The Country in 1950, or The Conservatism of Slavery [pp. 426-439]

The Country in 1950, or the Conservatism of Slavery.
ted both by necessity of situation and by
choice, the ardor of speculation and the
boundless luxury universally prevailing
among its members, render it comparatively rare, that the millionaire of to-day can
leave to his posterity, sufficient means to
command the leisure requisite for the attainment of the mental and mor 1 accomplishments, which would serve to ornament his class in society.
It is probable that this social inequality
will have appeared long before the moneyed interest will arrogate any political
power to itself. Foreign observers, indeed, writing upon the manners of the
country, chiefly in reference to the North,
even now declare that in most striking
contrast with its professions of equality
of conditions, is the actual spirit that animates society; that, in point of fact, in
no country is the disposition to draw lines
of social distinction more universal. The
natural tendency to social inequality,
where riches are thus influential, is greatly strengthened in the case of this country, by t he strong disposition for gradations in society displayed by all nations of
the Teutonic stock, and especially by the
Anglo-Saxon branch of that stock. The
race which originated all the complicated
divisions and sub-divisions of feudal estates, is still at heart animated by its
original impulses. As a proof of this position, may be offered the boundless field
opened to satire and sarcasm in the propensities of the individuals of this race to
I'tuft-hunting" and " flunkeyism," which
are only the salient exaggerations of those
impulses.
We see then, that however deplorable
such a consummation may be, in the natural course of events, capital must assurne a more and more commanding position in the state at the North; increase of
population only confirming it in that position. But we cannot imagine that this
will occur without great discontent on the
side of the laborer. The rise of the bourgeoi.s aristocracy, will call into being its
opposite pole, the class of the ouvrier,
" subi ect to all the errors and vices of the
mob." Abstract reasoning may point out
to tile numbers of this class, that their
own prosperity depends upon that of the
capitalist, th at their own slhare of wealth
must be pro portionate to the sum of aggregate profits, d epe ndent in turn upon the
constant a ctivity of every branch o f industr ywhich their own factious opposition can
only retard and des t roy, but t he impulses
occasioned by want, passion, prej udice
and envy will ever rende r them a thorn
ine si e o the side of the dominant power, and
will capsse them to hope, t hat by plunging
society into agitation and revolution, they
may be able to effect their own salvation.
The mottoes of sals culottism and the political philosophy of the proletaire, will
then th reaten the social fabric of the
North, as they have al ready done tihat of
France and the rest of Europe. But suc h
stability and thre atened change are ruinous to capital, and it will be her most
st ren uous endeavor to prev ent all chance
of thei r arising. Who, therefore, can
doubt, that with all the immense advantages she possesses over h er violent, but
capricious a nd disorganized opponents,
she will be both desirou s and able to deliver the ship of state to the guidaynce of
sombe strong-handed aid cent ralized power, as the only means to save it from being borne to destruction upon the ro cks
of anarchy?
It must not be taken for granted that a
government of this nature, (although it
may have a strong tendency in that direction,) necessarily involves a destruction of
the principle of political equality, or that
the inferior class would oppose its formation. De Toequeville says, "the more I
advanced in the study of American soci ety, the more I perceived equality of con ditions to be the fundamental fact from
which all others seem to be derived,"
and it may happen that this principle will
be longest cherished and adhered to; for
while the preservation of all the free forms
of governments, with their many safe guards and reacting checks, requires the
exercise of nmch political foresight and
the higher reason, that of equality of
conditions-but a single branch of those
forms, although an invaluable one —appeals to the every day senltimlents, habits
and practices of every individual. lThe existence of this principle, however, is nlot
incompatible with the growth of despo
429
1856.]