need a lot of help. It may not be very becoming of a vice president to beseech people to help us, but I must do that. I ask you to join in this struggle for a better America. They are in it already. Put in the extra measure. Help those young people make this summer one of happiness and opportunity. I believe that this is the kind of action which in the long run will do far more to humanize and personalize our nation than any program of physical urban renewal or slum clearance, important as they are. We need action dealing with the renewal of people. We must not only clear away old buildings that are a blight, but also we must clear away old barriers and prejudices that are like barnacles on the boat. I think this is the way in which we can, indeed, humanize our environment, and move forward to realize the full promise of our society.
Page 14 14 Humanizing the City for Youth My concluding words are those of the author Thomas Wolfe, who told us about the promise this nation represents. He said: To every man his chance. To every man, regardless of his birth, his shining golden opportunity. To every man the right to live, to work, to be himself and to become whatever things his manhood and his vision can combine to make him. This is the promise of America. Let us help make it come true.
Page 15 Social Welfare's Responsibility in Urban Affairs by WHITNEY M. YOUNG, JR. THE STORY OF THE CITIES IS 5,000 years old. Ruins still stand as monuments to the glory that was Athens, the majesty that was Babylon, the grandeur that was Rome. And today, in Egypt, modern villages stand atop the remains of the earliest of our cities. One can reconstruct the beauty of their buildings-the splendid temples, churches, and palaces. One can imagine the elaborate sprawl of the estates occupied by the wealthy. One can visualize the schools reserved for the children of the well-to-do. One can believe that in the bustling, vibrant cities of that day there were sections where the streets were wide and clean and others where the streets were narrow and crowded and dirty. We can also guess the plight of the slaves, the beggars, the poor. It is said that some of them lived crowded together in hovels too mean for human habitation. But this was centuries ago-during the earliest phases of civilization. The unevenness of city living then perhaps reflected the frailties of the human beings who lived at that time, but within the dehumanizing qualities of these ancient cities may lie the secret of their rise and fall. Less than 350 years ago the settlers in this country began joining together, first near the water routes and eventually inland, giving birth to the first American cities. And today, in the year 1967, in "America the beautiful" with its "spacious skies and amber waves of grain," seven out of ten Americans live in metropolitan areas. By the turn of the century, 95 percent of us will live in sprawling urban complexes-urban complexes which despite the youth of
Page 16 16 Social Welfare's Responsibility the country are rotting at the core, urban complexes which are already taking on the appearance of becoming ancient. People congregate in cities for a variety of reasons: for work, for trade, for housing, for transportation, for worship, for schools -for numerous conveniences which can be attained only when people join together. Yet, somehow, in seeking to achieve these goals, people lose their sense of togetherness and become anonymous and alienated individuals, part of a nameless and faceless crowd. And the goals of work, schools, worship, trade, or housing become perverted into problems of unemployment, inadequate education, slums, ghettos, traffic jams, air and water pollution, seething discontent, and racial strife. The fact that our urban centers could be facing such a serious crisis in less than four centuries requires a hard look at the causes of our problems and immediate steps to solve them. In talking about humanizing the cities, we are making the simple assertion that physical planning is meaningless without social planning. This is now clearly recognized in most quarters, in and out of the federal government. We are also saying that social workers, by the very nature of their interests and commitments, have a special contribution to make if the crisis of our cities is to be resolved on human and humane terms. Humanizing the cities means being concerned for the people who live in them. We are not confining ourselves to questions of physical planning, to questions simply of brick and mortar. We are stating our concern with the problems of people living in the urban environment, subject to all the pressures and emotional dislocations of high-density areas. Many of the problems we seek to resolve derive from tangible factors-from substandard housing, second-class citizenship, inferior education, from unemployment and underemployment. But others derive from intangibles-from a feeling of anonymity, a feeling of being lost in the great urban mass. In large part, these latter derive from rootlessness and the lack of a personal stake in the community. And such rootlessness often knows no economic, racial, or religious boundaries.
Page 17 Social Welfare's Responsibility 17 How, then, can we provide the city dweller with a stake in his own community? How can we reduce the impersonality of the urban environment? We must guarantee that the same skills, genius, and creative drive that have gone into brick-and-mortar progress, into the building of bridges, highways, and tunnels, into the smashing of atoms and flights into space, now go into planning with people to meet their own social needs. As one mark of our urbanity, today more people are living in slums than on farms: the most recent U.S. Census shows 21 million on farms; 22 million in slums. By the year 2000, it is predicted, the urban population will have doubled from about 125 million to 250 million. To accommodate this growth, it has been estimated that we will have to provide as much housing in the next thirtyfive years as we have built in our entire previous history. There are already 16 million poor people living in our metropolitan areas, of whom io million live in our central cities. Another 26 million live in the shadow of deprivation with incomes technically above the minimum poverty level, but below what most authorities define as adequate. A great part of the hard core of the unemployed is among our youth, and their enforced leisure comes at a time when, in their restlessness and search for life's meaning, they are striking out against all of society's pressuring force. And in striking out, they do not care whom they hurt-least of all themselves. The plight of our minority populations is becoming worse rather than better. Since 1954 Negro unemployment has doubled. Today it is two and a half times the rate of the white citizens, and among teen-agers in the ghetto it is a disastrous 27 percent. The gap between Negro and white median income has broadened. There are more Negro children in segregated classrooms. In making these discoveries, we have also found that prejudice and discrimination are national, not regional, disorders. This is enough to make any crusading social worker begin a back-to-the-land movement. ("Back to the land" reminds me of a reply given on a television program recently by a New York official who, when asked about grass-roots people in Harlem, said,
Page 18 18 Social Welfare's Responsibility "We don't have grass-roots people in Harlem. We have curbstone people, because Harlem doesn't have any grass.") But since it appears that the solution does not lie in getting back to the farm, our choice is clear. Either we sit around and let our crumbling cities become our monument to the American dream, or we get busy. The time is past for halfway measures, token gestures, pilot programs, and one-dimensional, small-scale efforts no matter how well-intentioned. Instead, there is a need for commitment, a national commitment of time, money, and talent, involving every segment of society and all our national resources in the private as well as the public sector. We cannot confine ourselves to any single approach or to any one method. There must be concerted and coordinated effort on many fronts at once-in education, in housing, in employment, in health and welfare. The job requires the cooperation and participation of industry, of labor, and of federal, state, and local government. It requires the resources of individuals, schools, universities, foundations, and private social welfare agencies. It requires that we look equally hard at our rural areas, which feed newcomers into the city. The job of redeeming our cities involves improving the quality of family life, the way our schools are run, the way cities are planned, the way workers are hired and trained, the way individuals conduct their daily lives, and the values we establish as a society. There has never been a time when we had greater material resources to draw upon in the attack on the social ills that beleaguer American cities. In the federal government alone there are more than 400 grant-in-aid programs, administered by 21 departments and agencies and 150 bureaus and divisions. Additional programs abound at state and local levels. Today we have available most of the legislative devices necessary to solve the problems we face. But what good is legislation without the will to do the job? What good is legislation without adequate money to finance the programs? It has been estimated that revitalizing our cities will cost one trillion dollars over the next decade and a half. That is one
Page 19 Social Welfare's Responsibility 19 thousand billion dollars. Obviously, the job is too big for government alone. Some authorities believe that the ratio of private to public investment should be in the neighborhood of 7 to i; others estimate it at 5 to i. Debate has already begun in the Congress over how to insure that private investment will multiply the original force of public investment. Whatever the specific formula, however, whatever the precise cost, the first imperative is that we proceed on a scale relevant to the size and growing urgency of the problems we face. From the standpoint of the social worker, the most promising new vehicle for redeeming urban areas is the model cities program which, for the first time, establishes social planning on a par with physical planning, places the development of human resources and the satisfaction of simple human needs on a par with physical rebuilding. The model cities program is designed to produce a total and coordinated attack on the combined social, economic, and physical problems of slums and blighted areas. Its emphasis is on meeting the needs of families and individuals for jobs, education, housing, health, and social services. The program is designed to transform deteriorating, worn-out areas into model neighborhoods. It is designed to stimulate experimentation, imagination, and innovation, to create new ways of reaching the alienated slum dweller, to find new approaches to local administration, and discover new uses of technological developments to reduce costs. It lays the groundwork for engaging the resources and skills of the private sector in a meaningful assault on the full range of urban problems, both social and physical. The model cities program provides a welcome indication that we have learned the lessons of urban renewal wherein a concentration on purely physical planning often destroyed those human institutions that gave a neighborhood its real meaning and cohesiveness and resulted, not in improved circumstances for the urban poor, but in continual relocation and hardship, in short, as has so often been charged, in "Negro removal." Social workers were left out of urban renewal programs and were even excluded from what should have been their necessary rela
Page 20 20 Social Welfare's Responsibility tionship to relocation, but the model cities program offers social workers a real opportunity. Social workers are being given one more chance to be participants in what could be the major social and physical revolution in the cities. The model cities plan offers a way to get better programs, better coordination of programs, better codes and better code enforcement, and all the resources necessary to influence the course of urban development. Similarly, the program for establishing neighborhood service centers in low-income neighborhoods, a departure from recent practice, is one which requires the concentrated attention of social workers. Five federal agencies are now cooperating in setting up neighborhood centers systems in fourteen major cities. The Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) will provide funds for construction; the Department of Labor will be responsible for employment services and training referrals; existing grants-in-aid from the Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, and the Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO) will be used for family counseling services, legal services, adult and remedial education, day-care centers, homemaker services, and so forth; and the Bureau of the Budget will guide the evaluation of program. Planning is being done locally in cooperation with interested voluntary agencies. The most important factors are reduction in the fragmentation of services and recognition of the need to treat the individual as a whole person. The objective is a centralization of services in decentralized facilities, a means of looking at the total family, or the total individual, so that people are no longer required to go to one place in search of employment, to another in search of health facilities, and somewhere else for help with family problems. This approach should result in a marked improvement in the delivery and coordination of services. There was a time when social services were segregated in the ghetto to keep minorities from coming downtown, in a localized system which somehow always wound up being inferior. Then there was a move, in the name of integration, to take social services out of the ghetto and put them in central locations. But that did not work. The services tended to be either unutilized or
Page 21 Social Welfare's Responsibility 21 seriously underutilized. In a sense, we have come full circle but with a vital difference: there is a new knowledge and awareness that quality services have to be made available close at hand in ghetto areas and a full recognition of the need for superior staff and facilities. What we are approaching now is an extended outreach service in a situation which requires the best and most experienced social workers. These programs are representative of the thinking and planning at policy-making levels in Washington, and they deserve support. Too often, in our attempts to identify the problem, we concentrate our fire on the "administration," whether we are talking about the federal government or city hall, about the local school board or the county welfare structure. I suggest that in terms of policy-making, things are changing. The real problem is not so often in the county welfare board, or in the administration at the top. The real bottleneck tends to be the entrenched bureaucrat somewhere in the middle who resists change, obstructs progress, and, in one way or another, subverts the intent of workable programs. The same is often true in social welfare. We spend a lot of time talking about what is wrong at the top when, in fact, policy-making in Washington and on the local level is getting better by the minute. The failure is farther down the line. Most often the people at policy-making levels in the executive departments are creative, sophisticated in the nature of the problems, passionately committed to finding solutions, and imaginative in the use of legislative tools already at hand. With the new prominence alloted to social planning by federal, state, and local agencies, we in the social work profession must take a long, hard look at the nature of our own responsibilities. For it is now we who must exercise the leadership necessary to insure that urban development takes place with consistent regard for human values. It is we who must take on the monitoring function, keep the city planners "honest," force the middle-echelon bureaucrat into conformity with established policy, and guarantee that essential social values are kept clearly in focus. It is we who must insure that the technicians never lose sight of the human ele
Page 22 22 Social Welfare's Responsibility ment in their enthusiasm for brick-and-mortar progress. In short, it is we, as social workers, who must force society to be consistent in its recognition that the health of the urban complex lies in the vitality, competence, and fullness of life of the individuals who reside within it, that people must not be allowed to die inwardly from a lack of community or from a failure of identity. These are heavy burdens, and in all honesty we must question whether we are fully prepared to meet the challenge, whether our techniques and methodologies are, in fact, adequate to the responsibilities. We must question whether our traditional methods and modes of practice are fully effective, or whether we have lagged in adjusting to new circumstances and must now subject ourselves to careful scrutiny and determine to what extent our professional practices need to be reevaluated, redefined, and reformed. With a rapidly changing urban scene, with the entry of rival prescriptions, rival structures, and alternative methods, we must place far more emphasis on interdisciplinary and interprofessional collaboration. To the extent that there is any divorcement between social welfare systems and other systems within the city, we must repair the breach no matter what the impact upon our traditional concepts of our roles. It is possible that in this time of urban stress we ourselves are confronted by a crisis of critical dimensions. It is possible that we have taken refuge in outmoded traditions and relinquished leadership by default. We must meet the questions of our readiness for change, both as professionals and as people. It may be we will have to consider not only humanizing the city, but humanizing the social worker. And this may be one of our most difficult tasks because it touches on our most privately held-sometimes almost imperceptibly heldattitudes and perceptions. Social work was born in an atmosphere of righteous indignation, of divine discontent. Our legacy in working with people goes back to the philosophy of Sidney and Beatrice Webb, to Jane Addams, to people who dared champion the individual man among the anonymous mass of men. Somewhere along the line, however, something happened. In our zeal to become "professional," the
Page 23 Social Welfare's Responsibility 23 urgency of the challenge was lost. In the zeal to become professional and respectable, we lost, or rejected, the crusader label. Now, if there ever was a time, is the time for the crusader. We made a fetish of methodology, a virtue of neutrality and objectivity. Society began to see us as experts in adjustment and accommodation, skilled in the art of applying the means test, zealous in tracking down the unauthorized man in the ADC household. All of us who work for, and with, people must reclaim a lost heritage. And yet, how many social workers, in seeking to reach the poor, couch their meanings in jargon, speak a language only a colleague can understand? How many social workers worship confidentiality and the records at the price of real understanding? How often do the bureaucratic regulations we have instituted in our social work agencies become the major obstacles to rendering the services we were set up to render? How often is the stultifying effect of an ill-prepared social worker responsible for the psychological and emotional problems visited upon a welfare client? Too many of us, no matter what our intellectual commitments, look down our noses at the poor. As a profession we say we do not, we disclaim any sense of distance, but the fact is that a lot of social workers do not like "dirty" people, or out-of-wedlock mothers, or men on street corners who are not working, or people who want "something for nothing." Too often the poor are "they," not "we." Too frequently what we can give is based on the dole system, below the poverty level itself. And though I hesitate to say it, social workers are still far too often uncomfortable with questions of race and religion. Too many do not quite know what to do with members of minority groups and fail to understand the fundamental issues underlying their difficulties and social adaptations. As a profession we have a vested interest in believing we are no longer prejudiced, but that is not always true. There is too often a residual that makes for social distance which far too many social workers prefer to ignore. These attitudes and peculiarities are not, of course, restricted to social workers. Psychiatrists and doctors experience them, too. But we have to put our own house in order. We have to be sure of
Page 24 24 Social Welfare's Responsibility our own attitudes. We have to come to grips with the central issues of subtle prejudice and discrimination before we can really deal with the poor as human beings. We have to be sure we are thoroughly human ourselves. In addition, the social worker needs to become far more sophisticated politically. The federal government touches massively on all aspects of urban life, and the political decisions made in our legislative bodies are the crucial decisions which will determine whether we will have a humane and great society or we will not. The social worker who does not relate to these facts is missing the point and is ill-equipped to deal with the complexities of today's problems. There is no reason why social workers should not be in the vanguard of those pushing for rent supplements, for income security, for an adequate minimum wage, for fair and open housing policies, for expanded social security coverage, for all the means to a better life for all Americans. Even the President's Crime Commission, in order to deal adequately with the conditions which breed crime, recognized the need to enter the social arena and endorse social measures. Although it was in a sense outside its jurisdiction, the commission spoke out loudly and clearly in behalf of such measures as a minimum family income, programs for expanding job opportunities for the poor, steps to strengthen family life, revision of welfare rules, and the improvement of slum schools. Surely social workers can do no less. There is no valid reason why social workers should hold themselves aloof from the political arena. Businessmen and other professional groups no longer feel that it is improper or less than respectable to get involved in social action. Social workers, by the very nature of their commitments and insights, have even greater reason to influence the development of public policy. It is the social worker who observes at the closest range what welfare does to people rather than for them. The social worker is a witness, and sometimes a party, to the humiliation and stigmatization engendered by standard welfare procedures.
Page 25 Social Welfare's Responsibility 25 Yet welfare as a right can be perceived with dignity. Social workers need to get off the defensive and get on the offensive. There is nothing wrong with doing good, nothing wrong with promoting a state of general welfare. As Anatole France once said, "I prefer the errors of enthusiasm to the indifference of wisdom." There needs to be a mass assault on the notion that welfare promotes dependency, or that poor people have a monopoly on chiseling, or that poor people are basically more immoral than the well-to-do or have a disproportionate corner on crime. It is not just the welfare client who gets a government check. Among businessmen, educators, and members of other professional groups there are few who cannot trace some of their income to federal subsidies of their institutions. As for crime, the report of the President's Crime Commission showed that some of our most "respectable" people commit such "clean" crimes as fraud, consumer cheating, and embezzlement, which cost the nation almost three times as much as the more common crimes of the ghetto, like robbery and theft. A survey of 1,700 adults showed that 91 percent admitted acts for which they could have received jail sentences. Most of these were "respectable," middle-class people, whose crimes went undetected. And as for the notion that the welfare rolls are filled with "freeloaders" who could work if only they were not so lazy and shiftless, statistics compiled in Washington establish that no more than 50,000 out of approximately 7.3 million (or well under one percent) are capable of getting off the relief rolls and earning a living. Out of approximately 7.3 million welfare recipients, the report showed that 2.1 million are sixty-five years of age or over, most of them women, with a median age of seventy-two. Of the remainder, 700,ooo are blind or so severely handicapped that their work potential, if any, is extremely limited, while 3.5 million are children whose parents cannot support them. The remaining million are the parents of those children, about 900,000 mothers and 150,000 fathers; of the fathers, two thirds are incapacitated in one way or another. Out of the entire total, only 50,000 are cap
Page 26 26 Social Welfare's Responsibility able of acquiring job skills that will make them self-sufficient. It is absurd to argue that laziness is at fault or that shiftlessness is the underlying reason for the size of welfare rolls. The problem basic to the social welfare of the poor is that of providing an adequate level of income maintenance. This idea, considered radical just a few years ago, is now being proposed by people as politically divergent as Leon Keyserling, former economic aide to President Truman, and Milton Friedman, who was Barry Goldwater's economic adviser. It has also been endorsed by the President's National Commission on Technology, Automation, and Economic Progress, which included some of the nation's most successful businessmen, hardly a list of radicals. At this point, there are almost as many different plans for a program of income maintenance as there are people studying the problems of poverty, but what they all have in common is the realization that a country as rich as the United States cannot tolerate the poverty that afflicts so many millions of people and perpetuates dependency from one generation to the next. The advantages of income maintenance are many and obvious. No family would be deprived of the means to obtain the essentials necessary for survival. By becoming a matter of right, like social security, it would eliminate the stigma of welfare. By replacing, in part, the present welfare system, it would release millions of dollars of local welfare funds to the cities for use in coping with the problems of local governments. In the years of the agricultural crisis the federal government took steps to provide income for farmers. In these years of urban crisis we need a system that directs funds not to the country at large, but to the points of greatest need, to the large cities. Such a system would free welfare workers from a meaningless load of paper work and police-like surveillance of their clients and permit them to utilize their training as it was meant to be utilized. The entire nation would benefit because the increased purchasing power available to the poor would be spent on goods and services, thus stimulating the economy and creating more jobs. Any long-range solution to the problems of poverty at the core of our cities must not overlook the fact that there are two kinds of
Page 27 Social Welfare's Responsibility 27 poverty to be attacked. There is the poverty of resources, which a program of income maintenance would attack. And there is a poverty of culture which develops out of generations of neglect, of being beaten down and denied, not just things, but access to the knowledge of how to change conditions, how to make an impact on one's environment, how to challenge the system, how to exercise an influence on the common course of communal affairs. Denied such knowledge, people become apathetic and indifferent. They become overwhelmed by their own powerlessness, the powerlessness to affect the course of their own lives, and this gives rise to hopelessness and despair and finally to apathy. As an ancient Greek philosopher once said, "the greatest crime against a man is not to deny him but to make him not even care." It was specifically to combat this poverty of culture that community action programs were developed by the OEO. Project ENABLE, conducted by the National Urban League in cooperation with the Family Service Society and the Child Study Association and funded by the OEO, was a great success. Perhaps its greatest achievement was that of developing means and demonstrating ways to reach people afflicted by a poverty of culture. ENABLE dealt with groups of parents in sixty-one cities, parents who did not understand the system, who did not know how to petition in their own behalf or in behalf of their children, who were demoralized in the face of authority and incapable of pressing their own best interests with officialdom-incapable of speaking up at city hall, or at the local welfare department, or to the board of education. ENABLE demonstrated how a community of parents can be mobilized to exercise a real influence on matters that affect the welfare of their children. Personal value systems emerged, demonstrating that the real concern of the poor for their children is often as great as that of middle-class people, if not greater. There were few ENABLE workers who did not rid themselves of stereotyped notions in the process. ENABLE explored many of the possibilities for traditional social welfare agencies to get involved in social action. I hope that other agencies will study the ENABLE record and profit by it.
Page 28 28 Social Welfare's Responsibility We need an OEO structure to serve as a laboratory to experiment with new ways of approaching and solving the problems of poverty, both cultural and fiscal, and the OEO has clearly proved that it serves a critical need. Other agencies had become lax and needed this external threat, a new source of competition in generating new ways and new means. The OEO's failures have too often been magnified, and its many successes given low visibility. All too often social workers have joined in the chorus of criticsalong with those who would kill all poverty programs-instead of trying to be constructive. If there is anything wrong with the war on poverty, it is a matter of scale. There is nothing wrong with the concept. It is not enough for the social worker to teach the poor how to survive on a substandard budget. We must plant the seeds of indignation and of desire for change in the mind of every citizen suffering in want. We must be the catalysts of change, not the maintainers of the status quo. Establishing rapport, cutting through defenses, is the only way we can achieve anything of value. We must let people know that we are not just interested in establishing eligibility or in granting minimal services. We must see them as individuals. We must help them understand that we are not just a part of the faceless bureaucracy which regulates their lives, but that we are concerned with helping them, as individuals, get into the productive mainstream of society. We must fight against red-tape restrictions and requirements which deny people their humanity. We must tell the unemployed that they have the right to work, the right to education of high quality for their children, the right to be trained, and the right to support themselves and their families at a decent level. We must tell families in poverty that they have a vote and can use it to secure a more sympathetic ear in our corridors of power; that they must broaden their children's horizons; that change is a law of life, and reform must be a way of life. These are the basic means of humanizing the city. In a society which has succumbed to an excess of professionalism and technology, materialism and theoretical concepts, we must, in
Page 29 Social Welfare's Responsibility 29 order to redress the balance, succumb to an excess of feeling, of courage, of caring, and of decency. I believe the time is ripe. The problems of our cities are begging for solution. Our profession is now mature and secure enough to provide leadership in this effort. A society that would call itself civilized is at stake.
Page 30 Environmental Forces Shaping Our Cities by PHILIP M. HAUSER SINCE WE ARE ONLY seven generations removed from the founding of this republic, it should not be surprising, in view of the profound transformations which American society has experienced since the ratification of the Constitution, that our cities are in crisis. In 1790 there were fewer than 4,000,000 persons in this fledgling nation. Of these, 95 percent lived in rural areas and the remaining 5 percent in urban places, of which there were only twenty-four. Only New York and Philadelphia had populations in excess of 25,000. In short, the United States was then an agrarian society. Between 1790 and 1950 the population doubled five times to reach a total of over 150 million. The Second World War and aftermath generated an unprecedented marriage and baby boom. In consequence, by 1960 the population totaled almost 180 million. As of April, 1967, the officially estimated population was over 198 million, while the actual population, with minimum allowance for census underenumeration, was well over 200 million.' The population explosion was accompanied by dramatic population redistribution. By 1960, 70 percent of the American people lived in a total of 6,041 urban places. Furthermore, 63 percent lSee U.S. Bureau of the Census, Current Population Reports, Series P-25, and for correction factors for underenumeration of 1960 Census population figures, see Jacob S. Siegel and Melvin Zelnick, "An Evaluation of Coverage in the 1960 Census of Population by Techniques of Demographic Analysis and by Composite Methods," in American Statistical Association, Proceedings of the American Statistical Social Statistics Section I966.
Page 31 Environmental Forces Shaping Our Cities 31 lived in standard metropolitan statistical areas (SMSA's), defined by the federal government as central cities of 50,000 or more and the counties in which these are located. The United States will not have completed its first half century as an urban nation until 1970; for it was not until 1920 that more than half of the population was urban. Moreover, by 1970 we shall have almost doubled again, to some 206 million. It is to be expected, therefore, that the nation should still be experiencing frictions in the shift from rural to urban living. Furthermore, between 1967 and 1990, even if fertility is considerably reduced, the population is likely to increase by some 90 million persons. And all of this increment (because of the continued rural decline) is likely to occur in urban places, with over 80 percent concentrated in SMSA's, and perhaps 50 percent in large SMSA's. The rapidity of population growth and concentration has created or aggravated a host of problems relating to housing, circulation of people and goods, waste removal, air and water pollution, outdoor recreation, urban design, and the management of natural resources. Similarly, cultural and human problems have been precipitated, manifest in the changes from the extended to the nuclear family, from primary to secondary group living, from interpersonal relations based on sentiment and emotion to those based on utility, from informal to formal social control, from behavior based on tradition to that based on planning and rational decision-making. These changes have been accompanied by many frictions evident in social and personal pathology, such as delinquency, crime, alcoholism, drug addiction, and the like. They have also been accompanied by new problems of security occasioned by unemployment, poverty, old age, ill health or physical impairment, and family disorganization. The changes have also greatly aggravated problems of intergroup relations and made more visible and more acute the consequences of prejudice and discriminatory practices. Finally, rapid population growth and urbanization have generated many political and governmental changes, including great increases in governmental functions and personnel, and various
Page 32 32 Environmental Forces Shaping Our Cities forms of intervention in social and economic affairs. They have outmoded inherited forms of local governmental structure, a phenomenon perhaps most acutely apparent in the multiplicity of governmental units with powers to tax and to spend within metropolitan areas. They have in many places paved the way for administrative corruption, alliances between organized crime and politicians, and questionable practices if not outright theft and plunder on the part of unethical legislators. Many of these problems have been aggravated by changes in population composition, especially by the great increase in number and proportion of Negro Americans in the central cities and metropolitan areas. Negroes, although residents on this continent for three and half centuries, are the newest newcomers, en masse, to the mainstream of American life. As recently as 1910, 89 percent of the Negroes in this country lived in the South. Moreover, 73 percent of them lived on farms or in places with fewer than 2,500 persons; by 1960, the Negro population had become 73 percent urban. Within half a century the Negro American has become more urbanized than the white American and heavily concentrated in the central cities of metropolitan areas. Hence the Negro is being called upon to make an even more rapid transition from rural to urban living than has been required of the white population; and he is much less adequately prepared for the change. For example, even in 1960, 22 percent of all adult Negroes (those twenty-five years of age and over), were "functionally illiterate"; that is, they had not completed the fifth grade, and 78 percent had not completed high school. One consequence of the pathetic share of the American way of life available to the Negro is seen in the high incidence of poverty in the Negro community. In 1963, 42 percent of all nonwhite families in the United States were poor, by definition of the Social Security Administration, as contrasted with 12 percent of white families. The 2,000,000 poor nonwhite families made up 28 percent of all poor families in the nation, while nonwhite families constituted 11 percent of the total. Appalachian whites ("hillbillies"), American Indians, Puerto
Page 33 Environmental Forces Shaping Our Cities 33 Ricans, Mexicans, and recent immigrants, in general, have also experienced and created many acute problems, for much the same reasons. Most of these newcomers, like the Negro, are characterized by poverty and insufficient education. They along with other elements of "the poor," who number some 34,600,000 persons, constitute a category that requires special consideration in any effort to deal with the crises of our cities. Having profound implications and threatening the future of this nation are: (1) the crisis of the urban plant; (2) the crisis in intergroup relations, (3) the crisis in education; and (4) the crisis in local government. Crisis in the urban plant.-The urban plant-residential, commercial, industrial, and governmental-has been constructed rapidly, has been located in accordance with land-use patterns largely the product of market forces, has become obsolescent with advancing technology, and has aged other than gracefully. Our urban residential plant has grown not structure by structure but rather by subdivision and community at a time. Unfortunately, it has decayed not structure by structure but by whole communities at a time. Accumulated obsolescence and decay augmented by housing shortages generated by depression in the thirties and war in the forties have made the physical problem of the city acute. The crisis has become even more acute in the sixties and may be considered in connection with basic programs: urban renewal and "urban maintenance." Our free-market system produced the highest level of living ever achieved by any nation in the history of man; but it also precipitated problems, as frictions of its operation, one of which is the slum. The slums in this country became a national and an international disgrace. The urban renewal program, a concerted effort to deal with urban blight, combines the concepts of slum clearance, rehabilitation, and conservation. The location and formation of blighted areas is best understood in terms of the ecologist's analysis of the urban community. The ecologist-sociologist has observed that each community in the inner zone of the city has had a "natural history." South Prairie Avenue in Chicago, for example, was at
Page 34 34 Environmental Forces Shaping Our Cities first an "outer zone" and place of residence for Chicago's fashionable elite. The city grew, and as South Prairie Avenue became more and more an inner zone, aged and obsolescent, it served, successively, as a locality for middle-class families, working-class families, rooming-house inhabitants, and, finally, for slum dwellers. This cycle has been the natural history of the inner zone of almost every American city. There were exceptions, of course, where government intervened by means of zoning, as in Chicago's "Gold Coast." Urban maintenance includes any or all measures designed to prevent further deterioration of housing to preserve decent neighborhoods. Urban maintenance is thus the entire body of activity complementary to urban renewal. Blighted areas and substandard housing are being eliminated by means of programs which necessarily must be phased over time. Urban maintenance a program as yet inadequately developed, calls for strict code enforcement where blight does not yet exist; it calls, too, for other types of measures, in order to make it not only illegal but also uneconomic to permit urban decay. As long as we leave unresolved the problem of maintaining the urban plant, we may be fighting a losing battle. For our renewal objectives cannot be attained if the urban plant decays faster than it is restored. A careful evaluation of the rates of renewal and decay is needed to assure sensible phasing of our efforts to preserve and maintain our cities. We have demonstrated that we can build a city. We have yet to prove that we can maintain one. The crisis in intergroup relations.-Explosive population growth in itself increases the tempo of social change, with more frictions, strains, and needs for personal and social adjustment. At least one of the crises in human relations-that relating to the absorption of the newest newcomers to metropolitan areas-merits special attention. Urban and metropolitan United States has, in large measure, grown through immigration and inmigration, that is, the flow of newcomers from abroad or from our own rural areas. Successive waves of immigrants, most of whom found their way into the cities and the metropolitan areas, followed the same pattern in acquiring
Page 35 Environmental Forces Shaping Our Cities 35 a place to live in their new environment, a niche in the economy, and status in the social order. The waves of Irish and Germans in the middle of the nineteenth century, Scandinavians toward the end of that century, and Southern and Eastern European peoples during the twentieth century found their port of entry, or area of first settlement, in the inner, older, and less desirable residential neighborhoods. With the passage of time, each of these groups, as our censuses have documented, moved outward from the city center and achieved less segregated patterns of living. The longer a newcomer group has been in this country, the farther from the center of the city is its usual location and the more scattered, or integrated, is its residential distribution. In respect to finding a place in our economy and status in the social order, an identical pattern may also be observed. Each immigrant group was greeted in essentially the same way by the more established residents-with hostility, suspicion, and discriminatory practices. Each was known by some pithy designation. In the last century we admitted "micks," "krautheads," and "dumb Swedes"; and in this century, "Polacks," "wops," "sheenies," "bohunks," and the like. Each of our immigrant groups started in the least desirable and lowest paying occupations; and each in turn climbed the social-economic ladder to achieve both a better economic and a better social position. The newest newcomers to our cities are American Negroes, white "hillbillies," and, in lesser streams, Puerto Ricans and Mexicans. The major crisis in human relations for many metropolitan areas involves the absorption of these groups, of whom the Negroes are the most visible. The process by which immigrants were absorbed was popularly known as "Americanization" or, to the sociologist and anthropologist, as "accommodation," "assimilation," and "acculturation." The Negro cannot be said to be undergoing a process of Americanization for he and his forebears have been on American soil since colonial days. He is now being subjected to a process of acculturation-from a primitive folk culture in the rural, economically underdeveloped South, to urbanism and metropolitanism
Page 36 36 Environmental Forces Shaping Our Cities as a way of life. In little more than one generation, the Negro is being called upon to make this transition, and with a minimum of preparation. The Negro poses new as well as old problems. There is evidence that the pathway followed by the immigrant groups is being followed by the Negro in some respects but not in others. The limited evidence indicates that the Negro is climbing the social and economic ladder as measured by education, occupation, and income. The evidence also indicates that he is moving outward from the inner zones of the city which constituted his port of entry and is beginning to knock at the door of the suburb. The most important respect in which the Negro's accommodation to his new environment differs from that of the immigrant is thus far to be seen in the continuation of the pattern of segregated residence. Although the time span involved is still a brief one, the evidence indicates that there is increased rather than decreased segregation within our cities. The transition of the Negro from his primitive level of living in the South to urbanism as a way of life entails many frictions and hardships for him and for the community. The normal frictions of acculturation have been greatly exacerbated by the explosive magnitude of the migration as the result of the war, by the Negro's visibility, and by the conflicts created between his former way of life and metropolitan norms of behavior. Although there are similarities in the acculturation of the Negro and that of white ethnic groups, there are also great differences. When the white immigrants came, they carried their cultures with them intact. In fact, they were usually self-selected groups, trying to better themselves. Where did the Negro get his motivation and incentive for schooling? Until recently, the occasional Negro who happened to obtain an education would find the job of redcap was the highest he could command. In the society into which we have herded our Negroes there is no concept being transmitted which holds out to them the possibilities of acquiring either a higher education or the rewards and emoluments of higher education that other
Page 37 Environmental Forces Shaping Our Cities 37 Americans take for granted. Even today, counselors do not advise Negroes to attend college or to seek preprofessional training. There are other differences. White immigrant groups in time had the opportunity to leave their neighborhoods or to remain in them by their own choice in what is essentially a pluralistic society. The Negro, whose second-generation middle class is just emerging, is beginning to desire the same freedom of choice. He finds that he is rebuffed. This difference arises, of course, from the visibility of his color. All white immigrant groups were quite visible when they got off the ships. But in the course of a generation or two, their "visibility" diminished. In the Irish community the brogue disappeared in the second or third generation. In the Jewish community the long beard was trimmed shorter and shorter and shorter until finally it disappeared from the American scene, except in small, highly Orthodox enclaves. There is a further difference. When the white immigrants came here the country was still at a stage where the unskilled and the uneducated as well as the skilled craftsman could make a living. We still had railroads to build and cities to build and factories to build-and a strong back was often all that was needed. The Negro came to our cities largely after the Second World War. He entered a society in which a strong back virtually had no more function to perform. Yet white immigrants say, "We made it the hard way-why can't he?" The Negro revolt in this country has produced important advances. It has demonstrated that protest pays. Evidence of this lies in the transformation of national policy through the various civil rights legislative enactments and in the ensuing administrative actions. The "long, hot summer" we experienced in 1966 reflected the growing frustration, discontent, and despair of the Negro community. A great gap has developed between the legislation passed in Washington and what has actually occurred on the state and local levels. Washington has pointed the way, but states and cities have not been quick to open the gates to progress. In consequence, the expectations of the Negro have been heightened but there has
Page 38 38 Environmental Forces Shaping Our Cities been little noticeable progress in his situation. It is the widening gap between expectation and reality that accounts for the riotsnot the factors attributed by rationalizing politicians who point to such traditional scapegoats as "Communist influence," "agitators," "outsiders," and the like. It is a fact, too, that legislative advance on the civil rights front has stopped. Certainly no one can dispute the fact that riots or any form of violence disrupt the functioning of an orderly society. Once civil order is disrupted there can be no question that the restoration of order must become the major objective, transcending all others. What is the next step after the restoration of order? If there is a cessation of progress in providing the Negro American with full equality of opportunity in fact as well as in law and principle, there will be generated more, not less, social unrest; more, not less, frustration and despair; and in all probability more, not less, violence. The United States is at an important crossroads. If we wish to attain and maintain peace between whites and Negroes we must recognize and acknowledge the inequities to which the Negro has been subjected and make it national policy to remedy the situation. This will involve tremendously enlarged investments in the Negro community, designed to enable the Negro American to assume the full obligations as well as the rights of American citizenship. It may well require an expenditure of a hundred billion dollars, or even more, over the next decade. It will require concerted effort for at least a whole generation. It will require tremendously increased expenditures for improving the quality of education available to Negroes, as well as reducing racial imbalance in the schools; it will require tremendous expenditures for improving housing for Negroes as well as breaking down present segregation patterns; it will require tremendous changes to bring about equality of opportunity in employment and in income. If achievement of these objectives is declared as national policy and every possible indication is given to the Negro community that the nation is determined to attain them, then I think peace between white and Negro can be maintained.
Page 39 Environmental Forces Shaping Our Cities 39 Anything short of determined action will mean continued unease, unrest, frustration, despair, and periodic violence. In fact, present trends could result in central cities, predominantly Negro, surrounded by lily-white suburbs, each living in mortal fear of the other. The nation is at a point of crisis. More than mere peace is involved. We are faced with a test of whether the basic ideological, political, and moral tenets on which this nation was founded and to which it has remained dedicated, at least verbally, are to apply only to white-skinned Americans or to all Americans. The crisis in education.-It is an ironic fact that the Negro revolt has spawned an educational revolt that is sweeping metropolitan United States. For in disclosing the shocking inadequacies of the public school education available to the Negro child in the inner zones of our central cities, the Negro has also laid bare the sad state of public education available to the white city child. It is undeniable that the Negro child in the inner city has access only to a third- or fourth-rate education, as compared with the public school opportunities of the privileged suburban child. By the same standard, it is also undeniable that the white child in the central cities has access only to a second- or third-rate education. What has happened to education in this nation which has given so much lip service to its glories as the door to opportunity for all? Certainly, over the course of our national history, education has been the chief instrumentality by means of which the United States has made its major contributions to the history of man, namely, the demonstration that unity could be achieved in a nation comprising diverse ethnic and racial stocks; and the demonstration that each person, no matter how humble his origin, could rise to whatever economic, social, and political level his own capabilities permitted. What has produced the present-day deficiencies in our educational system? The answer is to be found in the cumulative effects of five calamitous developments: i. The metropolitanization of the nation, producing huge population and economic agglomerations characterized by political fragmentation and inequalities in the distribution
Page 40 40 Environmental Forces Shaping Our Cities within the metropolitan area of need for education and ability to pay for it 2. The failure of state legislatures to meet their responsibility to support urban education 3. The structural and functional obsolescence of boards of education throughout the land, and the often ill-defined relationships between the boards and general superintendents of schools 4. The failure of the schools, especially those in metropolitan areas that are subjected to huge inmigration of rural populations, both white and Negro, to keep abreast of modern educational requirements 5. The apathy and complacency of the general public, which is more concerned with the cost of education than with the quality of education As a result of the conjoint play of these factors, public school education in our central cities, and especially in the inner zones, has become a national disgrace. For the first time in our history, education is failing adequately to prepare a whole generation of urban Americans, and especially the culturally deprived ones, for the complex world of tomorrow. The presumed tax savings on education are being converted into huge tax expenditures for dealing with dropouts, delinquency and crime, unemployment, and health and welfare programs. We present the sorry spectacle of spending only half as much, or less, per child for public school education in our central cities as in our better suburbs; any many times as much for mopping up the mess precipitated by the failure of our educational system. It is the vacuum in state and local leadership which has drawn the federal government into the public school situation. It is a sad commentary on human intelligence that the same voices that have screamed the loudest about "states rights" and "local control" of education are the very ones that have drawn the federal government even deeper into local affairs. The metropolitan educational crisis, exacerbated by the problems of civil rights, including integration, requires a major national effort for remediation-an effort as yet barely begun.
Page 41 Environmental Forces Shaping Our Cities 41 The crisis in government.-The complex of technological, economic, and social changes which have been both antecedent to, and consequent upon, increasing urbanization have profoundly affected the role of government, the nature of representative government, the political party system, the substance of political issues, the character of public administration, and the structure of local government. The growing complexity and interdependence of contemporary agglomerations have also caused significant changes in government. The Constitution, which established the framework of the federal government, and in the main, the constitutions of the individual states, which in turn created the local governments, were drawn up in a preindustrial, rural setting. The political thought which dominated early America in the critical period during which the federal government and many of the state and local governments were established was composed of many strains reflecting the transition of the political order from a feudal-autocratic to a liberal-democratic state. The continuing alterations in the original governmental system established by the Founding Fathers may be interpreted as a consequence of the shifts which have occurred in the size, distribution, and composition of the population. At the risk of oversimplification it may be said that foremost in the concept of the role of government in the American political heritage, the product of a pre-urban world, is emphasis on the tenet that "that government is best which governs least." This doctrine, coupled with the liberal tradition in economic thinking that each man acting in his own interest automatically acts in the interest of the larger whole, constitutes the inherited framework of principles on the basis of which the Founding Fathers laid out American government. Yet, despite the dominance of these principles in our political philosophy, the record, reflecting the power of social change, shows that the functions of American government on all levels have tremendously expanded and multiplied; and that the expansion has been continuous, without regard to the complexion of the political party in office. Urbanization has also greatly affected the structure of government in the United States and intergovernmental relations. The
Page 42 42 Environmental Forces Shaping Our Cities creation and development of the federal, state, and local levels of government were natural outgrowths of the preindustrial, rural structure of the United States as a pluralistic nation. In the colonies and in the new nation comprising relatively homogeneous rural communities, it was logical and feasible to delineate arbitrarily bounded units of local government-township, county, village, town, and city. But clumpings of population and economic activities have ignored the historical state, as well as city and other local jurisdictional lines, and have followed natural and economic rather than political boundaries. In consequence, local government today is by no means that envisaged by the Founding Fathers. It was necessary to add many new governmental units to the original system to deal with new problems. This is why local government structure today is supplemented by such overlays as sanitary districts, water districts, drainage districts, port authorities, park districts, metropolitan area planning commissions, and by such instrumentalities as the interstate compact and the Tennessee Valley Authority. Rapid urban and metropolitan growth, having already outmoded local government structure, is further accelerating its obsolescence. At mid-century the 168 metropolitan areas of the United States had amongst them something in excess of 16,000 local governmental units, agencies with powers to tax and to spend. To be sure these included school districts, but the number is a good indication of the anachronistic character of local governmental structure. This is manifested in numerous movements toward consolidation of city and county government, in the creation of metropolitan area-wide agencies to perform specific functions, in the creation of metropolitan area planning agencies, and in the creation of the Toronto metropolitan governmental structure, which may serve as a prototype for similar areas. Basic deficiencies of present metropolitan governmental organization are becoming ever more apparent, and proposals to change local governmental structure may be expected to multiply. The growing size, complexity, and interdependence of contemporary agglomerations of people and activities have also posed difficult problems of intergovernmental relations. State and city
Page 43 Environmental Forces Shaping Our Cities 43 relations have become tenser as population has shifted from a rural to an urban majority. "Upstate-downstate" conflicts are reaching the crisis point in many states. In 1960 urban populations outnumbered the rural in thirty-nine states, yet there was not one state in which the urban dwellers controlled the state legislature, and in virtually all of them the dwindling rural population still maintained a vise-like grip by refusing to reapportion legislative representation, both state and federal, in accordance with the changing population distribution. In 1960 counties with less than 25,000 inhabitants were 71 percent overrepresented in state legislatures, whereas counties with 500oo,ooo or more inhabitants were 24 percent underrepresented. Of o02 "rural" congressional districts, 49 percent were overrepresented in the House of Representatives, whereas, 19 percent in the 91 urban districts, and 52 percent in the 15 suburban districts were underrepresented. It was cognizance of these facts, contrary to constitutional requirements, that led the Supreme Court to its "one-man one-vote" decisions. The "rotten borough" situation constituted a source of irritation and pressure which modified not only state-city governmental relationships but also federal-city relationships. The greater extent to which federal government agencies are working directly with municipal governments results from the callous disregard of urban problems by rural-dominated and malapportioned state legislatures. The states have made themselves the fifth wheel of the American system of governance, and this has led to federal participation in programs relating to public housing, urban renewal, highways and expressways, civil rights, mass transit, education, and now air and water pollution. The recent Supreme Court decisions that forced more equitable apportionment may conceivably provide urban and suburban populations with more political power. As the rural population loses its disproportionate control over state legislatures and the House of Representatives, it is likely that important shifts will occur in this nation's domestic and foreign policy in the direction of greater liberalism. The combined trends of population concentration in metro
Page 44 44 Environmental Forces Shaping Our Cities politan areas and decentralization within them have greatly altered intrametropolitan relationships. Population and community changes, along with economic and technological changes have jurisdictionally separated place of residence and political responsibility, on the one hand, and place of work and economic responsibility on the other. Moreover, they have also sometimes jurisdictionally separated both place of work and place of residence from place of shopping, recreation, or schooling. In consequence, great disparities have arisen among local jurisdictions within metropolitan areas between the need for urban services and the utilization of such services, and ability adequately to plan for, administer, and finance them. The common explanation for these afflictions is to be found in the outmoded assumption that the area of local government jurisdiction was simultaneously the area of residence, work, expenditure, schooling, religious observance, and living in general. The differentiation of function and urbanism as a way of life exacerbates the frictions produced by the disparity between twentieth-century clumpings of people and economic activities and nineteenth-century local governmental structure. One specific and serious source of difficulty arises from the pattern of intrametropolitan population distribution. The tendency for higher socioeconomic elements to move outward has left central cities with larger and even larger proportions of population with relatively low socioeconomic status. Thus, central cities are confronted with a shrinking tax base even as their problems, physical, human, and governmental, become more severe, and even though they continue to provide indispensable services to the entire metropolitan complex. Continued rapid urbanization and the great expansion and decentralization of our metropolitan areas have not only precipitated and augmented many of our social problems but have also been responsible for the rise of welfare functions and agencies. As the urbanization and metropolitanization of this nation have proceeded apace, problems of humanizing the city have become more complex and more difficult. Moreover, the welfare agencies whose task it has been to deal with many of the frictions of urbanization manifested in human problems have themselves failed to keep
Page 45 Environmental Forces Shaping Our Cities 45 pace with the changing urban scene. For example, many of the present-day problems and prospective problems of welfare agencies are not problems of the individual arbitrary political subdivisions within our metropolitan areas but involve the entire metropolitan complex, and many of them cannot be resolved in any rational way except by means of a metropolitan area-wide approach. There is a need for updating the structure and the functions of welfare agencies, both public and private. On the private front, the dozens of community-chest-financed agencies and the hundreds of volunteer agencies within a single metropolitan area may be regarded as using horse-and-buggy methods of dealing with contemporary health and welfare problems. Similarly, there is often need for better coordination and integration of services within the metropolitan area and also among the different levels of governmentfederal, state, and local. Among the urban problems created, and the problem which affects the resolution of many other types of human problems, is the need to evaluate and modernize the organization, functioning, and financing of health and welfare agencies, both public and private. New and improved mechanisms are needed to enable such agencies to operate on a rational, planned basis to meet metropolitan problems with a unified approach, rather than, as at present, with often inadequate, piecemeal, emergency, year-to-year operations.
