The Cotntry in 1950, or the Conservatism of Slavery. and phyre aintenane, and not to the formation of such moral sentiments ando political views as would make them capable and zealous of combatting in their infancy the evils that threaten the State. The eleves of the Common School may in deed be able to read understandingly the lighter literature of the day, but their political gospels will most probably be nothing more than the public newspapers, and they will be quite as apt to be misled as to be led right by these interested ouides. Both they themselves and their mentors, the nswspapers, might be sufficiently quick to perceive and strike down an open foe, but will most probably be entirely indifferent to, or even unconscious of the growth of the influences we have been describing, which work in directly and secretly, and through long spaces of time. The condition of Prussia, whose public school plan, is the model after which the best in our country are formed, affords a convincing proof that general education may exist in a country, combined with the most lethargic and complete submission to despotic power on the part of the people. It might also be supposed that the existence of the Christian religion, so pure in all its precepts and tendencies, and which inculcates indifference to earthly pleasures and acquisitions, would prove powerfully antagonistic t) the spirit of trade, and the accumulation of power in the hands of capital. The actual facts however do not support this presumption. Thus in Great Britain and America, which are confessedly the countries in which Christianity has the most active and extensive influence upon all grades of society, we also find commerce and mianufactures flourishing with the utmost vigor; and the classes engaged in their pursuits are those likewise in which religion has probably its most zealous followers. We will not here attempt to explain the causes of this apparent anomaly, but only allude, in passing, to an effect wNvhich will be sufficient to justify the ways of Providence in permitting its existence. It is, that while Christianity, or rather the modern point of view in regard to it, seems not to prevent the universal devotion to the pursuit of wealth, it has a considerable influence over its final disposition. Consequently no age has beheld more muurnificent provision for the spread of religion, the alleviation of distress and want, and the enacouragementll- of science and letters; and to accomplish these objects, is doubtless the reason why the trading spirit has been allowed to become so general a motive of action. We have heretofore ascr" ced'lo Great Britain a lengthened immunity from that unrestrained form of government which is produced by the concentration of power in the hands of the monetary interest, on account of the conservative influence of its landed interest. The question may present itself, whether we may not find something analogous in the constitution of society in our Northern States. The consideration, however, of the actual facts in reference to the movement of population, together with the tastes and proclivities of Northern Society with re spec t to rural pursuits, enforces not only a negative answer to such a question, but produces the conviction, that even were there no such power as capital to threaten its republicanism, the latter still must stffer deterioration from the effects of the above causes, considered of themselves alone. If we examine the movement of Northern population, we will find that while there is a constant current setting towards the towns and cities-the manufacturing centres and commercial emporiums,-there is no counter stream in the opposite direction.* In the early settlement of New England we already perceive this tendency, for the first prin *As the writer in his remarks upon the various phases of Northern Society makes assertions for which, perhaps, he may not seem to adduce sufficient authority; he deems it proper to state that he himself is a native of a Northern state (Pennsylvania), and resided there long enough to perceive the facts, which are the basis of subsequent reflections. The census returns, how ever, numerically show the truth of the general statements here made, and the works of William Chanmbers, Miss Murray, &c., upon this country, contain numerous passages upon the anti-rural propensities here alluded to. 1856.] 431
The Country in 1950, or The Conservatism of Slavery [pp. 426-439]
Southern literary messenger; devoted to every department of literature and the fine arts. / Volume 22, Issue 6
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- The True Theory of Government - Abel Parker Upshur - pp. 401-410
- Spring Time - John Collins McCabe - pp. 411
- Parvus Jacobus, or Footprints of a Teacher - Memory - pp. 412-415
- Psalm CXXXVII - Zeta - pp. 415
- Notes of European Travel - John Reuben Thompson - pp. 416-422
- America to England - Backwoods - pp. 422-425
- The Country in 1950, or The Conservatism of Slavery - L. C. B. - pp. 426-439
- The University and Its Wants, Part II - pp. 440-442
- To Friends in Heaven - E. P. C. - pp. 442
- My Pilgrimage to Palestine - Edwin De Leon - pp. 443-453
- Lulu - pp. 453
- John Vanderlyn - pp. 454
- Miss Murray's Travels - Preston Souther - pp. 455-461
- Helena: A Wife's Story - pp. 462-472
- Editor's Table - John Reuben Thompson - pp. 472-476
- Notices of New Works - John Reuben Thompson - pp. 477-480
- Table of Contents - pp. 481-482
- Miscellaneous Back Matter - pp. R007-R008
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"The Country in 1950, or The Conservatism of Slavery [pp. 426-439]." In the digital collection Making of America Journal Articles. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/acf2679.0022.006. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 23, 2025.