Mr. Jefferson [pp. 642-650]

180. Mr Jefron
to the expression of opinions not duly consid
rience of mankind in all ages of the world-lessons
which too often rebuke the best wisdom of the clo set, and put the theories of philosophers to shame.
A remarkable instance of this is found in the idea,
that the earth belongs to the living and not to the
dead; and of course, that one generation cannot
bind another beyond the average term of its own
existence. This term he fixes at nineteen years;
so that, according to this theory, no government
can legitimately exist beyond that time. It is not
surprising that a mind turned to philosophical speculations, should amuse itself with theories of this
sort. They are not amiss in the closet; but they
are unworthy of serious thought, as principles for
practical government. The well-balanced mind of
Mr. Madison perceived this at at a glance; and his
delicate yet masterly exposition of the subject,
seems to have shaken the faith even of Mr. Jeffer son himself in the value of his own theory.
We have reason to believe that the work before
us, has not attracted quite so much of public attention as it deserves. It is a valuable addition to
the literature of Virginia, and ought to be found in
the library of every one who takes an interest in the
history of his country. As a mere biography, it
is the best which our state has produced; as a valuable compendium of historical facts, it is recommended by its accuracy, and by the good judgment
which guided the selection. The period to which
it relates, is by far the most interesting in our annals; and is, at the same time, that in regard to
which the best information has reached the great
body of the people. The careful reader, however
well informed, cannot rise from the perusal of it,
without strong and vivid impressions of the historical facts, which he would not so readily receive
from any other work within our knowledge. There
is an air of truth and candor throughout which recommends it strongly to the confidence of the reader. There are, doubtless, many who will not allow to Mr. Jefferson the full merit of that character
which he exhibits throughout this narrative. The
bitter party animosities, of which he was so long
the subject, have not yet worn themselves out; and
it is natural that they should influence the judgments of all who feel them. By such Mr. Tucker
may be accused of too great a disposition to disguise the faults, and magnify the merits of Mr. Jefferson; but the candid and impartial mind will pronounce a different judgment. There are some
whose prejudices against Mr. Jefferson, in regard
to particular points of his character, are too inveterate to be removed. We are ourselves among
the number of those who had received erroneous
impressions upon those points, but Mr. Tucker has
removed them-not by the arts of the panegyrist,
but by the undoubted historical facts which his better information and superior diligence have brought
to light. The true character of Mr. Jefferson,
both personal and political, cannot be better learned
ered.
We have already remarked that the principles
which led to the revolution had their origin in
England at a very early day. They existed in the
breasts of the c ol onists, and we re in no wise affected by the pecu liar forms of the colon ial governments. They were in some degree repressed by
the subordination of those governments to the British crown; but they lost none of their force by
this temporary inaction. When the declaration of
independence relieved them from all restraint, thev
displayed themselves in their full strength, and nowhere more strongly than in Virginia. The legislation of that state during the war of the revolution,
is a study for the statesman who desires to establish a perfect political equality upon the most certain principles. The acts for the abolition of entails, and of the right of primogeniture, and that for
the establishment of religious freedom, were sufficient of themselves, to break down in the course
of a few generations all distinctions of rank, even
if a perfect equality had not been recognized in the
frame of government. Mr. Jefferson was the author of all these measures; and they display, perhaps, more distinctly than any other actions of his
life, that high sense of the rights of man, and that
strong love of liberty, by which his whole character was distinguished. It was the error at least of
his after-life to carry these feelings to dangerous
extremes. In the earlier stages of free government, established upon the overthrow of more arbitrary forms, it is quite natural that the democratic
principle should be pushed to excess. This is
perhaps necessary as the only means of giving to
that principle the strength and ascendancy which
are indispensable in order to the full establishment
of liberty. There is, however, much danger in
this excess-a danger which nothing can avert, except the most vigilant guard on the part of the people over themselves. In the progress of free government, we soon learn that true liberty requires
many restraints; and that it is not more opposed
to arbitrary power than to licentious freedom. And
it should be borne in mind, that so long as these
restraints are imposed by the people themselves,
and may be removed at their pleasure, they detract
nothing from perfect liberty; whilst they confirm
and perpetuate it. No man was more conscious
of this truth than Mr. Jefferson; but his confidence
in mankind led him to rely too much on their wisdom and self-denial. His principles were perfectly
safe when entrusted to himself or to others who
understood themn, with their necessary limitations
and qualifications, but they were too philosophical
and speculative for the mass of mankind. WVe
speak of course only of those genseral principles,
which apply to all countries, to all governments,
and to all men. In these he appears to have paid
too little respect to the lessons taught in the expe
VOL. VI-S2
1840.]
X.r. Jeferson.
649
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