Page 46 Government in Urban Development by ROBERT C. WEAVER C ONSTANTINOS DOXIADIS, THE GREEK CITY PLANNER, testifying before Senator Ribicoff's subcommittee on urban problems, spoke recently of urban complication. He inserted in his testimony a fascinating graph. Down one side are such items as economic, political, and social forces. Across the top are such items as man, nature, and society. The graph shows that there are no fewer than 33 million possible combinations and points of intersection. It is possible to be overwhelmed by the multiplicity of problems. It is possible to be engulfed by the statistics. It is possible, but it is not necessary. As I recall the past few months, the pictures that come to my mind give an entirely different perspective. The Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) came into being as a department only in late 1965. As I think of these first months of the new department, I am reminded of some very real people and some very human actions. I am thinking of Mrs. Willie Mae Grier and her four children. They live at 633 East Fifth Street, an all-too-typical run-down tenement on the Lower East Side of New York City. Not long ago, Mrs. Grier and her four children were packing all their worldly and movable belongings into suitcases and cardboard boxes. They were taken to a nearby hotel for two nights. Forty-eight hours later, they moved back into the old building and found that, as a Life writer put it, "everything had changed but the address." There was a new kitchen and a new bathroom. New walls, floors, and windows. New plumbing, heating, and wiring. There was even a new door with a shiny new doorknob-replacing a door
Page 47 Government in Urban Development 47 that had been hacked up with the ugly scars of many attempts made over many years by vandals and thieves to jimmy it open. This was a dramatic demonstration that it is possible to rehabilitate an entire tenement within forty-eight hours. We in HUD are in no small way proud of our major participation in proving that it is possible to rehabilitate run-down buildings quickly and more economically than had been possible before we started to focus new technology on this too-long-neglected problem. We still have some distance to go, but we will continue to use our research and demonstration funds to try to find ways to reduce costs further. I am thinking of Mr. and Mrs. Eugene Sharp Fish. They have six children. The family had never lived in a house or in a normal dwelling unit of any kind, there on the Rosebud Sioux Indian Reservation in Aberdeen, South Dakota. They had once lived in a tent. They later moved into the abandoned body of an automobile. Still later they moved into a trailer-and it burned down. Last winter, just before Christmas, Mr. and Mrs. Eugene Sharp Fish and their six children moved into a new house. It was built by their fellow tribesmen in a unique demonstration sponsored by HUD and three other federal agencies. We built a plant on the reservation and taught the Indians how to build and assemble prefabricated houses. These Indians are busy now building 375 houses for their own families. And when they are through, we are hopeful that they can move beyond the reservation with their newly learned skills into a new life of building and assembling houses for the many people in the region who need low-cost housing. I am thinking of Mr. and Mrs. Nathan Love. They have no children. They are retired. I met them one day last January in Washington. It was the day they became the first tenants in a new, ten-story building with fifty-eight apartments for elderly couples and individuals, all of whom have incomes of less than $3,500 a year. It is public housing, but the building itself is in no way distinguishable from the private apartment buildings all around it, there in the heart of that part of Washington's Northwest section
Page 48 48 Government in Urban Development which is being rapidly upgraded. Mr. and Mrs. Love have access to a roof-top sun deck and to off-street parking, and the spacious lobby contains a community room, a geriatrics clinic, and special ramps for wheel chairs. But most important of all, this was the first public housing ever built under a new system that we call the "turnkey" method. Under this method, private industry erects the building and turns the key over to the housing authority. There are a number of advantages. The first is that it demonstrates a way of involving private enterprise. Next, it tends to cut the cost of construction. Perhaps as important as any advantage, this method cuts the time it takes to build; in this first demonstration, it was just ten months from start of construction to occupancy. Finally, I am thinking of Harry Dolan. He lives in the Watts area of Los Angeles. Recently he became a television star. In an NBC documentary on Watts and what it is like to live there, Harry Dolan portrayed himself and his own real problems of getting a job. Dolan had once been a newspaper man. For a Negro to get a job on a newspaper is difficult anywhere. For a man who lives in Watts, it is unbelievably complicated and expensive just to get from Watts to where the jobs are. The TV documentary shows Harry Dolan losing a job opportunity. Commendably, and I think deliberately, the script leaves it vague as to whether he lost the position because he was a Negro, or because after riding a bewildering succession of buses for hours he was twenty minutes late for the interview. It can be reported, however, that Harry Dolan now has a new career in writing-NBC has recently broadcast a play he wrote. More important, he and others in Watts now have access to a convenient bus route. As one result of the studies of the Watts riot, HUD is financing a new bus system for southcentral Los Angeles. Its business is booming, and we hope that it will be the beginning of the end of the very real isolation of Watts residents from the rest of society. These are four success stories. They all have happy endings. But they are only part of the whole story. Three years ago, on
Page 49 Government in Urban Development 49 May 24, 1964, President Johnson first proclaimed the Great Society concept. At the time, the President warned that "our society will never be great until our cities are great." In these past three years we have been doing a great deal toward making our cities match the dreams for our society. Here is some of the evidence: More than loo new communities have undertaken urban renewal projects and urban renewal has become more concerned with the human aspects of city rehabilitation. We have approved $750 million in loans for college housing. More than 700 communities have undertaken new low-rent public housing projects, and more than 1.4 million people have been moved into such housing. We have added 80,ooo housing units for the elderly, most of whom are in the low-income bracket. We have provided $240 million in sixty grants to improve urban transit. Our FHA programs have helped 1.4 million families to buy homes; they have insured $1.8 billion in home improvement loans; they have increased from 20,000 to 60,ooo the housing units for low and moderate-income families. The new rent supplement program will help 30,000 families to afford decent private housing. We have helped 1,700 communities to make long-range plans and we have helped 300 communities to install essential water and sewer facilities. We have put $20 million into sorely needed neighborhood facilities and $57 million into code enforcement. We believe this is quite a record for three years, and that it is moving our cities and our society toward realization of the dreams we have for them. At the same time, the programs in HUD are more and more recognizing the needs of people and especially of those who need assistance to participate fully in our society. I do not pretend that these efforts have remade the face of America, but we are, I think, on the way to remaking it. Those four success stories indicate that we are moving in some
Page 50 5o Government in Urban Development new directions. We believe that we are using fresh and imaginative approaches toward combining physical and human solutionsso often separate in the past. We have demonstrated in New York City that it is possible to rehabilitate a tenement in newer and better ways, and thereby to begin saving neighborhoods for the people who live in them. But that is only a start toward a major new industry for the rehabilitation of housing, and we think that will be needed. On the Rosebud Sioux Reservation we have shown that it is possible to develop a program that turns out new houses for lowincome families and at the same time trains men in new skills. But that is only one of the demonstrations of what can be done to solve the housing and manpower training problems of this nation, and we think many self-help projects will be needed. In Washington we have shown that it is possible to cut the construction time on low-rent public housing from years to months. But that, too, is only a beginning. We have put more buses into Watts, but obviously no one believes that we have solved the transportation problem in Los Angeles or cured the multiplicity of transportation inadequacies across the nation. Each of these successes has evolved out of demonstration programs in HUD. Each has been possible because we were honest enough to admit that we did not have all the answers, but we did have ideas and hypotheses. Rather than raise false hopes and risk the possibility of failures involving thousands of people for whom failure is a way of life, we were modest and realistic. Our successes now provide the basis for widespread application of our methods. In a similar vein, the Administration is facing the issue of how to extend home ownership among low-income households. For the past four years we have conducted demonstration programs in this area, and we have had successes and failures. Among the latter was another demonstration of the limitations to, and unsolved problems in, utilizing self-help approaches to home building in view of the complex and exacting requirements (such as building codes) of American cities. Among our successes is a demonstration program (221 h) in
Page 51 Government in Urban Development 51 augurated in 1966 for home ownership among the poor. The program stipulates down payments of not more than $200 and twenty-year, 1oo percent mortgages at 3 percent. The success of this program can be assured only if there is a social dimension. For example, we are urging the nonprofit sponsors to give financial counseling so that the new tenants can acquire the financial know-how to keep up their mortgage payments. But we realize that to be successful the home owner needs other skills as well. So we are urging the sponsors to stay on in the neighborhood to offer such things as job training, so that tenants can get better jobs, and family counseling, to hold the families together. We realize that we cannot sell homes to low-income families, and then walk away without giving these families essential guidance and educational help. In our enthusiasm for extending home ownership, we must avoid action suggesting that it will immediately become widespread among the urban poor. Premature or ill-designed programs will soon result in disappointment, disillusionment, and excessively high rates of foreclosure. The pockets of urban poverty, already teeming with frustration and hostility, can ill afford such a development. If we are going to humanize the city, to make significant and permanent changes in it, we have to solve problems that touch every part of the city, that reach across every income level, and that include every racial and ethnic grouping. If any part of the city is squalid, or congested, or repressed, then all of it suffers. That is the lesson of the past three decades. The effort to remake the urban areas is a fairly new one, and yet it has come a long way. It first dealt only with buildings. It has moved to include whole neighborhoods, and transportation problems. It now concentrates more than ever upon social and human problems. The point we have reached is not the point of searching for still another area of concentration. The world we now have to conquer is the universe that combines all that we have been doing in buildings and transportation, and human problems, into an effective whole.
Page 52 52 Government in Urban Development I think we know what needs to be done; perhaps not in every detail, but certainly in every major dimension. I think we are in danger of being a bit too humble about what we do know. The danger is that we mislead other people into thinking we know less than we do. But we must be realistic and honest as well as positive and insistent. There is a new dimension in the forthcoming approach to human and social problems, of course, for those who are incapable of being self-supporting, assistance will be continued. Already there is a new and healthy reappraisal of our welfare programs. And this is timely. For many who are untrained, unmotivated, unemployed, and underemployed, there must be new approaches stressing rehabilitation, complementing the concurrent effort for the physical and institutional rehabilitation of the target areas. This humanoriented program will be designed to remove the impediments to full participation in the mainstream of society. Its success or failure will be evaluated in terms of the degree to which assistance will no longer be required, or else significantly reduced, over a period of some five years. Clearly, experimentations and demonstrations are called for. Clearly, we shall be involved in formulating and testing existing and new hypotheses. This, of course, also calls for new research and more effective utilization of the research in human behavior which has been done over the years. We are going before Congress this year asking for the first time for a major research and development program in urban affairs. We want to move, as President Johnson has put it, toward a basic foundation in urban knowledge. It is not that there is no foundation now, but rather that we do know now the promise of scientific analysis and how we can use it. We are trying to keep the rent-supplement program moving because we know its potential for helping low-income families afford decent and attractive private housing. We know its potential for enlisting the best techniques, the best instincts, and the major resources of private enterprise to supply that housing.
Page 53 Government in Urban Development 53 The rent-supplement program lost a battle this year when the House of Representatives voted to cut off new funds for extending the program only a year after it was first given funds. If that loss is sustained, it will be tragic. The real losers will be the poor who could have been housed. We cannot let that tragedy occur. The fight is not over. I urge social workers to join it as they have supported it in the past. We are grateful to social workers for the support many of their organizations have given our new programs. It is exemplified in the model cities program. We do not know what every detailed action of the program will be, but we do know the major dimensions-housing, schools, jobs, health, recreation, and human welfare. We know the necessity of drawing upon the entire spectrum of physical and social programs and culling out whatever will help. We have received proposals from 193 cities and counties indicating how they would use the model cities money for concentrating upon their neglected neighborhoods. We must now decide which of them will be funded. How well the cities do in this program, how quickly they do it, how lasting the changes are, will all depend on a great many forces. It will depend on how well they plan and execute. It will depend on how much social work can help them innovate and carry out their plans. It will depend on how well we in government-federal, state, and local-can coordinate our assistance. It will depend on how willing public and private agencies are to be involved in a concentrated effort. But it will depend, at first, on how willing the nation and the Congress are to get moving now with what we do know now and what we will learn as we get into action. The city councils, the legislatures, the Congress, and ultimately the nation, will decide whether this exciting and vital program gets into operation. They will also decide whether and to what extent we will be able to demonstrate that model neighborhoods can lead to model cities. That is why I have been saying that this is no time to be either
Page 54 54 Government in Urban Development shy or coy about what can be done. We have isolated urban problems and developed responsive urban programs-at least enough of them to get moving. Can we now put them together in an effort that humanizes the city? I am certain we can, and I think you are, too. Can we prove it to the American people? I think we will have to do so-and that is the main job before us now.
Page 55 Policy-making in Large Cities by JEROME P. CAVANAGH A POEM BY WILLIAM CARLOS WILLIAMS has relevance today. In his poem Williams discusses the poor and looks at the old slum houses, with their leftovers of past usefulness and grandeur and comments on the sense of hopelessness among the poor:... fences of wood and metal in an unfenced age and enclosing next to nothing at all: the old man in a sweater and soft black hat who sweeps the sidewalkhis own ten feet of itin a wind that fitfully turning his corner has overwhelmed the entire city. I sometimes think that some of the outposts of city government have taken on the same meaningless character. Rewritten by a mayor, the lines might read: ~.. fences of forms in triplicate and office regulations in an unfenced age and protecting next to nothing at all: the old civil servant in a sweater and soft black chair who meets the publichis own handful a dayand neatly sets about to follow his rules and regulations in a wind of change that fitfully turning the corner of his desk has overwhelmed the entire city. The man in the sweater and soft black chair with his forms drawn up tightly about him is the man who meets the public. Perhaps the strongest criticism I can make of policy-making in
Page 56 56 Policy-making in Large Cities the cities is that it is tremendously difficult to reach this man and change his method of operation. Let me give you an example. Detroit was in the welfare business until December of 1966. We got out of it because of a study financed by the city and done by Greenleigh Associates. The study dealt with services to the poor, and Greenleigh found a confusion of agencies that only baffled the family seeking aid. So we merged the city, county, and state welfare operations into a single unit. But city, county, and state have one thing in common in the Detroit area when they handle welfare cases. They use the means test, not the needs test. An applicant for welfare has to go through everything but an FBI check before he can qualify. This system, this city policy, was set into motion after some welfare scandals in the 1940s. And at that time, to keep an even tighter rein on things, we instituted a system that pegged the welfare budget tightly to the caseload. Pretty soon welfare workers in the city came to the realization that the purpose of the policy was to guard the treasury against raids. Their job was the opposite -to give away money. As Mayor, I never became too deeply involved in the system. On the surface, it seemed very well run, and complaints to the Mayor's office were always quickly cleared. So this basic policythe means test-was never challenged, even though it is my clear political philosophy to go the other way. I believe, as Senator Eugene McCarthy said, that it is best to make mistakes in government on the side of an excess of trust rather than of caution. There is another reason I did not act. We discovered in the same Greenleigh report that welfare itself was not a temporary relief measure for desperate families but had assumed an air of permanence. Welfare was not helping the drowning man by assisting him out of the deep water. It was only holding his chin above the waves. So instead of changing the system, we launched into a broadscale attack on the roots of poverty. We had already set up a poverty program before the Office of Economic Opportunity was created by Congress. At the same time, we were considering the welfare merger that ultimately took place.
Page 57 Policy-making in Large Cities 57 We were taking care of problems in that general area and, frankly, there were just too many other things to do. So we still have not reached that man who meets the public in the welfare operation. To understand policy-making on the city level, one must understand the sense of immediacy and urgency which is involved. This sense of urgency is stronger in the mayor's office of a large metropolitan city than it is at any other level of American political life. The only exception I can think of is the Presidency. But even there, one can find some insulation from the public. Mayors have all the normal political activities of speeches, budgets, appearances, ribbon-cutting, and taking positions. And they are also faced with the necessity to act-and act promptlyon the day's problems. The late President Kennedy summed up the unique position of the political administrator. "Others," he said, "may confine themselves to debate, discussion, and that ultimate luxury, free advice. Our responsibility is one of decision, for to govern is to choose." Harry S. Truman said the same thing in his blunt way. He said, "The buck stops here." Both are right. The politician elected to the executive side of government cannot afford the luxuries of seasoned debate, of timeconsuming discussion, of calm reflection over a dozen alternatives. Instead, he must often quickly assemble the facts, discount the prejudices of those who bring him the facts, and act. And in such situations he relies as much on his own intuition as on anything else. Generally, a person enters politics with a clear idea of some of the things that need to be done. Once in, he sets about to make changes. And he does. But after a few years in office, unless he is lucky or has a good staff, he often finds himself lurching from crisis to crisis. His vision ahead is of little more than next year's budget. The mayor who allows himself to be overrun by crisis, who has no plan to deal with anything but today's emergency, is a mayor living on borrowed time. But at his best, a mayor can transmit a sense of pace, direction, and movement to city government. Part
Page 58 58 Policy-making in Large Cities of this grows from his dealings with crisis. And part of it grows from his general feelings about the future and what must be done. Let us look at two examples of the reality of the American city today and examine how it sets policy. Of all the major forces sweeping the nation-and there are many of them and they are truly revolutionary-the strongest is perhaps the civil rights movement. Although many Americans might disagree, I do not think there has been a more significant happening on the political scene in many, many decades. It has touched the lives of most of us and has been a subject of discussion in probably every home in the nation. As James Baldwin recently pointed out, "Very few Americans... wish to believe that the American Negro situation is as desperate and dangerous as it is. Very few Americans... have the courage to recognize that the America of which they dream and boast is not the America in which the Negro lives." Too many cities do not realize this fact today. In Detroit, we have city policies which attempt to meet some of this huge challenge. For example, Detroit suffered a crushing race riot twentyfour years ago, and since then we have maintained a high degree of concerted action to ease those problems which have brought about friction between the races. Since police are often such a friction point, we have concentrated on police-community relations. It is city police for police precinct commanders to hold regular meetings with community groups and block clubs. This has given the police a greater awareness of community problems and has given the community leaders a greater insight into police actions. This approach paid tremendous dividends last summer when a disturbance broke out on the east side of the city. It was quickly contained, largely through the efforts of the Fifth Precinct citizens committee which organized a telephone campaign to tell parents to keep their children off the streets. Some adults walked the streets on peace patrols and others set up centers to handle the rumors and wild stories circulating in the neighborhood. Police used a good measure of restraint and understanding. A
Page 59 Policy-making in Large Cities 59 number of them had undergone inservice training on human relations and on how to deal with problems arising in crowded, low-income neighborhoods. Another major sickness of our cities is a financial one. In many cases this is a reality with which little can be done. Cities today are charged with too many responsibilities and allowed too little tax money to carry out those responsibilities. A recent study by the Chase Manhattan Bank showed that the nation's cities have a $12 billion gap between spending and income. This gap is expected to grow to $30 billion by 1975. In Detroit this year we were forced to cut back city services, despite a series of problems that demanded more attention and not less. The city's taxing power is severely limited by the state, and we have reached the imposed limitations. There was nothing to do but cut back. In deciding what services were essential and which nonessential, I ordered that social programs be the last cut. In the past, cuts have either been made across the board, or social programs have been placed in the "frill" category and trimmed first. But I interpret the urgency in the streets as a demand for social action on the problems of people and not an added demand for better garbage pickup. Finances are the stumbling blocks for the cities today. We have plans and programs and dreams and exciting ideas. But history tugs at us-a history of municipal waste, of governmental graft, of official piracy-and we have set in the law all manner of controls, restrains, and guidelines. There is hardly a city in the nation that is meeting all its needs and has enough money. So we have had to make do with halfway measures, with partial solutions, with gestures. The truth is that we have traditionally taken half steps where giant steps were needed. And we have done so in the holy name of economics. Poverty is one of the areas where we have taken only this half step. It is easier, to be sure, to give the ragged man a dime than to give him hope, opportunity, or the beginnings of a new life. Saul
Page 60 6o Policy-making in Large Cities Alinsky, the militant Chicago organizer, has said that the only successful program on poverty is to give the poor money-instant affluence. But we make a grave mistake if we define a man as povertystricken only in terms of dollars. There is much more to it. Still we tend to take the money approach. We dress his body, free of charge, but we forget his heart. We end the hunger in his stomach, free of charge, but we forget the hunger for security, for peace, and for dignity. And after the handout becomes a governmental fixture called "welfare" or "ADC," we suddenly realize that it is costing too much money, so we lay off caseworkers, cut back welfare payments, and limit our efforts to help get people off the welfare rolls. Then we suddenly realize that something else is needed, so we launch a war on poverty. But we do not fully fund the program. We take only a hesitant step. It is time we found out that economics is not the end-all of American society. It should not be the divining rod for finding truth, beauty, and goodness. Too often we have made it just that. John Kenneth Galbraith tells the story of a soul approaching the gates of Heaven and pounding on the door. "Why should I let you in?" asks St. Peter. "What have you done for the GNP?" We have overcontrolled ourselves with economics. And until we can use it as a tool and not a goal, we will continue to struggle along with halfway measures. All of us know that the cries for action have never been so loud in recent history. All of us know that the day for faint hearts and half measures is over. But we have failed to get the message out. Congress has not heard. They and the President are distracted with war and space games. But in this nation we can put together the kind of cities that will make man's life a delight and a source of wonder for the world and for history. We really have that awesome power. I ask you to look to the realities of policy-making at the national level and you will see what we are doing with that power. Emerson said: "The true test of civilization is not the census,
Page 61 Policy-making in Large Cities 61 nor the size of the cities, nor the crops, but the kind of man the country turns out." If we continue to turn out men from the slums and ghettos of our cities who are crushed in spirit-men with stunted lives raising children in an atmosphere of hopelessness-then all the mighty works of this great nation will be little more than the mere gestures of a nation that could have been man's most noble experiment.
Page 62 Technology and Human Values1 by JANE K. LACOUR THE NATURE OF TECHNOLOGY iS essentially scientific with all the implications of impersonality, objectivity, experimentation, and adherence to tested and proven principles, including the principle of limited certitude, generally associated with science. Indeed, the phrase "science and technology" is so widely used it appears as if the two words were interchangeable. Ritchie Calder distinguishes between "pure" or academic science (the pursuit of knowledge for its sake without any utilitarian object), fundamental or basic science (the study of a problem to obtain necessary information for further progress), and applied science (study and research to find a specific answer). He describes technology as the development, on the basis of fundamental knowledge and experimentation, of skills and methods for using scientific facts in an industrial process.2 It is difficult to find an acceptable definition of technology. Much is written about it without ever defining it as if, somehow, everyone understands what it is and definition is unnecessary. This is an extremely dangerous assumption. If one turns to the traditional dictionary definitions one finds such sterile euphemisms as "industrial science" or "the science of systematic knowledge of the industrial arts." These lack implication of the dynamic nature of today's technology. The National Science Foundation in defining research and development has, in effect, created definitions of science and techThis paper was given as a Lindeman Memorial Lecture. 2 Ritchie Calder, "Science and Man" in Guy S. Metraux and Francois Crouzet, eds., The Evolution of Science (New York: New American Library, Inc., 1963), pp. xvii-xxii.
Page 63 Technology and Human Values 63 nology that carry some suggestion of movement.3 Based on the Foundation's definition of development, technology today can be defined as a self-generating, ever-expanding and ever-accelerating complex of processes using scientific knowledge and methods to produce useful materials, devices, systems or other methods or processes. Jacques Ellul describes technique as: the totality of methods rationally arrived at and having absolute efficiency (for a given stage of development) in every field of human activity.... the technique of the present has no common measure with the past.... Technique is not an isolated fact in society but is related to every factor in the life of modern man; it affects social facts as well as all others.4 The development of technology.-According to Whitehead, "the greatest invention of the nineteenth century was the invention of the method of invention." 5 He said of this methodtechnology: It is a great mistake to think that the bare scientific idea is the required invention so that it has only to be picked up and used. An intense period of imaginative design lies between. One element in the new method is just the discovery of how to set about bridging the gap between the scientific ideas and the ultimate product. It is a process of disciplined attack upon one difficulty after another.6 This is not to suggest that there were no inventions prior to the nineteenth century. There were, of course, a great many in all fields of practical human endeavor. But these were developed slowly, unexpectedly, and almost unconsciously chiefly on the basis of experience and observation. During the 18oos, however, when scientific knowledge and theories began to be used directly and consciously as the means to discover ways of achieving practical ends, technology, as we know it today, began to come into being. The key elements in the development of technology are its conNational Science Foundation, 1966 Statistical Abstract of United States, p. 566. Annual Report, Federal Funds for Research, Development, and Other Scientific Activities. 4Jacques Ellul, The Technological Society (New York: Knopf, Inc., 1964), p. xxv. 5Alfred North Whitehead, Science and the Modern World (New York: New American Library, Inc., 1948), p. 91. 6Ibid., p. 92.
Page 64 64 Technology and Human Values stantly accelerating, exponential rate of growth and the effect that individual technical processes have on each other and on future such processes. The growth of knowledge in the physical sciences, said to double every fifteen years, combined with the selfgenerating, ever-expanding and accelerating nature of technology has resulted in practical applications of scientific knowledge in ways numerous and well known. It should be sufficient to cite these three reminders: 1. Medicine, public health, and sanitary engineering have assisted the population of the United States to increase from 76,000,000 in 1900 to 196,000,000 in 1966 despite the attrition of wars and high accident mortality rates. 2. During this same period, agriculture, commerce, and industry have been enabled to finance, produce, and distribute food, shelter, goods, transportation, and other services in such quantities and varieties that most of the population now enjoys the highest general standard of living ever known to man. 3. In the last twenty years such wholly new entities as atomic power, nuclear weaponry, jet and supersonic transportation, satellite communications, rockets, missiles, space capsules, and, of course, the computer have become commonplace. The methods of technology are those of science. Aesthetics, intuition, and spiritual experience do not contribute to these methods. It should be remembered, however, that science, the sole contributor, operates on the principle of limited certitude. Scientific laws which establish scientific facts are never more than approximations of truth, even though few of us these days have doubts about some of them, such as the law of gravity, for example. Scientific theories, which predict that a particular fact may be true and which require repeated observation and continued, precise testing before they can be promulgated as laws, are even more uncertain and limited in scope. So technology, the offspring of science, works in an atmosphere characterized by exact observation, precise measurement, and varying degrees of uncertainty. The word "method" comes from the Greek word meaning "investigation following after," and technological methods are almost literally that. Bearing in mind that technology is a complex of
Page 65 Technology and Human Values 65 processes, the methods employed to establish a process are: definition of its goal; identification of its basic elements; evaluation and measurement of each element's characteristics; determination of the precise relationships between elements; arrangement of the elements in an order predicted to achieve the goal; and test of the results of the arrangement against the defined goal. So at the end, one comes back to the beginning to determine whether the goal has been achieved, and if it has, a process or system has been designed. To use an oversimplified example, anyone who ever made a cake before the days of prepared mixes recognizes these methods. One of the elements in the process of making a cake is heat, and the cake-making process must therefore interact with the process that makes heat. Some other elements of the cake-making process are butter, sugar, and flour, each a product of separate processes which also must interact with the cake-making process. Interaction between processes and between the elements of a process is a constant factor in the design and operation of a process or system. If, for example, the flour processor changes the density of flour, this modifies a characteristic of one of the elements of the cake-making process, which, in turn, may require modification of the process itself. If the cake-maker requires flour of a different density, this probably will entail modification of the flour-making process. Hence, a system of communicating information between processes becomes necessary. Furthermore, within a process the processor needs information. The cake-maker needs to know, for example, whether the butter is fresh and whether the flour has weevils. A system for obtaining information from within the cakemaking process becomes necessary. Originally, processes were operated through human agents who supplied the necessary energy, judgment, and words to keep them functioning and adjusted within themselves and to each other. Now, using almost unlimited sources of other energy, we have created an incredible complex of mechanical processes. Many of them have automatic controls that operate under the guidance of information supplied from within the processes themselves and received from other automatic processes as well. Some of these,
Page 66 66 Technology and Human Values in turn, are used to enhance, augment, and accelerate technological methods engaged in creating new processes. In this way technology becomes a self-generating, ever-expanding, and everaccelerating complex of processes. The effects of technology.-We have been accustomed to think of "progress" as developing in controlled, orderly ways from a clearly understood present to a predictable future. The effects of technology, however, are far more dynamic, penetrating, and cataclysmic than this prosaic view implies. There is, in fact, no area of human activity that has not been affected by the scientific and technical explosion of this century. Robert Oppenheimer, the physicist, describes its revolutionary effect:...this world of ours is a new world, in which the unity of knowledge, the nature of human communities, the order of society, the order of ideas, the very notions of society and culture have changed and will not return to what they have been in the past. What is new is new not because it has never been there before, but because it has changed in quality. One thing that is new is the prevalence of newness, the changing scale and scope of change itself, so that the world alters as we walk in it, so that the years of a man's life measure not some small growth or rearrangement or moderation of what he learned in childhood, but a great upheaval.7 In addition to incessant change, the more obvious signs of this "great upheaval" are a rapidly increasing American population, most of which enjoys a comfortable, materially affluent society served by electrical and mechanical devices that equal an almost inconceivable amount of manpower; an economy dominated by industry and government instead of the farm and the market place; mass media that mold vast common denominators of taste and opinion; incredible mobility of transportation and ease of communication; and levels of literacy and education never before achieved. Intricately and intimately associated with these rapid developments has been the emergence of a profusion of branches of scientific knowledge, each with its particularly skilled specialists. Large, complex, industrial and governmental organizations implement this knowledge and coordinate employees' skills, while 7J. Robert Oppenheimer, The Open Mind (New York: Simon and Schuster, Inc., 1955), Pp. 140-41.
Page 67 Technology and Human Values 67 educational institutions have grown in size and complexity in order to educate and train the necessary specialists. And so, as by-products of technology's effect, and certainly not as the result of conscious, directed planning, today we have overcrowded and blighted megalopolises with unsatisfactory water supply and waste-disposal systems; congested and inadequate public transportation; polluted air and water; natural beauty and resources that are deteriorating and rapidly being depleted; not to mention nearly 35,000,000 Americans who share few of the benefits and almost all of the costs of our technological society. More subtle and less obvious are the effects of technology on man. Most people tend to think that things can change but not man-his will be the same old "human nature that you can't change." Voices of every persuasion, however, from alarmist to soothsayer, are today raised in concern with the effect of what Paul Goodman calls "the empty society." 8 Intense attention is now being given to the consequences of anonymity, standardization, uniformity, conformity, and monotony for those directly engaged in the technological effort; and of uselessness, rootlessness, and insecurity for those excluded from it. This suggests that some of us believe (intuitively, perhaps, since it is yet to be established as a scientific fact) that human nature is really as Gardner Murphy describes it, "a reciprocity of what is inside the skin and what is outside-our way of being one with our fellows and our world." 9 As science becomes more widely known through its agent, technology, our ways of thinking are changing. Many people today think technologically. They expect change and ask realistically, "What's new?" They are no longer surprised when "impossibilities" become realities. They think that any problem can be solved, given sufficient time and analysis. Invoking the principle of limited certitude, they question or attack long-established beliefs. Reflecting science and technology's preciseness, they have little patience with loose generalities, finding them meaningless. Adopting the concept of measurement, they tend to quantify their judg8 Paul Goodman, "The Empty Society," Commentary XLII, No. 5 (1966), 53-60. 9Gardner Murphy, Human Potentialities (New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1958), p. viii.
Page 68 68 Technology and Human Values ments, frequently asking: "How many?" How much?" "How big?" "How far?" And, of course, "How fast?" since technology has also changed the conception of time. So another by-product of technology is a further contribution to our dualistic way of thinking. In addition to thinking about matters in terms of "good or bad," "moral or immoral," "conservative or progressive," "philosophical or scientific," "cause and effect," "mind and matter," to mention a few of our twofold distinctions, "we now actively include "efficient or inefficient" in our intellectual processes. American human values.-Part of man's paraphernalia since the dawn of history-sustained by myth, legend, custom, mores, religion, and, in recent times, political beliefs; frequently fraught with emotion, contradiction, dispute, and hypocrisy-values often seem to be more a product of man's heart, than of his mind. John Wilkinson writes: "The exclusive adoption of any single definition of value has always meant ultimate confrontation with the necessity of junking something, or many things, that another person or age has deemed supremely valuable even though we may not. This is the road to fanaticism." 10 While a final academic definition of value may be undesirable or impossible, I hypothesize that one function of any society is to provide a system to measure the degree to which it accomplishes its goals. Ralph Gibson defines a system as "an integrated assembly of interacting elements, designed to carry out cooperatively a predetermined function." 1 Values, then, including American human values, are the elements of a system whose function is to measure the worth of people and of things in relation to a society's goals. This working definition carries no suggestion of an ultimate, immutable, single system of values common to all societies at a particular time, nor of an unchanging one throughout a society's history. On the contrary, interaction between the several systems of a society-economic, religious, educational, political, to men0 John Wilkinson, Technology and Human Values (Santa Barbara, Calif.: Center for the Study of Democratic Institutions, 1966), p. 2. 11Ralph E. Gibson, "Recognition of Systems Engineering," in Charles D. Flagle et al., Operations Research and Systems Engineer (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins Press, 1960), p. 58.
Page 69 Technology and Human Values 69 tion a few-can be expected to affect all systems when changes occur in any of them. This would be true, too, of a society's value system. Furthermore, the interaction of the elements of a system creates opportunity for them to affect each other during the process, and thus another possibility for change in a value system also exists. This may be of small comfort to eternal truth seekers, but I believe, nevertheless, that it is in harmony with the reality of human transactions and the observed behavior of systems. The goals of American society are expressed in the Declaration of Independence. We seek to maintain the natural equality of all men and sustain their inalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. An interesting example of an effect on our value system with consequent value modification is related to our goal of maintaining the natural equality of all men. We no longer believe that all men are literally equal by nature. Science and technology have helped us to know and, in some instances, to measure the differences in physical, intellectual, and emotional capacities present in people from birth which cause serious natural inequalities between them. We assign science and technology the task of finding the causes and the ways to minimize some of man's grosser natural inequalities, supporting these efforts, as well as the findings and recommendations, with implementing laws and appropriations. But we do not expect that a time will ever come when all men will, in fact, be created as equals. Today, our way of measuring equality of man is expressed in the value that all men should be equal under the law and in their opportunities to exercise their inalienable rights to life, liberty, and the pursuit of happiness. Will the day come when our standard for measuring men's equality will include the scientific fact that each man is in reality a unique human being, never before duplicated or capable of exact duplication in the future? 12 We have not yet reached that point. There are many who accept and act on the idea of the equality of all people. How else can we explain the public school curriculums that treat the great majority of children alike except 12It is recognized that development in the field of genetics may some day make this an inaccurate statement.
Page 70 70 Technology and Human Values for those so unusually dull, bright, or obstreperous that individual consideration becomes a necessity? Or the public assistance policy so heavily imbedded in the equality principle that it is impossible to provide for individual special needs, or, if it is possible, that one must unwind miles of red tape, write endless memos, and wait forever? Or the public buildings whose doors, stairs, elevators, and other facilities make no provision for the young, the lame, the blind, and the old? These examples of standardization, uniformity, and expectation of conformity come from fields still relatively unaffected by modern methods of technology. This is not to say, of course, that similar examples do not exist elsewhere. It suggests, though, that technological influences are not solely responsible for some conditions of modern life that fall short of our value system's standard of making equal opportunities available to all. It is with our goals to sustain the rights to life and the pursuit of happiness that science and technology have been most deeply involved. Who could deny their positive contributions to our diminishing infant mortality rate, our control of disease and epidemics, our lengthening life expectancy, our fantastic agricultural output? But who, on the other hand, is not horrified at the prospect of the very annihilation of these rights if nuclear weapons are ever used again? These extremes illustrate most clearly the duality and impersonality of technology's effects as measured against our value that human life is inviolate, except under certain precise conditions stipulated by law. To pursue happiness, says Webster, is to seek to achieve "a state of well-being and pleasurable satisfaction." Clearly, what constitutes such a state is a matter of individual preference and taste and thus has great variance in our society. The values that measure the degree to which the goal is sustained range from specific ones guaranteed by the Constitution to the general understanding that people may engage in any activity so long as it is not illegal, dangerous to others, or seriously harmful to themselves. The goal with the most pervasive influence, to sustain the unalienable right of all men to liberty, is also the one for which there is the most difficulty in formulating an acceptable standard against which to measure our progress toward it. Some
Page 71 Technology and Human Values 71 would measure it on the laissez-faire principle: the less the power of authority, the greater the freedom. Others argue that if such a standard does not actually invite anarchy, at the least it offers opportunity for abuse by the economically, socially, or politically powerful. Their measure of goal attainment is the degree of balance between the stronger and the weaker elements of a society. This is what Ellul writes: In my conception, freedom is not an immutable fact graven in nature and on the heart of man.... The... sciences reveal nothing but necessities and determinisms on all sides. As a matter of fact, reality is itself a combination of determinisms and freedom consists of overcoming and transcending those determinisms. Freedom is completely without meaning... unless it represents victory over necessity. We must not think of the problem in terms of a choice between being determined or being free.... Freedom is not static but dynamic; not a vested interest but a prize to be continually won. The moment man stops and resigns himself, he becomes subject to determinism. He is most enslaved when he thinks he is comfortably settled in freedom.... the most dangerous form of determinism is the technological phenomenon. It is not a question of getting rid of it, but by an act of freedom, of transcending it.13 The concept that "the price of liberty is eternal vigilance" is, of course, not new. But Ellul here suggests that the measure of achievement of the right to liberty is not necessarily the degree to which a society is armed to defend itself. Achievement of the goal of liberty is measured, instead, by the degree of a society's awareness of encroaching inevitabilities. Being aware, it then can act to overcome them and thereby achieve freedom. The impersonal quality of technology's effect has been noted frequently. Are there some hidden entities in technological activities that are antagonistic to human values? Not really. Expressed in the vernacular, technology's concerns are: Will it work? Is it efficient? Can it be used? Is it economically feasible? These are familiar tests. They are part of that quality once called "Yankee ingenuity" and more recently, "American know-how." They are the standards by which we have created and built the physical features of our society. They are, in fact, integral elements of our "SEllul, op. cit., p. xxxii.
Page 72 72 Technology and Human Values value system used to measure the worth of things. It is understandable, therefore, that the result of their use is not necessarily connected to people and thus is impersonal. The implications of technology.-No consideration of the implications of the force of technology would be complete without giving some attention to the more imaginative, fantastic, and fatalistic predictions about the future. Arthur Clarke's views on the obsolescence of man 14 may be taken as one example. Citing Sherwood Washburn's statement that "the success of the simplest tools... started the whole trend of human evolution and led to the civilizations of today," Clarke postulates that just as the ape men became obsolete as their tools caused the evolution of Homo sapiens, so our tools will become our successors as biological evolution is replaced by the rapid-paced technological evolution. He says there is a "false sense of security" in the notion that the great computers are incapable of originality or creative and other human powers and he supports this stand with Norbert Wiener's statement that "this attitude in my opinion should be rejected entirely." Clarke describes existing laboratory machines that learn by experience and do not repeat mistakes, explore the world inquisitively without express instructions, and solve mathematical problems in unexpected and unthought-of ways. The development of transistors and microscopic electronic engineering will, in his opinion, make possible the design and construction of computers by computers. General principles underlying the construction of self-repairing and self-reproducing machines have already been worked out. In comparing nonliving machines with living ones (man) Clarke finds the former clearly superior. He mentions our bulky, slow-acting, energy-wasting brain cells, our absence of senses to detect radio waves or radioactivity, and the necessity completely to rebuild living machines "molecule by molecule every few weeks." He thinks that the greatest single stimulus to the evolution of mechanical instead of organic intelligence is the challenge of space with its fierce and complex environments, prophesying 14 Arthur C. Clarke, Profiles of the Future (New York: Harper and Row, 1962).
Page 73 Technology and Human Values 73 that "in the ages to come dullards may remain on placid Earth and real genius will flourish only in space-the realm of the machine not flesh and blood." For the immediate future, Clarke says that thinking machines will help us do the humbler tasks of life. Just as mechanical fingers to handle radio isotope material and remote observations made by television already have extended our tactile and visual senses away from our bodies, and just as man has already combined with machines through means of iron lungs and batterypowered heart pace-setters, so "one day we may be able to enter into temporary unions with sophisticated machines which will permit the individual human consciousness to roam the universe at will from machine to machine. But in time the purely organic component in this man-machine partnership must go." 15 Clarke concludes by asking why man should expect his species to be immortal and reminds us of Nietzsche's idea that man is a rope stretched across the abyss between the animal and the superhuman. According to Clarke it appears that man might as well resign himself. But let us hear again from Ellul:... this book is an appeal to the individual's sense of responsibility...The very fact that man can see, measure, and analyze the determinisms that press in on him means that he can face them and by so doing act as a free man.... by grasping the real nature of the technological phenomenon-he confronts the blind mechanisms as a conscious being. The book's purpose is... a call to the sleeper to awake.' A review of the literature of recent years reveals others who share Clarke's views, but far more scientists, philosophers, and scholars believe, as did Justice Oliver Wendell Holmes, that man, like the grub that prepares a chamber for the winged thing it never has seen but is to be "may have cosmic destinies that he does not understand." 17 How aware is American society of technology's implications? What steps have we taken to confront "the blind mechanisms"? In August, 1964, Congress directed the establishment of the 16 Ibid., pp. 226-27. 6 Ellul, op. cit., p. xxxiii. 17 Quoted in Murphy, op. cit.
Page 74 74 Technology and Human Values National Commission on Technology, Automation, and Economic Progress. Appointed by the President the following December, its membership was comprised of five persons from industry, four from universities, one of whom served as chairman, three from labor organizations, and two from voluntary organizations. An Interagency Advisory Committee included several secretaries of federal departments, and the chairmen or directors of the Council of Economic Advisors, the Atomic Energy Commission, the Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, the Office of Science and Technology, and the National Aeronautics and Space Administration. The Commission's activity was limited to one year by a law which mandated it to study the effects of technology with particular emphasis on its role in employment and production. Its report 18 was published in February, 1966, with extensive supporting documents (not endorsed by the Commission) to be published later. The report makes many observations and contains a four-page summary of major conclusions and recommendations. Despite its limiting mandate the Commission attempted to broaden its approach. It recommended, among other things, the establishment of a "system of social accounts... to give broader and more balanced reckoning to the meaning of social and economic progress" as well as the creation of a "national body of distinguished private citizens" continually to discuss national goals; monitor social changes; forecast their trends; suggest policy alternatives; but "not to plan the future." The report concludes with these words:... we have become aware of differences in value, and of the need to find some basic agreements in order to be able to carry forward the charge given to us by the President and the Congress. We must find new means of making our institutions flexible and adaptable while maintaining the mechanisms of free choice and democratic participation.19 The Commission's task was not only impossible of real accomplishment within the time set, but this limit together with the 18 Technology and the American Economy (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1966), Vol. I. "l Ibid., p. 10o6.
Page 75 Technology and Human Values 75 singular emphasis on industrial production, employment, and economic growth reveals a regrettable Congressional myopia about the nature of technology. Its directive appears to be based on the assumption that everything, as John Wilkinson puts it, "will be better to the degree that it becomes bigger and faster." 20 The Congressional nearsightedness together with the Commission's expression of need for basic agreements about values and for a vaguely described "new means of making our institutions flexible and adaptable" probably reflects fairly accurately the degree of American society's current concern with technology's implications. How can we counter this force that leads us to impersonalize, analyze, differentiate, quantify, specialize, and centralize? How are we to unify and integrate the various forces at work in our society so that there is quality as well as quantity in the lives of people, so that our way of life has significance and meaning to each person? A force equal to that of technology is the human will. The historian Herbert Muller defines this as "the mind, character, ideas, and ideals [of men.]" 21 He writes: Civilization, or culture grown more varied and complex, represents a conscious, determined, resourceful effort to master the natural environment and set up a world of man's own.... [It] is a rare human creation, a triumph of mind and will; and the impersonal forces work only through the ideas and beliefs of man.22 Julian Huxley's Knowledge, Morality, and Destiny 23 contains ideas that have significance to our concern. Although as a scientist his viewpoint is scientific, he considers art, religion, and science to be "the three main fields of man's creative activities," all indispensable "for man's fulfillment and the greater realization of his possibilities." Huxley's ideas are based upon two scientific facts: "nature is one universal process of evolution, self-developing and self-transforming," and man, "that part of the evolutionary process which has become self-conscious," possesses the "most remarkable O Wilkinson, op. cit., p. 5. "Herbert J. Muller, The Uses of the Past (New York: New American Library, 1954), P. 35. 22Ibid., p. 41. "Julian Huxley, Knowledge, Morality, and Destiny (New York: New American Library, 1960).
Page 76 76 Technology and Human Values feature of biological evolution-mind"-in its most highly developed form. Because the "real business of evolution" has thus been shifted from matter to thought, man has the "duty" and "destiny to facilitate the process" of evolution. This implies that he must try to understand more about the process, "about himself as an operative part of it; and about the relations between himself and the whole." This can be accomplished by: exploring and understanding human nature and its inherent possibilities of development and fulfillment; learning "to adopt a unitary and evolutionary mode of thinking in terms of total pattern and continuing process"; and by organizing knowledge into a new system of ideas. The pervading thought is that of a harmonious whole, a oneness, that is ever developing and ever transforming itself. It is my belief that a way of life can be promulgated on "Huxlian" principles which is compatible with our American value system. Its manifesto would read somewhat as follows: Because we are a part of the universe which is constantly engaged in the creative process of developing and transforming itself, we affirm that: 1. All human beings have equal value and intrinsic worth. 2. Each individual person is an important part of the social process. 3. No person shall lack opportunity or means to develop his body, his mind, and his personality to their fullest capacities. 4. In addition to maintaining the necessary law, order, and hierarchy of authority, the government shall support and adhere to these three principles in formulating laws and in dealing with other peoples and nations. 5. American domestic and foreign policy shall actively foster harmony and the unity and oneness of all people. Any differentiation between people on any basis whatsoever, or encouragement of such differentiation, is therefore expressly forbidden. 6. The creative activities of art, religion, and science shall have full and equal support of government and of all groups of people so that quality, variety, and the opportunity for each person to adventure outside as well as inside himself are enhanced and sustained. The traditional independence of religion from government, however, shall continue to be maintained.
Page 77 Technology and Human Values 77 The problem becomes, of course, how to put these principles into practice. It will require what has been mentioned frequently -a conscious effort of will and a very great one at that. If we are not to differentiate between people, then we must stop thinking about them in such terms as "good or evil," "bright or dumb," "friend or enemy," "individual or society." We must substitute for this "either-or" view one in which each person, or group of persons, is seen as always in the midst of following his or its own pattern of self-development and self-transformation. Since patterns, or designs, can be observed to have unlimited and everchanging varieties of forms throughout the universe, it becomes manifestly impossible to give lasting value distinctions to any of them. We must also view an individual's or a group's creative process as modifiable through interaction with the creative processes of other persons or groups and not by attempts to impose another's pattern. Our efforts must be directed, then, to the organization of knowledge-that sum of the world's information preserved by civilization-and of our established practices, laws, and customs so that they constantly contribute to the universal creative process in which all persons and groups of persons are always engaged. This is an enormous task, a gigantic, time-consuming undertaking that would require concentrated, intellectual activity as well as imagination, patience, forebearance, and understanding without end. Technology's power can readily be joined with that of the human will, and together these forces could resolve many of the problems of putting the principles into practice. In my opinion, Huxley's ideas represent the means which the Commission on Technology mentions, but we must first be aware and willing to perform the necessary "acts of freedom." Implications for social welfare.-As does technology, social work uses scientific knowledge to produce its methods and processes. And social workers too are technologists. That classic of social work literature, Mary Richmond's Social Diagnosis, represents an honest effort to apply the scientific method to the practice of social casework and to require science's discipline of careful observance and precise recording, if not measurement, of the facts observed. As I recall Miss Richmond's style
Page 78 78 Technology and Human Values of writing, however, it reflected a minimum of the principle of limited certitude! Not long afterward, the profession was among the very first to recognize the great value of new scientific knowledge, described under the general term "dynamic psychology," which conceives of personality as an evolving, self-developing and self-transforming process in which significant interaction constantly occurs between the elements of this process-the id, ego, and superego-and between it and the processes of other personalities. Great strength has been gained from this source though we may not always have been careful to remember the principle of limited certitude, or the calculated doubtfulness of scientific theories, as we rushed to make use of the new knowledge. Gordon Hamilton set out these four principles of social work practice: Any ability to help others effectively rests on respect for the human personality. Respect for others includes respect for their differences. Help is most effective if the recipient participates actively and responsibly in the process. Self-awareness is essential in understanding others. These ideas harmonize with those I have already discussed from another point of view. Note Miss Hamilton's emphasis on awareness, variety, and on the interaction of the recipient in the helping process. Although she probably did not consider herself as a technologist, she used her profound comprehension of the universal creative process-observed, verified, and recorded throughout science-to apply to social work practice when she wrote this graceful, significant, and precise sentence: "The greatest gift anyone can offer is to enable another to realize his own capacities for change and growth." 24 So, far from viewing technology and its practitioners negatively, it is my opinion that social welfare and its practitioners need to recognize the common base line from which both activities spring -one seeking ways to apply scientific knowledge to things; and 24 Gordon Hamilton, "Helping People-the Growth of a Profession," Journal of Social Case Work, XXIX (1948), 294-96.
Page 79 Technology and Human Values 79 the other seeking ways to use such knowledge in relation to people. If we can forego our dualistic, differentiating way of viewing matters and the fruitless discussions and activities this induces-professional vs. unprofessional, trained vs. untrained, public welfare vs. private social work, child welfare vs. family casework, the poor vs. the affluent, services vs. income maintenance, Freudian vs. Rogerian-and consciously seek to interact with other systems of thought or activity, including but not limited to technology, we will have embarked on a course that will lead to our further self-development and self-transformation. If we cannot do so, we are in danger, it seems to me, of the fate of other processes of the universe that did not interact with, or adapt to the environment. Such interaction, of course, affects other systems or processes. Two examples from the literature of technology illustrate the possibility of, and the need for, interaction of social welfare and technology. The first is from Robert C. Cowen: Systems engineers in the big aerospace companies have mastered the complexities of space flight. Now they want to go to work on you and me. They want to focus their skills on some of the demanding social problems of our time-problems of pollution, urban renewal, mass transport, and mounting crime. They feel they have something special to offer toward solving such problems. They are probably right. But they have yet to learn their limitations. They have yet to show clearly how the freedom, dignity, and distinctiveness of the individual would be preserved in their massive planning for a better world. The aerospace industry has distinguished itself in tackling complex technical problems. It should be uniquely equipped to tackle massive social problems too. But the biggest challenge is to marry the engineer's techniques to the realities of society. Even the engineers are deeply disturbed over the lack of clear thinking on how to deal with people.25 Discussing the threat of the computer to the safety and integrity of the individual, John McCarthy, Professor of Computer Science at Stanford University, says that "citizens could seize the creation of centralized files as the occasion to cure existing abuses and to establish for each individual certain rights with respect to these 25Robert C. Cowen, "Review on Science," Technological Review, January, 1967, p. 5.
Page 80 80 Technology and Human Values files." After outlining such a bill of rights, McCarthy concludes with this significant paragraph: To establish such rights people must revise their ideas about the source and nature of their freedom. Most individual rights now recognized are based on the claim that the individual always had them; the safeguards of the law are said to be designed to prevent their infringement. Technology is advancing too fast, however, to allow such benevolent frauds to work in the future. The right to keep people from keeping files on us must first be invented, then legislated and actively enforced.26 The computer.-Technology's key tool for social welfare use is the computer, a machine that receives data, processes them by editing, sorting, collating, and calculating; records them; stores them; selects and retrieves them; and produces information. The two kinds of computers are analog computers, whose function is to measure approximate quantities in a continuous process, and digital computers, whose essential function is to count exact numbers. Analog computers are used in control processes which require continuous readjustment, such as chemical manufacturing, power generation, and tracking missiles and space craft. Digital computers are universal information-processing machines and thus are useful tools for social welfare. The unique and outstanding characteristic of computers is not their ability to measure or count (thermometers and adding machines have had these capabilities for a great many years), but the incredible speed and accuracy with which they accomplish their tasks. It is helpful to understand a few of the terms associated with computers that are in current use. A data-processing system has four components: "input" devices that read or sense coded data and make them available to the computer; the computer or "central processor"; storage devices that hold data in "machinereadable" form for use by the computer; and "output" devices that produce information on cards, tapes, printed documents, or video display screens. In more sophisticated systems the inputoutput functions are combined in one device which is "online" with, or under the direct control of the computer, thus per 26John McCarthy, "Information," Scientific American, September, 1966, p. 72.
Page 81 Technology and Human Values 81 mitting immediate (or what appears to be immediate) access to the computer in order to store or retrieve data in the system. If two or more different organizations have online input-output devices controlled by a single computer, this is called "timesharing." All these devices are known by the general term "hardware." Computers must be provided with a set of instructions arranged in proper sequence in order to perform a desired task and with a group of such "routines" or a "program" in order to solve problems. These routines and programs are known as "software." While computers can process and store enormous amounts of data, take over tedious, time-consuming, manual tasks, and perform operations not otherwise possible or feasible, there are certain constraints to be considered in their use. Software is produced by human beings-programmers-who, after writing the routines and programs, must test and debug them before they can be effectively used. Other people involved in the process in which the computer is to be used need to understand fully what is required and receive necessary training. If this is their first experience with a computer, emotion may be a serious factor. All of this takes time and still more time because human beings are involved, and each person is, of course, functioning within his own pattern at his own level of efficiency, speed, and emotional readiness. Interaction of supervisors and managers with the people involved can coordinate and inspire their efforts, however, and can help reduce the time element. Another time-consuming activity by people is required even before programming and staff training can be initiated. Plans must be devised and decisions made about how the computer is to be used, when and for what purposes, and who is to control it. These are management decisions, but they cannot be made effectively without having been preceded by an intense analytical and planning effort. The new skills of operations research and systems analysis serve this function and employ the technological methods described earlier. Since the use of computers is still expensive, another factor is cost. Systems analysts look for duplications between processes and,
Page 82 82 Technology and Human Values as much as is feasible, combine processes in the system design or planning stage so that computer time requirements can be kept to a minimum. They are also concerned with the relationship between the cost of using the computer and the benefits to be derived therefrom. While the decision about the use of the computer is made by management, systems analysts identify each of the cost/benefit factors in order to facilitate that decision. Given the restraints of people, time, and money, how can social welfare use computers? To begin with, it is possible for all of social welfare's record-keeping-individual and group histories, statistics, payrolls, personnel records, accounting, budget and inventory control, and other administrative controls and reminders -to be maintained by the computer so that authorized persons, and only authorized persons, can, by means of keyboard consoles, transmit data directly to the computer or immediately retrieve information on video display screens or in the form of printed documents, tapes, or punched cards. Note that I have said it is possible. Whether it is feasible from a cost/benefit standpoint is quite another matter, but these are the unlimited horizons. Timesharing in a computer by a group of agencies offers a way to reduce each agency's data processing costs while providing new benefits to all of them. Sharing a computer through equipment not under its immediate control (offline) is less expensive than time-sharing, which by definition requires online input-output equipment, and can bring similar results. There are no technical restraints to the use of a computer by both public and private social agencies. For example, all the public and private social agencies in the adjacent metropolitan areas of Fort Worth and Dallas could use a computer to maintain a central index of all individuals and families being served; to store selected data about them and about services provided them; and to accumulate necessary statistical data. Those accustomed to working among a profusion of independently operating, specialized social agencies can readily imagine the benefits to be derived from such a system. Another use of a computer is in the operation of a model that simulates an existing system. After the data representing that
Page 83 Technology and Human Values 83 system have been stored in the computer and the model has been tested for its validity, data continue to be input, and changes in the system can be observed as they occur. Proposed changes can likewise be introduced and their effects observed and predicted. For example, assuming the existence of a validated, up-to-date computer simulation model of a community's low-income population, data representing alternative proposed changes in public assistance policy could be input, and the effects on the population of such changes would be reported by the computer. Such information is invaluable to policy makers and to administrative staff responsible for implementing the selected policy. Furthermore, use of a computer model makes it unnecessary to experiment directly with policy changes and thus avoids the sometimes unpleasant and unforeseen effects of such direct experimentation. The use of computers can facilitate the performance of social welfare's functions by making necessary information readily available, reducing or eliminating duplications of effort, and providing assistance in making decisions. Computers require people, time, and money-people who are aware of the computer's potentialities and of its limitations, people who have imagination and who are willing to adopt new methods, people who have understanding and the necessary skills to implement the new method; time to allow these people to create the new method and to convert from the old one; and money to underwrite this effort. Of these, imaginative, willing people are the most important. It is my belief that responsibility for containing the force of technology rests with us. As a relatively recent outgrowth of science it has already changed our physical environment; it is changing our ways of thinking; and it threatens the structure of our present value system while simultaneously appearing to support it. If we, by consciously exercising our wills, choose to engage our minds to use the knowledge accumulated throughout civilization, we can develop and transform our society so that science and its obstreperous child, technology, together with religion and art, are equally available to serve each of us as we engage in our own creative patterns of self-development and self-transformation. A society, like any other process or system in the universe, that
Page 84 84 Technology and Human Values cannot or will not adapt to changes in its environment does not exist for long. American society is no exception. Social welfare has frequently pointed the way for changes in our society in the past. In my opinion, a responsibility to do so again is facing it today. I have made no attempt to suggest ways to accomplish the changes. This is a vast subject in itself. Consideration of it becomes little more than an academic exercise, however, unless and until we are willing consciously to commit ourselves to transcending technology.
