Mr. Jefferson [pp. 642-650]

1840.]~~~ Mr Jwfron
England was essentially free from the first moment
that the House of Commons asserted the exclusive
right of furnishing the supplies, and fixing their
amount. The right of the tax-payer, to determine
the amount of the tax, necessarily gave him the
incidental right to know the purpose for which it
was required, and to control the application of it.
This principle had not, it is true, produced its full
effect in England at the time of the first settlement
of Virginia. Various causes-among which an
hereditary and habitual reverence for the authority
of the crown was not the least-contributed to repress the progress of freedom, in a country where
the weight of that authority was continually felt;
and this, too, even after the great and fundamental
principle of popular liberty had been fully established. This principle the colonists brought with
them to America; and being more remote from the
crown, and less within its immediate influences;
and being withdrawn also from the equally powerful influences of an established aristocracy, it is
reasonable to suppose that the principles of liberty
advanced more rapidly with them than in the parent country. To this we may add, that their
very position-throwing them in a great measure
up on thei r own resources- gave them a feeling of
inde penden ce and self-reliance highly favorable to
the progress of c ivil a nd political freedom. It is
not surpri sin g therefore, that in little more than
hal f a ce ntury- fr om the first settlement at Jamestown, an d in the very infancy of th eir colonial legislation-we find the colonists asserting the same
great principle which they established by arms one
h undred years afterwards. The honor probably
belongs to V irginia of having first asserted for the
colonies, or at least, for herself as such, the acknowledged principle of the British constitution,
that tho se who pay the taxes have alone the right
to impos e them. The den ial of this principle, in
its application to the American colonies, was the
proximate cause of our revolution; probably the
only revolution on record conducted strictly upon
principle. As early as 1673, that principle was
asserted, in the demand made by the colonists of
Virginia for a new charter from Charles II, " That
-n o tax or imposi tion sh ould be lai d on the people
of Virginia but by the Grand Assembly." It is
perhaps not to be regretted, that this demand, after
having been conceded by the crown, was withdrawn
in consequence of Bacon's rebellion. If this right
had been granted to Virginia, it would probably
have been granted to the other colonies also; and
the removal of this prominent cause of complaint
would have more firmly united the colonies with
the mother country, and delayed that revolution
which has added so much to the force of free principles, and contributed so largely to the happiness of
mankind. Doubtless that revolution would have
been brought about mulch earlier, had not the prudence of the crown, after the accession of William
and Mary, an d t he greater e x t ension and more
firm establishment of free principles in England,
suggested a more forbearing course towards t h e
colonies. The exclusive right of taxing themselves,
however, as asserted by Virginia in 1673, was never
aband oned by the co lonies; and the denial of that
right in 1764, in the provisions of the stamip act,
gave them the first occasion to reas sert i t, and
fin al ly drove the m to op en resistance an d r ebellion.
Every thing which appertai ns even to the earl y
life of such a m an a s Mr. Je fferson is interesting.
The biographer, however, does we ll not to dwell
too long upon such topics. Although it may gratify
our curiosity to trace the progress of great mi nds
and distinguished char act ers from their first development, ye t thes e early indications are too deceptive to af ford any safe rule for our philo soph y; and
we cannot e long entertained with stories of the
nursery and the g rammar-school. Mr. Tucker has
p rude ntly avoided the prevailin g er ror upon th is
point. A few familiar letters from Mr. Jefferson,
to the most inti mate fr iend of his early life, oive
us all the i n formation w hich i s necessary i n regard
to his habits -and general character. We perceive
in these letters, evidences of amiable feeling, good
education, and correct taste. Indeed he enjoyed
the best opportunities which the country afforded
o f p er fecti ng himself in all t hese p articular. Born
in the rank of gentlem en,the n distinctl y m arked in
Virginia, and allied with one of her wealthiest and
most influential families; and recommended, too, by
his own superior attainments and amiable manners,
his early associations were of the best and most
improving kind. His education at the university
of William and Mary, seems to have imbued his
mind not only with a love of letters, but with the
best principles of sound and useful knowledge. He
is one of a very numerous class of distinguished
men, whose successful and brilliant careers are attributable, in no small measure, to the lessons of
that venerable institution.
At the age of twenty-six, Mr. Jefferson entered
public life as a member of the legislature of his
native state from the county of Albemarle. From
that time, till the end of his second presidential
term, he was continually, with scarcely an interval
of rest, engagoed in the public service. It is perhaps true of most distinguished men, that the times
in which they lived have had more influence in
making them, than they have had in forming the
peculiar character of their times. No man was
more fortunate in this respect than Mr. Jefferson.
He came into active life precisely at the moment
when the situation of his country most strongly demanded the exertion of his peculiar talents and
qualifications. He entered into her service with a
zeal and devotion, which distinguish in a high degree his patriotism and love of liberty. Even the
excited and ardent times in which he lived furnished no one, except perhaps Patrick Henry and
1840.]
Mr. Jefe?-son.
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