Shall We Have a Navy? Shall We Pursue the Defensive Policy, or Invade the Enemy's Country? [pp. 211-223]

Debow's review, Agricultural, commercial, industrial progress and resources. / Volume 32, Issues 3-4

SHALL'E HAVE A NAVY? and. perhaps, Sp)ain, have reco,gnized us as a 1)eople-from this they infer the blh,ckade by foreign interposition will be raised, and. p)robably-, a war between FEnl and and tlhe ITUnited States will follow, opening, to us the lprospect of an early peace. If so I shall rejoice. But if our independence be recognized and the blockade be raised, what will it prove? 1Why, simply that the North could not do lwhat foreign powers could-control their own actions, and were governed( bv their own material interests-not that our staples were all-suflicient for otir safety and independence. How long it will be tlhat forei,gn powers can control their actions I cannot say; but if thle causes assigned y)v -Ir. Calhloun continue to operate, and it vwould seemIii thley must, lookling to the fiuture as dependent ulpon existing canses, it cannot be long, in all human probability, unless tlhe rulers of foreig,n powers can consent, in deference to the inrearc,sing demand(s which,t solund public opinion a,nd an increasilig diffusion of li,ght and intelligence wvill continue, to make concessions by which they will be shorn of absolute power. iMIy object and desire aire that the South should prepare in earnest for a struggle which neither time, nor change, nor chance, can avert. It is a mistaklen idea-nonsense to believe tlhat the statesmen of Great Britain were influenced themselves by fianaticism in the abolition of African slavery in her provinces. It is nonsense to believe Brougham in earnest wvhen he introduced the sable doctor to MIr. Dallas, because he thought the blacks and whites were equals. Every act of his life belies his belief' to that effect. He is honored by a government he has labored all his life to sustain, and upholds a government that denoies equality amnong, its own people. Her people demanded concessions, and, un(ler the influence of a mistalken zeal, or, if you please, fanaticismi which Wilberforce atighit thiem, this would be a concession to them; and, as this would satisfy the d(lemand, the concession was made.:Her statesmen saw it would not essentially impair the power of her rulers; and thlou,gh it cost heavily and added to the public debt, if they did not act wisely they did well; for they knew instead of weakening the rulers, it only would add to tlhe burdens of the people who forced the concessions, and who would themselves have it to pay for. I will not cavil about the meaningr of such words as flnaticism, but we should endeavor to ascertain the true cause,,nd not pltce the effect for the cause, nor make the caiuse the effect. And, looking back uponi the events of that 1)criod, one may reasonably conclude that by such a concession on the part of' the rulers of France, at the proper moment, in regard( to the slaves of Sa,n Domingo, the horrors of' that islan(l and of France, during the rei,gn of terror, might have been averted. Now, the people of the North-I mea,n their leaders-in tl)eir efforts to avoid the calamities of' France at the period referred to and those that threatened England, have sought to control the mis 214

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Shall We Have a Navy? Shall We Pursue the Defensive Policy, or Invade the Enemy's Country? [pp. 211-223]
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Moore, J. Quitman
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Page 214
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Debow's review, Agricultural, commercial, industrial progress and resources. / Volume 32, Issues 3-4

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"Shall We Have a Navy? Shall We Pursue the Defensive Policy, or Invade the Enemy's Country? [pp. 211-223]." In the digital collection Making of America Journal Articles. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/acg1336.1-32.004. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 25, 2025.
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