Page 85 The Large Forum in the Social Welfare System Planning and Action by JOE R. HOFFER THE LARGE OR COMPREHENSIVE FORUM, as exemplified by the NCSW Annual Forum and the various state conferences, has held a unique place in the social welfare system for many years. However, with the growing complexity and changing character of our field, the forum must relate more directly to the other major systems and subsystems which now operate in their own and related areas. For our present purposes a system will be considered as a set of operations organized in an orderly or logical arrangement to meet specific objectives based on definable needs and wants. This concept, so new to administration and community organization, is already familiar to caseworkers. Irma Stein reminds us that social workers have had experience with the role concept, but that "role has been detached from system theory and specifically from social system." In recent years some notable successes have been achieved through the application of the so-called "systems approach" to a range of national security problems. The points of view and the techniques developed there have just begun to be extended wholesale to the nonmilitary governmental, commercial, and industrial sectors. Examples include the fields of communication, transpor1Irma L. Stein, "The Application of System Theory to Social Work'Practice and Education," Annual Meeting of the Council of Social Work Education, 1966.
Page 86 86 The Large Forum tation, urban development, education, health, and water resources development. In the next five to ten years this trend will increase sharply, and the social welfare field will become an active participant. Such systems analysis-"an application of methods of quantitative economic analysis and scientific method to the problems of choice" 2-can be a powerful tool for decision-making involving major allocations of resources in complex situations characterized by considerable uncertainty. For example, it is hoped that existing federal programs, community resources and talent, and private industry can be mobilized in a total attack on urban slums. In general, the systems approach requires comprehensive data collection, goal-setting on the basis of the data, identifying all alternative means of reaching these goals, and presenting these alternatives clearly and in dollar or quantitative terms if possible, so that the relative social values of the proposed programs can be considered. The interaction among these phases-together with considerable human judgment-yields adjustments that ultimately converge in the "best" decision.3 The systems approach is a way of looking at a universe as a collection of systems rather than as isolated individuals. If we assume that social welfare operates primarily within the social system, the other principal systems with which it is associated can be identified as the education system, the communications system, and the political system, all of which overlap and are interdependent and interrelated. Here we are including two subsystems within the social welfare system, namely, the social agency system and the forum system. "What makes a large forum? This is a puzzling question and brings to mind such questions as-How many books make a library? How many hairs make a beard?" 4 The literature does not provide a simple answer. The definitions range from "any meeting 2 J. F. Cotton, "The Role of Systems Analysis in Public Affairs," Northeast Regional Conference of the American Public Welfare Association, 1966. R. C. Amara, "Data Collection and Systems Analysis," Science, CLII (1966), 450. 4Joe R. Hoffer, "Large Forums in Social Welfare-Is Bigness a Curse or a Blessing?" Conference Bulletin, Winter, 1957, p. 2.
Page 87 The Large Forum 87 which has a basic division of function in its membership between the platform, the audience, and the planners" 5 to securing 1oo percent audience participation in every meeting. A large forum in social welfare usually has some or all of the following major objectives, which are important and essential in our complex and amorphous field: 1. To provide a medium for interchange of ideas and experience between volunteers and paid workers, racial groups, specialties within the field, governmental and voluntary agencies, and sectarian and nonsectarian groups 2. To emphasize common elements among workers and organizations concerned with social welfare programs and services 3. To assist individuals and organizations with their specific technical and professional problems through meetings, exhibits, consultation service, and the use of audio-visual aids 4. To assist in sustaining morale among volunteers and paid workers of social welfare organizations. It is evident that in order to achieve these objectives a large or comprehensive forum must provide a wide variety of meetings and services. Such services include consultations, exhibits, personnel services, publications, and the like. It is evident too that a synthesis of "0oo percent audience participation" and "platformdominated" viewpoints seems the most realistic solution to the complex conferencing problems facing social welfare today. Equally important with variety and balance of structure is the "ideal of universality." The "first element," wrote Frederick Howard Wines in 1895, "in the composite ideal for which the State Boards and the Conference stand, is universality.... [The Conference] is universal in a double sense. Upon one side it includes all the people.... In other words, it includes all who give and all who receive." 6 In 1967 the "ideal of universality" still remains a principal criterion in judging large or comprehensive forums such as the 5Frederick Howard Wines, "Ideal Public Charity," in the Proceedings of the National Conference of Charities and Correction (Boston: Press of George H. Ellis, 1895). 6 Ibid., pp. 30-31 -
Page 88 88 The Large Forum NCSW, state conferences on social welfare, and the International Conference on Social Welfare. Another equally important criterion is the principle of "self-selection"; that is, any individual may attend and participate in a large forum upon the payment of the registration fee. Ellen Winston, past President of the NCSW, highlighted these principles in another fashion when she said that "the purpose and function of our Annual Forums is to identify a constructive trend at an early stage and to give it strength and momentum by involving the broad leadership represented by the Conference membership." 7 For purposes of illustration the following parameters are suggested to define the NCSW as a subsystem within social welfare: 1. Individual members 8. Officers-elect 2. Organizational members 9. Officer-elect nominees 3. Associate groups, excluding lo. Past Presidents umbrella organizations 11. Fifty-year Award winners 4. Umbrella organizations 12. Distinguished Award winners 5. Sponsoring Committee 13. State conferences on social 6. Committees (excluding the welfare Sponsoring Committee) 14. The International Council on 7. Key Annual Forum Social Welfare (ICSW) participants 15. Annual Forum attenders There has been substantial growth in the number and frequency of conferences-national, regional, and state-in the social welfare field. Probably the largest number of new conferences have been on a regional level and in specialized subject areas. These are not usually "large" or "comprehensive" forums since they do not include, for example, the principle of universality and/or self-selection basic to such forums. There appears to be general recognition that the problems created by the trend toward many subject- and problem-focused conferences in social welfare-a natural response to increasing specialization, both technical and organizational-need to be examined as to their role and contribution in the total forum system. 7Ellen Winston, "Message from the President of the National Conference on Social Welfare," Conference Bulletin, Summer, 1965, p. 3.
Page 89 The Large Forum 89 THE SOCIAL WELFARE SYSTEM The social welfare system is a complex and intricate one. This term is used to describe the set of operations in the social welfare field-a field encompassing the community services under governmental and voluntary auspices which exists potentially for each member of a community without regard to his resources. The aim of these services has been to move toward a mutual adjustment of individuals and their social environment. Within this broadly defined field are many agencies and services which are manned not only by social workers, but also by health workers, educators, teachers, lawyers, ministers, home economists, nurses, doctors, and so forth, in so far as these latter are involved in, or related to, the problems of individual group adjustment and social organization. These other professionals bring their technical background and skills to bear upon the social education and emotional problems which are central to social services, and whose solutions may be even partly in the field of one or more of the specialties that they represent. Social services are found in all rural and urban sections of our country, on all geographical levels (local, state, national and international) and under various auspices (governmental, sectarian and nonsectarian voluntary labor, and private enterprise), and in many other types of agencies, including those where they are the chief activity and those where they are secondary activities. An individual who seeks a starting point from which to comprehend the complicated network of social services in a modern community has only to grasp two fundamental ideas: 1. All agencies and services are concerned with five basic human problems: poverty, ill health, maladjustment, recreational needs, and educational needs. 2. These problems tend to converge, in one combination or another, on the individual, the family, and the community, each problem intensifying the consequences of the other. The social agency system.-It is assumed that the social agency subsystem is composed of thousands of organizations providing a myriad of services and activities which it is difficult to catalogue or
Page 90 90 The Large Forum classify. Many operate in several areas as well as in several fields of endeavor. However, there is a network of national organizations, and it is possible through examining them to establish some tentative guidelines for our purposes. An outline of the methods, services, relationships, and activities within the social welfare field is presented annually to the NCSW Committee on Program.8 The reader may also consult the Encyclopedia of Social Work 9 for definitions and agency listings. Specifically, the following broad classifications are proposed to identify the social agency system within social welfare: (1) auspices of services; (2) geographic level of operation; (3) age groups served; (4) special settings; (5) special problem groups served; and (6) special functions and services. THE EDUCATION SYSTEM The basic educational unit in the social welfare system is the network of graduate professional social work education and undergraduate departments in the universities and colleges. Professional education, however, cannot in the foreseeable future meet all our educational needs. This is understandable because first, the requirements for a professional person cannot be met fully in the relatively brief academic period allotted; and second, the potential capacity of the schools cannot meet the demand for personnel. Agencies will have to be more creative in designing their inservice education to capitalize on the generic education of the graduates who come to them. The consequences of the decision of the Council on Social Work Education to do something about the training of categories of personnel other than that of the professional social worker will be felt up and down the educational ladder. In the broad field of social welfare many positions are filled by paid staff who do not have graduate professional degrees, or by volunteers who need special training. For this reason various eduHandbook for the Committee on Program (Columbus, Ohio: National Conference on Social Welfare, 1966). Encyclopedia of Social Work (New York: National Association of Social Workers, 1966).
Page 91 The Large Forum 91 cational methods for increasing the competence and knowledge of workers have always been important and have included: 1. Inservice training.-As an addition to the formal supervision which is a regular part of social work practice, social welfare agencies have relied heavily on case conferences, staff meetings, and regular training sessions for staff volunteers. 2. Institutes and workshops.-Widely used as methods of providing short-term training for staff and volunteers, these may be under the auspices of state conferences on social welfare, schools of social work, or national agencies in a particular functional field. 3. Conferences.-Although their purpose is not exclusively to provide staff and volunteer development or vocational education, this has certainly been among their major functions. In addition to the NCSW Annual Forum and state conferences, most of the national functional agencies and the national health agencies conduct conferences which serve as a useful means for transmitting technical and specialized knowledge to workers and volunteers. Most social welfare organizations also consider it to be an important part of their ongoing program to inform the public at large about social and health needs and ways of meeting them. The large number of volunteers involved in social welfare programs as board and committee members and in direct service are regarded as invaluable links in this general educational process. By becoming familiar with community needs and the nature of specific social welfare programs, they can fill an important role in interpretation. Conferences are among the greatest document-producers in existence; and as the number of conferences in all fields multiplies, so do their printed progeny: pre-prints, individual papers, workshop and commission reports, workbooks, proceedings. Since conferences have been a contributing factor to the massive pile-up of literature which is nowadays called the "information explosion," it is only fitting that they share the burden of solving this problem. The work of the NCSW in social welfare documentation is an example of how one conference organization has attempted to
Page 92 92 The Large Forum meet its responsibilities to its field. Starting with a pilot project to index the nearly 8,ooo documents of its own publications, the Conference evolved a widely applicable coordinate indexing technique from which nearly 160 selected bibliographies have been compiled, has published a two-volume, computer-produced KWIC (Key Word in Context) index, and has instituted a full-time Information Service which is responsible for maintaining the Conference's library, which publishes abstracts of NCSW, ICSW, and state conference manuscripts, and which is developing, among other projects, a computerized Speakers Index as a programplanning aid and a Specialized Information Center Referral Service. Perhaps even more significant, in terms of the concept of systems, is the work of the NCSW in cooperative documentation for social welfare. Between 1963 and 1965 it sponsored a series of three workshops which evolved the concept of a loosely federated network of specialized information centers and libraries in the field for the purpose of pooling their resources for the solution of mutual problems. The workshops were followed by a series of six seminars held under the joint auspices of the NCSW, the Central Ohio Chapter of the American Documentation Institute, and the Ohio State University School of Social Work. This group endorsed the network concept developed by the workshops and recommended it to the so-called "umbrella organizations." The proposal 10 is now being considered by the Ad hoc Committee on National Relationships in Social Welfare. These groups and services are suggested for defining the parameters of the education system operating within the social welfare system: 1. Schools of social work 5. Social welfare organizations 2. Adult education 6. News media 3. Universities with social 7. Conferences welfare sequences 4. Museums, libraries, and 8. Books and other publications information services 10Joe R. Hoffer, "Toward a Network of Specialized Information Centers in Social Welfare," Annual Conference of the International Federation of Documentation, 1965.
Page 93 The Large Forum 93 THE COMMUNICATIONS SYSTEM Knowledge is gained only by experience and communication. "There now are sufficient grounds, empirical and theoretical," says Melvin L. DeFleur, "to justify 'mass communication' as a distinctive subdiscipline of the behavioral sciences." 11 The basic elements of communication include the spoken and written word and the audio-visual media. The various popular forms include the press, films, radio, and television; equally potent are schools, museums, lectures, public ceremonies, recreation, and recordings. The communications system is comprehensive and at times overpowering. Within the social welfare system, however, it is spotty and operates in many subsystems, with each subsystem unrelated to each other. An excellent illustration of this last statement is the piecemeal fashion in which public relations are handled in the social welfare field. Each agency, large or small, local, state, or national, shoulders its own burden, usually without any coordination with other agencies performing similar tasks. The NCSW, for example, independently carries on an intensive operation during the one week of the Annual Forum, organizing a press room, working with the major news media, and so on, without any outside help or advice; but for the rest of the year the ground lies fallow. A recent attempt to coordinate such disparate activities on a continuing basis was initiated by the NCSW at the suggestion of its Public Relations Committee. This matter has been referred to the Ad hoc Committee on National Relationships in Social Welfare, one of whose assignments will be to attempt to deal with this problem in an orderly fashion. As the NCSW stake in this venture, the National Board has approved a budgetary allotment for a pilot project in interpreting social welfare to the general public through a concentrated effort to place meaningful articles based on Annual Forum papers in some of the major magazines. Prominent among the groups and services operating in the communications system within the social welfare system are: newsU Melvin L. DeFleur, Theories of Mass Communication (New York: D. McKay Co., 1966)......,...,
Page 94 94 The Large Forum papers; television; radio; museums, libraries, and information services; conferences; publications other than newspapers and periodicals; other related professions and fields; and periodicals. THE POLITICAL SYSTEM One might say with E. C. Banfield that: Although one may accept Aristotle's conception that politics is constituted by the striving for the good life by a society or community, modern definitions of politics recognize that the core of politics is the conflict about the nature of the good life and the relation of group interests to it. Conflict, power and policy are the central analytical elements in defining politics.12 The political system will receive greater attention by practitioners in social welfare in the future. The essentiality of government and the changing role of voluntarism together with the availability of funds to support social services highlight the importance of politics. Salient examples of large forum involvement with the political system are seen in the frequency with which legislators act as speakers at such gatherings, and in the involvement of state planning organizations with the National Association for Statewide Health and Welfare Conference and Planning Organizations, a group which shares NCSW facilities, staff, and professional direction. NCSW commitment to social action is also related to this area through social action's relationship to the legislative process. A partial list of groups in the political system which deal with social services include: Congress; Congressional committees; federal administrative machinery; state legislative bodies; Governors' ad hoc committees; state social welfare departments; state health departments; governors' commissions; state planning organizations; social welfare organizations; local governments. IMPLICATIONS FOR THE FUTURE A useful document13 which analyzes the role and impact of these three functions was developed recently by the Eastern Re"E.C. Banfield, "Politics," in Julius Gould and William L. Kolb, eds., A Dictionary of the Social Sciences (New York: Free Press of Glencoe, 1964), p. 516. 13 The Future Role of State Conferences on Social Welfare in Continuing Educa
Page 95 The Large Forum 95 gional Workshop. The participants were unanimous in their belief that these functions are related and that there is a need for the functions of forum, planning, and social action at the state level. It is my contention that the large or comprehensive forum, whether on a state or national level, should be judged primarily by its contribution to the educational and communication systems. While forum activities may contribute materially to the social agency and the political systems, their major contributions are in education and communication. It is assumed, of course, that there will be continuous and systematic study of the objectives of conferences and the relationship of these objectives to types of conferences and the techniques to be employed. For example, the objectives of some conferences are generally narrower than those of a large forum: [They are] related specifically to forwarding the program of the organization. These may, and often do, include (a) the provision of training for persons (both lay and professional) connected with the organization; (b) formulating the program of the organization for the immediate future and deciding on methods to be followed in its implementation; and (c) reporting to the agency's membership or constituency and to the public on the organization's program and activities.14 To achieve their objectives, conferences utilize various methods, techniques, and services-presentation of papers, group discussion, institutes or workshops, audio-visual aids, consultation, and publications. One of the prerequisites for evaluating a large forum is defining the parameters of its system as well as those of the education and communication systems in social welfare. For example, the NCSW may be considered a subsystem within the social welfare system. Once the parameters are established, they may be compared and evaluated for their effectiveness in meeting the objectives of the respective organizations that participate in the analysis. tion, Social Planning, and Legislative Action, Proceedings of the Eastern Regional Workshop, 1967 (Columbus, Ohio: National Association of Statewide Health and Welfare Conference and Planning Organizations, 1967). "4Ruth M. Williams, "Conferences in Social Welfare," in Russell H. Kurtz, ed., Social Work Yearbook, 1960 (New York: National Association of Social Workers, 1960), p. 199.
Page 96 96 The Large Forum There are four conclusions which become evident as we examine this triad of common services-the forum, social planning, and social action: i. They are interrelated and interdependent. 2. One should not confuse the purpose of securing broad participation in a large forum with the purposes of social planning and social action. 3. Different structures, participation, and leadership are required to realize these three purposes. 4. These factors tend to reinforce the prevailing attitude that selected large or comprehensive forums should be independent and autonomous, and would suggest also that the most effective and practical method by which the forum can make a contribution to planning and action would be application of the principle of coalition-the combination of forces such as forum and planning, forum and action. Let us accept, for the purposes of discussion, the following definition: Social planning... includes the process of analyzing in depth the more fundamental social conditions and problems in order to find their roots or causes in the functioning or dysfunctioning of social institutions and systems, proposing alterations in such institutional or systematic functioning, and designing a course of action for such social change to occur with the most possible correction or prevention of the problem of concern and the least possible stimulation of other problems.15 Dr. Bertram Brown 16 has listed five types of planning: 1. The classical form of Machiavellian scheming, a type of planning perhaps suited only to the needs of an established oligarchy 2. Simple data collection, which becomes planning only when we make extensive use of such facts 15 Jack Stumpf, "Community Planning and Development," in Harry L. Lurie, ed., Encyclopedia of Social Work (New York: National Association of Social Workers, 1965), p. 192. 16 Bertram S. Brown, "Concepts Underlying the Development of New Patterns of Community Health Services," in Seminar on Social Welfare and Community Mental Health (New York: National Social Welfare Assembly, 1966), p. 24.
Page 97 The Large Forum 97 3. The economist's process of deciding to which purposes resources should be allocated 4. Program budgeting 5. Systems analysis. The forum function has little to contribute to types 1-3, but in program budgeting, commonly known as the PPBS system (planning-programing, budgeting system), and systems analysis, it will depend on management's conception of the need for education and involvement of the membership or the persons to be served. The growing complexity of our social problems and the rapid proliferation of programs and services to solve them are creating a revolution in management. This development has resulted in a need for techniques and a tendency toward the formation of "elite" groups that will assume responsibility for central functions, such as planning. Therefore, the need for educational and promotional activities should assume greater importance in the future. Educational and promotional activities undertaken by a community planning and development body on any geographical level, for example, can help to achieve some of the following objectives: 1. To spread knowledge about human needs among as wide a public as possible 2. To stimulate citizen interest in social and health problems and to create motivation for action through participation 3. To enhance community understanding and to mobilize support, both moral and financial. The achievement of these objectives should net results that will supplement and complement the actions taken by the technicians and elite groups. Jack Stumpf describes six conscious acts that constitute a social improvement process.17 In all of these acts there are implications for forum activities, namely: i. Defining and describing current social conditions and problems. 2. Formulating, promoting, and adopting higher goals and standards of social welfare being. 17 Stumpf, op. cit.
Page 98 98 The Large Forum 3. Developing community and organizational policies and strategies. 4. Concerted action that results in assembling or producing, focusing and activating the necessary human, material, and monetary standards and policies. 5. Assessing and reassessing the program and its consequences. 6. Developing community leaders and officials, voluntary and professional, through participation... community problem-solving affairs. We have, I believe, in these three objectives and the six conscious acts, adequate provisions and guidelines to supplement and complement the work of the policy and decision makers. The large forum, with its emphasis on a maximum mixing of disciplines, professions, kinds of workers, and varieties of individual interests as well as juxtapositions of ideas can help to implement these objectives and acts and thereby play an important role in planning on all levels of the establishment, both governmental and voluntary. Social action.-"Social action is the term commonly applied to that aspect of social welfare activity which is directed toward shaping or modifying the social institutions and policies that constitute the social environment in which we live." 18 Taking this as our working definition, let us see how this concept can be applied to a large forum. Although the policy of the NCSW generally precludes the promotion of specific social issues, the Conference has, on occasion, ventured into the social action arena. An excellent example of this is the work of the Ad hoc Committee on Social Action, which culminated in the Workshop on Social Action for Public Welfare Progress, held following the 9oth Annual Forum in 1963, and designed to highlight the implementation of the 1962 Public Welfare Amendments. The program was based on pertinent meetings held during the previous week, supplemented by selected keynote speeches. Over a hundred individuals attended, representing more than thirty national agencies, state welfare agencies, state conferences, and state planning organizations. (The work18Elizabeth Wickenden, "Social Action," in Social Work Yearbook, 1960, p. 529.
Page 99 The Large Forum 99 shop was cosponsored by the National Association of Statewide Health and Welfare Conference and Planning Organizations.) A volume of proceedings was published.9 Reactions to the workshop were favorable, and many wanted to reconvene it and press for action; others, however, raised the question of whether the NCSW should take the initiative and assume the principal responsibility in such undertakings or should rather leave it to a social action body, such as the National Social Welfare Assembly. This dilemma could be resolved under a coalition type of arrangement. National agencies primarily involved in social action could assume the primary obligation of leadership in such matters, and work cooperatively with the NCSW on program content, speakers, facilities, and so forth, thus leaving the Conference free to perform its educational functions unbiased and untrammeled by commitments to specific courses of action in the area of social problems. The ICSW, to date essentially a large forum, has developed several instruments which have served useful social action purposes, and has proved a powerful catalyst for social action and a stimulus to social progress in many countries throughout the world. One such instrument is the Pre-Conference Working Party, limited to one representative from each national committee and observers from the key international voluntary and intergovernmental organizations. This group of thirty to thirty-five individuals is convened for a seven-day period, and its task is to prepare a statement to clarify the ideas on which the Conference program is based and thus serve as a guide to the Conference discussions. Copies of the statement are distributed to all delegates when they register. This report, together with the individual country reports, such as that of the U. S. Committee, are useful documents for action purposes. The second instrument is the commission reports. The commissions too are limited to one or two representatives from each national committee and observers from the major international governmental organizations. The purpose of this expert group is 19 Guidelines to Action for Progress in Public Welfare, Proceedings of the PostForum Workshop, Cleveland Annual Forum, 1963 (Columbus, Ohio: National Conference on Social Welfare, 1963).
Page 100 100 The Large Forum to consider a selected number of basic questions related to the theme, and to prepare recommendations. None of these reports is submitted to the Conference for its approval. They are used effectively, however, as representing the views and recommendations of the participants. Cooperative coalitions, alliances, and working relationships.The establishment of cooperative coalitions, alliances, and working relationships depends on mutual memberships, interests, and objectives. We are aware that coalitions operate in our competitive society and may serve some useful purposes. They may serve some useful purposes as well in social welfare. This type of coalition is illustrated in the context of "game theory" as explained by John McDonald.20 He describes a variation of Pitch played in the North Carolina mountains. This is an auction game. Eleven points take the game. With three players, one generally gets ahead of the other two, threatening to go out from the vantage point of six or more points. Immediately, the other two players give each other tricks to keep them away from the advanced player and the game is momentarily two against one. The crucial question for all coalitions then arises: how should the coalition's gain be decided between the two members? The coalition must give itself tricks, on the pain of giving the third player the game; enforcement of the coalition is thus clear and definite. Very soon, however, one of the members, profiting from the arrangement, will himself get six points or more and threaten to take the game. The first coalition instantly breaks up, and the two strong players, fearing each other, give tricks to the weak player to keep them from each other. A cooperative coalition, as I have stated, depends on mutual and common concerns. I propose that several cooperative coalitions, alliances, and working relationships be mounted within the next five years between and among the so-called "umbrella organizations, namely, the National Conference on Social Welfare, the American Public Welfare Association, the National Social Welfare 20John McDonald, Strategy in Poker, Business, and War (New York: W. W. Norton, 1950), pp. 76-77.
Page 101 The Large Forum 101 Assembly (NSWA), the National Association of Social Workers, the National Health Council, and the Council on Social Work Education, and the federal Welfare Administration. The national organizations have mutual memberships, interests and objectives. Each organization operates as a subsystem within the social welfare system and, like the NCSW, has a relationship to the social agency, the education, the communications, and the political systems. They also carry major responsibilities for forums, planning, and action. A suitable instrument now exists to implement this proposal, namely, the Ad hoc Committee on National Interrelationships in Social Welfare, under the auspices of the NSWA. The membership includes the executives and presidents of the "umbrella" agencies plus selected members at large. The NCSW is already commited to working with one or all of these bodies, and they are represented presently on the Conference Committee on Program. The implementation of this proposal would be greatly facilitated if the executives and presidents were empowered by their boards of directors to make decisions and commit resources within certain limits. This proposed policy is similar to the one now used effectively by progressive organizations in legislative action-the formulation on selected problems or issues of "position papers" which serve as guidelines to the staff and officers. If these guidelines are not provided and responsible individuals are not authorized to ask when action is required, the legislative program is sterile and ineffective. The NCSW, for example, is prepared to join with one or more "umbrella" organizations on a forum-action, forum-planning, or forum-planning-action coalition, alliance, or working relationship in such generic, problem-oriented areas as: 1. Interpretation of social welfare to the general public 2. A network of specialized information centers in social welfare 3. International social welfare 4. A federation of the so-called "nonprofessionals" 5. Selected social problems-aging, automation, crime and de
Page 102 102 The Large Forum linquency, education, economic crises, family breakdown, ill-health, leisure time, mental illness, the population explosion, poverty, racial discrimination, slums and urban decay, social disorganization, unemployment, and urbanization. In our pluralistic democratic society, the processes of social change do not necessarily follow a logical pattern. There is no single best way for social welfare to make its impact on society. Energy breaks out where energy is. Sometimes it comes from the schools of social work and professional associations, sometimes from volunteers who represent advanced views, sometimes from a single meeting. Can any one by definition rule out any practitioner as a source of change? Even if it were possible, would it be desirable? A regularly scheduled large and comprehensive forum can serve as a radar to discover generative changes as well as emerging social needs. Once a significant need has been identified, it should be clarified and supported on a broad base. At this point, social action expertise is required in order to move into the next phases. This does not imply by any means that the problem should not be subjected to forum discussion. As a general rule, no social problem in our society can be solved unless it is known and understood. The systems approach is a useful tool in deploying our limited financial resources to make the maximum impact not only on the relatively narrow clientele but also on a much wider audience. It can provide a means of evaluating the achievement of its two major goals, namely, continuing education and effective communication. It is evident that legislative action, like social planning, will be more and more relegated to expert or technical groups. The involved legislative processes, however, and the complexities of legislative content are such that the contributions of amateurs and part time devotees need to be reexamined. It becomes imperative, therefore, that there be ample provision for the practitioners, both career and voluntary, to have opportunities and channels so that they can contribute to and react to the bases on which the legislative experts and policy-makers make their decisions and determine their actions,
Page 103 The Large Forum 103 Therefore, the large or comprehensive forum can and should make a greater contribution to social planning and social action in social welfare. It can make this contribution best as a member of a cooperative coalition which relates more directly to the other major subsystems and systems which now operate in this and related areas.
Page 104 The Response of Business to Social Welfare by BEN W. HEINEMAN BOTH AS CITIZENS AND AS SUPPLIERS of the goods and services which are consumed in the nation's metropolitan market places, American businessmen have a stake in humanizing the city that surely is as vital as that of social workers. We too seek the eradication of ghetto slums, the elimination of poverty, and the elevation of every man to a freedom from sickness of body and spirit. Just as a conviction of the inherent worth, the integrity, and the dignity of the individual is the touchstone of social welfare activities, so also do those of us in business enterprises rely upon these human qualities, in both those who produce and those who consume, for the ultimate success of our endeavors. Our contributions to the solution of urban problems have sometimes been imperfect, and we have not always given this objective the priority it deserves. But whatever our past shortcomings, I sincerely believe that most American businessmen are fast approaching a commonality of purpose with social welfare in accepting the challenge to do whatever must be done to "Humanize the City." Nine months ago I participated in a very real test of our ability to meet that challenge. It was August, and my home city of Chicago was gripped by conflict and tension of monumental proportions. We had seen the sadly familiar parade of peaceful demonstration and protest giving way to rioting, looting, the senseless taking of human life, and all the other unfortunate events that have come to be identified by the simple phrase, "the long, hot summer." The real reason for our crisis was, of course, wrapped
Page 105 The Response of Business to Social Welfare 105 up in all the social problems of human want and deprivation whose resolution can only come when we have finally and completely succeeded in humanizing the city. The immediate focus of concern had narrowed to the single issue of racial discrimination in housing. At the height of this community crisis, the Chicago Conference on Religion and Race convened a "summit meeting" of community leaders. They came from religion, civil rights, government, labor, from business, from social welfare organizations, and from other segments of the community as well. The agenda for this gathering contained only one item: "Find the means to establish equality of housing opportunity in the Chicago metropolitan area." 1 At the outset, few were optimistic that anything would be accomplished by the meeting. The real estate industry took the position that there was no room for negotiation; city officials were reported by the press as "privately gloomy about achieving any progress"; and at least one civil rights strategist objected to any participation at all by his colleagues.2 As the first session ended, it was unclear whether any real progress had resulted. The optimistic cautiously described the gathering as "fruitful," while at least one participant cryptically dismissed the entire meeting as a "farce." Then, during the next ten days, under the skillful leadership of the president of one of the community's leading corporations, representatives of all interested parties quietly held negotiating sessions to determine whether understanding could be achieved. On August 26, 1966, the results of their efforts were announced. In a document which has since come to be known as the "summit agreement," specific commitments were made for "programs of education and action to end the dual housing market in the metropolitan area." 4 Described by Dr. Martin Luther King as the most "far-reaching and creative" program "ever conceived to make I The Summit Agreement (Chicago: Leadership Council for Metropolitan Communities, 1967), p. 1. 2Robert Gruenberg, "City's Leaders Meet on Racial Turmoil," Chicago Daily News, August, 17, 1966. "Racial Meeting Was a Farce," Chicago American, August 18, 1966, p. 1. 4The Summit Agreement, p. 1.
Page 106 1o6 The Response of Business to Social Welfare open housing a reality," 5 the summit agreement committed every segment of the community's leadership-private and governmental-to a series of specific programs and objectives. The real estate trade withdrew its historic opposition to the philosophy of openoccupancy state legislation and agreed to assist in enforcement of the existing city ordinance; the public housing authority promised to disperse future building sites throughout the city and to limit density to avoid the oppressive sterility of some of its earlier high-rise facilities; the savings and loan and mortgage bankers associations committed themselves to lend mortgage money to all qualified families, without regard to race, for the purchase of housing anywhere in the metropolitan area; others made similar commitments, and all endorsed the formation of a continuing organization, built on the nucleus of the "summit conference," to act as a watchdog group for open housing and to work for the attainment of a truly open metropolitan housing market.6 No miracles have been wrought since the summit agreement. Some, perhaps expecting too much, have been disappointed and critical about the pace of the agreement's implementation. But genuine progress has been achieved toward the humanization of the housing segment of our city's social concern. Some families have found better housing in areas where they would have been excluded before the agreement. Through education, the ill-informed fears which pose such an obstacle to open housing have been allayed for many. These are limited gains and much more remains to be done. But perhaps the most significant contribution the summit agreement has made to date has been the commitment and active involvement of so many diverse segments of the community-the least of which has not been the business community-in the cooperative undertaking it has brought about. The Leadership Council for Metropolitan Open Communities, the continuing watchdog organization promised by the agreement, has been formed. Headed by the president of a major Illinois corporation and governed by a board of directors, thirteen of whose thirty-five 5"Daley, King Reach Major Agreement," Chicago Daily News, August 26, 1966, p. 1. "The lo Points in Agreement," Chicago Daily News, August 26, 1966, p. i: The Summit Agreement, pp. 1-9.
Page 107 The Response of Business to Social Welfare 107 members are Chicago business leaders, the Council has hired a professional staff and begun a program to achieve the objectives of the agreement. The Council's first biennial budget totals a quarter of a million dollars, funded by corporate contributions. It is a cooperative effort, involving donations of time and means, not only by businessmen, but by religious leaders, civic organizations, and people charged with the responsibility for the social welfare of the community's citizens. I have recited the details of this cooperative venture not because I think it is a unique example of businessmen evincing social responsibility. Quite the contrary, I am convinced that such involvement in the treatment of social ills is typical of the civic participation of modern businessmen. Recently Theodore Sorenson, former aide and confidant of President Kennedy, said: Gradually, almost imperceptibly to those closest to the scene, the modern corporation has evolved into a social as well as an economic institution.... It has concerns, and ideals, and responsibilities, which go far beyond the profit motive.... It has become, in effect, a fullfledged citizen.7 I believe Mr. Sorenson correctly described the prevailing attitude of modern American business. But all of this is concerned with the social issues which have captured the attention of business. For the moment, let me return to the most significant accomplishment of Chicago's summit agreement. I suggested that the progress in dealing with the social issue there at stake had been perhaps less dramatic than the manner of the participants' involvement or, more precisely, less significant than the dialogue and cooperation that the agreement fostered between diverse segments of the community. In this respect, Chicago's summit conference was, in my opinion, somewhat unusual. I am convinced that one of the most senselessly wasteful diversions from the accomplishment of our common objective is the lingering mistrust and hostility that exists between groups in our society which, in fact, are equally intent upon redressing the same social wrongs. I need not recount how much time and energy were 7Theodore Sorenson, "A Conscience in the Boardroom," Newsweek, April il, 1966, p. 77.
Page 108 108 The Response of Business to Social Welfare expended during Chicago's long, hot summer in allaying suspicions and alleviating long-standing hostilities before it was possible even to begin a cooperative effort to deal with the social issue which was by far the most important matter demanding our attention. (Many groups were, of course, involved, and I would not suggest that the distrust so clearly present was misplaced in every case.) I suspect that the number of projects for the social betterment of mankind in which social workers and business have cooperated is not nearly so great as it might and ought to be. And I have no doubt that one of the principal reasons for this inadequate communication lies in some very fundamental albeit erroneous conceptions that social work and business harbor about each other. There no doubt remains a substantial segment of the business community-including, ironically, many of the same businessmen who have themselves become committed to social reform-which views all social workers as soft-headed "bleeding hearts" who lack the tempered strength of character that can only come from having had to "meet a payroll." Similarly, I am sure there are many social workers who still hold to the image of all businessmen as "malefactors of great wealth" who blithely buy and sell and let the public be damned. Lacking in reality though both of these extreme views may be, the myths persist, and the suspicion and mistrust which they produce are exceedingly difficult to eradicate. The task of creating understanding is made all the more difficult because neither misconception is so often explicitly stated as it is intuitively felt. Existing, then, at nearly subliminal levels, the doubts and hostilities often are not susceptible to rational and objective exposure of their obsolescence. It occurs to me that the fundamental source of this historic mutual distrust originates in a concept which, paradoxically, is the common denominator that most unites the business and social welfare communities. The concept to which I refer is that of the inherent worth of the individual human personality. Philosophically, this concept is every bit as fundamental to the free enterprise system as it is to social welfare.
Page 109 The Response of Business to Social Welfare log Social work's eloquent spokesmen have addressed themselves to this concept and its implications many times. Benjamin E. Youngdahl writes of the social worker's creed that "fundamentally and basically, we believe in the worth, welfare, and well-being of the individual." 8 In words that might well have been stated as part of the capitalist's creed, he continues: "We believe in a socioeconomic framework that puts the emphasis on the individual.... The kind of enterprise that has our support is one in which people have an opportunity to make the greatest use of their potentialities." 9 The businessman's creed-indeed the very philosophical foundation of capitalism-places no less emphasis on the importance of the individual. "The entire classical strand of the business creed can be viewed as an expression of individualistic values," writes Harvard University sociologist Francis Sutton.10 Individualism in the business ideology, says Sutton, "involves individual moral responsibility in the sense that each individual must direct his actions according to moral norms and be prepared to accept the consequences for his action." 11 The reason for the conflict between us seems to me to be relatively simple. Starting with the same basic premise that the individual is of paramount importance, a case can be made that the business creed then focuses on the individual as a means while the social worker looks upon him as an end. Carried to its logical conclusion, this means that the businessman merely uses the individual in the production of wealth, without regard to his social needs as a human personality. The social worker, at the other extreme, merely provides for the comfort and security of the human being without regard for the result this will have on his incentive to contribute to the collective good of a smooth-functioning market economy. Of course, neither of these extremes ever accurately stated the 8Benjamin E. Youngdahl, Social Action and Social Work (New York: Association Press, 1966), p. 22. 9 Ibid., p. 23. 0 Francis X. Sutton, The American Business Creed (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1956), p. 254. 11 Ibid., p. 251.
Page 110 110 The Response of Business to Social Welfare respective roles of the individual in either system. But a case can and often has been made that these are the inevitable consequences of the views each has of the individual; and both cases have been made with sufficient strength and frequency to account for much of the latent hostility and suspicion that remain between business and social work. There is no need to dwell upon why the businessman is wrong in suspecting that social welfare's view of the individual's role in society poses some threat to the free enterprise system. But let us turn to the suspicions that some social workers may harbor as to the businessman's inherent lack of compassion for the individual as a human being whose social welfare they are charged to foster and protect. There is no doubt that a compelling case can be made for the proposition that business has in the past exploited human beings, using them only for the production of wealth. The history of the business community's blind opposition to social reform is too well-documented to ignore. But I submit that this is only past history-and incomplete at that-and that the modern businessman is not oblivious to the importance of the individual as a human personality whose dignity and integrity are of fundamental importance. And that this should be the businessman's conviction should not really be so surprising after all. As Sutton points out in his commentary on the businessman's creed, always the American business creed has accommodated both self-reliance and service with apparent ease.... A theme of responsibility for service to the community and the common welfare appears throughout the whole business creed. Indeed, it would be extraordinary if the long record of philanthropy and communal devotion of American business were not reflected in the creed.12 Of course, in the final analysis the way in which a creed is translated into action is the only thing that really counts. And for the demonstration of that characteristic I turn to the record of the modern American businessman. The modern businessman is, for the most part, a pragmatist. He is much less concerned with ideology than he is with finding 2 Ibid., p. 263.
Page 111 The Response of Business to Social Welfare 111 unique solutions to difficult problems. Indeed, if he were to be described in ideological terms, I believe the most accurate way to characterize him would be to say that he is a radical. He is not concerned that the solutions to his problems may bring tradition in his business or industry crashing down in shambles. He is not afraid of debt nor does he view with alarm the ever-increasing total of his business expenditures if he determines that these are required for the future prosperity of his enterprise. This pragmatic businessman is extolled by the management consultants because he is an "intuitive manager.... an activist, equipped to move fast"; 13 and he is praised by his fellows because "unorthodoxy is his way of life, be it in the breaking of old rules or the making of new ones." 14 Inevitably, a bit of this pragmatism has slipped over into the way the modern businessman looks at social issues. He has come to realize that his own best interests require him to be concerned about the social welfare of his employees, his customers, and the public at large. It was not an altruistic, but a pragmatic, business leader who said: "The time is past when management can close its eyes to the kind of world we live in and blithely buy and sell, hire and fire, expand or contract, and then expect government to maintain full employment, public welfare and political harmony." 15 Thus, the profit motive itself has contributed to the modern businessman's commitment to social reform. This enlightened self-interest manifests itself in many ways. A few examples will illustrate the point. First, there are the projects that contribute to the social betterment of mankind in which business reaps a direct profit. A New Republic article describes how "the large corporation is beginning to act as if it, not the government will be the institution to produce social change over the next few years." 16 The article goes 18 John T. Kimball, "Age of the Intuitive Manager," Dun's Review, January, 1966, p. 42 14 "Management's Rule-Breakers: the Ways of the Winners," Dun's Review, ibid., P. 34. 16W. A. Patterson, "Growing Dimensions of Management," as quoted in John N. Bunzel, The American Small Businessman (New York: Knopf, 1962), p. 317. 6 James Ridgeway, "New Cities Are Big Business," New Republic, October i, 1966, p. 15.
Page 112 '112 The Response of Business to Social Welfare on to detail the massive investments that private businesses have put into "new city" projects where new technology and aesthetic planning may provide better lives for urban dwellers. It describes the involvement of other companies in urban renewal projects for investment and to provide new markets for their products. It discusses the role played by businessmen in helping to persuade the Administration during the drafting of the poverty program that "industry could be involved in social problems if the government would create a market" and the resulting corporate participation in the operation of Job Corps camps.17 Then there are the myriad programs in which business involvement results indirectly in benefits to their enterprises. Typical of such activities are the many training and educational programs for the disadvantaged sponsored by corporations to meet their increasingly critical needs for skilled employees. One such program is Project MIND (Methods of Intellectual Development), undertaken by the National Association of Manufacturers. A research and development program, Project MIND is designed to show employers how they can economically and feasibly improve basic skills and provide technical instruction needed by unskilled workers to fill vacant positions. Utilizing new and highly efficient training and educational methods, MIND's pilot programs have been highly successful in showing that dramatic results can be achieved at drastically reduced costs in materials, equipment, and administration. While the number of persons actually placed on payrolls as a result of these programs is small, the programs have provided technical knowledge which can now be employed on a massive scale by employers throughout the country. If these examples of the new-found social responsibility of the modern businessman suggest that the profit motive is the only reason for his involvement, let me hasten to say that I do not believe this to be the case. Although the modern businessman is very much the pragmatist, it seems to me that a bit of idealism can also be seen in some of his civic undertakings. There are countless examples of modern businessmen taking part in activities which contribute to the resolution of the social 17 Ibid., pp. 15-16.
Page 113 The Response of Business to Social Welfare 113 issues of the day without any promise whatsoever of monetary reward. There are the Hartford businessmen who have invested in and who help direct a corporation whose only purpose is to buy and sell housing to achieve and maintain integrated neighborhoods and to assist racial minority group members who have been refused the right to buy the homes of their choosing. The donors insist upon complete anonymity; their only reward is the satisfaction that comes from helping others and from the justice of their cause.18 There were the eight corporate executives who served without remuneration on the planning council for the White House Civil Rights Conference in 1965. Giving up their weekends to attend sessions for a period of some four months, they contributed their experience to the deliberations, endorsed a farreaching platform containing many planks which, if adopted, could only cost their businesses substantial sums of money, and when funds to run the Conference ran out, anonymously contributed enough to allow the Conference to be held. I do not want to overstate the case for altruism in the businessman's participation in, and commitment to, social reform. It is well to keep in mind that the businessman's motives and responsibilities do differ from those of social work. He is, as I have said, the custodian of the American free enterprise system. Profit is very much a part of his motivation. But the important thing is that, in fact, there is nothing inconsistent in the attainment of the businessman's objectives and the achievement of your own. The free enterprise system of which the modern businessman is such an important part has, after all, served us very well. Just as the performance of your social welfare responsibilities has made a monumental contribution to the progress our society has made, so also has the businessman done his bit to contribute to the betterment of mankind. Together, and with the contributions of so many other segments of American society, we have come a long way in the advancement of our civilization. And the individual human being has been the beneficiary. But we have yet far to go. And if this much has been accom18 Malcolm Carter, "Robert Littleton, Silent Partner of Integration." Hartford Times, September 2, 1966, p. 1; Carter, "Private Firm Aids House Hunter to Realize Dream," ibid., September 3, 1966, p. 2.
Page 114 114 The Response of Business to Social Welfare plished with so many segments of our society all going their separate ways-with the two professions which we here tonight represent, ill-formed and suspecting one another's motives-how much farther could we go with understanding and cooperation and commonality of purpose. Then, perhaps, working together, we could hope to accomplish our objective, the city could truly be humanized, and no man could say that the splendid American dream was at a shabby end and the splendid promises of American life forever gone astray.
Page 115 Value Orientation in Social Welfare by BERNARD J. COUGHLIN, S.J. VALUE IS A SUBJECT that is much discussed but perhaps too vaguely understood and variously defined. Most of the literature on value is by philosophers and anthropologists and, more recently, by psychologists and sociologists. Social workers recognize the need to clarify the concept and its function in social welfare; but we are aware of a gap in the development of the theory of value and its application to practice. The task of bridging that gap is one for many minds and many years. My more modest purpose is to explore one facet of value, namely, the contribution that church-related social welfare makes to the value orientation of the American social welfare system. Value pertains to, and is part of, the broader concept of culture. Definitions of culture vary according to one's bent and view. In general, it refers to a design for living or to the patterns of behavior that are distinctive of a group. Culture, therefore, includes the traditional ideas of a people and their ways of doing things. Kluckhohn and Kelly, for example, define culture as "a historically derived system of explicit and implicit designs for living, which tends to be shared by all or specially designated members of a group." 1 Now a group's design for living is the result of a complex of conscious and unconscious ideas and beliefs; and these ideas and beliefs which guide the group in choosing its style of life are called "values." There are three general types of beliefs or convictions, and a brief analysis of them conveys additional insight into the concept of value. First, the group possesses and shares certain 1Clyde Kluckhohn and William H. Kelly, "The Concept of Culture," in Ralph Linton, ed., The Science of Man in the World Crisis (New York: Columbia University Press, 1945), p. 98.
Page 116 116 Value Orientation in Social Welfare kinds of knowledge, beliefs, or theories about nature and man, society, time and space; and these beliefs are expressed in a certain way and through certain symbols. These are the "cognitive values" of the culture. Second, the group has a common idea of beauty as it is expressed in certain forms and styles that to the group are thought to be pleasing to sight and sound and sense. There exists, as it were, an aesthetic goup sense. These are called the "aesthetic values." Finally, the group shares a certain conception of good and bad behavior, of what is right and wrong. This is expressed in the mores and the laws of a society and in the codes of ethics of business and professional groups. These are called the society's "moral values." Value, therefore, pertains to the true, the beautiful, and the good; but more than this, the society develops norms with regard to them. Every society holds some things to be false and other things to be true, and these it values. Every society has its idea of what is ugly and what is beautiful, and this it values. And every society has its idea, on the one hand, of what is bad, what is wrong and "ought not to be done," and on the other hand, of what is good, what is right and "ought to be done," and this it values. Every culture, therefore, develops not only values but value standards according to which it differentiates the true from the false, the beautiful from the ugly, and the good from the bad.2 A value standard means, as Tolman states, not only that a culture encourages cognitive, aesthetic, and moral values, but that it tends "to impose its rules or standards about just what is 'so' or true, what is beautiful, and what is good." 3 There are several corollaries to this that are important to the understanding of value. First, it is clear that value is more than preference. Preference merely assigns priority or at most indicates like and dislike. Value conveys obligation and responsibility with respect to a standard of the true, the beautiful, and the good. Value, then, is more than merely what one desires. Clyde Klucka Talcott Parsons and Edward A. Shils, "Systems of Value-Orientation," in Parsons and Shils, eds., Toward a General Theory of Action (Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1959), pp. 159 ff. Edward C. Tolman, "Value Standards, Pattern Variables, Social Roles, Personality," ibid., p. 344.
Page 117 Value Orientation in Social Welfare 117 hohn defines value as "a conception, explicit or implicit, distinctive of an individual or characteristic of a group, of the desirable which influences the selection from available modes, means, and ends of action." 4 The desirable in this definition influences action because it is true, or because it is beautiful, or because it is good. Again in Kluckhohn's words: "A value is not just a preference but is a preference which is felt and/or considered to be justified'morally' or by reasoning or by aesthetic judgments, usually by two or all three of these." 5 Secondly, value as such does not exist in reality. Value is not a goal, but it influences and directs individuals and groups in the selection of goals. Value is a conception and therefore not observable in reality. Value is the desirable as conceived by the individual and group and as influencing individual and group choices. The desirable influences choice because its concept has cognitive and affective content which conveys what must be believed and admired and done. This is not to say, however, that value is unrelated to reality. On the contrary, value is based on nature as understood by man. There is an ontological relationship between what is and what ought to be. Thus Maslow says: "Do you want to find out what you ought to be? Then find out what you are!... The description of what one ought to be is almost the same as the description of what one deeply is." 6 What nature ought to be is nature's selfrealization. Man is fulfilled by being what man should be. Obviously, this is a dynamic conception of nature. Nature contains within itself the seeds of the flower, for life is a process of selfrealization. Again, in Maslow's words, "the facts themselves carry, within their own nature, suggestions of what ought to be done with them" 7; "the more clearly something is seen or known, and 4Clyde Kluckhohn et al., "Values and Value-Orientations in the Theory of Action," ibid., p. 395. Ibid., p. 396. Abraham H. Maslow, "Fusion of Facts and Values," American Journal of Psychoanalysis, XXIII (1963), i2i. 7 Ibid., p. 130. This, of course, is a rejection of certain assumptions of nineteenthcentury positivistic science which sought to extricate itself from values. The world of facts was thought to be totally different from the world of values; and science had everything to do with facts, but nothing to do with values. Values were "unscientific" and so relegated to the nonscientists, to philosophers, poets, and re
Page 118 118 Value Orientation in Social Welfare the more true and unmistakeable something becomes, the more ought-quality it acquires." 8 Value statements, therefore, are existential statements. Clyde Kluckhohn is explicit: "There can be no doubt that an individual's or a group's conceptions of what is and of what ought to be are intimately connected." 9 They are related to reality as known and as the individual or group think reality should be. "'This is a value for me' is an existential proposition about me." 10 "This is a value to me" means "this to me is the good." As Thorndike says, "judgements of value are simply one sort of judgements of fact." 11 Value, then, is not fully given by nature but presupposes nature and is limited by it. Existential propositions describe nature, and then value propositions say, in effect: This appears to be naturally possible. It does not exist or does not fully exist, but we want to move toward it, or, it already exists but we want to preserve and maintain it. Moreover, we aver that this is a proper or appropriate or justified want.12 The importance of values to the individual is well recognized; less well recognized is their importance to the society. Three critical areas or phases in the society's endeavor today especially call for a common value-orientation and ideal among individuals and social institutions. First, a value-orientation gives stability to the society. Individuals in the group and institutions in the social system need mutual trust and confidence. Social stability requires both that an individual can rely on the action of other individuals and that an institution can rely on the actions of other institutions. Reliance comes from the reasonable assurance of what others in given circumstances will do. Action is difficult where one is not sure of the response of others. Therefore, a group is unified and can act as a group ligionists, who, because their concerns reached beyond positivistic science, were thought to be unconcerned with the world of fact. Of course, such a conception of science casts values out of the realm of human knowledge. 8lbid., p. 127. ' Kluckhohn et al., op. cit., p. 391. lo Ibid. "E.L. Thorndike, "Science and Values," Science, LXXXIII, No. 2140 (1936), 2. Za Kluckhohn et al., op. cit., pp. 393-94.
Page 119 Value Orientation in Social Welfare 119 only if certain basic values are recognized and accepted.13 It is from a shared philosophy of life and a common value orientation that group security, unity, and solidarity are born. This means that a people must answer for itself these questions: What is the society's value ideal? What is the ideal personality system? What is the ideal social system? If values are significant determinants of individuals and institutions, then every society needs to have a clear conception of the value orientation that it would wish to see internalized in the personality and institutionalized in the social system. Every stable society has, to use Florence Kluckhohn's phrase, a "personality configuration which is shared by the bulk of the society's members." 14 But in the opinion of at least one perceptive critic of the society, modern democracy has no clear conception of that configuration.15 When a society loses its ideal, when it no longer has an identifiable value orientation, then it no longer has a consistent guide for selecting political, economic, educational, and social welfare policies. Then the danger is that any dream or whim, any fad or ideology, of one who has the public ear-be he educated statesman or demagogue-will become the basis of decision. As Socrates is supposed to have said, "for the ship that does not know toward which port it is sailing, no wind is favorable." The second reason for a shared value orientation is long-range policy-making. Cultural values should look not merely to the past, but to the future as well. Since one purpose of value is to link the past with the future, certain values must be universal enough to span time and space. We tend to identify the cultural with the traditional and the past. But, as we have just seen, value propositions relate to, and build upon, existential propositions about man and nature; therefore, while they tie a society to the richness of the past they propose a world of existential possibility not yet realized. Values spring from charisma as well as from tradition, 13 Karl Mannheim, Freedom, Power, and Democratic Planning (London: Routledge & Kegan Paul Ltd., 1965), p. 231. 14Florence Rockwood Kluckhohn, "Dominant and Variant Value Orientations," in Clyde Kluckhohn, Henry A. Murray, and David M. Schneider, eds., Personality in Nature, Society, and Culture (ed ed.; New York: Knopf, 1954), p. 344. 15 Mannheim, op. cit., p. 199.
Page 120 120 Value Orientation in Social Welfare and society needs both. "No society is healthy or creative or strong unless that society has a set of common values... that fit with the situation of the time as well as being linked to the historic past." 16 A value orientation is required, therefore, that will weather the economic and social change and the political upheaval that our times witness. One wonders whether we have a social philosophy and value stance that we can trust for long-range planning. In 1952 Clyde Kluckhohn, at least, questioned that we do: The mistakes that we make on the international scene and have made in the past decade and more are primarily political mistakes. This is in part because the ideas that our leaders do have are largely ad hoc ideas... that do not add up to a long-term postive policy.17 A third social imperative for a common value orientation has international dimensions. This is not the occasion to take up the dispute that centers on the relativity and universality of human values, and yet the issue cannot be entirely passed over. The most recent and reliable research in anthropology seems so ably to substantiate the universality of at least certain human values that Kluckhohn states: "No anthropologist... doubts that the theory of ethical relativity is in some sense forced by the facts." 18 Among sociologists, the evidence is no less convincing. In treating the theory of absolute cultural relativity Parsons and Shils write: In its extreme form, the proponents of this view have even asserted that every moral standard is necessarily unique. There is much aesthetic sensibility underlying and justifying this contention, but it is neither convincing logically nor fruitful scientifically. If carried to its logical conclusions, it denies the possibility of systematic analysis of cultural values.19 The matter comes to this: if there is not recognized a common human nature as the ontological ground for human values, and if there is not at least a cluster of values shared by the entire human 16 Clyde Kluckhohn, Culture and Behavior: Collected Essays of Clyde Kluckhohn, Richard Kluckhohn, ed. (Glencoe, Ill.: Free Press, 1962), pp. 297-98. The quality of values whereby they span time is related to their universality. l Ibid., p. 297. " Ibid., p. 273. 19 Parsons and Shils, op. cit., p. 171.
Page 121 Value Orientation in Social Welfare 121 family, what existential basis is there on which to rest the hope of peace among nations? Of course, cultural relativity is in fact amply verified and documented. But diverse as he is, at the heart of his being man is the same the world over. And it is highly important, especially at this period in international relations, that the nations of the world and the cultures of East and West come to see the cultural differences that exist among the nations as "so many variations on themes supplied by raw human nature." 20 There would seem to be little hope for peace until men recognize the ontological human root from which variations grow. And there would seem to be little hope for this recognition until we in this one nation achieve greater clarity about what we value, what we hold to be right or wrong in our private and official duties, and in the responsibilities of our nation in its dealings with other nations.21 Only when this goal has been achieved, can we approach with confidence the family of man that lives beyond the borders of our culture. The distinction between the personality system and the social system is familiar. Perhaps less familiar are references to a "cultural system." This term is useful in that it distinguishes the former as actor systems from the cultural system which has its effect by being internalized into the personality and institutionalized into the social system.22 The personality and social systems are empirical systems. They are the actors in the society. The cultural system as such is not an actor because it is an abstract pattern of ideas and values, symbols and norms; yet it is highly significant for action since it greatly influences both actor systems. Cultural values as internalized and institutionalized in the personality and social systems direct and guide both systems in their choice of goals and their orientation toward goals and means.23 It is from the culture that the actors adopt standards of the true, the beautiful, and the good.24 Both 20 Kluckhohn, Culture and Behavior, p 297. 1 Ibid., p. 286. Parsons and Shils, op. cit., p. 174. 23 Parsons and Shils, "Categories of the Orientation and Organization of Action," in Parsons and Shils, eds., op. cit., pp. 54-56. 24 Tolman, op. cit., p. 343.
Page 122 122 Value Orientation in Social Welfare actor systems become committed to a particular value system. This does not mean that either is incapable of tolerating conflicting values and of accommodating to values that are at variance with its own.25 The significant point is, however, that neither system can intelligently and consistently direct itself in the choice of goals and means without an internalized and institutionalized value system. Moreover, it is through the institutionalization of values that a particular value system is transmitted from one generation to another. Hence the importance of social institutions: as value carriers they at once image to the personality a value ideal, and they transmit to other institutions the value standards of the society. From these considerations there seem to flow three highly relevant conclusions. First, those who have responsibility for developing the social welfare system and for determining social welfare policy should have a clear conception of the value system on the basis of which choices are made. Second, the developing and strengthening of the value ideal of the social welfare system should not be haphazard or left to chance. And third, those institutions that transmit a value orientation which strengthens the society's social welfare value system should be reinforced. Now, I submit that the value ideal of the social welfare system grows out of certain truths and principles of the Judaeo-Christian tradition, and that the values of that ideal are transmitted, among other ways, through the social welfare institutions of the churches. These institutions are part of the social welfare system. Surely, the values that they transmit span other fields than social welfare, because the values are part of the total culture. These values enjoy a place of prominence in this society; and they are values both of the churches and of social work. The churches, however, give them a depth of knowledge that they seem not otherwise to attain; and the churches elicit a commitment to them that few social institutions seem to elicit. A brief analysis of five values of the social welfare system will point out the depth of knowledge and commitment that these values receive from the welfare institutions of the churches. 25 Parsons and Shils, "Systems of Value-Orientation," p. 179.
Page 123 Value Orientation in Social Welfare 123 First, consider the dignity and worth of the human person. Why is man of worth and dignity? One may regard him as of dignity and worth because he is biologically productive or an economic asset, or because of his contribution to the educational, scientific, political, or social development of the society. Or one may regard man of dignity because he ranks high in the hierarchy of beings on earth. Or one may merely assert man's dignity for no reason at all, not assigning an ontological ground to it. Within the Judaeo-Christian tradition the concept of human dignity transcends these reasons for dignity, all of which are based on purely extrinsic references to man. There are reasons intrinsic to man that account for his dignity. The cognitive content of the value is that the human person is an intellectual and free being, endowed with the capacity for, and so destined to, union with God. Since this is his very being, his very being is the ground for his dignity whether he is a contributor to the social order or not, and regardless of his relationship to other creatures. And it is important that the designers of the social welfare system understand this fuller conception of human dignity and be committed to the consequences that it implies for social policy formation. A second value on which the society places high priority is sometimes referred to as the "brotherhood of men." Philosophically, the concept is that of the natural unity of men. The intellectual content of this value is that all human beings possess generically the same human nature. Whatever the variances among cultures and societies, just as whatever the ethnic, economic, educational, religious, and racial differences among any group of people, there is underlying everything the "raw human nature" which all men share. Within both the Jewish and the Christian traditions this unity of mankind is intensified through the concept of creation by a personal God who is toward men as a father toward his children. In the Christian tradition this concept of unity is further intensified by the supernatural unity of men in God through grace. The moral content of the value is the responsibility that men have to design a social order based on social justice and motivated by the love of one's fellow men. Surely church-related welfare institutions rank high in internalizing and
Page 124 124 Value Orientation in Social Welfare institutionalizing this value that is also so endemic to social work. A third value that is central to social welfare is human right. Among us it is a commonplace that all men have a right to a certain level of food, shelter, clothing, education. But why does man have this right? What is the basis of human rights? Though we protest for them, perhaps we do not always clearly understand them or know why we demand them. Ultimately, human rights rest on the spiritual nature of the human person. I would define "right" as a moral power in virtue of which human beings may make just claims to certain things. It is a power that pertains not to the physical but to the intellectual and volitional order. The founding document of our government says that right is inalienable; that is, it belongs to man by reason of his very existence as a human person, and therefore is not conferred upon him by parents, or church, or state, or any individual or community of men. It is inalienable because it flows from the very nature of the human person and therefore can neither be withheld nor taken away. It may be ignored or violated; but unlike my purse, which may be robbed, human right is as indestructible as the human person. Like human dignity, right is not a claim which a person earns as a result of his contribution to the economy or to the social order. Human right is based on the fact that the person is master of himself and his own actions, and that therefore he is not a means to an end but rather an end unto himself. Created by God with a purpose, man is a free moral being with reference to that purpose. Integral to his being, therefore, are obligation and responsibility. Therefore, the human being may justly claim those things that are necessary for the attainment of his purpose and the fulfillment of his responsibility. If human right is such a rich concept it is largely because the philosophical and religious traditions of the West have developed it in theory and insisted upon it in fact. Here, again, the social welfare system and the churches coalesce and reinforce a common value. These three values contain the seed of a related value that is a cornerstone of social welfare, social responsibility. Responsibility comes from respondere, to respond. Responsibility implies rela
Page 125 Value Orientation in Social Welfare 125 tionship, communication, and sharing between persons. The cognitive content of the value is the existential unity and brotherhood of all men, and the right that every man has to those things that are necessary to fulfill his purpose. The moral content of the value is that man is obliged to respond to the rights of his brother. And where the individual man cannot carry the burden of a brother, then men in community, the society, must respond to a brother's need for the body's bread and the mind's bread and the bread of the human spirit. The conviction that man is his brother's keeper inspired the earliest programs of a social welfare nature: recall God's command that the Jews not go back through the fields to glean the harvest a second time since the remnants were to go to the resident alien, the orphan, and the widow; and recall, primitive as they were, the welfare programs in the monasteries of early Christendom. Finally, there is one other universal value which is central both to social welfare and to the churches, because it is central to man. This value I might call "self-realization." It is the master value and key concept: the highest possible level of self-fulfillment and completion of the human being. Although societies variously interpret human self-realization, by every culture it is highly valued. The intellectual content of the value is that the human person is in a state of both being and becoming, of perfecting himself, of striving to achieve the ideal of the good life. The moral implications are that man not only has responsibility and the obligation to become what deep within his being he calls "his better self," but also he wants to achieve that ideal. Within the human person there is both the will and the potential to pursue the ideal of self-realization. This is a theme that cuts into many values and principles of social work. The goal of the profession is the maximum well-being of personality and social systems; and the achieving of this goal is based on this principle that man wants self-fulfillment and under suitable conditions will motivate himself and actively pursue it. It is likewise a value that religion both presupposes and fosters. One moral imperative that informs religion is that man can stretch the fiber of his life even unto God; and all psychic and social programs of treatment and
Page 126 126 Value Orientation in Social Welfare prevention are in order to free man, at every level, for maximum functioning: physical soundness for the sake of emotional maturity; emotional maturity for the sake of intellectual development; intellectual development for the sake of spiritual freedom. And the maximum functioning of the parts that make up human life is for the self-fulfillment of the whole man. I hope that I have not implied that only church-related institutions contribute to the value orientation of American social welfare. This was not my intention. Neither was it my intention to evaluate the relative contributions of various welfare institutions to that value orientation. Obviously, many institutions feed into it: politics, economics, education, the family, business and industry, as well as the churches; and there is an interdependence among them all. No one institution has its effect in isolation from others. Nevertheless, it would seem to be highly important that churchrelated institutions by positive design and public policy be strengthened and encouraged to embellish and build up the value orientation of American social welfare. This value orientation is our welfare heritage. It is the rich earth in which this nation was nourished.
Page 127 Implications of Change for Social Agencies by SANFORD SOLENDER THE INEXORABLE FORCES OF CHANGE have generated the most critical problems which face the American people today. The speed and pervasiveness of change during two revolutionary decades have injected pressures and strains into every phase of the life of the nation. The country's most serious dilemmas cluster around the crises induced by the demands of change and the implicit and explicit resistances to them. While the survival of the human species is a tribute to its capacity for accommodation, this quality is most apparent when viewed from the perspective of time and distance. At a given moment in the course of human events, individuals and their social systems seem remarkably intransigent in their worship of the known and the familiar and in their rejection of change. This is as evident in the universe of ideas and attitudes as it is in the experience of institutions and their rules, structures, and programs. The civil rights crisis reflects the unwillingness of the nation to respond dynamically to the need for revision in attitudes, practices, and institutional functioning. The clash of the pressing necessity for such change with the resistance to it on the part of people and their economic, political, and social structures has brought America to a critical point. The dilemmas of change permeate the life of the nation. The revolutions in urban and suburban living, medicine, education, transportation, and communication are but other settings for this
Page 128 128 Implications of Change for Social Agencies conflict. The nation's capacity to change with new needs and times is being severely tested. The social welfare field is affected by this situation in precisely the same way that its impact is felt everywhere in society. The vast changes which have occurred in the lives of people and their communities have been documented repeatedly, as have the demands which these changes make for revision in social welfare ideas, programs, practices, and organization. An abundance of alarms has been sounded about the consequences of resistance to change, or of the painfully slow acceptance of its inevitability. On the other hand, accommodation has come about, however laboriously. Change is taking place, however painfully. We obviously are in midstream, and where the currents will take us remains to be seen. Some change has come through courageous self-analysis and planned development. Much of it has resulted from the pressures of foundation or federal initiative, motivated often by the intent to circumvent existing institutions regarded as hopelessly intransigent. Yet, these very programs have exerted a telling impact on established agencies which have shown increasing awareness of the need for change and readiness to share in planning and applying new approaches. For much of the social welfare field, this process has barely begun. There are abundant opportunities for creative replanning which can enable social welfare agencies to exert an incalculable influence upon the life of the American people. Given a willingness to adapt to new conditions, social welfare programs can vastly enrich individuals and families and give renewed vibrance to community living. What is required at this juncture is less exhortation on the matter of change and more practical consideration of how adaptations can be made. What retooling must be contemplated by agencies moving into the mainstream of social change? What are the guidelines by which their leaders can accelerate thoughtful reorientation and reconstruction? Purposes and functions.-Such a process must begin with reevaluation of agency purposes and functions, about which there are compelling questions. When do changing social needs require
Page 129 Implications of Change for Social Agencies 129 reappraising the validity of purposes and functions? At what point have original agency purposes been fulfilled to the extent that the service either is unneeded or no longer justifies a high priority? Examples of developments which have evoked these queries are the conquest of polio and tuberculosis, the elimination of the need for institutional care for normal children, and the decline of longterm hospitalization for many of the mentally ill. Do population movement and the arrival of new groups with different cultural backgrounds and needs necessitate revision in agency purposes and functions? New and pressing social needs, or fresh recognition of them, may very well demand changed purposes and functions. The nation's belated awareness of its responsibility to those who live in poverty is highly relevant to this question. And so is the dawning realization that social and emotional deprivation in the middle class compels community attention in this time of upward mobility and expansion of the middle group. Does new knowledge about people and communities, as well as increased skill in providing human services, result in change so radical as to demand reconsideration of agency purposes and functions? New approaches to mental and physical illness, to serving the aged, and to working with socially disoriented youth illustrate the implications of this question. Do developments in other agencies, or new social arrangements for meeting needs, require alteration of purposes and functions? What, for example, is the significance for voluntary family and children's agencies of the trend toward the provision of social services to all people by public welfare agencies, of the prospect of comprehensive community mental health centers, or of the evolving Medicare and Medicaid programs? No reconsideration of agency purpose and function can ignore the matter of social policy and action. Never has there been greater justification for agencies to redefine their responsibilities for governmental and community social policies. Never has there been more need for clarity about the obligations of agencies to influence the shape of government social welfare programs. This is an area of social welfare agency competence in which failure to take responsible action can result in monumental default. Re
Page 130 130 Implications of Change for Social Agencies planning of agency purposes, both present and future, must take account of this. Content of services.-The retooling process must reexamine the content of agency services. It is in program that some of the most acute resistance to change is encountered. The familiar and the known are judged to be better than, and certainly preferable to, the new and strange. Vested interests of participants, staff, or board cluster around particular programs. Unawareness or lack of conviction about the need for change combine with the resistance of traditional constituencies to new people. The classical misreading of the need for program change often takes the form of: "All we need is more money; give us larger budgets and everything will be all right." Program retooling involves focusing on, and adapting services to, the changing needs of individuals, families, and communities. Program evaluation must take account of economic factors, such as increasing economic and social expectations, rising living standards, shifting occupational patterns, and new attitudes toward the employment of women. Interpersonal elements, such as shifting views of sex behavior, family size, and family planning must be weighed. There must be consideration of the consequences of prolonged poverty and unemployment, and of the needs of children of unemployed parents. Attention must be given to the decline in family stability (there is almost one divorce to four marriages each year, and the number of married adults who maintain separate residences is twice the number reported as divorced).' Program must be evaluated against dominant social factors such as the needs of the increasing number of older adults, the rising level of education, the cost and duration of medical care, the rehabilitation inherent in the new life-saving potential of health services, the high toll of mobility and transiency, and the complex problems of ghettos in large urban centers. Accommodation to social change calls for fresh programmatic departures with which there is a growing body of experience. Operation Head Start is a commendable breakthrough in preschool eduJacob T. Zuckerman, "Family Disorganization," in Harry L. Lurie, ed., Encyclopedia of Social Work (New York: National Association of Social Workers, 1965), p. 307.
Page 131 Implications of Change for Social Agencies 131 cation. Home care programs are serving patients who, as a result of new medical knowledge, no longer need lengthy hospitalization. Halfway houses are easing the adjustment of mentally ill persons who are returned to the community thanks to drug therapy. Outpost, nonfacility group services are helping youth who are not reached through traditional programs. The model cities program holds the promise of being a comprehensive approach to community planning. Family life education programs are bringing service to those not reached by the usual agency programs. Sophisticated group services are meeting the needs of professional people who do not wish to become involved in the more traditional types of programs. These are encouraging examples of creative programing to meet changing conditions. Courageous in breaking with established ways, original in conception, experimental and testing, interdisciplinary, and highly need- and problem-focused, they indicate the possibilities of charting new paths. Retooling also requires attention to gaps in services. The report of the Advisory Council on Public Welfare 2 indicates a new direction for public welfare, strongly endorsing the provision of coverage for all Americans who require financial assistance or social services. It recommends that need be the sole test of eligibility and that comprehensive social welfare services be provided to people who are receiving assistance as well as to those who need only services. It calls for improved child welfare and youth services, work and training programs, juvenile delinquency prevention, and medical and dental care. It urges the extension of social insurance coverage. Every type of agency must attempt to close the gaps in its work, whether these involve neighborhood improvement, family counseling, protective services for children, mental health services, or a multitude of others. Updating program requires equally the elevation of standards. The Advisory Council on Public Welfare urges raising the levels of assistance through a national minimum standard for assistance grants. In social insurance this would mean 2Having the Power, We Have the Duty, report of the Advisory Council on Public Welfare (Washington, D.C.: U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, 1966).
Page 132 132 Implications of Change for Social Agencies liberalization of benefits. For all social services-voluntary and public-it implies enhancement of the quality of personnel, revision of case and group loads and the criteria used for measuring agency capacities, and preoccupation with the effectiveness of individual, group, and community services. Techniques.-Reappraisal programs require the evaluation of social welfare techniques in the light of new knowledge about agency constituencies and their needs. While it may be argued that techniques are the instrumentalities which professional workers use to deliver whatever services the agency provides and that they are independent of changing needs, this side-steps the issue. The essential question is how to devise creative methods of strengthening professional services to meet emerging needs. This is stated well in one assessment of the situation: "The accumulating experience of work with the poor has focused attention on the necessity of developing new techniques appropriate to this clientele." 3 Agencies must be concerned with the adequacy of their lay and professional orientation to the poor, with avoiding the use of middle-class communication and action patterns, and with applying traditional notions of group organization and program which are not attuned to the milieu of the ghetto family. The principle here is that of appropriate adaptation of methodology to the social system of the clientele served. The middle-class suburban constituency, the disturbed children in a residential center, the patients in a convalescent home or hospital for the chronically ill, and the residents of an apartment house project for aged people each have unique characteristics. Agencies must evaluate these differentials and apply methods which are suited to the particular individual relationships, group associations, and community living patterns. Adaptation of techniques to changing conditions can take the form of the use of affidavits to determine eligibility for public assistance, in place of demeaning investigations. It can involve flexibility in groupings, and employment of short-term group organization for group services with the hitherto unreached. The use of group counseling techniques in family services, foster home Davis McEntire and Joanne Haworth, "The Two Functions of Public Welfare: Income Maintenance and Social Services." Social Work, XII, No. 1 (1967), 30-31.
Page 133 Implications of Change for Social Agencies 133 methods in work with the aged, problem-focused rather than functionally oriented social planning, appropriate employment of indigenous neighborhood leaders on agency staffs, and new job classifications and career lines to implement the use of workers with various levels of training illustrate the creative methodology needed for constructive agency reaction to social change. Accommodation is substantially conditioned by the orientation of agencies to research, experimentation, and demonstration. Active involvement in these areas quickens leadership's critical senses, creates an atmosphere congenial to evaluation and change, and provides new avenues of program and practice which can be employed in the change process. The purpose here is to generate fresh insight and knowledge about changing social phenomena. The intent is to apply to practice the knowledge developed by the agency or by other institutions. New methodology and program can be projected, implemented, tested, and evaluated to enrich service. New agency structures and functional relationships can be tried and appraised. Experience acquired in a given situation can be utilized in other settings. Research and experimentation viewed in these terms become action-oriented, serving to encourage and facilitate change in agency thinking and practice. Organization of services.-The retooling of social welfare must deal with the organization of services. The organizational system most certainly must take account of the spectacular population mobility which has occurred and which continues. The creation of new population centers with complex interrelationships among them, and between them and older communities, compels new thinking. Organizational perspectives must embrace new geographical boundaries. Structures must take account of the social dynamics which reach over localities. Social planning and functional services need to embrace larger areas which have social coherence. This refers also to the boundary lines of political responsibility, inasmuch as service structures (voluntary as well as public) often need to parallel the jurisdictions in which laws are made and government is administered. This frequently makes county lines significant perimeters for service structures. From the viewpoint of the financing of services, the correlation
Page 134 134 Implications of Change for Social Agencies of agency boundaries with areas of taxation and regions for voluntary fund raising is highly pertinent. The fact that industries often generate substantial tax or united fund revenue in towns where plants or offices are situated, but which are not the jurisdictions in which their employees live, necessitates redefining the geographical scope of agency areas to embrace collectivities of communities. Structures are needed also which will cover regions large enough to insure high-quality social welfare resources for communities too small to provide such services independently. These considerations lend increasing importance to over-all metropolitan area agencies for social planning and social services, whether family and child care, group services, health services, or others. The social welfare field has for some time been accumulating experience with metropolitan area-wide service structures, which has impressive validation in education as well. In addition to programmatic and administrative values, this can give impetus to the correlation of social and physical planning and to other relevant relationships. The organization of services needs viewing also in terms of structures to facilitate creative relationships between disciplines or services which now operate discretely. To often people and communities are the victims of overspecialization and inflexible separation between functional programs. There is increasing awareness of the close relationship of fields that deal with social problems. Welfare, education, and employment are inextricably related to work-training programs; health, welfare, and education, to mental health programs and to prekindergarten programs; and so on. Organizational structures must encourage such relationships and make them viable. In some circumstances, the need is for multifunctional agencies to mount focused attacks on social needs. In others, it is for effective coordination. There are a growing number of multifunctional agencies. The report of one such program 4 tells of a youth service project involving casework, group work, day camp, nursery school, tutoring, 4Salvatore Ambrosino, "A Family Agency Reaches Out to a Slum Ghetto," Journal of Social Work, XI, No. 4 (1966), 17-23.
Page 135 Implications of Change for Social Agencies 135 family life education, vocational guidance, and community planning. The contemplated community mental health centers give further promise of this type of integration. Coordination of services is equally important. Structures and policies should facilitate correlation of ongoing activities, either in a given neighborhood or in the larger community both within functional areas, and between them. Coordination among government services is particularly urgent. Municipal, state, and federal services need correlation, just as this is required between services on various levels of government. Special note must be taken of the social welfare organizational problem in the federal government where multiplicity of functional units and lack of coordination breed confusion on state and local levels as well. Nineteen departments and agencies of the federal executive branch conduct programs that are distinctly social welfare in character.5 And this list does not include many recently established agencies, such as those of the Office of Economic Opportunity and of the Department of Housing and Urban Development. The need for organizational change in the public sector to cope with new conditions is stated well by Secretary John W. Gardner: "The old system of governmental arrangements.... unmanageable city government, inadequate state government, disjointed relations between federal, state and local levels and uncoordinated federal programs... is dying." 6 Here is a frontier for fresh organizational creativity. Note must be taken of the growing interest in state-level organization for social planning and action. There is increasing recognition of the importance of state jurisdictions in social programs and the need for effective social welfare organization on a state basis. This must be included in the stocktaking of organizational considerations that affect social welfare in this period of change. Appraisal of organizational structures must deal with the neces5 Wilbur J. Cohen, "Federal Organization for Social Welfare," in Harry L. Lurie, ed., Encyclopedia of Social Work, p. 319. 6John W. Gardner, Testimony before the Senate Subcommittee on Intergovernmental Relations, quoted in address by William H. Stewart, M.D., National Advisory Health Council, 1966.
Page 136 136 Implications of Change for Social Agencies sity for accessibility of services in personal and family emergencies. Structural and policy rigidities which prevent this are unfortunate. The community welfare center which houses and integrates a variety of public welfare and related services, organized for availability around the clock and located accessibly to those who need them, illustrates this type of flexibility. The nature and location of agency facilities have a singular bearing on the agency's adaptation to changing needs. This suggests the necessity for evaluation of the facilities. It bespeaks flexibility within the context of a sober awareness of the seriousness of decisions affecting the investment of the community's capital. Organizational structure must be a means for achieving social purposes. It must adapt and change as the focus and direction of the agency are altered. Too often structure becomes the master, determining directions and blocking change. Agencies dealing with change must resolve that this shall not be the case. Community relationships.-No part of the retooling task exceeds in importance that of evaluating and redirecting the agency's orientation to, and relationships with, its community. A sensitively calibrated insight into present and changing community needs and characteristics, together with an open line of communication between community and agency, is imperative. Without it, agency targeting to community needs is difficult and refocusing cannot be implemented. Without the channels for permanent communityagency interchange, there can be no assurance of constant adaptation. What is needed is a state of mind on the part of agency leaders, lay and professional: a will for this communication and a readiness for its implications. The attitude of the leaders of indigenous groups, their view of the needs of the community and of the gaps in its services, and of the tensions and dynamics in relationships between groups, are pertinent to the agency's examination of this subject. Relevant also are the attitudes of community groups toward "the establishment" and the agency as part of it, toward its staff and its board. The past experience of the community with this agency and others bears heavily on the subject. All these
Page 137 Implications of Change for Social Agencies 137 considerations must be paramount in the consciousness of agency leaders and must be considered in the reorientation process. On the heels of this assessment must come the search for approaches through which the agency can intensify its relationship to the community-to its constituency. Their involvement in the life of the agency, in its program leadership and policy making, is crucial. Participation in leadership can be both voluntary and paid. The range of opportunities for voluntary service can be infinitely greater than has often been assumed to be the case. Ranging from direct leadership of groups to assistance in administrative areas, there is ample scope for creative use of community persons who desire to share directly in the agency's work. Some of the most telling progress has been made by employing community people in posts not requiring professional preparation. Accompanied by a restructuring of the agency's staff organization and utilization, this can foster a closer community liaison at the same time that it strengthens the agency's staff system. On the policy-making level, participation by the agency's constituency can be greatly expanded and vitalized. With all the halting steps and difficulties, emphasis on participation of the poor in community action programs has made itself felt. It has pointed the direction for voluntary and governmental social welfare agencies in building more significant community participation in board of directors, committees, neighborhood or city advisory boards, and other bodies. Agency board and staff members must be committed to this objective, must work to help such people serve effectively, and must develop new leadership from these sources. Community relationships involve also the strategies on basic social issues to which agencies are committed. Agencies identify themselves, consciously or unconsciously, with particular conceptual frameworks within which they operate. It is important that such commitments be clear and consciously arrived at, and that they be subject to constant scrutiny and review. This should be part of the retooling. Two examples illustrate the challenges with which agencies must deal. The first concerns the current discussion about alterna
Page 138 138 Implications of Change for Social Agencies tive approaches to income maintenance and its implications for public welfare. An advocate of an extreme solution argues for the complete abandonment of public welfare in favor of other income maintenance approaches. He recommends the "constructive destruction" of the public assistance system leading to its "collapse and replacement." 7 Still another writer prefers "a pluralistic approach" to assuring income for all Americans through "strengthen[ing] the existing income maintenance mechanisms and add[ing] a couple of new ones" 8 A second problem area deals with the generally accepted concept of integration. Recently the contention has been advanced that "physical desegregation is not only irrelevant to the ghetto but can actively prevent the eventual integration of the Negro in the institutional life of this society.... [it] is a question of developing communal associations that can be bases for power not of dispersing a community that is powerless." 9 Others reject this as "impacting the ghetto rather than creating a truly democratic society." They prefer "two complementary goals: the revitalization of the ghetto and the integration of the city." 10 It is around problems like these that the crucial strategies of social welfare agencies must be constructed. Particularly in times of change, agencies cannot provide socially dynamic services or leadership unless their social goals are clear and their directions defined. Discussion of community relationships is incomplete without recognition of the complex task of community interpretation which is so badly needed. There is unbelievable lack of public understanding of the human dimensions of the nation's social problems. Instead of recognizing the poor, the mentally ill, and others in need as persons and families who are most often the victims of social change, the nation persists in making moral 7Alan D. Wade, "The Guaranteed Minimum Income: Social Works Challenge and Opportunity," Social Work Journal, XII, No. 1 (1967), p. 100oo. 8Alvin Schor, "Alternatives in Income Maintenance," Social Work, XI, No. 3 (1966), 28. Frances Fox Piven and Richard A. Cloward, "The Case against Urban Desegregation," Social Work, XII, No. 1 (1967), p. 21. 10 Clarence Funnye and Ronald Shiffman, "The Imperative of Deghettoization: an Answer to Piven and Cloward," Social Work, XII, No. 2 (1967), p. 5.
Page 139 Implications of Change for Social Agencies 139 judgments about them. Planning for the accommodation of the social welfare field to change must contend with this acute problem, both as to the needs of people and the ways in which social services can help to meet them. The voluntary agency.-Discussion of social welfare agencies and social change must deal with the future of the voluntary agency in view of the great forward thrust by government. Gloomy forecasts are expressed in doubts whether there will even be a function for voluntary programs in the days to come, presumptions that at best their role is a declining one, and apprehensions that they cannot be supported by the voluntary sector. Such pessimism is not justified, particularly in light of the importance of autonomous community effort in a free society. It is true that voluntary agencies must change in response to societal developments and the progress of public services. Essential partners with creative government services, the voluntary programs express the aspirations of ideological, religious, or ethnic movements, perform the roles of constructive critic of government and advocate of social policies and programs, fill critical gaps in the vast government-voluntary complex of social programs, provide services of unusual depth and intensity, and engage in research, experimentation, and demonstration. That the latter functions are not exclusive to the voluntary sector in no wise diminishes their importance. The future of voluntary programs can be secure if it is predicated on the compatibility of voluntary and public programs and the obligation of each to strengthen the other and to work cooperatively. Financing of services.-Especially relevant is the principle of acceptance by the voluntary sector of responsibility for financing the fundamental structure of voluntary social welfare agencies. Recent proposals for government support of the basic framework of voluntary services 11 evoke considerable anxiety. It is doubtful that the integrity and independence of voluntary programs can be maintained under these conditions. There is a vast difference "The Nongovernmental Organization at Bay," in Annual Report, 1966, Carnegie Corporation of New York.
Page 140 140 Implications of Change for Social Agencies between government grants to voluntary organizations for special projects, or even for the purchase of services, and the dependence of voluntary agencies on government for their very existence. There are other issues of agency financing which are related closely to the retooling process. It is quite possible that lack of agency accommodation to serious social changes and nonresponsiveness to new needs impair confidence in community services and impede successful fund-raising. On the other hand, constructive and aggressive remodeling of services, if skillfully interpreted to contributors, can be a considerable asset. Agencies which are engaged in study, replanning and transition need to be especially sensitive to the importance of community education about this so that disaffection of those loyal to old programs and structures is averted where possible and community support is maintained. Good involvement in the planning process, both of the financially supporting constituency and the client constituency, is part of the safeguarding needed. Economic and social pressures, emotional appeals, and traditional loyalties notwithstanding, the success of voluntary fund-raising rests heavily on the contributor's confidence in the programs he is asked to support. Considering the state of the nation's gross national product and the rise in corporate and personal income, communities surely have not realized optimum fund-raising results. One approach to coping with this is community education about prevailing social needs and persuasive interpretation of the way in which social welfare services are targeted directly on meeting these needs. This effort can be aided by replacing outworn program descriptions and appeals with direct explanations of present-day problems and what is being done to meet them. Greater faith both in the work of agencies and in the insight of contributors would arm fund-raisers with more courage in dealing with this situation. The favorable public response to voluntary programs for a cross-section of socioeconomic groups in respect to mental illness, family breakdown, juvenile delinquency, and the deterioration of personal values should reassure those who are willing to consider these questions. The financing implications of the retooling process refer also to the budgeting and allocation of community funds. Where this
Page 141 Implications of Change for Social Agencies 141 is related to local social planning, allocation deliberations quite naturally are concerned with the adaptation of agencies to social change. Where budget committees convey to their agencies a sensitivity to change and the expectation that agencies will give evidence of their own retooling, this provides impetus to the change process. Beyond this, the criteria for priorities and the budgeting practices of the funds can have a significant impact on the accommodation of agencies to change. The financing of public services is equally pertinent to the projection of agency change. The many constructive recommendations of the Advisory Council on Public Welfare will come to naught unless they are implemented through substantial additional tax resources. It is a national calamity that the nation fails to use its great wealth to correct the present government subsidization of poverty through the public assistance program. "Change and progress" in tax-supported programs is only a shibboleth if they are not underwritten with the large sums needed to finance them. The measure of the readiness of leaders to alter agency purposes, functions, programs, and structures is the extent of their confidence in the vigor and efficacy of their institutions. Given faith in the perfectibility of men and society, given confidence in the contribution of social welfare institutions to this end, the traumatic transitions of an era of revolutionary change can be made. From such foundations can come the insights, the creativity, and the strength of will which make for social progress.
Page 142 Undergraduate Education in Social Welfare by ARNULF M. PINS OUR GOALS FOR HUMANIZING THE CITY and building the Great Society will not be easy to realize. The plans, legislation, and programs designed to combat and eliminate poverty, illness, and dependency, to encourage self-help and promote selfsufficiency and creativity, and to assure civil rights and enhance democracy will remain unfulfilled unless there is an interested and informed citizenry to support the programs and an adequate supply of appropriately prepared personnel to plan, administer, and provide the services. Higher education has an important role in the preparation of the needed lay and staff manpower. Social work education has the major responsibility for providing the necessary quantity, quality, and variety of staff to carry out the programs. There has been major growth and change in social work education in recent years. The number of graduate professional schools has grown, and their enrollment has increased substantially.1 The curricula have been broadened and deepened.2 New emphases and curriculum models have also been developed in the doctoral programs,3 and enrollments have grown. Perhaps the greatest change in social work education in the past 1See Statistics on Social Work Education, published annually by the Council on Social Work Education. 2For a brief and comprehensive summary of recent developments see Contemporary Education for Social Work in the United States (New York: Council on Social Work Education, 1966). 3See Jeanette Regensburg, ed., Some Educational Patterns in Doctoral Programs in Schools of Social Work (New York: Council on Social Work Education, 1966).
Page 143 Undergraduate Education in Social Welfare 143 decade has been in undergraduate education. Recent years have seen clarification of the objectives of undergraduate programs, an enrichment of the curricula, an increase in their number, and a growing acceptance of their importance and function by colleges and universities, graduate schools of social work, the social welfare field, and the social work profession. Undergraduate programs in social welfare are not a new phenomenon. They have been a subject of interest, concern, and debate almost throughout the relatively short history of social work education. Preparation for social work, compared to that for other professions, moved rather quickly from apprenticeship to graduate university education. As early as 1932 the American Association of Schools of Professional Social Work (later called the American Association of Schools of Social Work-AASSW) decided that the "minimum preparation necessary for a person to be considered a professional social worker" must include graduation from a four-year college and one full resident year of graduate professional work. Only five years later, in 1937, the AASSW amended its bylaws to indicate that "on or after October i, 1939, the school must provide a curriculum of two years of graduate work" to be eligible for membership. The New Deal social legislation of the middle 1930s created a serious social work manpower shortage. This plus other factors led to a major revolt against the AASSW standard that as of 1939 all social work education should comprise a two-year program at the graduate level. The AASSW faced the critical challenge of trying to maintain what it regarded as desirable standards of professional education and at the same time attempting to meet the needs and pressures for more social work personnel. In response to this dual challenge and also in response to the growing revolt among certain universities against the two-year graduate requirement, the AASSW in 1939 recognized a one-year graduate certificate program and made schools offering such programs eligible for membership. Despite this step, the dissident schools in 1942 formed a new organization, the National Association of Schools of Social Administration (NASSA). The members of NASSA were schools and departments
Page 144 144 Undergraduate Education in Social Welfare (primarily in land-grant colleges and universities) which offered social work education at the undergraduate level, in some instances followed by one year of graduate study. For the next several years, there were two often competing spokesmen and accrediting groups for social work education. This period was one "marked by considerable conflict and confusion and often by anxiety." 4 The lack of progress in resolving the issues eventually led to establishment of the National Council on Social Work Education, made up of thirteen organizations and associations interested in problems and developments of undergraduate and graduate social work education for the purposes of coordination, cooperation, and research.5 The National Council began its work in 1946 and launched a plan for a comprehensive study which led to the now famous Hollis-Taylor report.6 The report recommended a continuum of education from the last two years of undergraduate education through two years of graduate professional education. It urged that undergraduate programs not be characterized as "preprofessional" and recognized the possibility of terminal programs at the undergraduate level. The report also included specific cautions and guides regarding undergraduate education: undergraduate education for social work should be broad, should not include the teaching of professional skills nor include learning of a technical or vocational nature; primary responsibility for outlining the program essentials should rest with the social work profession; and semiprofessional programs should be undertaken only after professional or semiprofessional functions in social work have been identified. The publication of the study and the consideration of the findings and recommendations did not resolve all the issues. However, the process leading to the study "led to a measure of harmony and amity to all concerned with social work education." 7 Schools offering one-year programs began to disappear. In Janu4 Ernest V. Hollis and Alice L. Taylor, Social Work Education in the United States (New York: Columbia University Press, 1951), pp. 38-39. 5 The National Council on Social Work Education is not the same as the Council on Social Work Education, which was not established until 1952. 6 Hollis and Taylor, op. cit. Katherine A. Kendall, "Issues and problems in Social Work Education," Social Work Education Reporter, XIV, No. 1 (1966), 37.
Page 145 Undergraduate Education in Social Welfare 145 ary, 1952, the AASSW abolished its membership category for oneyear schools established in 1939. In July, 1952, the AASSW, the NASSA, and the National Council gave up their separate identities to form the Council on Social Work Education (CSWE), which provided constituent membership to all accredited graduate schools of social work, colleges and universities which offered undergraduate courses with social welfare content, the major national public and voluntary social welfare organizations, and the professional social work associations (later merged into one group, the National Association of Social Workers). One of the early and major activities of the newly formed Council on Social Work Education was the initiation of a curriculum study. Kendall points out that "the dormant but not defunct controversy over graduate vs. undergraduate (or a combination thereof) social work education was revived" 8 as a result of the social work curriculum study undertaken by the Council in 1956. The key recommendation of the thirteen-volume study called for the initiation of professional social work education at the undergraduate level and a continuum from undergraduate to graduate.9 After much discussion and debate by the field and careful consideration by the CSWE Curriculum Committee, the recommendation was not accepted. The Council reaffirmed the organization of professional social work education at the graduate level as a twoyear program leading to a master's degree. At the same time, the need for a clear guide on the purpose and content of undergraduate education was recognized, and steps were taken toward that end. The events, the issues, and the emotions created by the conflicts and debates have greatly influenced the past developments in undergraduate education and have affected, and to some degree continue to affect, attitudes toward undergraduate programs in social welfare. The views ranged from one extreme to another. Some held that undergraduate programs in social welfare are the real and only solution to the manpower problems in social wel8 Ibid. ~Werner W. Boehm, Objectives of the Social Work Curriculum of the Future (New York: Council on Social Work Education, 1959), p. 209.
Page 146 146 Undergraduate Education in Social Welfare fare, while others considered them the most serious threat to the image and status of the social work profession and the quality of service to people. Various and divergent fears were also expressed. There was concern by some that undergraduate programs could undermine the hard-won standard of two years of graduate education for professional social workers and renew the confusion and struggle of the 1940s, or repeat the debates of the 1950S; there was also fear that organized undergraduate sequences in social welfare might diminish the liberal arts base of college education. Despite past events, persistent issues, and existing concerns about undergraduate social welfare education, or perhaps because of them, the relationship of undergraduate education to professional education has been under serious study, and important clarifications and new developments have taken place. Since the early 196os the CSWE has taken a position of leadership in these activities. In 1961 the Board of Directors of the CSWE adopted a guiding statement on undergraduate education.10 This statement has been widely used by colleges and universities in reviewing or changing existing programs or setting up new ones, and it has also been used by committees, CSWE staff, and college faculties to provide consultation, to develop course syllabi, and to explore various issues. Since 1962 the CSWE has had a special committee and a staff person concerned exclusively with undergraduate education. During the past few years there have been many state and regional meetings and conferences on undergraduate education in social welfare; the subject has been discussed with increasing frequency at national meetings and especially at the annual program meeting of the CSWE, and most issues of the Journal of Education for Social Work and the Social Work Education Reporter have carried articles on undergraduate education. Special publications presenting the views of leaders in both graduate and undergraduate education and in practice have appeared from time to time.11 0 Social Welfare Content in Undergraduate Education (New York: Council on Social Work Education, 1962). Recent Thoughts on Undergraduate Social Welfare Education (New York: Council on Social Work Education, 1964), and Observations on Undergraduate Social Welfare Education (New York: Council on Social Work Education, 1966).
Page 147 Undergraduate Education in Social Welfare 147 Since 1964 there have been summer institutes for faculty members who teach in undergraduate programs. In October, 1965, the Board of the Council unanimously adopted a resolution which recognized "its obligations to extend the range of its concerns more vigorously, both in principle and in practice, beyond its continuing core responsibility for the advancement of professional education to the broader scope of training and education to meet all social work manpower needs." 12 Following a discussion at the 1966 annual meeting of the CSWE House of Delegates, a board committee was established to study the best means for the Council to fulfill this role. Its report,13 unanimously adopted in March, 1966, underscored the role of undergraduate programs in social welfare to prepare for graduate professional education and to prepare for employment in social welfare, and the need to develop appropriate curricula. It also urged expanded service to this area. The findings of a major survey on undergraduate programs, students, and faculty in social welfare, undertaken in 1965-66, was published in 1967.14 It provides basic comprehensive national data for the first time. A revised and expanded guide on undergraduate education in social welfare,15 carefully developed by the CSWE undergraduate committee over a two-year period, was approved by the Board of Directors of the Council in March, 1967, for publication in the early summer. It reflects new developments, clarifications, and agreements since 1962 and attempts to respond to new demands and questions. Much of the material which follows is based on these two key documents. Undergraduate programs in social welfare can have and do have different objectives and curriculum content. Some colleges and universities give major attention in their undergraduate social welfare programs to the enrichment of liberal arts education; 2 For details see Kendall, op. cit., pp. 15, 34-42. ""Future Program and Structure of the Council on Social Work Education," Social Work Education Reporter, XIV, No. 2 (1966), 18-20. "Sherman Merle, Survey of Undergraduate Programs, Students and Faculty in Social Welfare (New York: Council on Social Work Education, 1967). 15 Undergraduate Programs in Social Welfare: a Guide to Objectives, Content, Field Experience and Organization (New York: Council on Social Work Education, 1967) ~
Page 148 148 Undergraduate Education in Social Welfare some see their programs as primarily preprofessional; and others have a vocational emphasis. The new guide identifies five specific objectives within three broad areas: A. Social Welfare Manpower 1. To prepare students for graduate professional social work education 2. To prepare students for employment in social welfare in positions not requiring graduate professional social work education B. Other Human Services Manpower 3. To contribute to the preparation of students for graduate professional education in one of the other human service professions 4. To contribute to the preparation of students for employment in various fields of human service in positions not requiring graduate professional education C. Enrichment of General Education 5. To help students know and understand social welfare needs, services, and issues as part of their preparation for responsible citizenship in a democracy.16 While all five objectives are interrelated, each has its own rationale and focus. Social welfare manpower.-Undergraduate programs in social welfare can help students to explore their interest in, and readiness for, graduate professional social work education. Undergraduate programs can also maximize students' learning if and when they undertake graduate professional social work education. While an undergraduate major in social welfare is not, at the present time, a prerequisite for admission to a graduate school of social work, some schools are exploring ways to give appropriate advanced placement to students who have had special undergraduate preparation in social welfare. The critical need for more professionally educated social workers and for other personnel with less and different educational preparation is well known and amply documented. However, there is general agreement today that, even if there were no shortage of professionally educated social workers, not all jobs in social welfare need to be or should be filled by a person who is equipped with two years 18 Ibid., p. 5.
Page 149 Undergraduate Education in Social Welfare 149 of graduate professional education. Many college graduates are employed in both public and voluntary social welfare programs. Numerous efforts are currently under way to identify tasks and positions in the health and welfare field which can be performed effectively by persons with a college education, including social welfare content, followed by agency-based inservice training under professional direction. The objective of undergraduate programs to prepare for employment is congruent with the interest of many students in entering upon careers in social welfare without acquiring a graduate degree. In addition, it also provides them with a foundation for inservice training. Manpower for other human services.-Work in the human services is already and will increasingly become a preferred occupational choice for many college students. The desirable or required undergraduate preparation for graduate professional education in the different services varies greatly. Nevertheless, knowledge of man and society and information about the goals, structure, nature, and values of human services and professions and about the needs, problems, and issues in the broad fields of health and welfare are valuable and necessary for all students who plan to obtain advanced professional education in any of the human services. Undergraduate programs in social welfare can provide foundation knowledge for all students who plan to become teachers, doctors, nurses, rehabilitation counselors, clinical psychologists, lawyers, urban planners or town managers, or clergymen. In these roles they will need to know about, and be involved with, social welfare services and social workers. Many efforts are under way in various human service occupations, as in social work, to differentiate tasks and to clarify roles and functions to be performed by individuals who have a fouryear college degree, by those who have less than a college education, and by those with basic and advanced graduate professional education. Undergraduate programs can help students to identify and understand the various human services and their interrelationships and to explore their special interest in one of them. They also provide a foundation for beginning employment and inservice training in human service fields, including the newer
Page 150 150 Undergraduate Education in Social Welfare settings such as poverty programs, comprehensive health services, delinquency prevention, Peace Corps, VISTA, and civil rights activities. Enrichment of general education.-A college education should help prepare students for intelligent and responsible citizenship. Since social welfare services are concerned with major social problems and since substantial tax and voluntary funds are spent on social welfare services, every citizen needs knowledge and understanding of their origin, purposes, values, and cost. The liberal education of all undergraduate students is enriched when they are helped to obtain basic information about social welfare and a realistic understanding of key problems and issues. This preparation will be of value to them as constructive critics of social policy, as effective agents for social change, and as responsible participants in policy determination. It will also motivate and prepare students to use social services, to contribute to voluntary services and causes, and to participate in the work of social agencies and programs as volunteers and board members. The undergraduate program in social welfare suggested by the CSWE guide is a broadly oriented program which attempts to provide the foundation knowledge, career clarification, and general preparation necessary for entry into social welfare or other human services, either directly from college or after acquiring a graduate education. The suggested program is considered to be part of, and a contribution to, a liberal arts education. The study of social welfare, regardless of its emphasis, requires an integrated view of man and society. This, it is believed, is best achieved by means of an interdisciplinary approach through work in many fields within the liberal arts college, including anthropology, biology, economics, history, political science, psychology, sociology. The guide further recommends that preparation for employment in social welfare should be broad and general and not limited to any one field of practice (corrections, public welfare, mental health, vocational rehabilitation), or any one setting (school, hospital), or any single age group (children, aged). The proposed program is seen neither as a substitute for graduate pro
Page 151 Undergraduate Education in Social Welfare 15l1 fessional education nor as a replacement for agency inservice training. Individual educational institutions give different emphasis to the five possible objectives identified. At this point in time, uniformity in goals is neither practical nor desirable. Merle in his survey of undergraduate programs found that 43 percent of the colleges and universities offering a "defined program in social welfare or social work" at the undergraduate level ranked "preparation for social welfare employment upon graduation" as the first objective of the program.17 "Preparation for graduate social work education" was ranked first by 29 percent of the institutions; a "liberal arts education," by 30 percent. The questionnaire used in the survey did not list preparation for employment or graduate education in other human services as a possible objective. Suggested curriculum content.-No common curriculum exists for undergraduate programs in social welfare nor is one prescribed by the CSWE guide. What is recommended is a broad program consisting of: (a) general education, including the usual broad prerequisites basic to the attainment of a liberal arts degree; (b) foundation courses in the biological, social, and behavioral sciences; plus (c) a limited number of courses with social welfare content. It is assumed that the general education of college students includes the humanities, languages, mathematics, and sciences. It is recommended that foundation courses in the biological, social, and behavioral sciences be taught in the departments responsible for such content. It is suggested that the social welfare courses be concerned with more specialized subject matter dealing with the origin, development, and organization of health and welfare institutions, the social work profession and other human service professions, and their relationship to social problems and social development in our society. The CSWE guide suggests that the social welfare courses be offered during the last two years of the undergraduate program 17 Merle, op. cit.
Page 152 152 Undergraduate Education in Social Welfare and recommends that concurrent field experience or a special field experience course be provided.18 The possibility of an additional course for students planning to enter employment immediately after receiving their baccalaureate degree is suggested, as is the possibility of offering an introductory course in the sophomore year, designed to acquaint students with, and to interest them in, the social welfare field and other human services. The guide does not spell out the specific course content or title for any of these courses. The Council, however, has prepared illustrative syllabi,19 and various papers discussing different courses have been published. The guide clearly cautions against the proliferation of social welfare courses and urges that the required elective courses be sequentially and progressively arranged to make up an integrated program. It is generally recognized that a "conglomeration of introductory courses makes neither for a well-educated man nor for an adequate social worker." 20 The guide recommends "indepth" work in at least one of the social sciences. The specific number of courses with social welfare content which should be offered or required is still under study. No comprehensive data are available on the curriculum content of undergraduate programs throughout the country. However, it is known that over 80 percent of the defined programs offer field experience, and most provide credit for it.21 The number of colleges with undergraduate courses and programs in social welfare, the size of their enrollment, and the number of faculty involved are far greater than is generally recognized. For a detailed analysis of, and suggested guidelines for, field experience in undergraduate programs in social welfare, see Margaret Matson, Field Experience in Undergraduate Programs in Social Welfare (New York: Council on Social Work Education, 1967). 19 For example, see Social Welfare as a Social Institution, Illustrative Syllabi (New York: Council on Social Work Education, 1963); Social Work: a Helping Profession in Social Welfare; a Syllabus (New York: Council on Social Work Education, 1966). 20 Frank M. Loewenberg, "Overview of Undergraduate Education and the Helping Services," Conference on Education at the Undergraduate Level for the Helping Services, sponsored by the New England Board of Higher Education, Manchester, N.H., 1967, p. 13. 2 Merle, op. cit.
Page 153 Undergraduate Education in Social Welfare 153 Number of programs.-The CSWE survey conducted by Merle in 1965-66 identified 529 colleges and universities which offered social welfare or social work courses or programs at the undergraduate level.22 He sent questionnaires to all 936 baccalaureate degree-granting colleges and universities in the United States and had a response rate of over 70 percent. His findings are based on the completed questionnaires received from 681 educational institutions. There were 232 defined23 programs being offered among the 681 institutions. An additional 297 institutions reported that they were offering only courses in social welfare or social work at the undergraduate level, but not in any "programs" of study as defined in this survey. Students and faculty.-Reliable and comprehensive data on the enrollment in undergraduate programs in social welfare are not currently available and are difficult to obtain. Merle estimates that between 15,000 and 20,000 students are enrolled in "defined programs" alone.24 This is considered by many a conservative estimate since it is based only on responses of those institutions which could count or estimate their number of students. The size of programs vary. Some have over 250 students, while others enroll fewer than o1. It is estimated that most of the programs have between 25 and 75 students. The enrollment in these undergraduate programs has grown substantially in recent years, and all the educational institutions surveyed anticipate further increases. The survey respondents "anticipated" that 4,535 students would complete their defined programs of study between July, 1965, and June, 1966 (an increase of 25 percent over the previous year). Merle points out that the growth is substantially above the increases expected for all earned degrees in the United States for this same period. The United States Office of Education re22 bid. 2 A "defined program" in the survey was "A 'Major,' 'Sequence,' 'Concentration,' or 'Program' in social welfare or social work.... a defined set of courses which the student is expected to take to complete a formally specified program of study in either social welfare or social work." 24 Merle, op. cit.
Page 154 154 Undergraduate Education in Social Welfare ported an anticipated increase in earned degrees in 1964-65 of 4.2 percent and a 5 percent anticipated increase in earned degrees in 1965-66.25 To date, no major study has been made of what happens to the products of undergraduate programs in social welfare. Individual schools have done follow-up studies of their students, and the career goals and decisions of students in specific programs and states have been surveyed. Merle also gathered data on graduates, but only about 60 percent of the 232 colleges and universities with defined undergraduate programs were able to report figures or estimates on the career decisions of their students after graduation. Those that did report indicated that about 2o percent went on to graduate professional social work education and nearly 50 percent entered employment in social welfare.26 These findings are in general agreement with an earlier estimate, made after a review of individual studies, indicating that between lo percent and 30 percent of the graduates enter graduate schools of social work directly and between 30 percent and 60 percent accept employment in social welfare.27 Not much is known about the effectiveness of undergraduate programs in preparing students for graduate social work education. Berengarten found that undergraduate majors in English and social welfare did better than all others in schools of social work.28 Cox did a more detailed analysis of the same students.29 On the other hand, Aldridge and McGrath claim the contrary.30 No research is available about the effectiveness of undergraduate programs in social welfare in preparing students for employment. The first and only comprehensive information concerning fac2 Patricia Wright, Earned Degrees Conferred I962-63; Bachelor's and Higher Degrees (Washington: U.S. Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Office of Education, 1965), Fig. i, p. 3. "2 Merle, op. cit. 2 Arnulf M. Pins, "Education: Its Contribution to the Manpower Equation," in Edward E. Schwartz, ed., Manpower in Social Welfare: Research Perspectives (New York: National Association of Social Workers, 1966), p. 119. 28Sidney Berengarten, Admissions Prediction and Student Performance in Social Work Education (New York: Council on Social Work Education, 1964), pp. 39-44. "9Cordelia Cox, "Performance of Undergraduate Majors in Graduate Schools of Social Work," Social Work Education Reporter, XIII, No. 2 (1965), 20-21. 80 Gordon J. Aldridge and Earl T. McGrath, Liberal Education and Social Work (New York: Teachers College Press, 1965).
Page 155 Undergraduate Education in Social Welfare )55 ulty in undergraduate programs in social welfare comes from the CSWE survey conducted by Merle. The 529 responding institutions indicated that there were 805 full-time and 356 part-time faculty members teaching courses with specific social welfare and social work content at the undergraduate level at the time of this survey. About 30 percent of the full-time faculty had completed graduate social work education. Sociology was the discipline most represented in the full-time faculty. Seventy-three percent of the parttime faculty held a master's degree in social work. Slightly over two thirds of the part-time faculty were reported to be employed in social welfare in addition to their part-time teaching.31 Administrative organization.-No comprehensive data are available on the structure and auspices of various university and college departments. In 1966, of those colleges and universities which were constituent members of the CSWE, most of their programs were either part of sociology departments or were separate social welfare or social work departments within their colleges.32 Since colleges and universities have their own institutional objectives and follow many different organizational patterns, no one specific pattern is proposed by the CSWE guide for the organization of the social welfare program. However, since undergraduate education in social welfare is viewed as liberal education, the guide indicates that an undergraduate program in social welfare, whatever its organizational pattern, must be related to the liberal arts program of the college or university. The guide includes a description of the various patterns currently used in administering the social welfare sequences and in locating the specifically designated social welfare courses. The advantages and disadvantages of the various patterns are also indicated. Specifically, the guide lists four patterns; (1) departmental major with a social welfare concentration; (2) interdepartmental major with a social welfare concentration; (3) separate social welfare major; and (4) under auspices of a graduate school of social work. t8 Merle, op. cit. 32I966 Statistics on Social Work Education (New York: Council on Social Work Education, 1967), pp. 15-18.
Page 156 156 Undergraduate Education in Social Welfare Many problems and issues still face undergraduate programs in social welfare and their relation to the professions, the university, and the public. The speed with which the questions are resolved and the nature of solutions agreed upon will influence future prospects. Among the key problems that require early action are the following: Inadequate differentiation and definition of tasks in social welfare.-Until this is solved it will be difficult, if not impossible, to develop a sound and effective educational program at the undergraduate level (or even the graduate level) to prepare students for employment upon graduation.33 Lack of agreement on the need for, or nature of, prerequisites for admission to graduate professional schools of social work.This lack seriously complicates the development of a meaningful curriculum that prepares but does not duplicate the work at the graduate level.34 Absence of formal recognition and special benefits for students completing undergraduate programs in social welfare.-At the present time civil service systems, employing agencies, and graduate schools generally do not recognize a student's specialized preparation. Serious shortage of qualified faculty.-If one of the objectives of undergraduate programs is to prepare students for employment, more social workers are needed on the full-time faculty. If the curriculum approach is to be interdisciplinary and serve as preparation for graduate study, faculty are needed who combine both background in the social sciences and familiarity with social welfare and other human services. In addition to these problems several persistent and complicated issues are currently being studied and discussed: Teaching skills at the undergraduate level.-While the CSWE guide suggests the possibility of a special course for those who 3 For more detailed analysis see Herman D. Stein, "Cross-Currents in Practice, Undergraduate, and Graduate Education in Social Work," Journal of Education for Social Work, I, No. 1 (1965), 56-67. 4 For more detailed analysis see Ernest F. Witte, "The Purposes of Undergraduate Education for Social Welfare," Journal of Education for Social Work, I, No. 2 (1965), 56.
Page 157 Undergraduate Education in Social Welfare 157 plan to enter directly into employment, there is still lack of agreement about the nature and content of this course. Social welfare emphasis and human services focus.-Many colleges are experimenting with educational programs for the broad range of human (or helping) services. Should undergraduate social welfare programs give leadership to such developments, or do the needs of our field require a more focused program? Kendall asks: Is it conceivable that there could be a composite program at the undergraduate level for the various categories of subprofessional and technical personnel in health, education, and welfare? The walls that rise between the professions and between academic disciplines are forbiddingly high. Yet, there are signs that the walls may be coming down.35 Assurance and identification of quality programs.-While there are standards and procedures for the accreditation of graduate schools of social work, there is no accreditation of social welfare programs at the undergraduate level. Employers, potential students, university officials, and graduate schools of social work seek help in identifying quality programs. Triple objectives of the curriculum.-Many wonder if the same program can serve as vocational preparation for the student entering social welfare employment, liberal education in depth for the student planning to enter a graduate school of social work, and liberal education in breadth for the student majoring in various fields from physics to business administration. Probably only research and demonstration can ever settle this issue. Despite the unresolved problems and persistent issues, the prospects for the future for undergraduate programs in social welfare seem brighter than ever before. There seems to be growing recognition by the social work profession that use of staff without graduate professional education is not a temporary but a permanent and desirable situation and that appropriate educational routes must be identified and developed. Universities have increasingly recognized the value of, and need for, defined sequences or programs rather than individual and isolated courses with social welfare content. 'Katherine A. Kendall, "Choices to Be Made in Social Work Education," Social Work Practice, 1966 (New York: Columbia University Press, 1966), p. 115.
Page 158 158 Undergraduate Education in Social Welfare Social work educators in graduate schools have become more interested in, and involved with, undergraduate programs and have begun to explore with educators the programs' relationship and contribution to graduate professional education. Both the federal government and state governments are showing more interest and providing more support for undergraduate programs in social welfare.36 Society as a whole and students in particular are showing growing concern about, and interest in, human service activities and educational opportunities to prepare for careers in the new and expanding services. There are today more undergraduate programs in social welfare than most people believe exist. These programs are growing at a rate faster than many professional social workers realize or perhaps prefer. The undergraduate programs' contribution to the longrange solution of the manpower shortage in social welfare is not and cannot be as great as some claim; yet the quality of many programs is better than some fear, and their potential contribution is greater than is generally recognized. Much work lies ahead in designing and testing effective curricula and in recruiting and preparing appropriate faculty. To achieve the possible potential of undergraduate programs in social welfare will require the active involvement of all who have a stake in building a better world. "8 The Social Security Amendments, 1967 (HR 5710), introduced by Congressman Wilbur Mills for the Administration, includes a section on social work manpower. If passed, it will provide funds for both graduate and undergraduate social work education.
Page 159 Urbanization International Perspectives by BARBARA WARD I CONSIDER the rise of urbanization all around the world -and all the problems it brings with it-to be without question the number one problem confronting the human race, second indeed only to war itself. Here we are, all of us, engulfed from one end of the world to the other by this extraordinary flood of urban change. Those who day by day work with the consequences of this inundation in America seem to me in an extraordinarily good position to do something about it. It is not, of course, confined to any one country; the reason there is a special responsibility and opportunity in the United States is that you are way out ahead. You are, in fact, the spearhead of the urbanizing society. Let us first get the dimensions of the problem. We know that by the year 2000 over 50 percent of the world's people are going to live in cities of more than loo,ooo. By the middle of next century the figure will be nearer 80 percent, by which time the whole world will be part of an urban culture. This is a historical change fully equivalent to the coming of settled agriculture. It affects everybody's way of life and all the problems they have to confront. It implies a radical restructuring of all their relationships. This in itself is formidable enough. It is made more so by the way in which it is happening. A first factor is speed. All around the world people are now leaving the countryside at an accelerated rate. Inside the city the time and arrangements needed for successful urban life are over
Page 160 i6o Urbanization-International Perspectives whelmed by the flow of people, usually from subsistence agriculture. They have had little education, little preparation for living in dense communities, no experience with the challenges of urban life. These are the people who just pick up and move in. In Rio de Janeiro, year after year 5,000 people a week are on the move. In Ankara, 60 percent of the urban population are squatters. In India, the present movement unchecked, added to urban birth rates, could mean that cities like Bombay and Calcutta would have populations of 30 million by the beginning of the next century. Here in the United States, incidentally, the postwar movement of the Negro countryman from the South to the big cities of the North is one more example of a great exodus. The next problem is that the receptacle into which they pour is singularly ill-designed to receive them. In a sense this is not new. When, a hundred years ago, Britain produced the first example of an urbanizing society, there occurred the same inrush of ignorant, unprepared, miserable, and usually destitute countrypeople into the cities. Those cities too were not prepared for the onslaught, although the rate was slower than that today. It was impossible to control disease; cholera epidemics were rife in London in the i85os. So the urban death rate was higher than it was in the countryside. A hideous Malthusian check prevented urban growth inside the cities from matching the inmigration. We should be grateful that today a vast improvement in public health tends to give urban dwellers a standard of health at least as good as that of those who live outside the cities. But it also means that the inrush is infinitely greater, and therefore the strain on the receptacle is infinitely greater too. And, as we all know, the receptacle itself was not designed to absorb comfortably and easily, to "civilize"-in the sense of "urbanize"-the waves of people coming in, and this is true from New York clear through to Tokyo. The chief reason for this state of affairs is rooted in the past. In the last hundred years, for the first time in history, most of the work began to be done in cities. Throughout the centuries of mankind heavy work had been done in the fields. People came to the cities to rule or worship or trade. Only the industrial revolu
Page 161 Urbanization-International Perspectives 161 tion brought working people into the city en masse. Work, particularly heavy industrial work, tends to produce dirt and grime and pollution, and that certainly is something we have not been able to solve. Modern utilities may not produce the Victorian pea-soup fog, but they do not do too badly. But even short of fog and smog, the environment of factory work is not attractive, and by the middle of the nineteenth century wealthy people began to move away from the cities, taking taxable income with them and leaving the problems behind. The communal structure of the city disintegrated. An urban society developed in which the rich and poor no longer lived near each other. Incidentally, in preindustrial society the French had contrived a situation in which the rich lived in Versailles and the poor lived in Paris, and we know what happened then. In American society, the movement of the wealthy to suburban areas, leaving the run-down parts of the city for those who are going to come flooding in, produces the same sense of divorce and, potentially, of irresponsibility. The actual physical division varies from country to country. The poor inevitably go to the run-down areas because they are cheaper. But they are not always, as in America, at the core. In Paris, after the war of 1870, the Prussians obligingly blew up a large part of central Paris, but it was beautifully rebuilt. The very poor were pushed back to what became known as the banlieu rouge, the "Red Belt," to which has now been added, further out, the shantytowns or bidonvilles of the Algerians. A series of rings of poverty surround the areas of affluence. In some Latin American cities it is a question of the vertical versus the horizontal. The run-down areas are those which are straight up the hillside, and there, without any kind of water supply or drainage, except what is provided by verticality, the poor cling as best they can; it is on level ground that we find the wealthy. But, whatever the configuration, the result is the same. Into the run-down parts of the city come the poor, and there they settle. At the same time, the tendency of the affluent is to move away, taking with them tax money, involvement, solidarity, and social sense. Social workers know all too well the consequences of this urban trap. Many of the people whom they are trying to build up into
Page 162 162 Urbanization-International Perspectives self-reliant, self-respecting human beings find themselves in a situation beyond their capacity to change. And it becomes selfperpetuating. The "culture of poverty" breeds generation after generation of people who have not had the opportunity or the capacity to break out of these urban traps; even if they did, they would be caught and submerged by the next crest of the flood. All too frequently a racial bar is added to the bar of poverty. Algerians to Paris, Jamaicans to London, American Indians to Lima, American Negroes to the North-wherever we find people behind the added barrier of race, situations of such tragic immobility arise that unless society itself is prepared to use a little dynamite, we may find that great areas of our cities are lost to change and hope. We could even reach a crisis that helped to destroy the Roman Empire, when the peace of the center city was so broken down by social revolt that the very structure of government began to suffer. If in the United States the hubs of the great cities are 70 percent to 80 percent Negro by the year 2000 and still caught in poverty and still surrounded by the exclusive, affluent white suburbs, this could be the cause of a social collapse which would affect the entire country. As happened in the Roman Empire, there might be an urgent matter of self-preservation at stake, quite apart from the fundamental decencies of life in a society which grows steadily more affluent yet leaves some people further and further behind in the general progress of wealth and opportunity. Where can we find the social dynamite to blow up the old, rundown, unpromising urban receptacle? The problem is world-wide. Yet there are special reasons for hoping for an American lead. The United States is not only ahead in urbanization; it is also one of the very few countries to command the resources needed for the job. If Americans can achieve some creative methods of change, some genuine strategies for solving the urban problem, they can begin to build models and set patterns which other wealthy countries can copy and can possibly, over the next twenty or thirty years, also stimulate the insertion of urban strategies into the programs of economic assistance for the developing countries. In the whole field of urban development we lack models, we lack strate
Page 163 Urbanization-International Perspectives 163 gies, we lack ideas, and it is not much good having economic assistance funds-even our present relatively inadequate funds-if we cannot direct them toward strategies which can have a really catalytic effect. Have we any clues? Have we any strategies which, all together, can bring a convergent attack upon human poverty and misery in the big cities-the centers now of the worst and most inhuman poverty in the world? The first, I suggest, concerns the creation of jobs. I am not underestimating the difficulty. Until population growth is brought under control, countries like India have to create something like lo million new jobs a year. Vice President Hubert Humphrey said recently that 2 million new jobs a year are needed in the United States. In these days of automation we cannot rely on economic growth alone to provide them. I believe, therefore, that job creation is the responsibility not only of the market, but of the whole community. And if we could accept the proposition that job creation is both a public and a private responsibility, I could name quite a number of jobs which, as a semihousewife, I would not mind seeing developed. I would like to see in this country a really well-trained home help service like that in Sweden, municipally subsidized so that the helpers are within the financial reach of young parents. I would like to see part-time nursery centers, under mothers' control and skilled supervision, to give the harassed mom a few hours off duty. I think we could evolve a corps of house cleaners and servicemen, working in teams with modern implements and uniforms and connected by walkie-talkie with district supervisorsjust to indicate what a modern profession housecleaning can become. I would like to see cities in which we provide something a little more human in the way of parks and recreation areas with a much expanded system of supervision; after all, one does not go to a park to be raped or beaten up. Let us, in city after city, have more gardeners. In London, some of the most satisfying municipal jobs are concerned with making our exquisite central parks even more beautiful by changing the flowers week by week. They used to say of the capital city of the Sung dynasty that no street was beyond the sound of water or away from the scent of
Page 164 164 Urbanization-International Perspectives flowers. Can we not, with our immense resources, achieve comparable enjoyment? And does it not demand, especially if the fight against dirt and pollution is added, a wholly new scale of urban services? I could, of course, mention the need for new jobs in health and educational services of all kinds; but the point is to stress the principle that job creation is not simply a by-product of the market; it is also a responsibility of the community. Now let us look at another angle of approach-the concept of the guaranteed income. When any society reaches a certain level of affluence it can be argued that everybody should have some direct share of its accumulated wealth-shall we say, a little stock in General Motors when the baby is born? I noticed that when I paid my American income tax, I was allowed $600 just for being human and being here. But one could argue that I and other taxpayers are the last people who need this $600 exemption, since we have enough income to make us taxpayers in the first place. So why grant a $600 tax exemption to people who can afford to pay income tax? Obviously, if a person has no income on which to pay tax he does not cease to be human, and in fact he needs the allowance very much more. It is surely a little odd to grant a tax exemption for being human just when we really cease to need it. I would much prefer the fairly straightforward idea that every adult member of the affluent society has the right to a minimum share of its vast inherited capacity to produce wealth. Guaranteeing a minimum cash income of $600 per adult is a good conservative way to start since we already exempt the less needy from paying taxes on that amount. Since the last need of our society is subsidization for large families, I think perhaps the allowance should be an adult right extended, say, to the first two children. This would mean that the basic family income for a family of four would be just under $2500, which, heaven knows, is not affluence. But at least it would be a floor, and it would of course not be reduced in any way by other earnings-one of the really completely unacceptable aspects of welfare payments today. Nobody takes away my $600 exemption if I move to a higher tax bracket. Nor should the basic income of the poorest families be diminished if other income is added.
Page 165 Urbanization-International Perspectives 165 Now let me suggest another possible approach-the concept that it is precisely in the most difficult areas that teaching staffs should be most expert. When a man has a brain tumor, we do not hand him over to the local doctor with the casual instruction: "Carve him up." We send him to the best hospital with the best surgeons, with the highest skills-and monetary rewards-for dealing with it. Can we not apply this simple principle to education and say that in the most difficult cases-the so-called "ghetto schools"the staff must be both the most expert and the best paid in the community? It is not after all such a reversal of accepted thought simply to carry over into education a principle which we accept in health. These suggested changes would affect the incomes and prospects of families caught in the urban ghettos of the developed world. I believe that better education, more stable employment, and a guaranteed minimum income will enable the vast majority of indigent city dwellers to better their personal lot. But these measures do not directly counter the deplorable run-down condition of their urban environment. Nor do they help to create cities in which the full potential of modern technology and modern excellence can be realized. We have to look not only at personal lives and income but also at the urban shell within which lives and income are spent. I need not emphasize the need for large additions to the stock of housing. Wherever migrants move in and increase the pressure on available accommodations-whether it is in Chicago, Bradford, Notting Hill, or St. Denis-the rack renters move in, the shady realtors, the men who exploit racial prejudice for financial gain. Shortage is their opportunity. Large-scale, open, public, and private housing programs are the best riposte. This is obvious though costly. One of the most persistent criticisms of General de Gaulle is that his toy of sovereignty-the force de frapped-takes public funds from the renewal of France's often deplorable urban housng. This factor of cost explains in part the emergence of some new thinking in the whole field of urban renewal. It is impossible to make a profit on mass housing at reasonable rents. But this is not
Page 166 166 Urbanization-International Perspectives true of whole communities with varieties of buildings and services. Every one of Britain's postwar "new towns" has recovered capital costs and shown a profit; socially, they have not been so successful since the growth of London has tended to reabsorb them as suburbs. But if a whole community can be constructed without the subsidies entailed in tackling housing alone, the question may be asked: "Ought we to think much more boldly about renewing or replacing this poor run-down receptacle of an urban ghetto? Ought we to look at new ways of diverting the flood of migrants from old cities and begin to build up new urban communities in which new experiments in social living can be made, new patterns of transportation tried out, and cities organized which do not repeat our present evils? Could we handle the whole urban problem better if we plunged wholeheartedly for new cities? Britain's failure to subtract its "new towns" from the pull of London has led to the development of some new concepts. In the plan for the redevelopment of the Portsmouth and Southampton area, for instance, the idea is to build up consciously a new metropolitan area which is far enough away from London to divert some of the population which would otherwise pile up there and draw it into a new, experimental, rebuilt, and expanded urban area in which from the start new methods of transportation and new patterns of work and recreation will prevent overpressure on a single urban center and scatter opportunity and movement over a wider area of urban growth. The United States offers an interesting example of the same kind of thinking in the Detroit plan. Over the next thirty years a vast metropolitan area is bound to develop along the Great Lakes. If this fact is accepted in time and the planning done in advance, it need not become one big "slurb." It could be a series of vigorous, lively, inter-related communities with a rational transportation system and access to a full range of jobs, education, amenities, and open country. At its core, in Detroit, some 12 million more people are going to have to be accommodated before the year 2000. The area is dense already, the ghetto condition a fact. If Detroit has to add these millions with present systems of trans
Page 167 Urbanization-International Perspectives 167 portation, the only answer will be to take the middle of the city out altogether and put in parking space-which is a queer form of urban improvement and leaves the poor piling up in new, neighboring ghettos. But the plan suggests instead that at Port Huron a twin city should be built from scratch. By the scale of its housing, by the excitement of its arrangement and architecture, by the experimental character of its rapid transit, it can act, as it were, as a counterpole of attraction to Detroit, take the pressure off the existing city, and create standards for its progressive re-building. New and old together can end the ghettos and accommodate the present and coming millions in decency and selfrespect. I believe that this proposal to use urban structure and decentralization to control the flow of population and to provide some counterpoint to the great "sucking pull" of the central city is a new concept in urban thinking, and it could be a really important breakthrough to better patterns in an urbanizing world. At this point, of course, I hear a great chorus of skeptical and respectable people raising the cry: "We cannot afford it. It is inflationary. The costs are astronomical. Whole cities? Who ever heard of such a thing?" But let us take a look at the whole question of the resources available to us today. The concept of bankruptcy is part of what J. K. Galbraith has called the "conventional wisdom." And it needs to be brought a little up to date. We are not only living through an urbanizing revolution. We are also right in the middle of another revolution, the most astonishing, the most encouraging, the most radical the human race has ever undergone. The extraordinary fact about our time is that we may be moving away from the traditional economics-which is the study of alternative uses of scarce resources-and moving on to the study of the uses of abundance. This belongs more to philosophy, art, and morality than to economics; for, as Lord Keynes predicted, economics would lose its meaning once choices were no longer restricted. With our current expansion of science and technology, we are far nearer the point of abundance than we seem to realize. Take energy. As soon as they get the bugs out of the nuclear breederreactor, more energy can be produced than is consumed in the
Page 168 168 Urbanization-International Perspectives process. Take farming. Think what happens every time you tell the American farmer to cut down his acreage. He puts more fertilizer on half the land and produces twice the grain. All around the world new hybrids in corn and wheat and rice are beginning to appear. With water and fertilizer, output can be quintupled. Take the whole revolution in electronics which has been the fallout from the project of getting to the moon. Such changes are the product of a continuously accelerating process of research which is irreversible for the very simple reason that research and technical and scientific development are essentially the attack on the unknown from the basis of the known. Therefore, the more we already know, the more beachheads we have from which to attack the still unknown and unexplored. But this release of resources has not yet affected our imagination. Or rather, I would sadly say, it has changed it in only one area, the area where, since the dawn of history, men's imagination is most unfettered and that is in killing "foreigners"in other words, in our oldest institution, that of war. In war, we are prepared to use our imagination in the most unlimited way because we feel that survival is at stake. In the past there was some faint rationale for this. So long as land was the only source of wealth, there could be an unavoidable choice between starvation at home or conquest of someone else's hunting grounds. I need hardly say that when the choice lay between one's own or someone else's extinction, society invariably chose the other fellow's. But if in our own day the greatest source of wealth is coming to lie not in land but in brains, the old rationale of conquest fades. Brains are infinitely sharable. The power of man's thinking, positive and otherwise, does not have to be conquered. Thoughts move across frontiers. We may, conceivably, be living out the last phase of material conquest and see ahead the mental conquest and creation of world-wide wealth. If this is to be our future, then nothing could be less rational than to save our really big acts of collective imagination solely for war. This would really hold us trapped inside an outdated, virtually tribal system. It is true that, in its perverse way, the system taught us the scale
Page 169 Urbanization-International Perspectives i69 of our new resources. During the virtual collapse of our international economy after 1929, Lord Keynes pointed out that the fundamental obstacle to revival did not lie in any lack of resources. Savings filled the banks, raw materials were burned, despairing men walked the streets looking for work. What was lacking was effective demand, and he argued that it was the responsibility of governments to insure, by public action and public works, that enough demand reentered the market to set idle resources, capital, and labor working again. But no government could imagine action of this type on a sufficient scale and break with past orthodoxy-until war came. War did the trick. What is it, after all? In one sense, war is an absolutely overwhelming exercise in public works. The result of the public works of war in the United States was that the economy doubled in size between 1940 and 1944 to meet all the demands made upon it. After the struggle, people began to argue that if war can be such a stimulus to growth, then perhaps a peacetime stimulus is possible too. The community itself should take ultimate responsibility for full employment and high demand just as it had done for defense. The argument is still valid today. The Vietnam war is tragic. We all hope it can be resolved by peaceful negotiation. But possibly it is meanwhile teaching us the old lesson all over again. Last year, $26 billion were added to American war expenditures without an increase in taxation or in inflation. Why is this? The reason is very simple. The ability of this advanced technological economy to increase its productive capacity is growing all the time. In fact, the demands made on it help it to grow further, just as the moon program sparked the electronic industries which provide new capacity for every kind of activity, including the conquest of space. The demands of war keep the economy growing at a rate to absorb these demands and make room for more. In 1966 the U.S. economy grew by $40,000 million-more than India's whole national income. Arms spending, given this increase, can be covered, with $o1 billion left over. These are the economic facts. But need we be content with the old tribal concepts of growth and spending solely for war? Let us have something of the same
Page 170 170 Urbanization-International Perspectives sense of scope and scale when we come to the vast peaceful needs of our cities. If America can spend an extra $26 billion in one year on Vietnam, if it can build two instant harbors-Cam Ranh Bay and Danang, each costing $150 million-then it is absolutely ludicrous not to have the money needed say, for the model cities. Let us be perfectly factual. If the American economy continues to grow by 4 percent to 5 percent a year, which is probable, the addition to American resources year by year will be never less than $40,000 million. Therefore if, as a community, you decide that of that extra $40,000 million half will be used for a new urban order, for new experimental cities, you are not saying, "Tax me more heavily." You are not asking for "creeping socialism" at the expense of private enterprise. You are simply asking for a more rational allocation of abundant future resources, a landfall on earth as well planned as a landfall on the moon, a victory over urban destitution at least as urgently sought and carefully planned as victory in a military campaign. Surely there is an astounding disproportion between the collective readiness to spend $70,ooo million on war and not even $400 million on urban experiment. We are still tribal. War alone unleashes absolute commitment. But social workers see day by day, in the debris of broken lives, the consequences of a less than total commitment to the works of peace. Will they, then, become an outraged lobby for a better allocation of future resources? A critical decision will come up when the Vietnam war ends. What will be done with the $70 billion now going into defense? Should it simply slip away into private pursuits? Or could we not now resolve that some of the resources will be used for the cities of the future? Should we not set some aside to counter urban misery in other lands and possibly, as a result, avoid some of the potential Vietnams of the future? Surely it is not an irrational thing to ask. Surely we must get away from the folk thinking of the past in which the only unlimited occupation of society is the unlimited occupation of war. Could we not consider the unlimited occupations of peace? It is the citizen who must make this change of judgment. The scientists and industrialists have, in a sense, made theirs. The bil
Page 171 Urbanization-International Perspectives 171 lions spent in Vietnam without an economic hiccup in the American economy, the technical brilliance of instant harbors and instant airfields, are facts already. But this wealth will work for peace-in the city, in the nation, in the world-only if the citizen realizes his freedom of choice and the availability of his resources and then goes after his congressman to get economic possibility turned into good solid political and social fact. We cannot shirk these new choices. We have stolen from the gods the Promethean fire. We have the vast abundance with which to bring death or life, we can choose to continue a total unleashing of resources only for war, or we can seek a new freedom to improve and refashion the whole environment of our terrestrial life. If we fail, we shall go down into darkness-and deserve to. But if we use these new instruments for man's well-being, we shall produce-certainly not a Utopia. Man can always be relied on to produce a radically imperfect world. But we can produce something a little more comfortable, convenient, and neighborly in the way of cities and nations; in short, a more rational and human urban order, and I hope it is not too presumptuous to believe that the future belongs to rational men.
Page 172 Implications of the XIIIth ICSW by CHARLES I. SCHOTTLAND THE XIIITH INTERNATIONAL Conference of Social Work, now the International Council on Social Welfare, which met in Washington, D.C., on September 4-10, 1966, is already fading into the background as we prepare for the next international meeting, to be held in Helsinki in 1968. Yet, for those who were involved in the Conference, there will be many lasting memories. Here were representatives of about seventy-five countries discussing the role of social welfare in the developing cities of the world as well as the implications for social work in the developed and expanding cities in metropolitan areas. One was inclined to ask what the saffron-robed monk from Vietnam had in common with the sophisticated social planner from London. Did the native psychiatrist from Nigeria look at urban problems in the same way as the psychoanalyst from New York City? Did the large delegation from Japan, involved as they are in a growing and expanding economy with world-wide ramifications, and the large delegations from some Latin-American countries which have found it difficult to expand their economic life in line with the richness of their natural resources see their problems in the same light? What did the sophisticated and settled cities of Europe have in common with the new towns of Africa, or the 500,000 villages of India, some of which are becoming urban centers? What universal principles could apply to New York, Chicago, or Los Angeles in our democratic, capitalist, welfare state economy and to Zagreb or Warsaw in totalitarian, Communist-oriented societies? Could Johannesburg, expanding in a milieu of apartheid and racial segregation, speak to Addis Ababa whose black ruler has preached tolerance and equality for all races?
Page 173 Implications of the XIIIth ICSW 173 Prior to the Conference, many felt that the variety of backgrounds and the different stages of urban development in the various countries would produce healthy differences of opinion and outlook. And, to some extent, they did. But it was surprising how much agreement there was among the delegates. It was proof that the world is growing smaller, so that the tribesman in Nigeria may well understand some of the problems faced by the larger communities because he has heard about them through the evergrowing communication network of our time. When Dean Rusk in the United States can engage in a panel discussion with the Premier of Japan, who is in Japan, and viewers all over the world may see this on their television screens, rebroadcast through Telestar, we have an emerging closeness of all the peoples of the world undreamed of even by Jules Verne. As a result of this growing together, it was not surprising that the delegates had certain common points of view with reference to the problems of urban planning. And throughout the Conference, certain themes constantly repeated themselves. The Conference was fortunate to have the able leadership of Dr. Eugen Pusic, its President, who guided it with skill and wisdom. The Conference itself was a masterpiece of organization, a credit to the staff which ran it, to the indefatigable work of Margaret Hickey and members of the Organizing Committee, and to the cooperation of federal agencies under the leadership and prodding of Commissioner Ellen Winston. The hundreds of meetings of commissions, study groups, special sections, and general sections were interspersed with numerous social events, both official and private. It is doubtful whether any international conference has had so many official receptions. The State Department held three affairs. The embassies gave receptions for their delegates, and some included guests from other delegations as well. Group workers called the host plan suggested by Miss Hickey the "buddy system." American social workers were assigned on a one-to-one basis to host the foreign delegates. How does one describe a conference as complicated, as vital, and as varied as the XIIIth International Conference of Social Work? Building on some forty-five national committees (one for
Page 174 174 Implications of the XIIIth ICSW each country), the Conference was programed to meet the tastes and interests of the delegates. The theme, "Urban Development-Implications for Social Welfare," continued the ICSW tradition of the Conference focusing attention on the major social problems of the day. The 1964 Conference, in Athens, discussed "Social Planning-the Role of Social Work"; in 1962, the Conference in Brazil discussed "Rural and Urban Community Development." Thus, for six years international social welfare has been preoccupied with the developing community and city, the changing nature of communities throughout the world, and the growth of, and necessity for, social work's participation in the planning process. As usual, consideration of the Conference subject began long before the Conference meeting. Countries were urged to submit reports describing the situation in their country as it related to the Conference theme. The reports varied from the most erudite and sophisticated discussions of urban planning and the role of social work, to reports which were searching for some of the answers, and to requests for solutions to the basic problems which the countries faced. These reports followed an outline prepared by the Program Committee: 1. The impact of urbanization 2. Social policy and strategy for urban development 3. Patterns of intervention-structures and processes for urban development 4. Maximizing the participation of citizens in urban development 5. The interrelatedness of urban and rural development 6. Social aspects of urban renewal and redevelopment. The Conference was preceded by a Pre-Conference Working Party which met for one week at the headquarters of the American Red Cross at Charlottesville, Virginia, to digest the national committee reports and attempt to arrive at a consensus. At the same time, in Philadelphia, a seminar on social welfare in the United States was being held under the aegis of the Pennsylvania School of Social Work and cooperating local agencies. The purpose of this seminar was to give some of our foreign visitors a more complete understanding of social work in America.
Page 175 Implications of the XIIIth ICSW 175 Two important national meetings likewise preceded the Conference. The International Federation of Social Workers held its meetings, bringing social workers throughout the world closer together, exchanging ideas, and opening additional channels of communication. The XIIIth International Congress of Schools of Social Work, bringing together representatives from all over the world, held a very significant session-a session which was an integral part of the Conference since the planning for the ICSSW and the ICSW was carried on by the same administrative staff and through joint budget arrangements. Delegates from the United States attended a pre-Conference session at which representatives of our government presented the government's view on questions most likely to be asked by foreign delegates of their American colleagues, namely, on Vietnam and our foreign policy, civil rights, and segregation. A meeting of representatives of government ministries of social welfare concerned with international social welfare was also held, a preface to an official meeting which could well result in greater communication and cooperation among governmental social welfare programs throughout the world. From the opening of the Conference by Margaret Hickey on Sunday, September 4, to the official closing by Dr. Eugen Pusic as President on September io, some two hundred speakers, chairmen, and discussants presented papers, or discussed papers, or disagreed, or did other things as set forth in the program. The Conference itself was programed from the standpoint of a variety of approaches. Six official Conference commissions considered the six aspects of the Conference theme as previously outlined. Fifteen study groups considered broad areas of interest to social work, ranging from problems of government structures to juvenile delinquency, from groups needing special attention, such as the aged or the physically handicapped, to broad problems of unemployment and income maintenance. There were seven plenary sessions, at which some of the major personalities appeared, and seventeen general meetings open to all attendees. The unusually large number of general meetings were deliberately planned in order to accommodate the many American delegates who could not be included in official study groups and commissions lest these groups and commissions become American-oriented rather than interna
Page 176 176 Implications of the XIIIth ICSW tionally balanced. Outside the official Conference meetings there were forty-six meetings or events, plus agency visits, films, and various other activities. Nineteen international organizations held meetings of their own. The exhibits provided, I think, more interest than those at most conferences. The delegates seized every piece of literature they could lay their hands on, and every day the porters at the Sheraton-Park Hotel were overwhelmed with mail stacked six to ten feet high-pamphlets, reports, and other material the delegates wished to send home. Seventeen national committees of the ICSW and fourteen international organizations had exhibit booths, as did twenty-one federal government agencies, thirty-five voluntary agencies, five schools of social work, four publishers and commercial firms. While the Conference was thus engaged in stimulating discussions and reports, and attempting to ferret out the role that social work is playing in urban planning and to suggest ways and means to make social work more significant in the urban planning activities throughout the world, the members of the Permanent Committee of ICSW, composed of representatives of each country having a national committee and members of the Executive Committee, were holding meetings to determine the future shape, structure, and role of the ICSW. For some years there has been considerable discussion of moving the seat of the Conference to some spot in Europe; of separating the secretariat of the ICSW from the National Conference on Social Welfare of the United States; and changing the name, format, structure, and even the activities of the ICSW. A number of significant steps were taken. First, it was determined to separate from the NCSW and to establish an independent secretariat. The United States Committee had long been in favor of this move, providing it was accomplished with due regard to the financial implications involved. Joe Hoffer, Executive Secretary of the NCSW, and Ruth Williams, Assistant Executive Secretary, over a period of many years had divided their time between the NCSW and the ICSW and had been responsible for the excellent international meetings at great cost to themselves and to the primary responsibility which they carried for the NCSW.
Page 177 Implications of the XIIIth ICSW 177 The delegates almost unanimously decided to have the headquarters remain in New York in order that it might be close to the United Nations, where an excellent relationship has been developed and where the ICSW has been recognized as a leading nongovernmental organization officially affiliated with the United Nations. The name of the International Conference of Social Work was changed to the International Council on Social Welfare, thus enabling the Conference to keep the abbreviation ICSW. The implication of the change was that the International Council would engage in activities much beyond those of the conference or forum which was almost its sole activity in the past. The Executive Committee was authorized to employ an executive secretary and a committee consisting of myself as chairman, George Davidson of Canada, Lester Granger of the United States, Reuben Baetz of Canada, Rudolph Pense of Germany, and Eugen Pusic of Yugoslavia was appointed to perform this task. The committee quickly and unanimously determined that the best available person for the position was Ruth Williams. Miss Williams accepted the offer and held the post until her untimely passing. Let us examine, briefly, the discussions at the Conference itself on the Conference theme. The report from the United States Committee was the work of the group under the chairmanship of Laurence Northwood, of the University of Washington. The report was also discussed at a seminar at the Menninger Foundation, and many of the ideas developed there found expression at various points in the Conference. The Pre-Conference Working Party considered the country reports in detail. A reading of the various reports indicates so clearly certain common themes. In most countries, the majority of the population is centered in a few cities; cities and urban metropolitan areas are becoming larger, increasing in population much faster than the country as a whole; urban development and redevelopment are major problems throughout the world; social problems cut across national boundaries; juvenile delinquency, family disorganization, slums, migration, problems of the newcomer to the city-these were emphasized by almost all the national committees.
Page 178 178 Implications of the XIIIth ICSW There were occasional deviations from the general trends. Canada emphasized the stabilization of its rural population because of agricultural labor requirements involving the exodus from the crowded cities back to the countryside. The Netherlands emphasized the movement of industry into the rural areas. Although for the most part, the trends were clear, the ways of looking at the problems differed. Take, for example, the impact of urbanization. Austria emphasized the shortage of facilities to care for the increased population; Canada emphasized the fundamental change which urbanization is making in the family, causing a shift from the patriarchal to the nuclear family. Hong Kong stressed the disruptive influences on the family of changing patterns in urban living; Japan discussed urbanization as a social process that is changing man's way of life; and the Netherlands saw, as a result of urbanization, a new type of urban middle-class family, closed against the outside world but more democratic within the family orbit than the older type. The Philippine report noted significantly that many evils of urban life in the Western countries seem to be absent in developing countries, leading to the conclusion that they may be scars left by the industrial revolution rather than qualities inherent in the nature of the city. Yugoslavia pointed out the changing demographic character of urban populations. It seems to me that the reports of the commissions, each one concentrating on one of the subject areas of the Conference, best represent the general conclusions arrived at by Conference members. Commission I.-Under the chairmanship of Stelio de Alencar Roxo, of Brazil, Commission I discussed the impact of urbanization. It was obvious from their consideration that the impact of urbanization is world-wide, that the problems are similar, even though the resources for the solution of the problems create different problems and situations for the different countries. Among the common characteristics which appeared as the members of the Commission reported on the impact of urbanization from both the developed and the developing countries were: 1. A powerful sense of interdependency and interrelationships
Page 179 Implications of the XIIIth ICSW 179 exists among all countries as cities become more prominent and intercommunication from city to city, across national boundaries, becomes more common. 2. The aspiration for a better life seems to increase as the population streams toward the new urbanism. The migration from the rural areas is primarily motivated by the desire for a better life. 3. Urbanization has marked impacts on the family. 4. In so far as social work is concerned, there must be a greater understanding on the part of the social worker regarding the social change dynamics associated with urbanization. "There must be recognition of the importance of the social worker who is a specialist in social planning and social policy as a member of a team of planners." An interesting speculation on the part of Commission I was whether there is a possibility of limiting the population of a city in relation to its resources. After viewing all the problems of the city-family disorganization, bad housing, overcrowding, problems of adjustment to new cultures, and so on-the Commission concluded on a hopeful note! "We need not look forward with gloom to the future of the city. Rather we should advance to meet the challenge of creating a life in the city which will match the hope and aspirations of its people." Commission II.-Social policy and strategy for urban development was considered, under the chairmanship of Hans Reschke, of Germany. The Commission, interestingly enough, started with a detailed discussion as to whether social workers have a right or a duty to engage in discussions and policy-making in a field wider than that normally recognized as the accepted and narrow professional base of social work. It was finally concluded that the social worker has a very definite contribution to make to the formation of social policy, but that if social workers are to participate in policy-making at a fairly high level, social work training must be changed in order that they may have some background in social policy, economic policy, planning, administration, and related matters. The Commission attempted to obtain agreement on certain value
Page 180 18o Implications of the XIIIth ICSW assumptions, and did agree that there must be as much freedom as possible for the individual and his family, stressing the necessity of an equilibrium between the needs of the population and the opportunities the community can provide. Particularly, delegates from the developing countries emphasized resources and their limitations. We in the United States, with its vast resources, sometimes find it difficult to assess the impact of a policy which determines, as it did in one country, that grammar schools will be closed in many areas in order to use resources to produce more high school graduates so that there will be more teachers for the lower grades in later years. In a country such as the United States, where the abolition of poverty could be accomplished almost overnight with very simple steps, it is difficult to grasp how limited are the resources of many of the developing countries. In discussing the nature of the good community, the Commission emphasized the neighborhood as a basic community unit but warned against fostering a romantic idea of the neighborhood. In order to provide certain services, a certain size of community unit is required, and in many places this means the larger community or city. The Commission discussed the positive factors to exploit in urbanization, such as integration of social planning with economic planning and the necessity of linking physical and social planning. The national committee reports were of assistance in the Commission's considerations. Canada reported a belief that private enterprise must take the leadership in urban development, while Japan argued that urban problems are partly the result of lack of sufficient public funds for essential services. Commission III.-Under the chairmanship of Mrs. Minerva G. Laudico, of the Philippines, patterns of intervention-structures and processes for urban development were discussed. The Commission agreed at the outset that if the cities of tomorrow are to provide a healthy environment for their inhabitants, present patterns of intervention in terms both of structures and of processes for urban development must be strengthened. The Commission called attention to what is happening in many of
Page 181 Implications of the XIIIth ICSW 181 the big cities in developed areas where the slums, the favelas, and the bidonvilles are indicative of a policy of laissez faire without clear concepts and without systematic patterns of intervention. The Commission cautioned, however, that patterns of intervention cannot be arbitrary from country to country but must take into account not only the cultural values and political context prevailing in each country but also the specific goals to be achieved and the resources available for that purpose. The conclusion of the Commission, and one which it still seems difficult for many Americans to accept, is that urban development is such a complex and vital matter that the responsibility for overall planning and implementing of basic policies for urban development must rest ultimately with the central government of each country. The central government is the only body that has the financial ability to promote adequate urban development, to equalize the costs among the richer and poorer sections of the country, and to disperse the professional disciplines where they are needed. This does not mean, according to the Commission, that the central government must handle every detail. There needs to be local participation and adaptation of national policies to the local areas. Particular attention was given to the role of social work in patterns of intervention. The image of the social worker as one capable of dealing with the poor and with pathological families must give way to that of one prepared to work with the economic and physical planners, and social workers were urged to share their knowledge of human needs in order to formulate policies and implement programs of urban development. The Commission took note of the different approaches in the country reports. Australia reported a world-wide problem: lack of coordination of the various programs and intervention strategies. France attempted to develop an outline of a model community against which the various approaches might be tested. Germany presented its tightly knit local government administrative setup, while Hong Kong emphasized the coordinating role of various voluntary mechanisms. Japan appealed for teamwork in the inter
Page 182 182 Implications of the XIIIth ICSW vention process, while the Netherlands sought to distinguish the problems of neighborhood, district, satellite communities, and the large city center. Commission IV.-Maximizing the participation of citizens in urban development was considered by Commission IV under the leadership of C. F. McNeil, of the United States. Starting with an agreement reached by the Pre-Conference Working Party, that in urban development citizens should have the opportunity to participate in improving their physical and sociocultural environment, the Commission recognized citizen participation as a desirable goal consistent with democratic values. It concentrated on ways in which citizens' participation could be maximized, with the understanding that they would necessarily have to differ because of the economic, political, and cultural situations of the countries concerned. The Commission identified the problems affecting citizen participation in a changing urban community: industrialization; the problems of different political systems; financial resources; changing cultural patterns; the lack of adequate planning networks; and the apathy of the average citizen. It urged the tie of social work to various formally established planning bodies; acknowledged the lack of sophistication on the part of many citizens' groups and social work agencies themselves in this whole problem of community planning. It urged the social worker to relate himself more to the social structures which can make possible the maximum participation of citizens in urban development. The country reports reflected the differing role of citizens in community programs. While Austria related that citizen participation was in great evidence even though formal provision for it was lacking, Great Britain urged a closer partnership between government and industry effort. Canada detailed the story of several national and local voluntary bodies that carry on citizen participation in many important areas. France asserted that since family and personal problems are of first concern to the individual it is difficult to arouse his interest in collective affairs; and Yugoslavia pointed out that citizen participation is conditioned by the sociopolitical structure of a country.
Page 183 Implications of the XIIIth ICSW 183 Commission V. -Discussing the interrelatedness of urban and rural development, under the chairmanship of Graham M. Lomas, of the United Kingdom, Commission V stressed the fact that urbanization is affecting every country in the world; that in the developing countries, migration from the land to the cities is perhaps the most dominant factor in social change. Nevertheless, the developing countries are still predominantly rural, and the interrelationship of town and country needs to be carefully considered. It was obvious that the flight from the land will be a continuing process, and urbanization is irreversible. The correct balance between urban and rural populations is almost impossible to define even within the particular country. However, in order tomaintain the stability of rural areas, there must be land reform in many countries, imaginative programs of industrial development geared to rural conditions, programs and policies to equip the rural resident to meet his day-to-day needs more competently, and also realistic education to prepare him for the urban way of life. There is little question but that most of the rural residents of today will be the urban residents of tomorrow. We may as well recognize this and prepare the rural resident for life in the city. Social work can make a contribution to solving the problems of rural development if it clarifies and articulates its special expertise and makes known its experience and knowledge gained in dealing with problems of human resources. The country reports uniformly stressed the interdependence of urban and rural development. Yugoslavia pointed out that reduction in rural population requires urban job development; Australia emphasized the basic policy of decentralization, but a failure to develop a program to implement the policy. Austria urged a balanced development between urban and rural areas, while Canada reported a lack of balance in economic development in many areas. In France urbanization is now a country-wide phenomenon, while Germany, on the other hand, maintained that in spite of urbanization it is still a country of villages, 1 1,oo of which have a population of less than 50o. Commission VI.-Commission VI, discussing the social aspects
Page 184 184 Implications of the XIIIth ICSW of urban renewal and redevelopment, under the chairmanship of Albert Rose, of Canada, found what we find in every meeting of international bodies-difficulties in terminology.' Nevertheless, the Commission did agree on certain terms. It defined "urban renewal" as "the totality of all coordinated public and private action that must be taken to create the conditions for sound maintenance and development of the built-up area." However, the term "urban redevelopment," may mean little more in many nations than the pressure to meet every considerable social problem which is the consequence of rapidly developing urbanization. The Commission took note of the fact that slums are becoming the norm in large urban centers rather than the exception. It considered social welfare as merely a small part of the total picture within the expanding urban society, and the central problem was viewed as that of the delivery of the social services to individuals and families most in need. The requirements of urban renewal, maintained the Commission, make it essential that the social worker be viewed as a generalist rather than as a specialist. A major recommendation of the Committee related to the need for social workers to develop the competence for, and to assert themselves more forcefully in the process of, urban decisionmaking. Social workers, charged the Commission, are too deferential to those whom they conceive to be more scientifically oriented than they are. The social worker, as part of a team, must serve as a spokesman and an advocate of the future population, and verbalize the needs and aspirations of the people to be served. The practitioner of social work must penetrate the power structure where social policy decisions are made, and "this penetration will not occur unless we are prepared to demand it." The country reports continued the dialogue along similar lines. Austria emphasized the need for physical renewal; Great Britain asked whether we really have the resources to meet the demands of urbanization. France stressed the role of social agencies in minimizing the trauma of family dislocation due to urban renewal; 1I was quite amused during the International Conference in Athens when the French translated the title of the Conference, "Social Planning-the Role of Social Work," in such a way that three French professors who were asked to translate the French back into English produced three different translations.
Page 185 Implications of the XIIIth ICSW 185 Germany urged greater social research around urban problems. Hong Kong related the growth of new patterns of social service, including greater coordination, research, and professionalization; and Japan bewailed the fact that social welfare frequently concerns itself with minor problems and lacks the vision to make a contribution to the larger society. The Commission reports were to some delegates the highlights of the Conference. Others were more excited by the general sessions. From the opening welcome by Commissioner Ellen Winston, who proclaimed that if we act now, the cities of tomorrow may approach the vision where "alabaster cities gleam, undimmed by human tears," to the last summary by Lucien Mehl, of France, the general session speakers were indeed inspiring. Vice President Humphrey welcomed the delegates and, stressing America's material resources as a basis for progress, acknowledged that we have much to learn from other countries. The Hon. Robert C. Weaver, Secretary of the Department of Housing and Urban Development, proposed a fourteen-point program to "assist in building in our cities and towns an environment for man equal to the dignity of his highest aspirations." Whitney Young identified as an important task the job of resisting dehumanization in our urban complex and stated that "the problem is how to dignify and humanize what tends to be routine and mechanized." Striking a somber note, the Hon. Asoka Mehta, Minister of Planning and Social Welfare of India, warned that the "seeds of destruction of the world's new cities and urban settlements lie within, in their fostering slums stalked by disease and death." Jane Hoey, long associated with the ICSW, in delivering the Rene Sand Lecture left the delegates with concrete proposals to consider if they want social work to be more effective. Miss Hoey urged the union of the ICSW, the International Congress of Schools of Social Work, and the International Federation of Social Workers; suggested that in each country social work speak with one voice through a national association; proposed that in every country there be established an economic and social council to advise on economic and social policy; urged that social work edu
Page 186 i86 Implications of the XIIIth ICSW cation be geared to the changing scene in social work practice; and concluded that we, as social workers, will continue to "pursue our efforts to open the doors to a life of dignity and self-respect for all." I believe the ICSW made an invaluable contribution in bringing hundreds of nationals from all over the world closer together. And as the roll of countries was called, and some seventy-five responded, I believe all of us felt that whatever else we got out of the XIIIth ICSW, it strengthened at least in some small measure the movement toward international cooperation in this shrinking world. Our eyes must now be focused on Helsinki, where in 1968 the International Council on Social Welfare will hold the XIVth International Conference-the first under its new name-and again, social workers from almost every country will continue their dialogue, discussions, and cooperation, as they will, we all hope, for many decades to come.
Page 187 Urban Problems —a Summation of the Division Papers by RONALD DORFMAN and THOMAS D. SHERRARD ONLY A SHORT TIME AGO, the civil rights movement was a mechanism for the elimination of segregation, and the war on poverty simply an escalation of the traditional methods of providing relief and services to the poor. It is now coming to be recognized that both of these efforts related only tangentially to the plight of the urban Negro poor, and both the social welfare and the civil rights communities have increasingly tended to accept Black Power (though some hesitate to use the words) as the operative concept in dealing with the ghetto. That that is so is reflected by the tenor of the papers in this volume, and is underscored by two news items which appeared on July 22, 1967. In Newark Dr. Nathan Wright, Jr., Chairman of the National Conference on Black Power, told the New York Times that sympathetic whites were excluded from the conference because "no group of people who are oppressed ever stood forth in the attitude of freedom or won any strategic victory under the leadership of the friendly troops of the oppressors." The other item, appearing in a Chicago newspaper, concerned the recommendations of the American Public Welfare Association (APWA) for a major overhaul of the nation's welfare system. The APWA concluded that a fundamental change is necessary in the relations between social workers and the recipients of aid-a change in the direction of making social workers the servants and not the masters of the poor. The papers presented in the Division Program, describing the problems of the urban poor and the services available to them, proceed in large part from the assumption that traditional ap
Page 188 188 Summation of the Division Papers proaches have failed, and that it is now time to start removing the barriers that prevent the poor from doing for themselves what the professionals have been unable to do for them. It is not accidental that this and related themes recur throughout the series of papers. The careful planning that went into the development of the program covered many months. After the Program Committee, under the chairmanship of the NCSW President, Whitney M. Young, Jr., settled on the theme "Humanizing the City," the Division Planning Committee hammered out a number of basic assumptions. While it is quite clear that social work and social welfare can primarily be viewed in the United States as organized society's response to human problems resulting from rapid industrialization and urbanization, there are times when the profession has lagged in adjusting to new circumstances and in meeting new human needs. This is one of those times. It is clearly a time for the profession to take stock, to reassess and reanalyze current needs, and to review its own role and function. The profession must be confronted with the revolutionary forces that are shaping urban society today, and in particular with those forces that are in conflict in the inner city. Secondly, the opportunity must be grasped to present and review broad policy alternatives drawn from different perspectives and available to us in dealing with urban problems. Thirdly, structural, organizational, and administrative solutions must be considered, and finally, traditional practice needs to be reevaluated, redefined, and perhaps reformed. While the Division papers could deal completely with this ambitious agenda, papers were commissioned on specific aspects of these problems as seen in the slums and ghettos of American cities. The first three speakers were requested to look more closely than we have at times been able or willing to do at the crucial characteristics of the slums and their inhabitants: Can we arrive at a more diagnostic and discriminating approach to an attack on urban poverty, based on more careful analysis of characteristics such as ethnicity and race, family structure, community institutions, and so on? Clearly, slums are not merely a formless mass, but what are the factors involved, how do slums differ from other
Page 189 Summation of the Division Papers 189 urban areas, and how do they differ among themselves? What are the physical, psychological, social, and economic problems that create both the transiency of the slum dweller and the imprisonment of the ghetto? The remaining papers were designed to take a look at the organizations, agencies, services, practices, and programs that we have created to deal with these problems and to suggest innovations, revisions, and reformulation of such programs. Questions asked were: What can be done to improve the mainstay of the system-public welfare? What can be done to turn our legal system so that it will benefit rather than oppress the poor? How can the urban slum dweller be helped to help himself? All the authors were requested to consider the policy implications of their subjects. Some months after the assignments were made, the Department of Housing and Urban Development (HUD) sponsored a Consultation on Urban Development and Social Welfare attended by the authors, NCSW officials, experts from various academic fields, and high-level staff of HUD. There these ideas and drafts of the papers were debated and discussed during two days in February. In the first paper, Messrs. Hill and Larson are concerned with whether our knowledge of the slum is really sufficient for the prescription of remedies. We recognize obvious differences, for example, between the old Jewish ghettos and modern Negro ghettos; may there not also be important differences among contemporary Negro ghettos? A slum, while by definition exhibiting obvious economic deprivation, need not necessarily contain intense social disorganization. Certain slums, they suggest, may have a social structure which should be maintained; there may be a true community existing within the slum. "Community," here, suggests an interdependence among the population and an ability to enforce social norms not generally found in urban areas. The conventional wisdom, according to Hill and Larson, generalizes from Kenneth Clark's analysis of Harlem and views all Negro slums as encompassing a festering social pathology, the common characteristics of which are the matriarchal family, unemployment, underemployment, a high rate of homicide, venereal
Page 190 190 Summation of the Division Papers and other diseases, and mutual distrust and suspicion among the slum population. But the authors, from their study of Old Annex, a small Negro area in metropolitan Chicago, contend that this pathological syndrome need not necessarily be present in a Negro slum. Old Annex is a slum that in certain respects is worse than Harlem. The residents, however, demonstrate a high degree of interdependence, as suggested by the patterns of visiting among friends and relatives-almost as frequent as in Pottersville, a white, middle-class suburb. Therefore, the authors conclude, Clark's findings about mutual suspicion and distrust in Harlem are probably not applicable in Old Annex. Rates of delinquency and dependency, in fact, are lower in Old Annex than in Harlem. Larson and Hill hypothesize that interaction within the extended kinship system of Old Annex provides support for the individual which is perhaps lacking elsewhere, and that this interaction prevents isolation, alienation, and anomie. Old Annex also exhibits a residential stability that makes more than three quarters of the population long-term residents of ten years or more. Although the family structure of Old Annex is matriarchal, its leadership is dominated by men, who in three civic controversies frequently cited were able to secure victories for the community. Furthermore, their organizations are based in Old Annex. The authors are impressed that Old Annex is not an "Uncle Tom" community; one meets its residents on their own terms, they say, or one is not accepted. This leads them to the conclusion that social welfare and antipoverty programs that seek to provide paternalistically for the people of Old Annex are insulting and doomed to failure, and they suggest that it might be best simply to fund indigenous corporations through which the people themselves may accomplish the objectives of the urban renewal program, the neighborhood youth corps, and other projects. "Clark's Harlem may need to be rescued," the authors say; "Old Annex does not." Ralph Kramer, the discussant of this paper, commended the authors for their attempt to dislodge stereotypes and for the general direction of their conclusions, but faulted them for their methodology, on several grounds: the disparity in population,
Page 191 Summation of the Division Papers 191 area, and density of population in Harlem and Old Annex; the lack of data concerning kinship and visiting patterns in Harlem; and the possible presence of factors not discussed by Hill and Larson that might account for Old Annex's low delinquency and dependency rates quite apart from the community's social organization. Since the authors use these data to infer that Harlem and Old Annex differ in community decision-making capacity and that different forms of intervention are required, the methodological quarrel becomes important. "Why," Kramer asked, "are participation and the development of Black Power reserved for the more cohesive and integrated neighborhood?" The question now is not whether a neighborhood should participate in decisions affecting its future, but how it is to participate. Furthermore, the differences between Harlem and Old Annex observed by Hill and Larson tell us nothing about which welfare programs would fit best which pattern of social organization. However, the emphasis on variability is well-placed; "better and perhaps different systems of classifying the variation between and within slum communities are needed to develop more appropriate social policies." The descriptive typologies of Gans, Stokes, and Seeley may be useful because they attempt to identify key attributes of the slum dwellers themselves. The more complex typology of S. M. Miller identifies four types of poor families, avoiding some of the cultural bias that accompanies other generalizations about lower-class life. This points to the need for the development of prescriptive typologies matched to distinct subgroups of slum dwellers. Experimentation will be necessary here, but we should be cautious because of our lack of knowledge. The perspective of cultural anthropology and the role of participant-observer may be more helpful than the analysis of sociological variables. We must learn how to help slum residents use their strengths to organize to improve the quality of life, accelerate mobility, and provide a base for collective social and political action. The second paper, by Nathan Glazer, seeks to relate our present concerns about the Negro ghetto to the historical role of ethnicity in American life. Ethnicity has affected the slum and
Page 192 192 Summation of the Division Papers the slum dwellers in two ways: it has, by investing human relations with beauty, enabled slum dwellers to live satisfactorily in deteriorated areas; and it has made it possible for some groups to fix up the slums and others to escape from the slums. Ethnicity is a positive value to social workers and to the members of ethnic groups, both of whom recognize and live with the differences among ethnic groups. But the pattern in America is for the real differences among groups-the cultural differences-to become differences in wealth, prestige, and power. The ethnic groups become interest groups. This transformation is slowly being completed, so that when we think of slums we no longer think of European ethnic groups. "We do not have a slum problem," Glazer says: "that is to misunderstand the situation. We have a problem of the Negro ghetto." Radical critics, according to Glazer, are unwilling to admit that there are links between the Negro ghettos and previous ghettos, because to do so would undercut their pleas for action and might encourage complacency. There are, nevertheless two major links: the power to respond to Negro demands is in the hands of the older ethnic groups; and the experience of the previous groups should be invaluable to the Negro community in its struggle to achieve full equality. As to the first point, Glazer suggests that when upper-class persons talk about the misery and despair of the ghetto, they talk at cross purposes with the older ethnic groups for whom the ghetto was the first step up the ladder of success. Further, talk of achieving Negro goals by the "tougher exercise of power" may be effective against city agencies, corporations, and so on, but it will not change the hearts of older ethnic groups. "Most of what the Negro wants now cannot be gained by power exerted in any raw sense," Glazer says. He recalls the effort to eliminate prejudice against the Jews, when it was decided that the exercise of power could effect a change in the structure of relationships and that this change could affect attitudes. But one's ability to force this restructuring-short of dictatorship-is limited. As Bruno Bettelheim points out, social controls can bring desegregation, but
Page 193 Summation of the Division Papers 193 only personal controls can bring integration. One's psychological assessment of himself and his capabilities are determined by his outside contacts; thus, the attitudes of others vis-a-vis the Negro are important in freeing him from his own sense of inadequacy. Which leads to the second point. Glazer declares that "internally developed positive attitudes and sentiments of groups living under conditions of prejudice and discrimination are critical for their advancement." The lesson of the older ethnic groups is that they are convinced they have prospered because of their own effort and their own discipline, and their conviction is probably true; in any case, they expect the Negroes to do the same. What is important is that for the sake of the Negro's self-esteem achievement must be in the realm of real work, as the older ethnic groups have experienced it. The reality of equality requires equal productivity, not made work and other schemes. The Protestant ethic that work and effort will be rewarded has been the keystone of the success of previous ethnic groups, even when they were non-Protestant. Nationalist revolutions also use this idea of self-possibility. Nationalism, including black nationalism, feeds on love of one's group more than on hatred of the oppressor. Nevertheless, this is only one means of changing attitudes, and attitudes must be changed on both sides of the racial line. Joseph Eaton advances the proposition that work within the welfare establishment can provide ghetto residents with upward mobility-if there is a sufficient expansion of welfare services to enable hosts of people to help their neighbors, thus obtaining psychic satisfaction and income. Mobility, he says, is a contemporary religion; it must be "upward, now, and for me." Such mobility is the core value of the American dream, but millions of what he calls the "immobile poor" find the dream has no counterpart in reality. Those who manage to escape from the ghetto are replaced by others, either born there or immigrants. The permanent population of the ghetto comprises the aged, fatherless families, and the unemployed. None of these people needs remain poor, Eaton argues. The "professionalization of reform" has provided the skills to help
Page 194 194 Summation of the Division Papers them up from poverty; America has the wealth, it lacks only the will. The situation of American Negroes is somewhat similar to that of the children of untouchables in India or slaves in Saudi Arabia. Although the caste laws and slavery have been abolished, these children need confidence-building experiences if they are to escape the effects of their heritage. "To be equal, one must feel equal." There is, of course, prejudice, but "many of the barriers to mobility are to be found within the slums." The Jewish ghetto was externally imposed in Europe, but those ghettos were sources of mutual support, the locus of Jewish culture, of learning, and of faith. Negroes do not have ghettos in this sense; they are in the slums against their will. Compensatory services could make the slums better, though they would still be segregated. And integration itself has little effect if it is restricted by class. Desegregation will not help lower-class Negroes and whites, the immobile poor. Compensatory education and public housing projects, linked in the public mind with integration, have produced the backlash. Thus Cloward and Piven make the case for separatist organizations "not as an alternative to integration, but to maximize the objective for which both are being advocated: social mobility." We must reverse the priorities in community development, Eaton urges, "from profit for speculators, to public utility." Human services-welfare and education-are the employment centers of the future, "our major open frontier." A real war on poverty can be made politically attractive by appropriating so much money for carrying it on that "conservative quarters" will see in it the opportunity to make a profit. Mobility has its dangers, but upwardly mobile middle-class people have the resources of the employer-the corporation, the university, the government-to help them overcome these dangers. Such supports must be developed for the poor who face the same dangers in making transitions but lack the resources to meet them. Hans Spiegel, in his response, asked many questions about the specific programs that might foster upward mobility of the poor. To formulate programs, he pointed out, one must assess, analyze, and define the problem, then formulate goals, and finally formu
Page 195 Summation of the Division Papers 195 late strategies. Under the first rubric, Spiegel asked: Who are the poor? Can we not refine and subcategorize poverty so as to develop more specific programing? How can we measure upward mobility to learn if our programs are accomplishing their objectives? In formulating goals, he said, we must know our intermediate as well as our long-range objectives, but this does not mean that we need to resolve, in an either-or fashion, the debate over "dispersal of ghetto populations" versus "building a ghetto power base." On the formulation of strategies, Spiegel was intrigued by Eaton's reference to the supports that are available to middle-class persons who change jobs, moving up-or possibly down-in the organization and at the same time moving across the country. The poor, Spiegel noted, also move quite frequently, and he suggests that such a horizontal move may be the ideal point for social intervention. He asked, finally, whether we really need any more new programs, or whether the need is not rather for better use of the programs at hand, and better people to use them. This, he said, "represents perhaps our greatest hope to mobilize the immobile poor." In the Meltzer and Whitley paper, the ghetto is seen as a politically induced phenomenon, a result of the power relationships and competition among groups of urban dwellers. Slums have so far been unresponsive to the panaceas offered by professionals. Far from shrinking, they are growing. On the one hand, urban renewal is creating new problems; on the other, the lack of physical improvement has deleteriously affected other programs. The model cities program seeks to remedy this situation by providing for comprehensive planning, both social and physical. But do we know what we want? Planners seem sometimes to want to contain the slum and its inhabitants with their pathologies; sometimes to want to apply cosmetics; and sometimes to want to change the moral tone of the ghetto. Part of this confusion, the authors say, is due to the multiplicity of agencies working in the slums. These agencies often act as "competing service industries," and their approach is all wrong. Rather:
Page 196 196 Summation of the Division Papers An approach is needed which builds on the social structure of the community and seeks not to dominate, but rather to capture the rhythm and style of life, replacing service provision with a plan and a program that would maximize opportunities and create an environmental structure and climate in which cultural values and human aspirations can be realized. The despair of the slum is compounded by public and private approaches which undermine any prospect of reinforcing the indigenous capacity to strengthen the social structure and family organization patterns. Agency intervention shatters the mechanisms "essential to providing the basic prerequisites for a competitive existence"-and so the slums are generally beyond any hope of self-correction. The view of many of these agencies is that the slum is sui generis, a self-perpetuating aberrant community, which can be dealt with either by treating every described problem as equally significant or by selecting priorities. But the first is impossible because resources are limited, and the solutions to various problems may be contradictory; the second is impossible because it cannot be agreed as to which problem is central. The antinomy is both dilemma and defense for the agencies: it insures that no basis exists for testing the relevance or effectiveness of programs. The slum exists as part of a total environment-the city, its metropolitan area, and so forth. The slum is the creation of broad social processes. The physical characteristics of the area and the personal characteristics of its inhabitants locate a slum; but "such characteristics are not sufficient to understand its dynamics." Planning for the slum must take into account its functional role and its interactions with the other parts of its environment. Urban populations are sorted on the basis of group characteristics. There are two processes at work: everyone seeks to locate himself within the limits of his ability in the area which provides maximum advantages or has the best physical and social environment; communities seek to limit their advantages to residents who can best maintain those advantages. In this competition for the city's "goodies" there are winners, holders-on, and losers. The slum is the catchall for the losers, for those who cannot compete successfully.
Page 197 Summation of the Division Papers 197 Personal resources of the members of a group determine how effectively the group can compete for resources which are socially distributed. But the socially distributed resources like schools, libraries, and jobs determine the personal resources-education, status, and income-of individuals and their groups. The effect obviously is circular, and the competition goes on at all levels. The authors conclude from this argument: Slums can be defined as areas where the population lacks minimal resources needed to compete successfully vis-t-vis other groups and where the population lacks influence or control over the institutional channels through which such resources are distributed or through which such resources could be obtained. At present, we admit of individual differences which affect one's competitive position, but not group differences which affect the competition for social resources. We have only begun to admit of differences in schools, and not yet of differences in things like code enforcement. The problem of Negro slum residents are both personal and shared, and they reinforce each other. The first need is to find out what effect spatial changes have on social patterns and life styles, and vice versa. It may be that "the toleration (and stimulation) of employment-generating establishments in a slum area may be more important than the enforced application of antiseptic standards with respect to the separation of allegedly incompatible land uses." What we must do is develop an indivisible social and physical planning process focusing on those factors and forces that limit choice and access to resources. We must test social and physical programs against the degree to which they make upward mobility possible. Conflict is a necessary condition of urban life, and we should recognize that significant improvement programs addressed to the slums will create conflict with other population groups. Therefore, plans for the slum cannot be made for the slums alone. The interactions between the slum and its environment must be taken into account. And program design must be based on results rather than on degree of activity. Despite the fact that a majority of the poor in this country are white, Meltzer and Whitley clearly state: "When we speak of the
Page 198 198 Summation of the Division Papers urban slum today, we are talking primarily of the poor Negro ghettos, for it is these areas which have erupted and which underscore the urgency of our concern." The authors further indicate that our concern for the slum arises out of fear of the slum, and as a result, the concessions made by the fearful may not be based on rational behavior. Duane W. Beck, a discussant, felt that this distinction had implications for social and physical planning. The authors show that there is much more than a casual relationship between the best neighborhood and the worst. The most advantageous neighborhood uses its resources, power, wealth, and influence to secure the best public services continually to improve its position, while the neighborhood with least advantage and whose occupants have little power, wealth, or influence is least capable of obtaining those services. Meltzer and Whitley point out that any group whose survival is threatened, as are the Negro groups in the slum, will devise attempts to gain a competitive advantage or they will die. The socalled "Negro rebellion," then, may be interpreted much differently: not just as an expression of hostility but as a will to liveand much better than is now the case. The authors question to what end resources can be reallocated so that those with the least power and influence will get greater services. Meltzer and Whitley imply that the planners must at some point become advocates as well as technicians, and plans must be based on what the residents think they need to climb out of the pit, as well as on what services the planners can devise as being feasible and possible to assist the upward mobility climb, based on the users' life style rather than on any other standard or pattern of living. The planners should assist slum residents to advocate for their own plans so that the strength of the neighborhood can be brought to bear through the organized effort of the neighborhood's residents. However, if the strength of the black ghetto is needed to influence resources, should we opt to maintain the ghetto to get what is needed, or purposely plan to "deghettoize"? If deghettoization is to be the goal, then as the slum dwellers' personal resources are developed, the slum loses the
Page 199 Summation of the Division Papers 199 strength of those who leave and provides competitor neighborhoods with greater advantage. One alternative would be to upgrade the ghetto so that it becomes a high-status area and, as a result of its cultural and physical resources, an advantageous area. The ghetto with adequate territorial resources would sufficiently attract white people without driving out the present occupants as we so often do now with our narrow goals of urban renewal. Deghettoization does not have to mean exodus of Negroes, but instead the development of policies which reverse the flow of people. Such a metamorphosis could come about accidentally if central city land values continue to decrease below those in suburban areas. Other factors, combined with the enormous cost and the obvious failure of urban renewal to eliminate the slum, have created a setting in which changes in the public approach may take place. The social welfare planners, in addition to reformulating goals and developing public policy, must engage in comprehensive planning-problem-centered-which works out the discontinuities in social welfare program patterns; in the search for, and trial of, more efficient or more economical alternatives; in the continued search for causation; in the educational function between and among structures to promote more functional cooperative effort; and in the actual work of organizing citizens' planning mechanisms. Geoffrey Hazard's paper is first directed to consideration of whether the presence of an ombudsman would alter the administration of public welfare to the benefit of recipients. He quickly concludes that for many reasons this Scandinavian institution cannot be transported successfully to these shores. But the introduction of legal process into welfare will be salutary, and may eventually transform the welfare system itself. It has been urged, the author notes, that welfare claimants be treated as applicants rather than as supplicants. This would require some semblance of legality, and legality requires lawyers or those who can "make a noise like lawyers." The lack of legal process in welfare is indicated by the fact that few welfare agencies have staff counsel, an oversight otherwise unheard of in bureau
Page 200 200 Summation of the Division Papers cracy. Some welfare recipients, however, have lawyers. Community organizers paid by the Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO) direct recipients and potential recipients with problems to lawyers who are also paid by the OEO. This arrangement provides both the means and the ideological basis for subjecting the welfare system to claims, thereby ushering the rule of law into welfare and its processes. "Social justice is being transformed from a claim on private conscience to an institutionalized system of social insurance." But the rate of change is slowed by financial and political considerations. There is not enough legal aid money to do more than scratch the surface of the problem of getting aid for those presently excluded from welfare programs; and if there were, there are not enough welfare funds to pay the claims of all those who are eligible. This leads to the dilemma that legal services for the poor increase the administrative cost of welfare but produce no net gains to the eligibles considered as a whole. This revives the idea of the ombudsman, who in Sweden is the parliamentary commissioner charged with investigating alleged abuses by administrative agencies and miscarriages of justice in the courts and the church, and with recommending changes in the law where necessary. In the United States, this work is performed by legislative committees, the courts, executive commissions, and lawyers working under the adversary system. The power of the ombudsman in Sweden is the power of suggestion backed by the appeal to conventions of propriety. "I do not think," Hazard says, "that this sort of appeal has much motive power in our society." In any case, if an ombudsman were to examine the welfare system in the United States he could not avoid fastening his attention on the laws rather than on the administration of the laws. The laws need wholesale revision. Nevertheless, legal representation would bring three benefits: (1) it could help a particular claimant get his due; (2) it could introduce regularity, responsibility, and rationality into the system; and (3) it could bring conflict out in the open so that a problem could not be ignored or evaded and a decision must be justified. "The cumulative effects of providing more effective representation for the poor in the ad
Page 201 Summation of the Division Papers 201 ministration of the welfare law can therefore be expected to be changes in the law and social policy itself." Legal representation would also lead to a change in the ethos of welfare; it would become a system of social insurance coupled with systems of education and psychological therapy. Social work, in so far as it is concerned with welfare, would become problem diagnosis and program planning, and "in that activity I suspect you will find many of us who were trained in the law working beside you." Bertram Beck's paper, drawing on his experiences in the Lower East Side of New York, provides a kind of science-fiction blueprint of a welfare state within a state, directed by the recipients rather than the bureaucrats. The emphasis in the delivery of services, he says, has returned to the neighborhood, to bring new opportunity to those on the lowest rung and increase their mobility. But the vendors of services miss the point that the curse of the poor is "dependence upon a variety of bureaucratic structures and their enslavement to relationships with various helping and therapeutic agents." It makes no difference whether the service vendor is an indigenous worker or a professional from outside the community, the dependency remains abhorrent. Nor is it to be preferred, he says, that the underclass be converted to the middle class; what the services should do is to impart to the poor "a sense of pride, power, and personal capacity." The prospect of social regeneration from the underclass"abetted by the wave of youthful questioning of established forms"-may be greater than the prospect of such regeneration under the auspices of elite leadership. The technical help that the ghetto residents will need can be supplied by allies: VISTA workers, the student movement, antipoverty workers, the enlightened elite, the revolutionary clergy, and professionals. These people can help the ghetto set up its own organizations and relate them to a broader world and a deeper vision. Mr. Beck cautions that the cooperation of establishment institutions is necessary in any such undertaking, and that those whose basic sympathies are with the underclass should beware of cooptation "into the camp of those who are not our natural allies."
Page 202 202 Summation of the Division Papers There should be job training, for instance, but enabling the socially exiled to become organization men should not be the basic aim of the antipoverty program. The author then offers his model. The 300,000 people on the Lower East Side are served by a network of agencies that includes three long-established settlement houses, Mobilization for Youth, and many public and private health, welfare, and education agencies, each of which has a "prince" on the premises but is ruled from midtown. A community corporation, although elected, does not represent the community because there is no community. There is, instead, a series of neighborhoods of different ethnic character, different interests, and different needs. The agencies, Mr. Beck says, must yield some of their sovereignty to a United Nations of agencies which, in turn, would recognize the sovereignty of the communities and neighborhoods and groups, joined in an alliance. The first echelon of service provision would be the "port of entry helping station"-dozens of them, in scattered store fronts everywhere-which would provide preliminary diagnosis and first aid, and which would function with an auxiliary baby-sitting station. Mini-buses would continually make the rounds from helping station to helping station, to take people to one of four multiservice centers. The latter would be combination community centers, including recreational facilities, health centers, legal aid centers, family counseling centers, and so forth. There would be always available a "crisis team" consisting of a psychiatrist, a professionally trained social worker, and a subprofessional community worker. Community development techniques would be used to form welfare unions, tenant unions, consumer unions, and other interest groups. If the community development workers organize people against bad practices in the service center, so be it. The system should also spin off such things as an urban renewal corporation and an economic development corporation. Mr. Beck concludes: Ultimately, the system described should lead to an increase in the political and social power of the deprived. This would occur partially because they would have gained the skills which give access to opportunity and partially because new opportunities for upward mobility
Page 203 Summation of the Division Papers 203 would be provided. The heavy emphasis on civic organization would in itself be a means of promoting a realistic sense of social participation. Philip Ryan, in discussing this paper, played the pragmatist to Beck's visionary. He questioned the ability of the groups and agencies involved to surrender their sovereignty to Beck's United Nations of agencies any more than independent nations have surrendered their sovereignty to the real United Nations. There is a problem in coordinating even the federal government's programs because they have different administrative arrangements, geographical areas of responsibility, funding procedures, and relations with the states and cities and private agencies. Furthermore, how will the various disciplines represented in the service centers agree on an administrator? Psychiatrists, for instance, will not permit a nonpsychiatrist to be the administrator of a mental health institution. And agencies with operative biases (such as HUD's for environmental change, the Department of Labor's for employment, the OEO's for community action) will resist eliminating the "pigeonholed, buck-passing smorgasbord that characterizes present services." Then there is the problem of using public money to help people fight city hall. Perhaps, as the problems of income maintenance are solved, the ghetto residents will be able to fund their own organizations to fight city hall. With more and more funds for services coming from tax sources, voluntary agencies will have to decide whether to become the intermediaries for expenditure of federal funds or to engage in community action work. Having played the pragmatist, Mr. Ryan said that he did not wish to discourage such visionaries as Beck; "indeed," he said, "it is exactly this kind of thinking that is most needed." Edward E. Schwartz discusses the need for a federally guaranteed minimum income, notes that the principal objections to this proposal are founded on the work ethic, and suggests that these objections can be overcome by a combination of the negative income tax and a vast expansion of social services, using the poor to help their fellows. A consensus is growing that our system for dealing with poverty must be reevaluated. The need for public assistance was sup
Page 204 204 Summation of the Division Papers posed to be temporary; but it has become permanent, and its permanence generates vulgar criticism "a la Newburgh." The reaction of the social work community is defensive and self-defeating. The first governmental unit to express an interest in revamping the welfare system was not the welfare establishment but the OEO, and its director was reported to be interested in the idea of the guaranteed minimum income. Next came the Commission on Automation and Economic Progress, which recommended further study of the proposal and of the idea of the government as the employer of last resort. This was followed by the Advisory Committee to the Welfare Administration, which ran counter to current thinking by suggesting that income guarantees be amalgamated into the federalstate welfare system. State initiative was the fatal flaw of that report because it is subject to the same influences which have prevented the AFDC-U program from achieving national coverage. While the report does assert that financial need should be the only criterion of assistance, it fails to deal with the objection that guaranteed income would reduce the incentive to work. President Johnson plans to appoint a commission to study all the various proposals for a guaranteed minimum income, the most hopeful development to date. There are other indications of unhappiness with the present system. The welfare commissioner of New York City has termed the present system bankrupt. Governor Rockefeller has indicated that he will call a conference this fall on revising the welfare system. Welfare unions and other groups are attacking the welfare establishment. The social work profession has been slow to recognize income as a basic human right, but it has become clear that a federally guaranteed income is urgently necessary now. It would require revamping our present two-deck social security system into a threedeck system. At the top would be the present social insurance system, providing security for disability or retirement. A new middle layer would be a family security benefit program, using the tax machinery as an administrative device. The third level, the present public assistance program, would be reduced to the scope originally contemplated by the framers of the Social Security Act. The chief
Page 205 Summation of the Division Papers 205 argument against this kind of arrangement is the work issue, and to get around this, economists like Friedman, Lampman, and Tobin have proposed a negative income tax that would provide some fraction of what is necessary to maintain a family above the poverty level, thereby preserving the work incentive. Depending on their biases, they suggest that deficiencies can be made up by supplements from public or private charities. Schwartz recalls that in 1964 he suggested a work-incentive program whereby families would receive full minimum income benefits but would be allowed to retain some percentage of earned income above that level. Cost estimates ranged from $11 billion to $30 billion; that is, from 2 percent to 3 percent of the gross national product, which is "well within the economic capabilities of this country." The work issue also leads some people, including a few misguided social workers, to propose categorical limitations on the benefits, such as those to the aged or to children. But this distinction is more semantic than real; a children's allowance inevitably becomes part of a family's general resources, and so the argument of the work ethic is not dealt with. People who propose such categorical limitations have three choices: i. They can offer a low level of payments to force capable members of the family to work for the balance-but this would leave in poverty the majority of the 15 million children in impoverished families. 2. They can limit benefits to families without employable fathers-but this repeats the error of AFDC in encouraging desertion. 3. They can impose a work test-but this becomes either pro forma, as in many state unemployment compensation administrations, or forced labor, as in some work-relief programs. In reality, the work-incentive argument is directed against all efforts to provide security, not against any particular proposal. We must ask these questions: What are the values and objectives of those who demand work sanctions? If income just above the poverty line is guaranteed, how much production will be lost? Is the value of that production greater
Page 206 206 Summation of the Division Papers than the loss through handicapping children and other innocents? Is the need for labor the prime concern, or are we more concerned with morality? If the latter, why do we not impose work sanctions on the idle rich as well as on the idle poor? We come to a fundamental division in the philosophy of social welfare. The residual view focuses on the treatment of problems, and the functional view focuses on meeting needs, in line with Maslow's theory of the hierarchy of need, which holds that basic, primary needs must be met before one can mobilize his strength to seek the satisfaction of higher-level needs. The residual-functional dichotomy finds its parallel in Theory X and Theory Y of McGregor's industrial psychology. Theory X holds that the average man dislikes work and will avoid it if he can; he must therefore be coerced into working by the imposition of negative sanctions. But the evidence favors Theory Y, which holds that work is as natural as rest or play, and that depending on controllable conditions, a man will work voluntarily for the ego satisfaction of the achievement of objectives. Therefore, Schwartz says, "expansion of work opportunities for presently unskilled persons with limited educational attainments but good potentiality through the development of innovative government programs for community service can.... be an expression of the institutional approach to income maintenance." The creation of job opportunities for the poor in people-helping jobs in health, education, and welfare both provides positive work sanctions on the model of Theory Y and alleviates the manpower shortage in social welfare. We need to change the entire manpower picture by eliminating through automation the bulk of the monotonous inhuman jobs and creating human jobs in social service for the poor. Schwartz concludes that: The greatest contribution that social workers can now make to social welfare in an urbanizing America, I believe, is to support an institutional or functional view of social welfare which would bring together in a mutually reinforcing way the policy of a universal federally guaranteed minimum income with the idea of the creation of new opportunities for human work for human beings in the service of their fellows.
Page 207 Appendix A: Program THE MAJOR FUNCTION of the National Conference on Social Welfare (NCSW) is to provide a dynamic educational forum for the critical examination of basic welfare problems and issues. Programs of the Annual Forums are divided into two parts: (1) the General Sessions and the meetings of the section and division committees, all of which are arranged by the NCSW Program Committee and the National Board; and (2) meetings which are arranged by the associate and special groups affiliated with the NCSW. In addition to arranging these meetings, associate and special groups participate in the over-all planning of the Annual Forum programs. In order that the NCSW may continue to provide a democratic forum in which all points of view are represented, it is prohibited by its Constitution from taking positions on social issues. Individuals who appear on the Annual Forum programs speak for themselves and have no authority to use the name of the NCSW in any way which would imply that the organization has participated in or endorsed their statements or positions. Theme: Humanizing the City SUNDAY, MAY 21 2:00 P.M.-3:30 P.M. ORIENTATION MEETING Presiding and speaker: C. F. McNeil, Director, National Social Welfare Assembly, New York; Chairman, NCSW Public Relations and Development Committee Speaker: Sara Lee Berkman, Assistant Executive Secretary, NCSW, New York 3:45 P.M.-5:oo P.M. THE IMPLICATIONS OF THE XIIITH INTERNATIONAL CONFERENCE FOR THE UNITED STATES Presiding: Kenneth W. Kindelsperger, Dean, Raymond A. Kent School
Page 208 208 Program of Social Work, University of Louisville, Louisville, Ky.; Chairman, U.S. Committee of the International Council on Social Welfare Speaker: Charles I. Schottland, Dean, Florence Heller Graduate School for Advanced Studies in Social Welfare, Brandeis University, Waltham, Mass. Sponsor: U.S. Committee of ICSW 8:00 P.M. OPENING GENERAL SESSION Presiding: Whitney M. Young, Jr., Executive Director, National Urban League, New York; President, NCSW Speaker: The Hon. Hubert H. Humphrey, Vice President of the United States, Washington, D.C. Presentation of NCSW Distinguished Service Award to Vice President Humphrey 10:00 P.M. CONFERENCE RECEPTION MONDAY, MAY 22 9:00 A.M.-10:45 A.M. GENERAL SESSION An International Perspective on Urbanization Problems Presiding: Kenneth W. Kindelsperger, Dean, Raymond A. Kent School of Social Work, University of Louisville, Louisville, Ky.; Chairman, U.S. Committee of the International Council on Social Welfare Speaker: Barbara Ward (Lady Robert Jackson), author and lecturer, London, England; former Foreign Affairs Editor, The Economist Special Award (posthumous) to Ruth M. Williams 11:15 A.M.-12:45 P.M. VARIABILITY OF GHETTO ORGANIZATION Presiding: Thomas D. Sherrard, Professor of Urban Affairs, Purdue University, Hammond, Ind., Director of Urban Development Institute Speakers: Richard J. Hill, Professor, Department of Sociology, Purdue University, Lafayette, Ind. Calvin J. Larson, Assistant Professor, Purdue University, Lafayette, Ind. Discussant: Ralph Kramer, Assistant Professor, School of Social Welfare, University of California, Berkeley Sponsor: Division (Cosponsored by NASW and NCSW) THE CASEWORK PRACTITIONER'S REALITY Presiding: Mrs. Helen B. Kapiloff, Chief of Social Work Service, Veterans Hospital, Houston, Texas
Page 209 Program 209 The Current Crisis in Casework: Phoenix or Dodo? Speaker: Scott Briar, Associate Professor of Social Welfare, University of California, Berkeley The Changing Ethic of Social Casework in an Anomic World Speaker: Henry Miller, Assistant Professor of Social Welfare, University of California, Berkeley Sponsor: Section I (Casework), Group Meeting 1 THE TRADE UNION AS A SITE FOR SERVICE TO GROUPS Presiding: Carl Girshman, Michigan Health Social Security Research Institutes, Detroit Speaker: Hyman J. Weiner, Director, Mental Health-Rehabilitation Program, Sidney Hillman Health Center, Amalgamated Clothing Workers of America, New York Discussant: Carl Girshman, Michigan Health Social Security Research Institutes, Detroit Sponsor: Section II (Group Work), Group Meeting 1 GROUP WORK IN THE SCHOOLS Presiding: Louise Shoemaker, Assistant Professor, School of Social Work, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia Speaker: Eugene O'Neil, doctoral candidate, University of Pennsylvania School of Social Work, Philadelphia Sponsor: Section II (Group Work), Group Meeting 2 THREE FORMS OF GROUP INTEGRATION AND THE CONFORMITY BEHAVIOR OF GROUP MEMBERS Presiding: Irving Kaufmann, Philadelphia YMHA, Philadelphia Speaker: Ronald A. Feldman, Assistant Professor, University of California School of Social Welfare, Berkeley Discussant: Irving Miller, Professor, Columbia University School of Social Work, New York Cosponsors: Section II (Group Work), Group Meeting 3 Section IV (Social Research), Group Meeting 1 GROUP WORK IN PUBLIC WELFARE: I. GROUP PRACTICE IN CHILD WELFARE Presiding: Mrs. Evangeline James, Assistant Director of Training, Bureau of Child Welfare, New York City Department of Welfare Group Services with Foster Parents Speaker: Adolin Dall, Senior Supervisor, Division of Foster Home Care, Bureau of Child Welfare, New York City Department of Welfare Work with Adoptive Parents and Recruitment Speaker: Florence E. Boyd, Senior Supervisor, Division of Adoptions, Bureau of Child Welfare, New York City Department of Welfare The Group as a Tool for Work with Adolescent Foster Children Speaker: Woodrow W. Carter, Supervisor, Division of Foster Home Care,
Page 210 210 Program Bureau of Child Welfare, New York City Department of Welfare Sponsor: Section II (Group Work), Group Meeting 4 THREE SIDES OF COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION: PERSPECTIVES AND CONNECTIONS Presiding: Richard S. Bachman, Director, Field Service, Community Services of Pennsylvania, Harrisburg Speaker and coauthor: Robert Perlman, Assistant Professor of Research, Florence Heller Graduate School for Advanced Studies in Social Welfare, Brandeis University, Waltham, Mass.; Director of Practice Studies, Council on Social Work Education Curriculum Development Project Discussants: John H. Ramey, Executive Director, Greater Cincinnati Federation of Settlements and Neighborhood Centers, Cincinnati Gordon Berg, Executive Director, United Community Services, Charlotte, N.C. William W. Collins, Regional Administrator, Department of Housing and Urban Development, Fort Worth, Texas Sponsor: Section III (Community Organization and Methods of Social Action) CHARACTERISTICS OF CASEWORK INTERVENTION Presiding: Leonard S. Kogan, Director, Center for Social Research, City University of New York, Brooklyn, N.Y. Speaker: William J. Reid, Director, Center for Social Casework Research, Community Service Society of New York City Discussant: Theodore Ernst, Associate Director, School of Social Work, University of Missouri, Columbia Sponsor: Section IV (Social Research), Group Meeting 2 RELOCATION OF THE POOR IN URBAN RENEWAL Presiding: Alvin Schorr, Consultant, Office of Assistant Secretary, Welfare Administration, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Washington, D.C. Panelists: Robert E. McCabe, Deputy Assistant Secretary for Renewal Assistance, Department of Housing and Urban Development, Washington, D.C. Chester W. Hartman, member, Massachusetts Institute of TechnologyHarvard Joint Center for Urban Studies, Cambridge Daniel Thursz, Professor, School of Social Work, University of Maryland, Baltimore Sponsor: Secton IV (Social Research), Group Meeting 3 ADMINISTRATION IN SOCIAL WELFARE Presiding: Gordon Manser, Associate Director, National Social Welfare Assembly, New York Speaker: Clark W. Blackburn, General Director, Family Service Association of America, New York Discussant: David DeMarche, Associate Executive Director, Bay Area Social Planning Council, Oakland, Calif. Sponsor: Section V (Administration)
Page 211 Program 211 SOCIAL DEVELOPMENT IN LATIN AMERICA Chairman: Shelton B. Granger, Deputy Assistant Secretary for International Affairs, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Washington, D.C. Speakers: David Bronheim, Deputy U.S. Coordinator, Alliance for Progress, Department of State, Washington, D.C. Rogelio Diaz-Guerrero, M.D., Universidad Nacional Autonoma de Mexico, Mexico City Sponsor: U.S. Committee of ICSW 2:00 P.M.-3:30 P.M. SLUMS AND ETHNICITY Presiding: Nelson C. Jackson, Assistant Executive Director, National Association of Social Workers, New York Speaker: Nathan Glazer, Professor, Department of Sociology, University of California, Berkeley Discussant: Daniel Thursz, Professor, School of Social Work, University of Maryland, Baltimore Sponsor: Division (cosponsored by NASW and NCSW) A CONCEPTUAL MODEL FOR WORKING WITH THE POOR Presiding: G. Leal Schurman, Harris County Housing Authority, Houston, Texas Speaker: Jerome Cohen, Associate Professor of Social Welfare, University of California, Los Angeles Sponsor: Section I (Casework), Group Meeting 1 TOWARDS NEW MODELS OF SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE Presiding: Edward Protz, Planning Director, Community Council of Greater Dallas Speaker: Werner A. Boehm, Dean, Graduate School of Social Work, Rutgers-the State University, New Brunswick, N.J. Discussant: Albert Comanor, Professor, Graduate School of Social Work, Rutgers-the State University, New Brunswick, N.J. Cosponsors: Section I (Casework), Group Meeting 2 Section III (Community Organization and Methods of Social Action), Group Meeting 1 CASEWORKER'S ROLE AND TASK IN DEALING WITH SOCIAL POLICY Presiding: Melvin B. Mogulof, Director, Model Cities Program, Department of Housing and Urban Development, San Francisco Speaker: Harry Specht, Associate Professor, Graduate School of Social Work, San Francisco State College Sponsor: Section I (Casework), Group Meeting 3
Page 212 212 Program SOCIOBEHAVIORAL TECHNIQUES APPLICABLE TO SOME TASKS OF THE CASEWORKER Presiding: Mrs. Lennie-Marie P. Muse, Associate Professor, School of Social Work, University of Oklahoma, Norman Speaker: Edwin J. Thomas, Professor of Social Work and Psychology, School of Social Work, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor Sponsor: Section I (Casework), Group Meeting 4 REAFFIRMATION OF THE IMPORTANCE OF RESEARCH TO PRACTICE: PRESENTATION OF TIMELY STUDIES AND REPORTS Presiding officer and discussant: William J. Reid, Director, Center for Social Casework Research, Community Service Society, New York The Practitioner's Use of Research Speaker: Aaron Rosenblatt, Research Director, Project ENABLE, Family Service Association of America, New York New Directions: Sociology and Casework Research Speaker: John E. Mayer, visiting faculty member, London School of Economics, London, England Cosponsors: Section I (Casework), Group Meeting 5 Section IV (Social Resarch), Group Meeting 1 SOCIAL THEORY, SOCIAL GROUPS AND SOCIAL WORK: LINDEMAN MEMORIAL LECTURE Presiding: Gisela Konopka, Professor, University of Minnesota School of Social Work, Minneapolis Speaker: David Danzig, Associate Professor of Social Work, Columbia University School of Social Work, New York Sponsor: Section II (Group Work) ARE THE POOR CAPABLE OF PLANNING FOR THEMSELVES? Presiding: Richard W. Bateman, Associate Director, Community Action Agency of Baltimore Speaker: Harold C. Edelston, Executive Director, Health and Welfare Council of the Baltimore Area, Baltimore Discussants: Sanford Kravitz, Associate Professor of Community Planning, Florence Heller Graduate School for Advanced Studies in Social Welfare, Brandeis University, Waltham, Mass. Mrs. Ferne K. Kolodner, Planning Associate, Health and Welfare Council of the Baltimore Area, Baltimore Sponsor: Section III (Community Organization and Methods of Social Action), Group Meeting 2 GOALS FOR DALLAS Presiding: Bryghte D. Godbold, Staff Director, Goals for Dallas Speaker: Roy Dulak, Executive Director, Community Council of Greater Dallas Sponsor: Section III (Community Organization and Methods of Social Action), Group Meeting 3
Page 213 Program 213 THE WELFARE RIGHTS MOVEMENT: ONE COMMUNITY'S EXPERIENCE Presiding and speaker: Anatole Shaffer, Project Director, Richmond Community Development Project, Walnut Creek, Calif. Panelists: David Williams, Community Organization Supervisor, Richmond Community Development Demonstration Project, Walnut Creek, Calif. Mrs. Louise Morrison, President, Welfare Rights Organization of Contra Costa County, Walnut Creek, Calif. Arthur Hawkins, Community Organizer, Welfare Rights Organization of Contra Costa County, Walnut Creek, Calif. Robert Jornlin, Director, Contra Costa County Department of Social Services, Walnut Creek, Calif. Fred Steininger, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Washington, D.C. Sponsor: Section III (Community Organization and Methods of Social Action), Group Meeting 4 THE POVERTY PROGRAM AND SCIENTIFIC EVALUATION Presiding: William Gorham, Assistant Secretary for Program Coordination, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Washington, D.C. Speaker: Robert A. Levine, Assistant Director for Research, Plans, Programs, and Evaluation, Office of Economic Opportunity, Washington, D.C. Discussant: David G. French, Professor, Florence Heller Graduate School of Advanced Studies in Social Welfare, Brandeis University, Waltham, Mass. Sponsor: Section IV (Social Research), Group Meeting 2 ADMINISTRATIVE TOOLS FOR HUMANIZING THE CITY Presiding: Alexander J. Allen, Director, Eastern Regional Office, National Urban League, New York Speaker: Mitchell Sviridoff, Administrator, Human Resources Administration, New York Discussant: A. Maceo Smith, Adviser, Zone Intergroup Relations, Dallas Sponsor: Section V (Administration) 4:00 P.M.-5:30 P.M. THE IMMOBILE POOR Presiding: Lisle C. Carter, Jr., Assistant Secretary for Individual and Family Service, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Washington, D.C. Speaker: Joseph W. Eaton, Professor of Social Work Research and Sociology, University of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh, Pa. Discussant: Hans B. C. Spiegel, Associate Professor of Urban Planning, School of Architecture, Columbia University, New York Sponsor: Division (cosponsored by NASW and NCSW)
Page 214 214 Program SYMPOSIUM: CURRENT CONCEPTS OF CASEWORK AND THE REALITIES OF PRACTICE Presiding: Miss Selby Fly, Executive Director, Hope Cottage, Children's Bureau, Dallas Speakers: Werner A. Boehm, Dean, Graduate School of Social Work, Rutgers-the State University, New Brunswick, N.J. Scott Briar, Associate Professor of Social Welfare, University of California, Berkeley Jerome Cohen, Associate Professor of Social Welfare, University of California, Los Angeles Ronald V. Dellums, Planning Consultant, Bay Area Social Planning Council, Oakland, Calif. John E. Mayer, visiting faculty member, London School of Economics, London, England Henry Miller, Assistant Professor of Social Welfare, University of California, Berkeley Aaron Rosenblatt, Research Director, Project ENABLE, Family Service Association of America, New York Harry Specht, Associate Professor, Graduate School of Social Work, San Francisco State College Edwin J. Thomas, Professor of Social Work and Psychology, School of Social Work, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor Sponsor: Section I (Casework), Group Meeting 1 SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE IN THE NEIGHBORHOOD CENTER Presiding: Franklin I. Harbach, Director of Neighborhood Centers of Houston and Harris County, Houston, Texas Speaker: Goodwin P. Garfield, Assistant Executive Director, United Neighborhood Houses, New York Practice Priorities for the Neighborhood Center Speaker: Harold W. Robbins, Director, New York Service for Orthopedically Handicapped, Department of Community Services for Children, New York Sponsor: Section II (Group Work), Group Meeting i THE RESIDENTIAL TREATMENT CENTER: THE GROUP WORKER IN CHILD CARE Presiding: Jerome M. Goldsmith, Executive Director, Jewish Board of Guardians, New York Speaker: David Birnbach, Supervisor of Group Life, Senior Unit, Hawthorne-Cedar Knolls, Hawthorne, N.Y. Speaker: Lawrence Shulman, Assistant Professor and Supervisor, Field Work Unit, Graduate School of Social Work, Rutgers-the State University, New Brunswick, N.J. Speaker: Edward R. Johnstone, Edward R. Johnstone Training and Research Center, Bordentown, N.J.; Professor, Graduate School of Social Work, Rutgers-the State University, New Brunswick, N.J. Sponsor: Section II (Group Work), Group Meeting 2
Page 215 Program 215 GROUP WORK IN PUBLIC WELFARE: II. THE INSTITUTIONALIZATION OF GROUP SERVICES THROUGH SUPERVISORY AND ADMINISTRATIVE PRACTICE Presiding: Malvin Morton, Editor, Public Welfare, American Public Welfare Association, Chicago Speaker: Seymour K. Fass, Senior Supervisor, Division of Foster Home Care, Bureau of Child Welfare, New York City Department of Welfare Discussant: Louise C. Youngman, District Supervisor, AFDC, Baltimore Department of Public Welfare, Baltimore Sponsor: Section II (Group Work), Group Meeting 3 THE ROLE OF INDIGENOUS PERSONNEL IN COMMUNITY PLANNING AND ACTION Presiding: Joseph Zarefsky, Executive Director, Community Welfare Planning Association, Houston, Texas Speakers: Willie A. Johnson, Dallas County Community Action Committee Albert L. Litscomb, Neighborhood Organization, Dallas Mrs. Robert Coleman, Neighborhood Improvement Association, Houston Action for Youth, Houston, Texas N.T. Wright, President, Neighborhood Council, Houston Action for Youth, Houston, Texas Summarizer: Merrill Conover, Assistant Director, Planning and Research, Health and Welfare Council, Philadelphia Sponsor: Section III (Community Organization and Methods of Social Action) COST-BENEFIT ANALYSIS IN THE SOCIAL WELFARE CONTEXT Presiding: Charles W. Laughton, Associate Director, Graduate School of Social Work, University of Texas, Austin Speaker: Abraham S. Levine, Acting Chief, Program Research Branch, Division of Research, Office of the Commissioner, Welfare Administration, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Washington, D.C. Discussant: Wilbur Parker, Director of Research, California State Department of Social Welfare, Sacramento Cosponsors: Section IV (Social Research), Group Meeting i Section V (Administration) A RESEARCH TOOL FOR STUDY OF CASEWORK Presiding: Mrs. Muriel Pumphrey, Social Science Institute, Washington University, St. Louis Speaker: Mrs. Helvi Boothe, Central Staff Coordinator for Social Work, Clinical Studies Section, Psychopharmacology Research Branch, National Institute of Mental Health, Chevy Chase, Md. Sponsor: Section IV (Social Research), Group Meeting 2
Page 216 216 Program 8:30 P.M. GENERAL SESSION Presiding: Milton Chernin, Dean, School of Social Welfare, University of California, Berkeley Forces Shaping Our Cities and Creating Urban Problems Speaker: Philip M. Hauser, Professor of Sociology, University of Chicago; Director, Population Research and Training Center The Realities of Policy-Making in Our Big Cities Speaker: The Hon. Jerome P. Cavanagh, Mayor, City of Detroit TUESDAY, MAY 23 9:00 A.M. —10:45 A.M. KEYNOTE SESSION The Future of the Social Agency in a Changing Urban Society Presiding: Sidney Hirsch, Chief, Social Work Service, Veterans Administration Hospital, New York Speaker: Nathan E. Cohen, Professor of Social Welfare, School of Social Work, University of California, Los Angeles Discussant: Duane W. Beck, Executive Director, Community Council of the Atlanta Area, Atlanta, Ga. Sponsor: Combined Associate Groups 11:15 A.M.-12:45 P.M. IMPLICATIONS SESSIONS Six concurrent sessions, each dealing with one aspect of the future of the social agency in a changing urban society INNOVATIVE SOCIAL PLANNING AND ACTION-AN ASSESSMENT OF NEW TRENDS Moderator: David A. Bouterse, Associate Director, Institute of Community Studies, United Community Funds and Councils of America, New York The Ferment in Social Planning Today Speaker: David A. Bouterse, Associate Director, Institute of Community Studies, United Community Funds and Councils of America, New York Making Community Social Planning Councils Innovative and Relevant Speaker: Dan MacDonald, Executive Director, Health and Welfare Council of Metropolitan St. Louis Creative Federalism Speaker: David Carlson, Deputy for Demonstrations and Intergovernmental Relations, Department of Housing and Urban Development, Washington, D.C. Community Action Programs as Agents for Change Speaker: Dudley Cawley, Associate Director of Health, Welfare, and Education, Eastern Regional Office, National Urban League, New York Sponsors: Combined Associate Groups, Implications Session 1
Page 217 Program 217 MEETING MANPOWER NEEDS IN A CHANGING URBAN SOCIETY Presiding: Margaret E. Berry, Executive Director, National Federation of Settlements and Neighborhood Centers, New York Speaker: Mrs. Cathryn S. Guyler, Director, National Commission for Social Work Careers, New York Speaker: Franklin I. Harbach, Director, Neighborhood Centers Association of Houston and Harris County, Houston, Texas Speaker: Jack Howard, Administrator, Bureau of Work Programs, Manpower Administration, Department of Labor, Washington, D.C. Sponsors: Combined Associate Groups, Implications Session 2 TRAINING AGENCY PERSONNEL FOR NEW DIRECTIONS IN SOCIAL WELFARE PROGRAMS Presiding: Martin L. Birnbaum, Training Specialist, Child Study Association of America, New York New Directions for Training Speaker: Arthur Hillman, Director, Training Center, National Federation of Settlements and Neighborhood Centers, Chicago Models for Training Speaker: Mrs. Mary Gay Harm, Training Director, Project Head Start Training Program, Child Study Association of America, New York Sponsors: Combined Associate Groups, Implications Session 3 INNOVATIVE METHODS OF INTERVENTION Presiding: John F. Larberg, Staff Consultant, National Social Welfare Assembly, New York Speaker: Donald Brieland, Professor, School of Social Service Administration, University of Chicago; Director, Social Services Center Discussant: Raymond M. Steinberg, Director, Program Planning and Development Department, Economic and Youth Opportunities Agency of Greater Los Angeles Sponsors: Combined Associate Groups, Implications Session 4 THE IMPLICATIONS OF NEW PROGRAMS IN COMMUNITY HEALTH Presiding: Peter G. Meek, Executive Director, National Health Council, New York The Role of New Health Programs in a Local Homemaker Service Agency Speaker: Adele F. Aras, Executive Director, Homemaker Service of Metropolitan Detroit The "Established Agency" and Comprehensive Mental Health Planning Speaker: Merton Trast, Program Developer, Harris County Mental Health and Mental Retardation Board of Trustees, Houston, Texas Sponsors: Combined Associate Groups, Implications Session 5 THE IMPLICATIONS OF CHANGE FOR WELFARE PROGRAMS BOTH PUBLIC AND PRIVATE Presiding: Col. Roy S. Barber, National Welfare Consultant, Salvation Army, New York
Page 218 218 Program Speaker: Sanford Solender, Executive Vice President, National Jewish Welfare Board, New York Reactors: Felton Alexander, Assistant Director, Midwest Regional Office of the National Urban League, St. Louis Joseph Zarefsky, Executive Director, Community Welfare Planning Association, Houston, Texas Sponsors: Combined Associate Groups, Implications Session 6 2:00 P.M.-3:30 P.M. THE PROTECTIVE SERVICES CENTER-AN INTEGRATED PROGRAM TO PROTECT CHILDREN Presiding: Mary Lois Pyles, Child Welfare Representative, Children's Bureau, Region VII, Dallas Speaker: G. Lewis Penner, Executive Director, Juvenile Protective Association, Chicago Discussant: Henry H. Welch, Executive Director, Metropolitan Council for Community Service, Denver Cosponsors: American Humane Association, Children's Division American Legion, National Child Welfare Division American Public Welfare Association, Group Meeting i Child Welfare League of America, Group Meeting 1 TRAINING NONPROFESSIONALS FOR PROGRAMS IN SOCIAL WELFARE-ROLE RESPONSIBILITIES OF THE PROFESSIONAL Presiding: Martin L. Birnbaum, Training Specialist, Child Study Association of America, New York Panelists: Mrs. Thelma M. Elliott, Program Development Specialist, Texas Office of Economic Opportunity, Austin Mrs. Barbara I. Whitaker, Assistant Director, Health and Welfare, National Urban League, Atlanta, Ga. Mrs. Samuel Linden, Franklin Settlement House, Detroit Cosponsors: Child Study Association of America, Group Meeting 1 American Public Welfare Association, Group Meeting 2 Family Service Association of America, Group Meeting 1 National Federation of Settlements and Neighborhood Centers, Group Meeting i National Urban League, Group Meeting 1 IMPACT OF THE ECONOMIC OPPORTUNITY ACT (EOA) ON CHILDREN'S SERVICES Presiding: Charles E. King, Executive Director, Community Council of Oklahoma City and County Report on a Survey of the Impact of the EOA on Children's Services Speaker: John Pierce-Jones, Director, Child Development EvaluationResearch Center, University of Texas, Austin
Page 219 Program 219 The Significance of the EOA on Rural Child Welfare Programs in Appalachia Speaker: Rita M. McMahon, Chief, Bureau of Special Services, Kentucky Department of Child Welfare, Frankfort The Impact of Day Care on a Poverty Target Area Speaker: Mrs. Marcella Upton, Executive Director, Child Welfare Day Center, New Orleans Cosponsors: Child Welfare League of America, Group Meeting 2 National Committee for the Day Care of Children, Group Meeting 1 LEGISLATIVE PROSPECTS IN CONGRESS AND THE STATESIMPLICATIONS FOR CHILD WELFARE Presiding: The Hon. Sarah T. Hughes, United States District Judge, Dallas Speaker: The Hon. Elmer L. Andersen, President, Child Welfare League of America; former Governor of Minnesota Discussant: Guy R. Justis, Director, American Public Welfare Association, Chicago Cosponsors: Child Welfare League of America, Group Meeting 3 American Public Welfare Association, Group Meeting 3 National Committee for the Day Care of Children, Group Meeting 2 National Council on Crime and Delinquency, Group Meeting 1 CAREERS IN SOCIAL WORK EDUCATION: PREPARATION, OPPORTUNITIES AND REWARDS IN TEACHING Presiding: Milton Wittman, Chief, Social Work Training Branch, National Institute of Mental Health, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Public Health Service, Bethesda, Md. Speaker: Herman D. Stein, Dean, School of Applied Social Sciences, Western Reserve University, Cleveland; President, Council on Social Work Education Resource persons: Arnulf M. Pins, Executive Director, Council on Social Work Education, New York Joseph Soffen, Associate Professor, School of Social Work, University of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia; Educational Consultant, Council on Social Work Education Mary E. Burns, Professor, School of Social Work, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor Sponsor: Council on Social Work Education THE EFFECT OF LOCAL ENABLES ON AGENCY PROGRAM Presiding: Clark W. Blackburn, General Director, Family Service Association of America, New York From the Point of View of the Project Director Speakers: Mrs. Ellen P. Manser, National Headquarters, Project ENABLE, New York From the Point of View of the Agency Executive
Page 220 220 Program Speakers: Sebastian C. Owens, Executive Director, Urban League of Colorado, Denver Harry J. Walter, III, Executive Director, Family Service Agency, Little Rock, Ark. From the Point of View of Local ENABLE Staff Speakers: Mrs. Josie Johnson, Community Organizer, Minneapolis Urban League William C. Ross, Group Leader and Community Organizer, Family and Children's Service of Berkshire County, Pittsfield, Mass. From the Point of View of Local ENABLE Advisory Committee Speakers: Mrs. Annie Bankhead, ENABLE Advisory Committee, Little Rock, Ark. Mrs. Ralph Hanna, ENABLE Advisory Committee, Austin, Texas Cosponsors: Family Service Association of America, Group Meeting 2 Child Study Association of America, Group Meeting 2 National Urban League, Group Meeting 2 A COMPREHENSIVE OUTPATIENT PROGRAM FOR PREGNANT SCHOOL-AGE GIRLS Presiding: E.A. Stumpf, III, Board member, Florence Crittenton Association of America, Florence Crittenton Home, Houston, Texas Panelists: Mrs. Mattie K. Wright, Director, Crittenton Comprehensive Care Center, Chicago Peter Barglow, M.D., Consultant Psychiatrist, Crittenton Comprehensive Care Center, Chicago Jean E. Bedger, Evaluation Director, Crittenton Comprehensive Care Center, Chicago Cosponsors: Florence Crittenton Association of America Child Welfare League of America, Group Meeting 4 National Council on Illegitimacy The Salvation Army RELATIONSHIPS OF STATE PLANNING, VOLUNTARY AND PUBLIC, AND THE RESPONSIBILITIES OF THE STATE IN MEETING URBAN PROBLEMS Presiding: Lowell Iberg, Executive Secretary, New York State Association of Councils and Chests, New York The Relationships between Voluntary and Public Agencies and the Role of the State in Planning Speaker: Terrell Blodgett, Administrative Assistant for Planning in the Governor's Office, Austin, Texas Responsibilities of the State in Meeting Urban Problems Speaker: Alvin Burger, Executive Director, Texas Research League, Austin Discussant: Maurice P. Beck, Executive Director, Michigan Welfare League
Page 221 Program 221 Sponsor: National Association of Statewide Health and Welfare Conference and Planning Organizations HOMEMAKER-HOME HEALTH AIDE SERVICE FOR THE HANDICAPPED Presiding: Peter G. Meek, Executive Director, National Health Council, New York Speakers: Edward M. Krusen, M.D., Director, Department of Physical Medicine and Rehabilitation, Baylor Medical Center, Dallas Speaker: Rosalind Giles, Director of Child Welfare, Texas State Department of Welfare, Austin Speaker: Ernest Weinrich, Assistant Director, Services Section, United Cerebral Palsy Associations, New York Recorder: Mrs. Betty Andersen, Executive Director, National Council for Homemaker Services, New York Cosponsors: National Council for Homemaker Services United Cerebral Palsy Associations OLDER PEOPLE IN URBAN CHAOS: RECONSTRUCTING PLANNING AND SERVICES PATTERNS FOR OLDER PEOPLE WHERE THEY LIVE Presiding: Geneva Mathiasen, Executive Director, National Council on the Aging, New York The Plight of Older People in Our Urban Areas Speaker: Walter M. Beattie, Dean, School of Social Work, Syracuse University, Syracuse, N.Y. Creative Roles of Public Welfare in Serving Older People Speaker: Ellen Winston, Consultant, Welfare Administration, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Washington, D.C.; Past President, NCSW Achieving Comprehensive Community Planning with, and on Behalf of, Older People Speaker: David DeMarche, Associate Executive Secretary, Bay Area Social Planning Council, Oakland, Calif. Retooling Agencies and Programs to Serve Older People Speaker: Herbert Shore, Executive Director, Dallas Home and Hospital for Jewish Aged, Dallas; Immediate Past President, American Association of Homes for the Aging; Governor's Steering Committee on Aging, Texas Discussant: Jeweldean Jones, Assistant Director, Health and Welfare, National Urban League, New York Cosponsors: National Council on the Aging National Urban League, Group Meeting 3 The Volunteers of America ALCOHOLISM: A SOCIAL PROBLEM FOR SOCIAL WORKERS Speaker: Herman E. Krimmel, Director, Cleveland Center on Alcoholism, Cleveland
Page 222 222 Program Discussants: The Rev. Gene Thompson, President, Board of Directors, Tarrant County Council on Alcoholism, Fort Worth, Texas Charles A., member, Alcoholics Anonymous Sponsor: National Council on Alcoholism VOLUNTEER INGENUITY AND PROFESSIONAL KNOW-HOWDYNAMIC PARTNERSHIP IN ASSESSING A STATEWIDE SOCIAL SERVICE NEED Presiding: Mrs. T. K. Lamb, Jr., Chairman, Public Affairs Study Committee, Junior Leagues of Texas, Beaumont Discussants: Donald Rademacher, Regional Consultant, National Council on Crime and Delinquency, Austin, Texas Roy Dulak, Executive Director, Community Council of Greater Dallas Dorothy Swinburne, Consultant to Health and Welfare, Association of the Junior Leagues of America, New York Cosponsors: National Council on Crime and Delinquency, Group Meeting 2 Association of the Junior Leagues of America Child Welfare League of America, Group Meeting 5 National Social Welfare Assembly NEIGHBORHOOD ORGANIZATION: MAKING THE AMERICAN DEMOCRACY WORK Presiding: Margaret E. Berry, Executive Director, National Federation of Settlements and Neighborhood Centers, New York Speaker: Arthur Hillman, Director of NFS Training Center, National Federation of Settlements and Neighborhood Centers, Chicago Sponsor: National Federation of Settlements and Neighborhood Centers, Group Meeting 2 INFORMATION AND REFERRAL WORKSHOP Presiding: Priscilla L. Hayden, Director, Information and Referral Service, Welfare Planning Council of Dade County, Miami Health Information Referral Center Is a Public Servicel Speaker: George W. Verner, Chief, Health Information and Referral Center, Health Information and Education Division, District of Columbia Department of Public Health, Washington, D.C. Discussants: Mrs. Thelma V. Rutherford, Director, Information and Referral Service, Health and Welfare Council of the National Capital Area, Washington, D.C. Evelyn M. Fraser, Director, Community Information Service, United Community Services, Detroit Sponsor: United Community Funds and Councils of America A PLAN FOR CONTINUING ORIENTATION FOR AGENCY SUPERVISORS OF VOLUNTEERS Presiding: Mrs. Samuel Upchurch, Southeast Regional Chairman, Association of Volunteer Bureaus of America, Birmingham, Ala.
Page 223 Program 223 Speaker: Alice E. Lamont, Program Assistant, Catholic Youth Organization, Detroit Sponsor: United Community Funds and Councils of America, Association of Volunteer Bureaus SOCIAL WORK RESPONSIBILITY FOR COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT IN THE HEALTH FIELD Presiding: Delwin M. Anderson, Director, Social Work Service, Veterans Administration, Washington, D.C. The Social Welfare Agency as an Instrument for Community Development in an Industrial Society Speaker: Robert Morris, Professor of Social Planning, Florence Heller Graduate School for Advanced Studies in Social Welfare, Brandeis University, Waltham, Mass. Sponsor: Veterans Administration, Social Work Service 4:00 P.M.-5:30 P.M. MEDICAID Federal Aid and State Medical Programs as Provided under Title 19 Sponsor: AFL-CIO Community Service Activities ORGANIZATION OF SERVICES TO CHILDREN AND THEIR FAMILIES Presiding: Mary Catherine Henry, Chief of Social Work Services, Wichita Falls State Hospital for the Mentally Ill, Wichita Falls, Texas Speaker: Maurice O. Hunt, First Deputy Commissioner, New York City Department of Welfare Discussant: Rosalind Giles, Director, Child Welfare Division, Texas State Department of Public Welfare, Austin Cosponsors: Child Welfare League of America, Group Meeting i National Committee for the Day Care of Children National Council on Crime and Delinquency A DESCRIPTIVE REPORT ON HOW A STATE AND A CITY DEVELOPED EDUCATIONAL PROGRAMS FOR PREGNANT TEEN-AGE GIRLS Presiding: Mrs. Camille Smith, Executive Director, Florence Crittenton Home, Houston, Texas Panelists: Jeptha V. Greer, Associate Director of Instruction, Program for Exceptional Children, DeKalb County Schools, Clarkston, Ga. Mrs. Louise G. Dougherty, Assistant Superintendent in Charge of Special Education, Board of Education, Chicago Cosponsors: Florence Crittenton Association of America, Group Meeting i Child Welfare League of America, Group Meeting 2 National Council on Illegitimacy, Group Meeting 1 The Salvation Army, Group Meeting 1
Page 224 224 Program PROGRAMING FOR NASW PEACE CONCERNS Chairman: Ned Goldberg, Chairman, NASW Peace and Disarmament Committee, Washington, D.C. Sponsor: NASW Peace and Disarmament Committee A VIEW FROM THE BRIDGE (STUDENT-JOB-CAREER) Presiding: Emanuel Berlatsky, Chairman, National Commission for Social Work Careers, New York Moderator: Herbert H. Leibowitz, Head, Social Welfare Extension, University of California Extension, Berkeley Panel members: Fred Beza, caseworker, Family Counseling and Children's Services, Waco, Texas Pearline Earls, student, Worden School of Social Service, Our Lady of the Lake College, San Antonio, Texas Carl Flaxman, Mayor's Consultant, Dallas Alex Murray, businessman, Dallas Elizabeth Taylor, WFAA Radio and TV, Dallas Cosponsors: National Commission for Social Work Careers Council on Social Work Education National Association of Social Workers THE SCANDINAVIAN WAY OF MEETING THE PROBLEMS OF ILLEGITIMACY Speaker: Mrs. Edith Garmezy, social worker, Pregnant Girls' Program, Board of Education, Minneapolis Speaker: Mrs. Patricia Garland, Director, Division of Child and Family Welfare Federation of Protestant Welfare Agencies, New York Cosponsors: National Council on Illegitimacy, Group Meeting 2 Child Welfare League of America, Group Meeting 3 Family Service Association of America Florence Crittenton Association of America, Group Meeting 2 National Urban League The Salvation Army, Group Meeting 2 The Volunteers of America INFORMATION AND REFERRAL WORKSHOP Presiding: Mrs. Katherine Dareneau, Director, Health and Welfare Information Service, Community Council of Houston and Harris County, Houston, Texas Relationships of the Office of Economic Opportunity to Information and Referral Services under the Auspices of United Funds and Councils Speaker: Frank Sloan, Regional Director, Southern Regional Office of Economic Opportunity, Atlanta, Ga. Discussant: Mrs. Betty Lou Barbieri, Director, Community Services and Resources for Economic Opportunity Programs, Miami Information and Referral Service for Older Americans
Page 225 Program 225 Speaker: Mrs. Jeannette Paul, Associate Community Information and Referral Service, Community Health and Welfare Council of Hennepin County, Minneapolis Sponsor: United Community Funds and Councils of America VOLUNTEERS AND SOCIAL WORKERS: A TEAM WORKING WITH AFTER-CARE PATIENTS Presiding: Mrs. William Cullen, Chairman, Nominating Committee Association of Volunteer Bureaus of America, Minnetonka, Minn. Speaker: Mrs. Marion Jeffery, Project Director, Bureau of Social Work, California Department of Social Welfare, Los Angeles Panelists: Anne Tobey, Supervising Psychiatric Social Worker Al Brooke, volunteer, American National Red Cross College Program Sponsor: United Community Funds and Councils of America, Association of Volunteer Bureaus 6:00 P.M. ANNUAL MEETING Speaker: The Hon. Elmer L. Andersen, President, Child Welfare League of America; former Governor of Minnesota Speaker: Joseph H. Reid, Executive Director, Child Welfare League of America, New York Sponsor: Child Welfare League of America LEADERSHIP DEVELOPMENT IS A TWO-EDGED SWORD Presiding: Mrs. Claude Boothman, Southwest Regional Chairman, Association of Volunteer Bureaus of America, Dallas Speaker: R. L. Dillard, Jr., Vice President and General Counsel, Southland Life Insurance Company, Dallas Sponsor: United Community Funds and Councils of America, Association of Volunteer Bureaus 8:30 P.M. COMMUNITY PLANNING IN AN ERA OF CHANGE: HOWARD F. GUSTAFSON MEMORIAL LECTURE Presiding: Walter B. Johnson, Acting Dean, Graduate School of Social Service, Indiana University, Indianapolis; Chairman, Howard F. Gustafson Memorial Fund Advisory Committee Speaker: Charles I. Schottland, Dean, Florence Heller Graduate School for Advanced Studies in Social Welfare, Brandeis University, Waltham, Mass.; President-elect, NASW Special Citation (posthumous) to Howard F. Gustafson Cosponsors: NASW Indianapolis Howard F. Gustafson Memorial Committee NCSW
Page 226 226 Program WEDNESDAY, MAY 24 9:00 A.M.-10:45 A.M. GENERAL SESSION The Presidential Address Presiding: Ellen Winston, Consultant, Welfare Administration, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Washington, D.C.; Past President, NCSW Speaker: Whitney M. Young, Jr., Executive Director, National Urban League, New York; President, NCSW 11:15 A.M.-12:45 P.M. SLUMS, SYSTEMS AND THE CITY OF MAN Presiding: Ellen Winston, Consultant, Welfare Administration, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Washington, D.C.; Past President, NCSW Speaker: Bertram M. Gross, Professor, Maxwell School of Citizenship and Public Affairs, Department of Political Science, Syracuse University, Syracuse, N.Y. Discussant: John Morgan, Visiting Professor, Columbia University School of Social Work, New York: Dean-elect, University of Pennsylvania School of Social Work, Philadelphia Sponsor: Division (cosponsored by NASW and NCSW) SOCIOBEHAVIORAL THEORY Presiding: Anthony De Marinis, Executive Director, Family and Children's Service of Greater St. Louis The Sociobehavioral Approach to Interpersonal Helping in Social Work Speaker: Edwin J. Thomas, Professor of Social Work and Psychology, School of Social Work, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor A Sociobehavioral Model of Casework Treatment Speaker: Richard Stuart, Assistant Professor, School of Social Work, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor Cosponsors: Section I (Casework), Group Meeting 1 Section II (Group Work), Group Meeting 1 A CONCEPTUAL MODEL FOR SOCIAL WORK INTERVENTION Presiding: Mary Edna Porter, Assistant Director of Field Work, Department of Social Work, Florida State University, Tallahassee Speaker: David L. Levine, Professor of Social Work, Florida State University, Tallahassee Discussants: Thomas Holland, clinical social worker, Child Development Center, University of Miami, Miami Vernon O. Buttram, Public Health Social Worker, Florida State Board of Health, Jacksonville Sponsor: Section I (Casework), Group Meeting 2
Page 227 Program 227 CASEWORK WITH UNMARRIED MOTHERS FROM DISADVANTAGED SOCIOECONOMIC GROUPS Presiding: Eleanor Barnett, Professor, Graduate School of Social Work, University of Denver Speaker: Jane A. Collins, Director of Social Services, Department of Health and Hospitals, City and County of Denver Sponsor: Section I (Casework), Group Meeting 3 GROUP WORK IN PUBLIC WELFARE: III. GROUP PRACTICE IN PUBLIC ASSISTANCE Presiding: Louise C. Youngman, District Supervisor, Baltimore Department of Public Welfare Speaker: Louise Shoemaker, Professor, University of Pennsylvania School of Social Work, Philadelphia Sponsor: Section II (Group Work), Group Meeting 2 THE SETTLEMENT HOUSE: CARETAKERS, REVOLUTIONISTS, OR RELUCTANT SOCIAL REFORMERS? Presiding and speaker: Buford E. Farris, Jr., Executive Director, Wesley Community Centers, San Antonio, Texas Speakers: William Hale, Program Officer, Southwest Regional Office, VISTA, Austin, Texas Gilbert Murillo, Neighborhood Organizer, Wesley Community Centers, San Antonio, Texas Sponsor: Section II (Group Work), Group Meeting 3 GROUP HELP IN A GHETTO OF URBAN REJECTS Presiding: Catherine Papell, Assistant Professor, School of Social Work, Adelphi University, Garden City, N.Y. Speaker: Joan Shapiro, Chief Consultant for Community Services, Division of Community Psychiatry, St. Luke's Hospital, New York Discussant: Russell Hogrefe, Executive Director, Chicago Youth Centers, Chicago Sponsor: Section II (Group Work), Group Meeting 4 REVIEW OF TITLE 19 AND RECENT DEVELOPMENTS Presiding: Edwin P. Bradley, Planning Associate, Community Planning Division, Community Funds and Councils of America, New York Speaker: Fred H. Steininger, Director, Bureau of Family Services, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Washington, D.C. Discussant: Robert F. Ott, Commissioner, Public Welfare, Commonwealth of Massachusetts, Boston Sponsor: Section III (Community Organization and Methods of Social Action), Group Meeting 1 POLITICS OF SOCIAL POLICY Presiding: Nelson C. Jackson, Assistant Executive Director, NASW, New York
Page 228 228 Program Speaker: William H. Robinson, Director, Cook County Department of Public Aid, Chicago Sponsor: Section III (Community Organization and Methods of Social Action), Group Meeting 2 RESEARCH ON THE OCCUPATIONAL STRUCTURE OF SOCIAL WELFARE Presiding: Edward E. Schwartz, Professor, School of Social Service Administration, University of Chicago Speaker: Mrs. Jean K. Szaloczi, Chief, Welfare Manpower Research Unit, Welfare Administration, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Washington, D.C. Discussants: David G. French, Professor, Florence Heller Graduate School for Advanced Studies in Social Welfare, Brandeis University, Waltham, Mass. Dan Morris, Assistant Executive Director for Program, Mobilization for Youth, New York Sponsor: Section IV (Social Research), Group Meeting 1 BRIDGING THE GAP BETWEEN RESEARCH AND PRACTICE: ILLUSTRATIVE RESEARCH IN GROUP WORK AND IMPLICATIONS FOR PRACTICE Presiding: Lawrence Shulman, Assistant Professor, Graduate School of Social Work, Rutgers-the State University, New Brunswick, N.J. Speaker: Douglas Holmes, Research Director, Associated YM-YWHA's of Greater New York, New York Cosponsors: Section IV (Social Research), Group Meeting 2 Section II (Group Work), Group Meeting 5 TECHNOLOGY AND HUMAN VALUES: LINDEMAN MEMORIAL LECTURE Presiding: Mrs. Jane W. McKaskle, Deputy Director for San Francisco, State Department of Social Welfare Speaker: Mrs. Jane K. Lacour, Operations Research Specialist, Lockheed Missile and Space Company, Sunnyvale, Calif. Cosponsors: Section V (Administration) Section I (Casework), Group Meeting 4 THE SHAME OF THE CITIES: ALBERT DEUTSCH MEMORIAL LECTURE Presiding: Mrs. Dorothy Bird Daly, Chief, Teaching Media Branch, Division of Staff Development, Bureau of Family Services, Welfare Administration, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Washington, D.C.; Secretary, NCSW Speaker: Leonard J. Duhl, M.D., Assistant to the Secretary, Department of Housing and Urban Development, Washington, D.C.
Page 229 Program 229 Discussant: Thomas D. Sherrard, Professor of Urban Affairs, Purdue University, Hammond, Ind.; Director of Urban Development Institute Purdue University, Hammond, Ind.; Sponsor: NCSW Program Committee 2:00 P.M.-3:00 P.M. LEGAL SERVICES FOR THE POOR Presiding: Guy R. Justis, Executive Director, American Public Welfare Association, Chicago Speaker: Geoffrey C. Hazard, Jr., Professor, School of Law, University of Chicago; Director, American Bar Foundation Discussant: Sanford L. Kravitz, Associate Professor of Social Planning, Florence Heller Graduate School for Advanced Studies in Social Welfare, Brandeis University, Waltham, Mass. Sponsor: Division (cosponsored by NASW and NCSW) SOCIOBEHAVIORAL THEORY Presiding: Anthony De Marinis, Executive Director, Family and Children's Service of Greater St. Louis A Sociobehavioral Approach to Group Treatment of Parents Speaker: Sheldon Rose, Professor of Social Work, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor Coaching as a Potential Technique of Change in Casework and Group Work Practice Speaker: Mary Burns, Professor of Social Work, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor Cosponsors: Section I (Casework), Group Meeting i Section II (Group Work), Group Meeting 1 NEW STRUCTURAL FORM FOR THE PRACTICE OF CASEWORK Presiding: Wilma Salmon, Administrative Assistant, Orleans Parish Department of Public Welfare, New Orleans The Decline and Fall of the Social Agency: a Visionary Proposal Speaker: Irving Piliavin, Associate Professor of Social Welfare, University of California, Berkeley Social Worke' Go Home: a Brief for Reconstruction of Social Agencies Speaker: Richard B. Rogers, Director, Family Service Agency, San Francisco Sponsor: Section I (Casework), Group Meeting 2 ALTERNATIVES TO PSYCHIATRIC HOSPITALIZATION Presiding: Eileen E. Lester, Medical Social Consultant, Bureau of Health Services, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Washington, D.C. Speakers: D. M. Kaplan, Director of Psychiatric Social Service, University of Colorado Medical Center, Denver
Page 230 230 Program Kalman Flomenhaft, social worker, University of Colorado Medical Center, Denver Sponsor: Section I (Casework), Group Meeting 3 A STUDY OF SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE Presiding: Joseph L. Zarefsky, Executive Director, Community Welfare Planning Association, Houston, Texas Speaker: William Schwartz, Associate Professor, Columbia University School of Social Work, New York Cosponsors: Section II (Group Work), Group Meeting 2 Section I (Casework), Group Meeting 4 Section IV (Social Research), Group Meeting i GROUP WORK IN A PARAPLEGIC WARD Presiding: Douglas Torrie, Chief, Social Work Service, Veterans Administration Hospital, Dallas Speakers: Harold Lipton, social worker, Kingsbridge Veterans Administration Hospital, New York Sidney Malter, Chief, Social Work Service, Kingsbridge Veterans Administration Hospital, New York Sponsor: Section II (Group Work), Group Meeting 3 BRIDGING THE GAP BETWEEN RESEARCH AND PRACTICE Speaker: Douglas Holmes, Research Director, Associated YM-YWHA's of Greater New York, New York Cosponsors: Section II (Group Work), Group Meeting 4 Section IV (Social Research), Group Meeting 2 HUMAN COMPONENT IN URBAN PLANNING Speakers: William D. Toole, Planning Director, Springfield, Mass. Mrs. Laura Morris, Social Welfare Consultant, Massachusetts Committee on Children and Youth, Boston Discussant: William Ryan, Assistant Professor of Psychology, Yale School of Medicine, New Haven, Conn. Sponsor: Section III (Community Organization and Methods of Social Action), Group Meeting 1 THE IMPACT OF MEDICARE Presiding: Raymond E. Register, Regional Commissioner of Social Security, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Dallas Speaker: John M. Mullane, Regional Representative, Bureau of Health Insurance, Social Security Administration, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Dallas Sponsor: Section III (Community Organization and Methods of Social Action), Group Meeting 2 EXPERIMENTAL PROJECTS IN SERVICE TO THE AGING Presiding: Charles W. Laughton, Associate Director, School of Social Work, University of Texas, Austin
Page 231 Program 231 Senior Advisory Service for Public Housing Tenants Speakers: Jean Wallace Carey, Staff Associate for Aging, Department of Public Affairs, Community Service Society of New York, New York Morton Israel, Research Associate, Department of Public Affairs, Community Service Society of New York, New York Protective Services for Older People Speaker: Margaret Blenkner, Director of Research, Benjamin Rose Institute, Cleveland Sponsor: Section IV (Social Research), Group Meeting 3 APPROACHES TO THE ASSESSMENT OF RECENT INNOVATIONS IN STAFF EDUCATIONAL AND TRAINING PROGRAMS Presiding: Werner W. Boehm, Dean, Graduate School of Social Work, Rutgers-the State University, New Brunswick, N.J. Evaluation of Inservice Training: Measurement Approaches and Illustrative Findings from Two Recent Studies Speaker: Herman Piven, Project Director, Pilot Study of Correctional Training and Manpower, New York Evaluating an Interagency Staff Development Program on Alcoholism Speaker: Margaret B. Bailey, Codirector, Alcoholism Interagency Training Project, Community Council of Greater New York, New York Sponsor: Section IV (Social Research), Group Meeting 4 THE INADEQUATE FAMILY: A STUDY OF PROTECTIVE SERVICE FOR CHILD NEGLECT Presiding: Edmund V. Mech, Graduate School of Social Service Administration, Arizona State University, Tempe Speaker: Mrs. Bernice Boehm, Professor, Graduate School of Social Work, Rutgers-the State University, New Brunswick, N.J. Cosponsors: Section IV (Social Research), Group Meeting 5 Section I (Casework), Group Meeting 5 THE EXECUTIVE AS AN AGENT OF SOCIAL CHANGE Presiding: Carl B. Flaxman, Consultant on Welfare to the Dallas City Council Speaker: Mitchell Ginsberg, Commissioner, New York City Department of Public Welfare Sponsor: Section V (Administration), Group Meeting 1 COMMUNICATION WITHIN SOCIAL WELFARE Presiding: C. F. McNeil, Director, National Social Welfare Assembly, New York Speakers: Ronald Lippitt, Program Director, Institute for Social Research, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor Sanford Solender, Executive Vice President, National Jewish Welfare Board, New York Cosponsors:
Page 232 232 Program NCSW Public Relations Committee Section V (Administration), Group Meeting 2 BUREAUCRACY AND THE MEXICAN-AMERICAN LOWER CLASS Mexican-Americans in Texas Speaker: Gideon Sjoberg, Research Consultant, Department of Sociology, University of Texas, Austin Coauthors: Richard A. Brymer, research sociologist, Wesley Community Centers, San Antonio, Texas Buford E. Farris, Executive Director, Wesley Community Centers, San Antonio, Texas Sponsor: Texas Social Welfare Association VIETNAM-THE OTHER WAR Presiding: Martha Branscombe, Senior Social Welfare Adviser, Agency for International Development, Washington, D.C. The Over-all View Panelist: George Goss, Coordinator of Vietnam Refugee Relief Programs, Agency for International Development, Washington, D.C. Welfare Services Health Services Panelist: Frank L. Hutchinson, Church World Service, New York Sponsor: U.S. Committee of ICSW 4:00 P.M.-5:30 P.M. THE LARGE EDUCATIONAL FORUM IN SOCIAL WELFAREITS CONTRIBUTION TO THE PLANNING AND ACTION SYSTEMS Presiding: Whitney M. Young, Jr., Executive Director, National Urban League, New York; President, NCSW Speaker: Joe R. Hoffer, Executive Secretary, NCSW, Columbus, Ohio Panelists: Nelson C. Jackson, Assistant Executive Director, NASW, New York Guy R. Justis, Director, American Public Welfare Association, Chicago C. F. McNeil, Executive Director, National Social Welfare Assembly, New York Arnulf M. Pins, Executive Director, Council on Social Work Education, New York Ellen Winston, Consultant, Welfare Administration, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Washington; Past President, NCSW Sponsor: NCSW 8:30 P.M. GENERAL SESSION Presiding: George K. Wyman, Commissioner, State of New York, Department of Social Welfare, Albany; Second Vice President, NCSW Speaker: Ben W. Heineman, President, Chicago and North Western Railway Company
Page 233 Program 233 Presentation of NCSW Distinguished Service Award to Planned ParenthoodWorld Population Seventy-five-Year Member Award Fifty-Year Member Awards THURSDAY, MAY 25 9:00 A.M.-10:45 A.M. FIELD SERVICE: WHO NEEDS IT? Presiding: James Foley, Assistant to the Executive Vice President, American National Red Cross, Washington, D.C. The Needs of the Local Agency Speaker: Joseph McDonald, Executive Director, Family Service of the Cincinnati Area, Cincinnati The Needs of the National Organization Speaker: Mrs. Margaret R. Ransdell, Field Consultant, Travelers Aid Association of America, New York Implications for Field Service Speaker: Gordon Manser, Associate Director, National Social Welfare Assembly, New York Cosponsors: American National Red Cross Big Brothers of America Child Welfare League of America, Group Meeting 1 Council on Social Work Education Family Service Association of America, Group Meeting 1 National Council of Jewish Women National Council, YMCA's National Social Welfare Assembly, Group Meeting 1 The Salvation Army, Group Meeting 1 Travelers Aid Association of America YWCA of the U.S.A. SOCIAL WORK INTERVENTION ON BEHALF OF CHILDREN IN THE DETERIORATING URBAN FAMILY Presiding: Bert Holmes, Associate Editor, Dallas Times Herald; President of the Board, Family Guidance Center, Dallas Speaker: Leontine R. Young, Executive Director, Child Service Association, Newark, N.J. Cosponsors: Child Welfare League of America, Group Meeting 2 Florence Crittenton Association of America, Group Meeting 1 National Committee for the Day Care of Children EXPLORING MANPOWER RESOURCES FOR EXPANDING CHILD WELFARE SERVICES Presiding: Mrs. Alexander Ripley, Secretary of the Board, Child Welfare League of America, Los Angeles
Page 234 234 Program Creative Use of Volunteers Speaker: Eva Schindler-Rainman, consultant in personnel and training, private practice, Los Angeles Differential Use of Staff Speaker: Mrs. Corinne H. Wolfe, Chief, Division of Technical Training, Bureau of Family Services, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Washington, D.C. The Obligation of the Schools of Social Work in Relation to Meeting Manpower Needs at Differential Levels in Child Welfare Speaker: Jacob L. Trobe, Executive Director, Jewish Child Care Association of New York City Cosponsors: Child Welfare League of America, Group Meeting 3 Florence Crittenton Association of America, Group Meeting 2 National Social Welfare Assembly, Group Meeting 2 United Community Funds and Councils of America, Association of Volunteer Bureaus RESEARCH EVALUATION OF A NATIONAL PROGRAM: PROJECT ENABLE Presiding: Aaron Rosenblatt, Research Director, Project ENABLE, Family Service Association, New York Panelists: Lee M. Wiggins, Director, Project ENABLE Evaluation, New York Chester H. Jones, Assistant Director, Project ENABLE, National Urban League, New York Sheila Day, Assistant Director, Project ENABLE Evaluation, New York Cosponsors: Family Service Association of America, Group Meeting 2 Child Study Association of America National Urban League, Group Meeting i ARE CONFERENCES COMPATIBLE WITH PLANNING AND SOCIAL ACTION AT THE STATE LEVEL? Presiding: Maurice P. Beck, Executive Director, Michigan Welfare League, Lansing The New Look in Texas Speaker: James F. Dinsmore, Executive Director, Texas Social Welfare Association, Austin The Colorado Story Speaker: Henry H. Welch, President, Colorado Conference of Social Welfare, Denver California Takes a Stand Speaker: Robert E. Jornlin, Director, Social Service Department, Contra Costa County, Martinez, Calif. An Over-all View Speaker: Hobart A. Burch, Liaison Officer, Voluntary Organizations, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Washington D.C.
Page 235 Program 235 Sponsor: National Association of Statewide Health and Welfare Conference and Planning Organizations COMMUNITY ACTION AND THE OLDER POOR Presiding: Earl Williams, Director, Institute of Human Resources, University of Houston, Houston, Texas Speaker: Genevieve Blatt, Assistant Director, Office of Economic Opportunity, Washington, D.C. Discussants: Walter H. Richter, Director, Southwest Region, Office of Economic Opportunity; Former Chairman, Governor's Commission on Aging, Austin, Texas Harold C. Edelston, Executive Director, Health and Welfare Council of the Baltimore Area, Baltimore Bernard E. Nash, Deputy Commissioner, Administration on Aging, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Washington, D.C. Sponsor: National Council on the Aging REACHING THE UNREACHED ALCOHOLIC Presiding: The Rev. James B. Ansley, Chaplain, Harris Hospital, Fort Worth, Texas Speaker: Ken Wells, Extension Services Coordinator, Alcoholism Research and Training, Albuquerque, N.Mex. Sponsor: National Council on Alcoholism PRESIDENT'S CRIME COMMISSION FINDINGS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR SOCIAL WELFARE Presiding and speaker: Frederick Ward, Jr., Southern Regional Director, National Council on Crime and Delinquency, Austin, Texas Discussants: William T. Adams, Associate Director, Joint Commission on Correctional Manpower and Training, Washington, D.C. Charles I. Schottland, Dean, Florence Heller Graduate School for Advanced Studies in Social Welfare, Brandeis University, Waltham, Mass. Joseph H. Reid, Executive Director, Child Welfare League of America, New York Bertram M. Beck, Executive Director, Mobilization for Youth, New York Cosponsors: National Council on Crime and Delinquency Child Welfare League of America, Group Meeting 4 STRENGTHENING THE HIGH-RISK TEEN-AGE FAMILY Presiding: Mrs. Henry Steeger, Chairman, National Council on Illegitimacy, New York Speaker: Mrs. Janet S. Brown, Staff Associate for Family Life Education, Department of Public Affairs, Community Service Society of New York, New York Speaker: Ellen Winston, Consultant, Welfare Administration Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Washington, D.C., Past President, NCSW
Page 236 236 Program Cosponsors: National Council on Illegitimacy Child Welfare League of America, Group Meeting 5 Family Service Association of America, Group Meeting 3 Florence Crittenton Association of America, Group Meeting 3 National Urban League, Group Meeting 2 The Salvation Army, Group Meeting 2 The Volunteers of America MINIMAL BRAIN DYSFUNCTION: A NEW PROBLEM AREA FOR SOCIAL WORK Presiding: Roy Campbell, Director of Treatment and Services, Easter Seal Society for Crippled Children and Adults of Texas, Dallas Speakers: Sam D. Clements, Associate Professor and Director, Child Guidance Clinic, Departments of Psychiatry and Pediatrics, University of Arkansas Medical Center, Little Rock; Project Director, Task Force 1, United States Public Health Service Project on Minimal Brain Dysfunction John W. Conwell, M.D., Consulting Neurologist, Dallas Society for Crippled Children and Adults; Chairman, Advisory Committee, Dallas Council for Children with Learning Disabilities Daniel L. McCarthy, Director of Parent Counseling, Easter Seal Society of Milwaukee County, Milwaukee Cosponsors: National Society for Crippled Children and Adults Child Welfare League of America, Group Meeting 6 Easter Seal Society for Crippled Children and Adults of Texas THE PERSONNEL REFERENCE-ITS USE AND ABUSE Presiding: Alexander Handel, President, Social Work Vocational Bureau, New York Discussion leader: Richard Bargans, Secretary for Personnel, National Federation of Settlements and Neighborhood Centers, New York Panelists: Mary Avis Todd, Executive Director, Travelers Aid, San Francisco Dorothy Demby, Field Representative, National Commission for Social Work Careers, New York Harriett Rinaldo, Chief, Manpower and Staff Division, Social Work Services, Veterans Administration, Washington, D.C. Mrs. Howard Grimes, Board member, YWCA, Dallas Sponsor: Social Work Vocational Bureau 11:15 A.M.-12:45 P.M. NEIGHBORHOOD ORGANIZATIONS IN THE DELIVERY OF SERVICES AND SELF-HELP Presiding: Herman D. Stein, Dean, School of Applied Sciences, Western Reserve University, Cleveland Speaker: Bertram M. Beck, Executive Director, Mobilization for Youth, New York
Page 237 Program 237 Discussant: Philip E. Ryan, Consultant, Department of Housing and Urban Development, Washington, D.C. Sponsor: Division (Cosponsored by NASW and NCSW) CHANGING VALUES: THE EFFECT ON CHILDREN Presiding: Maxwell A. Cook, Associate Professor, School of Social Work, University of Texas, Austin Speaker: Mrs. Eleanore Luckey, Professor, Department of Child Development and Family Rehabilitation, University of Connecticut, Storrs; Consultant on Family Life Education, Office of the Chief, Children's Bureau, Welfare Administration, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Washington, D.C. Discussant: Harry W. Martin, Associate Professor, Department of Psychiatry, University of Texas Southwestern Medical School, Dallas Sponsor: Child Welfare League of America, Group Meeting 1 HUMAN RIGHTS AND CHILD WELFARE Presiding: The Rev. Joseph W. Drew, Chaplain, Southern Methodist University, Dallas; President of Dallas Pastors' Association Speaker: James R. Dumpson, Dean, School of Social Service, Fordham University, New York Discussant: Rabbi Robert J. Schur, Temple Beth-El, Fort Worth, Texas Cosponsors: Child Welfare League of America, Group Meeting 2 National Urban League, Group Meeting 1 UNDERGRADUATE PROGRAMS IN SOCIAL WELFARE Presiding: Frank Loewenberg, Professor, School of Social Work, St. Louis University, St. Louis; Consultant on Undergraduate Education. Council on Social Work Education Undergraduate Programs in Social Welfare: New Developments and Potentials Speaker: Arnulf M. Pins, Executive Director, Council on Social Work Education, New York Discussant: Mrs. Margaret B. Matson, Professor, Department of Sociology and Anthropology, Pennsylvania State University, University Park Sponsor: Council on Social Work Education CHILDREN IN MIGRATION-HOW TO AVOID UNPROTECTED INTERCOUNTRY PLACEMENTS Presiding: Mrs. Michael Harris, President, International Social Service, American Branch, New York Panelists: Rosalind Giles, Director, Child Welfare Division, Department of Public Welfare, Austin, Texas Verna Lauritzen, Adoption Consultant, Division for Children and Youth, Wisconsin Department of Public Welfare, Madison Mrs. Esther Kahn, Supervisor, Social Work, Division of Adoption Services, Bureau of Child Welfare, New York
Page 238 238 Program Cosponsors: International Social Service, American Branch Child Welfare League of America, Group Meeting 3 HOME-CENTERED HOME CARE PROGRAMS Presiding: Edward W. Cannady, M.D., Board member, National Council for Homemaker Services; President, St. Clair County Home Care Association, East St. Louis, Ill. Elements of a Home Care Program Speaker: David A. Gee, Executive Director, Jewish Hospital of St. Louis Organizational Patterns for Coordinated Home Care Programs Speaker: Francis E. Browning, M.D., Clinical Assistant Professor of Preventive Medicine, University of Rochester School of Medicine and Dentistry, Rochester, N.Y. Home Care Programs Meet Community Needs Speaker: Eileen E. Lester, Medical Social Work Consultant, U.S. Public Health Service, Division of Medical Care Administration, Home Health and Related Services Branch, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Arlington, Va. Recorders: L. M. Detmer, Assistant Director, Division of Long-Term Care, American Hospital Association, Chicago Nicholas Griffin, Secretary, Committee on the Aging, American Medical Association, Chicago Cosponsors: National Council for Homemaker Services American Hospital Association American Medical Association PRESIDENT'S CRIME COMMISSION FINDINGS AND IMPLICATIONS FOR SOCIAL WELFARE Presiding and speaker: Frederick Ward, Jr., Southern Regional Director, National Council on Crime and Delinquency, Austin, Texas Discussants: William T. Adams, Associate Director, Joint Committee on Correctional Manpower and Training, Washington, D.C. Charles I. Schottland, Dean, Florence Heller Graduate School for Advanced Studies in Social Welfare, Brandeis University, Waltham, Mass. Joseph H. Reid, Executive Director, Child Welfare League of America, New York Cosponsors: National Council on Crime and Delinquency Child Welfare League of America, Group Meeting 4 A TRULY INTERDISCIPLINARY APPROACH TO ILLEGITIMACY Presiding: Col. Jane E. Wrieden, National Consultant, Women and Children's Services, Salvation Army, New York From the Point of View of the Clergy Speaker: The Rev. Reinhart B. Gutmann, Executive Secretary, Division
Page 239 Program 239 of Community Services, Executive Council of the Episcopal Church, New York From the Point of View of the Physician Speaker: Edith Hershey, M.D., Medical Director, Region VII, Children's Bureau, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Dallas From the Point of View of the Social Worker Speaker: Sister Margaret Mary, D.C., social worker, Home of the Holy Infancy, Austin, Texas From the Point of View of the Educator Speaker: Mrs. Harriet Reynolds, Assistant Director of Education, National Urban League, New York From the Point of View of the Lawyer Speaker: Mrs. Louise B. Raggio, attorney in private practice; Chairman, Family Law Section, Texas Bar Association, Dallas Cosponsors: National Council on Illegitimacy Child Welfare League of America, Group Meeting 5 Executive Council, Episcopal Church, Department of Christian Social Relations Family Service Association of America Florence Crittenton Association of America National Urban League, Group Meeting 2 The Salvation Army The Volunteers of America MAKING DEMOCRACY WORK-THREE APPROACHES Presiding: Arthur Hillman, Director, NFS Training Center, National Federation of Settlements and Neighborhood Centers, Chicago Speakers: Lathan Johnson, Assistant Director, Greater Cincinnati Federation of Settlements and Neighborhood Centers, Cincinnati Coleman Miller, Field Director, National Federation of Settlements Mississippi Project, Jackson Sponsor: National Federation of Settlements and Neighborhood Centers 2:00 P.M.-3:30 P.M. PUBLIC WELFARE IN AN URBANIZING AMERICA Presiding: Sanford Solender, Executive Vice President, National Jewish Welfare Board, New York Speaker: Edward E. Schwartz, Professor, School of Social Service Administration, University of Chicago Discussant: Ellen Winston, Consultant, Welfare Administration, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Washington, D.C. Sponsor: Division (cosponsored by NASW and NCSW) ATTITUDES TOWARD MONEY BY THE HELPER AND THE HELPED-DISABLING OR ENABLING? Presiding: Mrs. Nathalie D. Preston, Supervisor, Homemaker Service and
Page 240 24~ Program Home Economics Consultants, Brooklyn Bureau of Social Service and Children's Aid Society, Brooklyn, N.Y. Lengthening the Distance between the "Haves" and "Have-Nots" Speaker: Richard L. D. Morse, Head, Department of Family Economics, College of Home Economics, Kansas State University, Manhattan Attitudes toward Money by the Helper and the Helped Speaker: Eunice M. Minton, Acting Chief, Division of Welfare Services, Bureau of Family Services, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Washington, D.C. Discussants: Jeanette Hanford, Director, Family Service Bureau, United Charities of Chicago Benjamin R. Sprafkin, Executive Director, Jewish Family Service of Philadelphia Cosponsors: American Home Economics Association American National Red Cross National Council on the Aging THE PSYCHOSOCIAL CHARACTERISTICS OF PARENTS IN THE CHILD PROTECTIVE SERVICES CASELOAD: IMPLICATIONS FOR TREATMENT Presiding: Rosalind Giles, Director, Child Welfare Division, State Department of Public Welfare, Austin, Texas Speaker: Morton I. Cohen, Director of Research, Massachusetts Society for the Prevention of Cruelty to Children, Boston Discussant: Elizabeth Philbrick, Director of Social Services, Denver Home for Children, Denver Cosponsors: American Humane Association, Children's Division American Legion, National Child-Welfare Division American Public Welfare Association Child Welfare League of America, Group Meeting 1 THE ROLE OF THE COMPUTER IN EXTENDING CHILD WELFARE SERVICES Presiding: Edward L. Protz, Planning Director, Community Council of Greater Dallas Speaker: G. Y. (Lee) Haviland, Consultant in Government and Welfare, Data Processing Division, IBM Corporation, Dallas Discussant: Mrs. Harriett M. Stambaugh, Instructor, Department of Pediatrics, University of Texas Southwestern Medical School, Dallas Sponsor: Child Welfare League of America, Group Meeting 2 CHILDREN IN LIMBO: CHILDREN WITHOUT PERMANENT PARENTS Presiding: Samuel M. Murphy, Director of Field Staff, Child Welfare Division, Texas State Department of Public Welfare, Austin Children in Limbo: Who Are They? What Is the Problem?
Page 241 Program 241 Speaker: Mildred Arnold, Director of Division of Social Services, Children's Bureau, Welfare Administration, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Washington, D.C. Children in Limbo: the Meaning for the Child Speaker: Ruth E. Simon, consulting psychologist in private practice, Seattle New Approaches in Finding Permanent Homes for Minority Group Children Discussant: Roberta Andrews, Associate Director, Children's Aid Society of Pennsylvania, Philadelphia New Approaches in Finding Permanent Homes for Older Children Discussant: Dorothy S. Curlee, Supervisor, Hope Cottage, Children's Bureau, Dallas Cosponsors: Child Welfare League of America, Group Meeting 3 Florence Crittenton Association of America, Group Meeting i National Committee for the Day Care of Children National Council on Crime and Delinquency PROCESS IN THE DEVELOPMENT OF A NEW SCHOOL Presiding: Edgar A. Perretz, Acting Chief, Social Work Section, Training and Manpower Resources Branch, National Institute of Mental Health, Bethesda, Md. Panelists: Thomas M. Brigham, Director, Fresno State College, Division of Social Work, Fresno, Calif. Mrs. Leah Parker, Associate Director, National Commission for Social Work Careers, New York Beulah Rothman, Project Consultant, Development of New Schools, Council on Social Work Education, New York Sponsor: Council on Social Work Education RETOOLING THE FAMILY AGENCY: CHOICES AND NEW DIRECTIONS Presiding: Gordon Manser, Associate Director, National Social Welfare Assembly, New York Speaker: Salvatore Ambrosino, Executive Director, Family Service Association of Nassau County, Mineola, N.Y. Speaker: Richard M. Standifer, Executive Director, Child and Family Service, Texas Sponsor: Family Service Association of America, Group Meeting i WHAT CONSTITUTES A REALISTIC PROGRAM FOR A VOLUNTARY STATE PLANNING AGENCY? Chairman: Richard S. Bachman, Director of Field Services, Community Services of Pennsylvania, Harrisburg Speaker: Harold Edelston, Executive Director, Health and Welfare Council of the Baltimore Area, Baltimore, Md. Reactor: David Bouterse, Associate Director, Institute of Community Studies, United Community Funds and Councils of America, New York
Page 242 242 Program Sponsor: National Association of Statewide Health and Welfare Conference and Planning Organizations INTERFAITH CONSULTATION ON SOCIAL WELFARE UNDER RELIGIOUS AUSPICES Cochairmen and reactors: Philip Bernstein, Executive Director, Council of Jewish Federations and Welfare Funds, New York The Very Rev. Msgr. Lawrence J. Corcoran, Secretary, National Conference of Catholic Charities, Washington, D.C. The Very Rev. Dr. Henry J. Whiting, Secretary for Social Research and Planning, Division of Welfare Services, Lutheran Council in the U.S.A., New York; representing Committee on Social Welfare, National Council of Churches Social Service under Religious Auspices: Changing Opportunities and Responsibilities Speaker: The Rev. Bernard J. Coughlin, S.J., Dean, School of Social Service, St. Louis University, St. Louis Cosponsors: National Council of Churches, Committee on Social Welfare Council of Jewish Federations and Welfare Funds National Conference of Catholic Charities TRENDS AND GOALS IN SCHOOLING FOR PREGNANT GIRLS AND TEEN-AGE MOTHERS Presiding: Arthur J. Edmunds, Executive Director, Urban League of Pittsburgh, Pittsburgh Speaker: Mrs. Elizabeth M. Goodman, Education Program and Research Specialist, Programs for the Disadvantaged, Office of Education, Department of Health, Education, and Welfare, Washington, D.C. Speaker: Mrs. Vina Kage, social worker, C. S. Mott Foundation, Children's Health Center, Flint, Mich. Cosponsors: National Council of Illegitimacy Child Welfare League of America, Group Meeting 4 Family Service Association of America, Group Meeting 2 Florence Crittenton Association of America, Group Meeting 2 National Urban League, Group Meeting 1 The Salvation Army The Volunteers of America HUMANIZING THE CITY: CAN BIRTH CONTROL BE LEFT OUT? Presiding: Mrs. Naomi T. Gray, Field Director, Planned ParenthoodWorld Population, New York Speaker: Dr. Alan F. Guttmacher, President, Planned Parenthood-World Population, New York Discussants: Jeweldean Jones, Associate Director for Health and Welfare, National Urban League, New York Celia Deschin, Professor of Social Work, Adelphi University, Garden City, N.Y.
Page 243 Program 243 Nelson Jackson, Assistant Executive Director, NASW, New York Mrs. Alline delValle, Consultant, Family and Children's Service Center, Houston, Texas Cosponsors: Planned Parenthood-World Population Family Service Association of America, Group Meeting 3 National Urban League, Group Meeting 3 THE ORIENTATION OF GROUPS TOWARD EFFECTIVE VOLUNTEER SERVICE Presiding: Mrs. John W. Sharp, Immediate Past President, Junior League of New Orleans, New Orleans Speaker: Mrs. Catherine Healey, Codirector of the Community Volunteer Service, Social Welfare Planning Council, New Orleans Speakers: Jack Stretch, Research Consultant, Social Welfare Planning Council, New Orleans Mrs. Carmen Donaldson, Codirector, Community Volunteer Service, Social Welfare Planning Council, New Orleans Sponsor: United Community Funds and Councils of America-Associations of Volunteer Bureaus SERVING THE AMERICAN COMMUNITY THROUGH INTERNATIONAL RECIPROCITY Presiding: Madison S. Jones, Director, Office of Relocation and Rehabilitation, Department of Housing and Urban Development, Washington, D.C. The Houston Project in International Cooperation Speaker: Edward D. Vickery, National President, Propeller Club of the United States, New York The Similar Need in Lake and River Communities Speaker: Joseph H. McCann, Administrator, St. Lawrence Seaway Development Corporation, Detroit Occupational Stresses in Maritime Speaker: Fred Maddox, M.D., psychiatrist, Medical Officer in Charge, U.S. Public Health Service Hospital, Fort Worth, Texas Cosponsors: United Seamen's Service AFL-CIO Community Service Activities American Council for Nationalities Service International Social Service, American Branch National Urban League, Group Meeting 3 Travelers Aid Association of America United Community Funds and Councils of America WHAT CAN THE VOLUNTEER DO TO HELP CREATE THE MODEL CITY? Presiding: Ann Campbell, Head of English Department, Prairie View Agricultural and Mechanical College, Prairie View, Texas
Page 244 244 Program Speaker: Nathaniel S. Keith, President, National Housing Conference, Washington, D.C. Planning Role Panelist: Carl B. Flaxman, Consultant on Welfare to the Dallas City Council, Dallas Direct-Service Role Panelist: Mrs. David A. Whitman, President, Association of Junior Leagues of America Social Action Panelist: The Rev. Griffin Smith, Neighborhood Organizer, Urban League Neighborhood Development Center, Washington, D.C. Cosponsors: YWCA of the U.S.A. Association of the Junior Leagues of America Family Service Association of America, Group Meeting 4 National Association of Housing and Redevelopment Officials National Council of Jewish Women National Social Welfare Assembly National Urban League, Group Meeting 4 3:00 P.M.-4:00 P.M. WHAT DO LOCAL PLANNING COUNCILS AND UNITED FUNDS EXPECT OF STATE-LEVEL PLANNING BODIES? Presiding: Frank A. Cleaver, Executive Director, United Fund of Houston and Harris County, Houston, Texas Speakers: Kenneth Hoover, Executive Director, United Funds of Galveston, Galveston, Texas Robert Langer, Associate Executive Director, Health and Welfare Council of Metropolitan St. Louis, St. Louis Cosponsors: National Association of Statewide Health and Welfare Conference and Planning Organizations United Community Funds and Councils of America 4:00 P.M.-5:30 P.M. ISOLATION OF CHILDREN IN OUR URBAN SOCIETY Presiding: Mrs. Morton Sanger, Board President, Hope Cottage, Children's Bureau, Dallas Speaker: Austin Foster, clinical psychologist in private practice and agency consultant, Fort Worth, Texas Discussant: Jean Bolton, Executive, Florence Crittenton Home, San Francisco Cosponsors: Child Welfare League of America, Group Meeting 1 National Committee for the Day Care of Children THE CHILD AND THE STATE Presiding: Nathan E. Cohen, Professor, School of Social Welfare, University of California, Los Angeles
Page 245 Program 245 Grace Abbott's The Child and the State: a Retrospective Review Speaker: Robert H. Bremner, Professor, Department of History, Ohio State University, Columbus Maternal and Child Health in the Social Security Act Speaker: William M. Schmidt, M.D., Professor, School of Public Health, Harvard University, Cambridge, Mass. The Negro Child and the State Speaker: V. John Barnard, Assistant Professor, Oakland University, Rochester, Mich. Cosponsors: Council on Social Work Education Social Welfare History Group HOMEMAKER-HOME HEALTH AIDE SERVICE TODAY AND TOMORROW Presiding: Clark W. Blackburn, General Director, Family Service Association of America, New York Speakers: Salvatore A. Mandalfino, Executive Director, Cleveland Homemaker Service Association Mrs. Betty H. Andersen, Executive Director, National Council for Homemaker Services, New York Recorder: Jimmie L. Councill, Associate Executive Director, Rhode Island Council of Community Services, Providence Sponsor: National Council for Homemaker Services EXTENSION OF SERVICES TO THE UNMARRIED FATHER Presiding: Mrs. J. Roger Allspaugh, Board member, Edna Gladney Home, Fort Worth, Texas Coauthor and speaker: Reuben Pannor, District Director, Vista Del Mar Child Care Center, Los Angeles Speaker: Robert F. Perkins, Executive Director, Youth Study Center, Juvenile Division of the County Court of Philadelphia Cosponsors: National Council on Illegitimacy Child Welfare League of America, Group Meeting 2 Family Service Association of America Florence Crittenton Association of America National Urban League The Salvation Army The Volunteers of America REACHING THE VOLUNTEER AT THE GRASS-ROOTS LEVEL Presiding: Mary E. Flannigan, Executive Director, Christ Child Society of Omaha, Omaha, Nebr. Leadership Project in Poverty Areas in Cooperation with the Office of Economic Opportunity Speaker: Lou Schoen, Public Affairs Editor, Northwest Bell Telephone Company, Omaha, Nebr.
Page 246 246 Program Training Residents in a Public Housing Project for Sustained Person-toPerson Visiting Program for Lonely Fellow Residents Speaker: Freida Gorrecht, Director, Retired Workers' Activities Centers, United Automobile Workers, Detroit Sponsor: United Community Funds and Councils of America-Association of Volunteer Bureaus 6:30 P.M. FUTURE ROLE OF THE VOLUNTARY AGENCY IN THE WELFARE FIELD Presiding: Edwin L. Cox, Chairman, Dallas Advisory Board Speaker: The Hon. John L. Hill, Secretary of State in Texas Sponsor: The Salvation Army MEXICAN FIESTA FRIDAY, MAY 26 9:00 A.M.-10.45 A.M. SOCIAL AND PHYSICAL PLANNING FOR THE URBAN SLUM Presiding: William W. Collins, Regional Administrator, Department of Housing and Urban Development, Fort Worth, Texas Speakers: Jack Meltzer, Director, Urban Studies Center, University of Chicago Joyce Whitley, Urban Studies Center, University of Chicago Discussant: Duane W. Beck, Executive Director, Community Council of Atlanta Area, Atlanta, Ga. Sponsor: Division (cosponsored by NASW and NCSW) AN EMPIRICAL ASSESSMENT OF THE CHARACTERISTICS OF CHILDREN IN FOSTER PLACEMENT Presiding: Mary Maude Read, Associate Professor, Howard University School of Social Work, Washington, D.C. Speakers: Edmund V. Mech, Professor of Social Welfare, Arizona State University, Tempe Joseph Taylor, Executive Director, Association for Jewish Children of Philadelphia Harriett Goldstein, Director of Placement Services, Association for Jewish Children of Philadelphia Sponsors: Section I (Casework), Group Meeting 1 Section IV (Social Research), Group Meeting 1 THE SUPPORT SYSTEM OF HEART AND STROKE PATIENTS DURING REHABILITATION Presiding: Jean M. Dockhorn, Director, Department of Social Work, University Hospital, University of Maryland, Baltimore Speakers: Peter Kong-ming New, Associate Professor, Social Science
Page 247 Program 247 Division, Department of Preventive Medicine, Tufts University School of Medicine, Medford, Mass. Dora Petritsi, staff social worker, Clinical Study Unit, Social Service Department, New England Medical Center Hospitals, Boston Sponsor: Section I (Casework), Group Meeting 2 REPORT FROM CASE BOOK DEVELOPED BY CAREERIST PROJECT Presiding: Harry Specht, Special Consultant, Family Service Agency of San Francisco Speaker: Arthur Hawkins, community worker in New Careerist, Richmond Community Development Demonstration Project, Richmond, Calif. Discussants: Robert Pruger, University of California School of Social Welfare, Berkeley Richard Rogers, Executive Director of the Family Service Agency of San Francisco Sponsor: Section I (Casework), Group Meeting 3 THE USE OF GROUP WORK SKILLS IN TRAINING THE NONPROFESSIONAL Presiding: Emanuel Hallowitz, Assistant Professor, Albert Einstein College of Medicine, New York; Director, Neighborhood Service Centers, Lincoln Hospital, New York Speaker: George Beschner, Executive Director, Southern Maryland TriCounty Community Action Committee, Hughesville, Md. Sponsor: Section II (Group Work), Group Meeting 2 HELPING THE DEVIANT CHILD PARTICIPATE IN COMMUNITY GROUP LIFE Presiding: Stanley Sterling, Assistant Professor, Columbia University School of Social Work, New York Speakers: James A. Garland, Director of Activity Therapies, McLean Hospital, Belmont, Mass. Corinne N. Carr, Director, Group Work Services, Boston Children's Service Association, Boston Sponsor: Section II (Group Work), Group Meeting 3 THE IMPACT OF FUNDING AN AGENCY PROGRAM Presiding: Gordon Manser, Associate Director, National Social Welfare Assembly, New York Speaker: C.F. McNeil, Director, National Social Welfare Assembly, New York Sponsor: Section III (Community Organization and Methods of Social Action) SOCIAL CLASS, ETHNICITY, AND FAMILY FUNCTIONING: RESEARCH ON TRENDS IN NEGRO FAMILY LIFE Presiding: Martha Williams, Professor, Graduate School of Social Work, University of Texas, Austin
Page 248 248 Program Speaker: Ludwig L. Geismar, Professor, Graduate School of Social Work, Rutgers-the State University, New Brunswick, N.J. Discussant: F. Ivan Nye, Chairman, Department of Sociology, Washington State University, Pullman Sponsor: Section IV (Social Research), Group Meeting 2 AUTOMATING THE NEIGHBORHOOD SERVICE CENTERS Presiding: Mrs. Bernice Boehm, Professor, Graduate School of Social Work, Rutgers-the State University, New Brunswick, N.J. Speakers: John K. Harris, Head, Special Studies, Government Systems Department, Systems Development Corporation, Falls Church, Va. Roger Lind, Professor, Graduate School of Social Work, University of Michigan, Ann Arbor Sponsor: Section IV (Social Research), Group Meeting 3 SOCIAL WELFARE MANPOWER Presiding: Franklin Harbach, Executive Director, Neighborhood Centers Association of Houston and Harris County, Houston, Texas Speaker: William E. Schlender, Chairman, Department of Management, School of Business, University of Texas, Austin Discussant: Bertram M. Beck, Executive Director, Mobilization for Youth, New York Sponsor: Section V (Administration) 11:15 A.M. CLOSING GENERAL SESSION Humanizing the City Presiding: Whitney M. Young, Jr., Executive Director, National Urban League, New York; President, NCSW Speaker: The Hon. Robert C. Weaver, Secretary, Department of Housing and Urban Development, Washington, D.C.
Page 249 Appendix B: Business Organization of the Conference for i967 THE NATIONAL CONFERENCE ON SOCIAL WELFARE is a voluntary association of individual and organizational members who have joined the Conference to promote and share in discussion of the problems and methods identified with the field of social work and immediately related fields. NCSW OFFICERS President: Whitney M. Young, Jr., New York First Vice President: C. Virgil Martin, Chicago Second Vice President: George K. Wyman, Albany, N.Y. Third Vice President: Milton Chernin, Berkeley, Calif. Secretary: Mrs. Dorothy Bird Daly, Washington, D.C. Treasurer: Henry L. Zucker, Cleveland Past President: Ellen Winston, Washington, D.C. President-elect: Wayne Vasey, St. Louis Executive Secretary: Joe R. Hoffer, Columbus, Ohio NCSW NATIONAL BOARD (Includes Officers listed above) Term expires 1967: The Hon. Howard G. Brown, Milwaukee; the Most Rev. Raymond J. Gallagher, Lafayette, Ind.; Mitchell I. Ginsberg, New York; Mrs. Naomi T. Gray, New York; Gen. John F. McMahon, New York; Mildred I. Murphy, Oklahoma City; Charles E. Odell, Washington, D.C. Term expires 1968: (Miss) Frankie V. Adams, Atlanta, Ga.; Philip Bernstein, New York; Eileen Blackey, Los Angeles; Eugene Freedheim, Cleveland; Harold A. Hagen, Washington, D.C.; Franklin W. Wallin, Jenison, Mich.; Helen E. Woods, Baltimore Term expires 1969: Florence M. Aitchison, Kansas City, Mo.; Mrs. Mildred C. Barry, Cleveland; Sam S. Grais, St. Paul, Minn.; Gordon Manser, New York; Ruth M. Pauley, Boston; Albert E. Rhudy, San Francisco; the Hon. Robert C. Weaver, Washington, D.C. Representative from NCSW Committee on Public Relations and Development: C. F. McNeil, New York
Page 250 250 Business Organization for z967 Representative from U. S. Committee of ICSW: Kenneth W. Kindelsperger, Louisville, Ky. Representative from National Association of Statewide Health and Welfare Conference and Planning Organizations: Wilson H. Posey, Columbus, Ohio Chairman, Advisory Committee on Program Scope, Content, and Participation: Robert H. MacRae, Chicago NCSW COMMITTEE ON NOMINATIONS Chairman: Mrs. Corinne H. Wolfe, Washington, D.C. Term expires I967: Alfred F. Angster, Chicago; Mrs. Rollin Brown, New York; Harriet C. Bury, Philadelphia; Mrs. Bartlett Heard, Berkeley, Calif.; Sister Mary Immaculate, San Antonio, Texas; Martha Scarlett, Oakland, Calif.; Mrs. Corinne H. Wolfe, Washington, D.C. Term expires I968: Mrs. George Abbott, Washington, D.C.; Ruth Chaskel, New York; David F. DeMarche, San Francisco; Geraldine Gourley, Chapel Hill, N.C.; Paul P. Kalin, Homewood, Ill.; H. Curtis Mial, Washington, D.C.; William F. Moynihan, Nashville, Tenn. Term expires 1969: Junius Allison, Chicago; Joseph Hall, Cincinnati; Mrs. Cernoria Johnson, Washington, D.C.; Harriett King, Omaha, Nebr.; Paul Mendenhall, New York; Campbell Murphy, Boston; Mrs. Victor Shaw, Fairmont, W. Va. NCSW COMMITTEE ON PUBLIC RELATIONS AND DEVELOPMENT Chairman: C. F. McNeil, New York Vice Chairman: Mrs. Alice Adler, New York Term expires i967: Mrs. Frances A. Koestler, Brooklyn, N.Y.; Ruth Lauder, Washington, D.C.; John H. McMahon, New York; Benjamin B. Rosenberg, Boston; Mrs. Frances Schmidt, New York; Henry Weber, New York Term expires i968: Mrs. Leonard Bernheim, New York; Mrs. Virginia R. Doscher, Chicago; Moe Hoffman, Washington, D.C.: Irving Rimer, New York Term expires I969: Helen Christopherson, New York; Herbert S. Fowler, Washington, D.C.; Lt. Commissioner John Grace, New York; William T. Kirk, Los Angeles; Mary Helen Merrill, Washington, D.C.; Anne L. New, New York; Guichard Parris, New York; Bernard Postal, New York; the Very Rev. Msgr. Thomas J. Reese, Wilmington, Del. Consultant: Harold N. Weiner, New York Ex-Officio, Henry L. Zucker, Cleveland NCSW TELLERS COMMITTEE Chairman: Merriss Cornell, Columbus, Ohio NCSW EDITORIAL COMMITTEE Chairman: Mary Houk, New York Members: Martha Branscombe, Washington, D.C., Charles Chakerian, Chicago; Roger J. Cumming, Severna Park, Md.; Malvin Morton, Chicago; Arnulf M. Pins, New York
Page 251 Business Organization for 1967 251 U.S. COMMITTEE OF ICSW Chairman: Kenneth W. Kindelsperger, Louisville, Ky. Vice Chairman: Ralph H. Blanchard, New York Secretary: Ellen Winston, Washington, D.C. Treasurer: James R. Dumpson, New York Representatives of National Organizations: American Council of Voluntary Agencies for Foreign Service, Eugene Shenefield, New York; American Public Welfare Association, Raleigh C. Hobson, Baltimore; Council on Social Work Education, Katherine A. Kendall, New York; National Association of Social Workers, Kurt Reichert, Villanova, Pa,; National Social Welfare Assembly, Mrs. Michael Harris, New York; Welfare Administration, Dorothy Lally, Washington, D.C. Members-at-Large: Term expires i967: Kenneth S. Carpenter, Washington, D.C.; William T. Kirk, Los Angeles; Henry S. Ollendorff, Cleveland; Charles I. Schottland, Waltham, Mass.; Sanford Solender, New York; Anne Wilkens, Austin, Texas Term expires I968: Mrs. Alice Adler, New York; Andrew W. L. Brown, Detroit; Mrs. Julius Alexander, Miami; Sam S. Grais, St. Paul, Minn.; Col. Jane E. Wrieden, New York Term expires i969: Margaret Berry, New York; Martha Branscombe, Washington, D.C.; Leonard J. Duhl, M.D., Washington, D.C.; Margaret Hickey, St. Louis Liaison: NASW-European Unit, Charles H. Jordan, New York New England Committee, Mr. Gaspar Jako, Boston NCSW Program Committee, Mary K. Keeley, Northampton, Mass. NCSW, George K. Wyman, Albany, N.Y. Subcommittee Chairman: Nominating Committee, Harold G. Roberts, New York Officers of ICSW (U. S. Committee): Executive Officer, Sara Lee Berkman, New York NCSW COMMITTEE ON PROGRAM Chairman: Whitney M. Young, Jr., New York Members-at-Large. Term expires i967: James Brindle, New York; Mrs. Randolph Guggenheimer, New York. Term expires i968: Loula Dunn, Washington, D.C.; Robert H. MacRae, Chicago. Term expires I969: Robert E. Bondy, New York; Andrew W. L. Brown, Detroit Representatives of National Social Welfare Organizations: American Public Welfare Association, Joseph H. Louchheim, New York; National Association of Social Workers, Mrs. Mildred Kilinski, New York; National Association of Statewide Health and Welfare Conference and Planning Organizations, Lowell Iberg, New York; National Health Council, Peter G. Meek, New York; National Social Welfare Assembly, John F. Larberg, New York; U. S. Committee of ICSW, Mary K. Keeley, Northampton, Mass. Liaison from Committee on Combined Associate Groups: Elizabeth Christie, New York Liaison from Public Relations and Development Committee: Mrs. Frances A. Koestler, Brooklyn, N.Y.
Page 252 252 Business Organization for i967 Liaison from Audio-visual Committee: Ann Tanneyhill, New York President-elect, Wayne Vasey, St. Louis Chairmen of Sections and Division, ex officio NCSW SECTION COMMITTEE SECTION I. CASEWORK Chairman: Elizabeth J. Coyle, San Rafael, Calif. Vice Chairman: Sidney J. Berkowitz, Chicago Term expires 1967: Jean Dockhorn, Washington, D.C.; Estelle Gabriel, Chicago; Milton Goldman, Baltimore; Virginia Hyde, New York Term expires 1968: Mrs. Miriam C. Andrus, East Orange, N.J.; Thomas D. Hunt, Chicago; Eileen E. Lester, Washington, D.C.; Mrs. Bernece K. Simon, Chicago Term expires I969: Ronald V. Dellums, Oakland, Calif.; Melvin Mogulof, San Francisco; Richard Rogers, San Francisco; Harry Specht, San Francisco SECTION II. GROUP WORK Chairman: William Schwartz, New York Vice Chairman: Mary E. Blake, Washington, D.C. Term expires I967: Nathaniel Brooks, Detroit; Josephine Daugherty, Cleveland; Elizabeth Lewis, Cleveland; Henry Tanaka, Cleveland Term expires 1968: Jack Dauber, San Francisco; James Kane, Chino, Calif.; Sarah E. Maloney, Los Angeles; Jean Reynolds, Washington, D.C. Term expires 1969: Ed Lee, Newark, N.J.; Mrs. Alma Quigley, Trenton, N.J.; Louise Shoemaker, Philadelphia; Dr. Hyman Weiner, New York SECTION III. COMMUNITY ORGANIZATION AND SOCIAL ACTION Chairman: Richard S. Bachman, Harrisburg, Pa. Vice Chairman: Leo F. Friel, Boston Term expires I967: Gordon Berg, Charlotte, N.C.; James Brindle, New York; Amos Burrows, Jr., Muskegon, Mich.; Miriam Ephraim, New York; Nelson C. Jackson, New York; Gordon Manser, New York; Melvin Mogulof, San Francisco; Omar Schmidt, Minneapolis; Bernard Shiffman, New York Term expires 1968: Mark Battle, Washington, D.C.; Preston David, New York; David R. Hunter, New York; Walter Johnson, Indianapolis; Jeweldean Jones, New York; George Rohrlich, Chicago; Max Silverstein, Philadelphia; Mrs. Eloise Waite, Washington, D.C. SECTION IV. SOCIAL RESEARCH Chairman: Mrs. Bernice Boehm, Highland Park, N.J. Vice Chairman: Mrs. Muriel Pumphrey, St. Louis Term expires i967: Richard A. Cloward, New York; Israel Gerver, Washington, D.C.; Herman Stein, Cleveland Term expires I968: Maurice B. Hamovitch, Los Angeles; Marjorie Main, Cleveland Term expires i969: David Fanshel, New York; Mignon Sauber, New York; Alvin Schorr, Washington, D.C.; Ann Shyne, New York
Page 253 Business Organization for 1967 253 SECTION V. ADMINISTRATION Chairman: Mrs. Elma Phillipson Cole, New York Vice Chairman: Mrs. Jane McKaskle, San Francisco Term expires i967: C. Raymond Chase, Boston; John McDowell, Boston; Benjamin B. Rosenberg, Boston Term expires i969: Alexander J. Allen, New York; Edmund G. Burbank, New York; Carl B. Flaxman, Dallas; Leonard Lavis, Glenwood, Iowa; Wilbur Parker, Sacramento, Calif.; E. Kirby Warren, New York; Corinne Wolf, Washington, D.C. NCSW DIVISION COMMITTEE Chairman: Thomas D. Sherrard, Hammond, Ind. Members: Joseph P. Anderson, New York; John Bebout, New Brunswick, N.J.; Bertram M. Beck, New York; Duane Beck, Atlanta, Ga.; Richard Boone, Washington, D.C.; Genevieve Carter, Washington, D.C.; Jack Conway, Detroit; Mitchell I. Ginsberg, New York; David Hunter, New York; Morris Janowitz, Chicago; Ralph M. Kramer, Berkeley, Calif.; Jack Meltzer, Chicago; Lawrence K. Northwood, Seattle; Alex Rosen, New York; Edward Rutledge, New York; Hans Spiegel, Washington, D.C.; Daniel Thursz, Baltimore; John Turner, Cleveland NCSW AUDIO-VISUAL COMMITTEE Chairman: Ann Tanneyhill, New York Term expires: i967: Mrs. Margaret Benz, New York; James F. Considine, New York; John Dorrothy, Newark, N.J.; Robert Finehout, New York; Robert Smith, New York; Ted 0. Thackrey, New York Term expires 1968: Mrs. Ann Booth, New York; Samuel H. Elfert, New York; Harry Olesker, New York Term expires i969: Brother Thomas Aquinas, New York; Reva Fine Holtzman, New York; Karen Kehoe, New York; Josephine Nieves, New York; Marie Stewart, New York; Dorothy Sutherland, Washington, D.C.; William Tracy, New York COMMITTEE ON MEETINGS OF COMBINED ASSOCIATE GROUPS Chairman: Elizabeth Christie, Child Welfare League of America Members: AFL-CIO Community Service Activities, Ray Andrus; American Friends Service Committee, Frank Hunt; Council of Jewish Federations and Welfare Funds, Maurice Bernstein; Executive Council, Episcopal Church, Department of Christian Social Relations, Mrs. Charles S. Monroe; Family Service Association of America, Mildred Frank; National Council of Churches, Committee on Social Welfare, Genevieve Lowry; National Urban League, Clarence D. Coleman; Planned Parenthood-World Population, Mrs. Naomi T. Gray; Travelers Aid Association of America, Mrs. Constance McDermott; Veterans Administration-Social Work Service, Sidney Hirsch. PROGRAM CHAIRMEN OF ASSOCIATE GROUPS AFL-CIO Community Service Activities, Ray Andrus
Page 254 254 Business Organization for i967 American Council for Nationalities Service, Robert Goldfarb American Friends Service Committee, Frank Hunt American Home Economics Association, Mrs. Nathalie D. Preston American Humane Association, Children's Division, Vincent De Francis American Jewish Committee, Mrs. Ann G. Wolfe American Legion, National Child Welfare Division, Fred T. Kuszmaul American National Red Cross, Mary Helen Merrill American Public Welfare Association, Shad J. Hoffman American Social Health Association, Earle G. Lippincott Anti-Defamation League of B'nai B'rith, Lester J. Waldman Association for Voluntary Sterilization, Mrs. Evelyn E. Bryant Association of the Junior Leagues of America, Inc., Dorothy Swinburne Big Brothers of America, Thomas E. O'Brien Child Study Association of America, Martin Birnbaum Child Welfare League of America, Elizabeth Christie Council of Jewish Federations and Welfare Funds, Maurice Bernstein Council on Social Work Education, Patricia Stickney Executive Council, Episcopal Church, Department of Christian Social Relations, Mrs. Charles S. Monroe Family Service Association of America, Patrick Riley Florence Crittenton Association of America, Carolyn Solis Goodwill Industries of America, Robert E. Watkins International Social Service, American Branch, Sidney Talisman National Association for Mental Health, Brian O'Connell National Association for Retarded Children, Samuel Kaminsky National Association of Housing and Redevelopment Officials, Mrs. Dorothy Gazzolo National Association of Social Workers, Mrs. Mildred Kilinski National Association of Statewide Health and Welfare Conference and Planning Organizations, James F. Dinsmore National Committee for the Day Care of Children, Mrs. Mariana Jessen National Committee on Employment of Youth of National Child Labor Committee, Eli E. Cohen National Conference of Jewish Communal Service, Preston David National Council for Homemaker Services, Mrs. Betty H. Andersen National Council of Churches, Committee on Social Welfare, Genevieve Lowry National Council of Jewish Women, Mrs. Adele S. Trobe National Council on Alcoholism, Herman E. Krimmel National Council on Crime and Delinquency, Robert E. Trimble National Council on Illegitimacy, Ruth Chaskel National Council on the Aging, Beverly Diamond National Council, Young Men's Christian Association, John C. O'Melia National Federation of Settlements and Neighborhood Centers, John Daly National Health Council, Peter G. Meek National Jewish Welfare Board, Manuel G. Batshaw National Legal Aid and Defender Association, Mayo H. Stiegler
Page 255 Business Organization for 1967 255 National Methodist Division of Alcohol Problems and General Welfare, Richard P. Edgar National Public Relations Council of Health and Welfare Services, Harold N. Weiner National Social Welfare Assembly, John F. Larberg National Society for Crippled Children and Adults, Rhoda Gellman National Urban League, Jeweldean Jones Planned Parenthood-World Population, Norman Fleishman Salvation Army, Col. Roy S. Barber Save the Children Federation, Ruth Levine Social Work Vocational Bureau, Clara M. Allen Travelers Aid Association of America, Mrs. Constance McDermott United Cerebral Palsy Associations, Ernest Weinrich United Community Funds and Councils of America, Kenneth I. Williams United HIAS Service, Frederick Fried United Seamen's Service, Mrs. Lillian Rose Rabins U. S. Army, Military Social Work, Major John J. Litrio Veterans Administration, Social Work Service, Claire R. Lustman Volunteers of America, Lt. Col. Belle Leach YWCA of the U.S.A., Cleo S. Hutching
Page 257 Index AASSW, see American Association of Schools of Social Work Aldridge, Gordon J., cited, 154 Alencar Roxo, Stelio de, 178 Alinsky, Saul, cited, 59-60 American Association of Schools of Professional Social Work, 143, 145 American Association of Schools of Social Work (AASSW), 143, 145 American Public Welfare Association (APWA), 187 APWA, see American Public Welfare Association Australia, position of, at XIIIth ICSW, 181, 183 Austria, position of, at XIIIth ICSW, 178, 182 ff. Baldwin, James, quoted, 58 Banfield, E.C., quoted, 94 Beck, Bertram, discussion of Division paper by, 201-3 Beck, Duane W., comments by, on Division paper, 198 Black Power, 187, 191 Brown, Bertram, cited, 96-97 Business, response of, to social welfare, 104-14 Calder, Ritchie, cited, 62 Canada, position of, at XIIIth ICSW, 178, 18o, 182, 183 Cavanagh, Jerome P., paper by, 55-61 Change, implications of, for social agencies, 127-41 Chicago, business response to social welfare in, 104-14; Old Annex, 190, 191 Chicago Conference on Religion and Race, lo5 Child Study Association, and Project ENABLE, 27 Cities, and environmental forces, 30-45; finances of, 59; humanizing of, 3-13, 16; immigration into, 35-37; inner zone of, 33-34; model cities program, 19-20, 53; policy-making in, 55-61; poverty in, 59-60; slums, 189-90, 192, 194, 195-96, 197 Citizen participation in urban development, as subject of XIIIth ICSW, 182 Civil rights, legislation on, 37-38; movement in Detroit, 58-59 Clarke, Arthur, cited, 72-73 Cloward, Richard A., comments by, on Division paper, 194 Communications, in social welfare system, 93-94 Computers, 8o-84 Conferences, in social welfare educational system, 91 Consultation on Urban Development and Social Welfare, 189 Coughlin, Bernard J., paper by, 115-26 Council on Social Work Education (CSWE), go, 145-48, 151-55 Council on Youth Opportunity, 7-8 Cowen, Robert C., quoted, 79 Cox, Cordelia, cited, 154 CSWE, see Council on Social Work Education DeFleur, Melvin L., quoted, 93 Department of Housing and Urban Development, (HUD), 46, 189 Detroit, social welfare policy in, 56-61; metropolitan area, 166-67 Dorfman, Ronald, paper by, 187-206 Eaton, Joseph, comments by, on Division paper, 193-94 Education, crisis of, in cities, 39-40; of Negroes, 36-37, 39-40 Education for social work, 142-58; administrative organization, 155; curriculum content, 151-52, 157; enrichment of general education in, 150 -51; number of programs, 153; in social welfare system, 90-92; students and faculty in, 153-55, 156; undergraduate, 142-58 Ellul, Jacques, quoted, 65, 71, 73
Page 258 258 Emerson, Ralph Waldo, quoted, 6o-61 ENABLE, Project, 27 "Environmental Forces Shaping Our Cities," 30-45 Family Service Society, and Project ENABLE, 27 Forums, large, in social welfare system, 85-103 France, position of, at XIIIth ICSW, 181 ff. Galbraith, John Kenneth, cited, 60, 167 Gardner, John W., quoted, 135 Germany, position of, at XIIIth ICSW, 181, 183 Gibson, Ralph, quoted, 68 Glazer, Nathan, discussion of Division paper by, 191-95 Government, crisis of, in cities, 41-45 "Government in Urban Development," 46-54 Great Britain, position of, at XIIIth ICSW, 182, 184; new towns, 166, 167 Greenleigh Associates study, 56 Gross national product, 3 Guaranteed annual income, 203-5 Hamilton, Gordon, cited, 78 Hauser, Philip M., paper by, 30-45 Hazard, Geoffrey, discussion of Division paper by, 199-201 Heineman, Ben W., paper by, 104-15 Hill, Richard J., discussion of Division paper by, 189-91 Hoffer, Joe R., xiv-xv, 176; paper by, 85-103 Hollis-Taylor report, 144 Home ownership, among the poor, 51 Hong Kong, position of, at XIIIth ICSW, 178, i8i Housing, "turnkey" method in public, 48; rehabilitation of, 46-47; rent-supplement program, 52-53 HUD, see, Department of Housing and Urban Development "Humanizing the City for Youth," 3-13 Humphrey, Hubert H., xv; cited, 163; paper by, 3-13 ICSW, see International Conference of Social Work "Implications of Change for Social Agencies," 127-41 Index "Implications of the XIIIth ICSW," 172 -86 Income maintenance, 26, 203-5 Inservice training, in social welfare system, 91 Institutes, in social welfare educational system, 91 Intergroup relations, crisis of, in cities, 34-39 International Conference of Social Work (ICSW), XIIIth, 99-100, 172-86 International Council on Social Welfare, 177 International Federation of Social Workers, 175 Intervention in urban development, as subject of XIIIth ICSW, 180-82 Japan, position of, at XIIIth ICSW, 178, 18o, 181-82 Johnson, Lyndon B., Greetings to the Conference, xi Kelly, William H., quoted, 115 Kendall, Katherine A., quoted, 145, 157 Keynes, John Maynard, cited, 167 King, Martin Luther, quoted, 105-6 Kluckhohn, Clyde, quoted, 115, 116-17, 118, 120 Kluckhohn, Florence Rockwood, quoted, 119 Kramer, Ralph, comments by, on Division paper, 190-91 Lacour, Jane K., paper by, 62-84 "Large Forum in the Social Welfare System-Planning and Action, The," 85 -103 Larson, Calvin J., discussion of Division paper by, 189-91 Leadership Council for Metropolitan Open Communities, 106-7 Legal services for the poor, 200 Legislative reapportionment, 43 Lindeman Memorial Lecture, 62-84 McCarthy, Eugene, cited, 56 McCarthy, John, quoted, 79-80 McDonald, John, cited, 1oo McGrath, Earl T., cited, 154 Manpower, in social welfare, 148-50 Maslow, Abraham H., quoted, 117-18 Means test, 56
Page 259 Index Meltzer, Jack, discussion of Division paper by, 195-99 Merle, Sherman, cited, 153; quoted, 151 Methods of Intellectual Development (MIND), 112 Miller, S. M., 191 MIND, see Methods of Intellectual Development Minority groups, poverty of, 32-33 Model cities program, 19-20, 53 Muller, Herbert, quoted, 75 Myrdal, Gunnar, quoted, 3-4 NASSA, see National Association of Schools of Social Administration National Association for Statewide Health and Welfare Conference and Planning Organizations, 94 National Association of Manufacturers, and Project MIND, 112 National Association of Schools of Social Administration (NASSA), 143-44, 145 National Commission on Technology, Automation, and Economic Progress, 26, 74-75 National Conference on Social Welfare (NCSW), business organization, 1967, 249-55; function of, 207; ICSW and, 176; officers, 249; program, 1967, 207 -48; public relations, 93; social action by, 98-99; as a subsystem within social welfare, 88; summation of Division papers, 187-206; theme, 207; work in social welfare documentation, 91-92 National Conference on Social Welfare Distinguished Service Awards, xiii-xvi National Council on Social Work Education, 144 National Science Foundation, 62-63 National Social Welfare Assembly, ioo101 National Urban League, and Project ENABLE, 27 NCSW, see National Conference on Social Welfare Negroes, Black Power, 187, 191; education of, 36-37, 39-40; and poverty, 32; unemployment among, 17; ghettos, 189-90, 192, 194, 195, 197-98, 199; and urban intergroup relations, 35-39; urbanization of, 32 Neighborhood service centers, 20, 202-3 Netherlands, the, position of, at XIIIth ICSW, 178-82 259 New towns, 166, 167 New York, tenement rehabilitation in, 46-47; welfare services on Lower East Side, 201-2 NSWA, see National Social Welfare Assembly OEO, see Office of Economic Opportunity Office of Economic Opportunity (OEO), and Project ENABLE, 27; role of, in social welfare, 28 Old Annex, Chicago, 190, 191 Ombudsman, Division paper on, 200oo-201 "One-man one-vote" decisions, 43 Oppenheimer, Robert, quoted, 66 Parsons, Talcott, quoted, 120 Philippines, the, position of, at the XIIIth ICSW, 178 Pins, Arnulf M., paper by, 142-58 Piven, Frances Cox, comments by, on Division paper, 194 Planned Parenthood-World Population, xv "Policy-making in Large Cities," 55-61 Political system, in social welfare system, 94 Population, composition U.S., 32; growth of U.S., 30-31 Poverty, in cities, 59-60; of Negroes, 32 President's Crime Commission, 24, 25 Project ENABLE, 27 Project MIND, 112 Public relations, 93 Public welfare, recipients of, 25-26 Pusic, Eugen, 175, 177 "Response of Business to Social Welfare, The," 104-14 Richmond, Mary, cited, 77-78 Rosebud Sioux Indian Reservation, housing on, 47 Rural development in relation to urbanization, as subject of XIIIth ICSW, 183 Ryan, Philip, comments by, on Division paper, 203 Schottland, Charles I., paper by, 172-86 Schwartz, Edward E., discussion of Division paper by, 203-6 Sherrard, Thomas D., paper by, 187-206 Shils, Edward A., quoted, 120
Page 260 260 Slums, 189-90, 192, 194, 195-96, 197 Social action, 98-100 Social agencies, community relationships of, 136-39; financing services of, 139 -41; implications of change for, 127-41; organization of services of, 133-36; purposes and functions of, 128-30; services content of, 130-32; subsystem in social welfare system, 89-90; techniques of, 132-33; voluntary, 139 Social planning, 96-97 Social space, defined, 4 Social welfare, business response to, 104 -14; computer use in, 82-83; implications of technology for, 77-80; manpower in, 148-50; public relations in, 93; undergraduate education in, 142 -58; value orientation in, 115-26; war on poverty, 16-17 Social welfare system, communications in, 93-94; education system in, 9o-92; large forums in, 85-103; political system in, 94; social agency subsystem in, 89-90 "Social Welfare's Responsibility in Urban Affairs," 15-29 Socrates, cited, 119 Solender, Sanford, paper by, 127-41 Sorenson, Theodore, quoted, 107 Spiegel, Hans, comments by, on Division paper, 194-95 Stein, Irma, cited, 85 Stumpf, Jack, cited, 96-97; quoted, 96 Sutton, Francis X., quoted, 109, 11o Systems analysis approach, in social welfare, 85-86 Technology, development of, 63-64; effects of, 66-68; implications of, 72-77; implications of, for social welfare, 77 -8o; methods of, 64-66 "Technology and Human Values," 62-84 Thorndike, E. L., quoted, 118 Tolman, Edward C., quoted, 116 "Turnkey" method in public housing, 48 "Undergraduate Education in Social Welfare," 142-58 Urban affairs, social welfare's responsibility in, 15-29 Urban development, government in, 46 - Index 54; as subject of XIIIth ICSW, 179-80 Urban plant, crisis in, 33-34 "Urban Problems-a Summation of the Division Papers," 187-206 Urban renewal, 33-34, 49; social aspects of, as subject of XIIIth ICSW, 183-85 Urbanization, and city government, 41 -42; international, 157-71; of Negroes, 32; and population growth, 30-31; as subject of XIIIth ICSW, 178-79; and youth, 3-13 "Urbanization-International Perspectives," 159-71 "Value Orientation in Social Welfare," 115-26 Values, American, 68-72; cultural, 119 -2o; and technology, 64-84; in social welfare, 115-26 Voluntary social agencies, 8-o1, 139 Ward, Barbara, paper by, 159-71 Washburn, Sherwood, quoted, 72 Weaver, Robert C., paper by, 46-54 White House Civil Rights Conference, 1965, 113 Whitehead, Alfred North, quoted, 65 Whitley, Joyce, discussion of Division paper by, 195-99 Wiener, Norbert, quoted, 72 Wilkinson, John, quoted, 68, 75 Williams, Ruth M., xiii-xiv, 176, 177; quoted, 95 Williams, William Carlos, quoted, 55 Wines, Frederick Howard, quoted, 87 Winston, Ellen, quoted, 88 Wolfe, Thomas, quoted, 13 Workshops, in social welfare educational system, 91 Wright, Nathan, Jr., 187 Young, Whitney M., Jr., 188; paper by, 15-29 Youngdahl, Benjamin E., quoted, 109 Youth, employment of, 11-12; humanizing cities for, 3-13; President's Council on Youth Opportunity, 7-8 Youth agencies, voluntary, 8-o1 Youth councils, 11-12 Yugoslavia, position of, at XIIIth ICSW, 178, 182, 183
Page 261 Other Volumes from the 94th Annual Forum Papers presented at the 94th Annual Forum may also be found in Social Work Practice, i967 and in Social Welfare and Urban Problems, both published by Columbia University Press: SOCIAL WORK PRACTICE, 1967 Toward New Models of Social Work Practice Werner A. Boehm The Current Crisis in Social Casework Scott Briar Determinants and Objectives of Social Group Work Intervention Ronald A. Feldman Perspectives on Community Organization Practice Robert Perlman and Arnold Gurin Social Policy Formulation: the Role of the Social Caseworker Harry Specht Bridging the Gap between Research and Practice in Social Work Douglas Holmes Protective Services for Neglected Children Bernice Boehm Group Work in Public Welfare Louise Shoemaker Social Group Work with Urban Rejects in a Slum Hotel Joan Shapiro Family Life Education for High-Risk Young Families Janet S. Brown A Group Work Approach to Link Community Mental Health with Labor Hyman J. Weiner Educational Services for Unmarried Mothers Harriet Reynolds Characteristics and Resolutions of Scapegoating James A. Garland and Ralph L. Kolodny Welfare Rights Organization: Friend or Foe? Anatole Shaffer Automating Neighborhood Service Centers John K. Harris SOCIAL WELFARE AND URBAN PROBLEMS Neighborhood Organizations in the Delivery of Services and Self-Help Bertram M. Beck The Immobile Poor Joseph W. Eaton Slums and Ethnicity Nathan Glazer The Ombudsman: Quasi-legal and Legal Representation in Public Assistance Administration Geoffrey C. Hazard, Jr. Variability of Ghetto Organization Richard J. Hill and Calvin J. Larson Social and Physical Planning for the Urban Slum Jack Meltzer and Joyce Whitley Public Welfare in an Urbanizing America Edward E. Schwartz
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