SOUTHERN LITERARY MESSENGER. E~ttortal. RIGHT OF INSTRUCTION. In the article published by us this month, on the Right of Instruction, Judge Hopkinson has alluded to some opinions of Edmund Burke. It may perhaps be as well to copy here one or two of the paragraphs to which we suppose allusion is made. In his speech in 1780, at the Guildhall in Bristol, upon certain points relative to his parliamnentary conduct, we have what follows. Let me say with plainness, I who am no longer in a public character, that if by a fair, by an indulgent, by a gentlemanly behavior to our representatives, we do not give confidence to their minds, and a liberalti scope to their understandings; if we do not permit our mernbers to act upon a very enlarged view of things, wve shall at length infallibly degrade our national representation into a confused and scuffling bustle of local agency. Again, in the same speech What, gentlemen, was I not to foresee, or, foreseeing was I not to endeavor to save you from all these multiplied mischiefs and disgraces? Would the little, silly, canvass prattle of obeying instructions, and having no opinions but yours, and such idle, senseless tales which amuse'the vacant ears of unthinking men, have saved you from the "pelting of that pitiless storm" to which the loose improvidence, the cowardly rashness of those who dare not look danger in the face, so as to provide against it in time have exposed this degraded nation? I did not obey your instructions. No-I conformed~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ to the iristruCtioris uf truth and nature, and maintained your interest against your opinions, with a constancy that became me. Arepresentative worthy of you ought five years hence. I was not to look to the flaish of the Under the head of "Random Thoughts," "Odds and day. I knew that you chose me, in nmy place, aloing Eitls," "Stray Leaves," "Scraps," "Brevities," and a with others, to be a pillar of the state, and not a wea. variety of similar titles, we occasionally meet in perithercock on the top of the edifice, exalted for may levity dernof Rion tse bto f the eific,ltefy tevity odicals and elsewhere, with papers of rich interest and and versatility, and of no use but to indicaite the shift- t ings of every fashionable gale. glue-tithe result, in some cases, of much thought and And ofartheryfsionablegal. more research, expended, however, at a manifest disad ~~~~~And fartlih~er- v~latage, if we regard merely the estimate which the As to the opiinion of the people wlicel some think, in public are willing to set upon such articles. It somesuch cases, is to be im plicitly obeyed; ne tr two year times occurs that in papers of this nature may be found tranquillity, vlichl followed the act, proved abundantly lls o ea t that the late horrible spirit was, in reat eae the a collective ass of general but more usually of claseffect of insidious art, and pierverse industry and gross sical erudition, which, if dexterously besprinkled over a misrepresentation. But suppose that the dislike hald proper surface of narrative, would be sufficient to make been much more deliberate, arid much more general the fortunes of one or two hundred ordinary novelists than I am persuaded it was.-W- hen vwe know that the in. these our good days, wlen all heroes and heroines opinions of even the g'deatest multitude(s are the standard a enecessarily men and women of" extensive acquireof rectitude, I slihall think nmyvseltf obliged to nmake those e cessaly nen an woen of " extensive acquire .opinions the masters of y csience t if it nay mets." But, for the most part, these" Brevities," &c. be doubted whl-ether Omrnipotence itse lf is o ipC)tCllt to arie either piecemeal cullings at second hand, from a alter the essential constitution of riglt and wrong, sure variety of sources 1hidden or supposed to be hidden, I am that such thlinis as they and I, tare possessed of'no o n' more auidacious pilferings from those vast storesuch r)owver. No maan carries f.rtther than I dlo t..'e... soich ofowaing. Nomen cirres faers o thean Ie td ie houses of brief facts, rrmemoranda, and opilnions in genpolicy of niakiug goverunienit lleasig to the 1)0eoie. Bit the widest rane if tais plitic coil. e is co r-l literature, which are so abundant in all the princifined within the limits of justice......."t if I profe ss pll libraries of Germnty and France. Of the former all thlis impolitic stlubbornrness I may charce never to be species, the Koran of Lawrence Sternie is, at the same elected into Parliameritit." It is certainly not pleasintlg tiie, one of the most consummately imnipudent and to be put out ofthe public service. But I vwishl, in berinig a member of Parliament, to have mly share oof doi, silly; and it may well be doubted whether a single gfood and resisting evil. It vwoultl i therefore be aud paragraph of any merit in the whole of it may not be to renotunce my objects in order to obtain my seat. found, nearly verbatim, in the works of some one of his VoL. 11-73 In his speech, upon his arrival at Bristol, and at the conclusion of the poll in 1774, he says I am sorry I cannot conclude without saying a word on a topic touched upon by nimy worthy colleague. I wish that topic had been passed by, at a time when I hiave so little leisure to discuss it. But since he has thought proper to throw it out, I owe you a clear explanation of my poor sentiments on that subject. lHe tells you that the "topic of instructions has occasioned mniuch altercation and uneasiness in this city," and he expresses himself (if I understand him rightly) in favor of the coercive authority of such instructions. Certainly, gentlemen, it oiughlt to be the happiness and glory of a representative, to live in the strictest union, the closest correspondence, and the most unreserved communication with his constituents. Their wishes ought to have great weight with him; their opinion high respect; their business unremitted attention. It is his duty to sacrifice hris repose, his pleasures, his satisfactions to theirs; and, aliove all, ever and in all cases, to prefer their interest to his own. But his unbiassed opinion, his mature judgment, Ihis enlightened conscience, he ought not to sacrifice to you, to any man, or to any set of men living These he does not derive from your pleasure-no, nor from the law and the constitution. They are a trust from Providence, for the abuse of which he is deeply answerable. Your representative owes you not his industry only, but his judgment, and he betrays, instead of serving you, if he sacrifices it to your opinion. My worthy colleague says hiis will ought to be subservient to yours. If that be all the thing is innioccent. If government werc a matter of will upon any side, yours, without question, ought to be superior. But government and legislation are matters of reason and judgment, and not of inclination-and what sort of reason is that in which the determination precedes the discussion; in wliclh- one set of men deliberate and anothler decide; and where those who form the conclusiont are perhaps thiee llhundred miles distant from those who hear the argumenrts? PINAKIDIA. 5 Is 3
Pinakidia [pp. 573-582]
Southern literary messenger; devoted to every department of literature and the fine arts. / Volume 2, Issue 9
SOUTHERN LITERARY MESSENGER. E~ttortal. RIGHT OF INSTRUCTION. In the article published by us this month, on the Right of Instruction, Judge Hopkinson has alluded to some opinions of Edmund Burke. It may perhaps be as well to copy here one or two of the paragraphs to which we suppose allusion is made. In his speech in 1780, at the Guildhall in Bristol, upon certain points relative to his parliamnentary conduct, we have what follows. Let me say with plainness, I who am no longer in a public character, that if by a fair, by an indulgent, by a gentlemanly behavior to our representatives, we do not give confidence to their minds, and a liberalti scope to their understandings; if we do not permit our mernbers to act upon a very enlarged view of things, wve shall at length infallibly degrade our national representation into a confused and scuffling bustle of local agency. Again, in the same speech What, gentlemen, was I not to foresee, or, foreseeing was I not to endeavor to save you from all these multiplied mischiefs and disgraces? Would the little, silly, canvass prattle of obeying instructions, and having no opinions but yours, and such idle, senseless tales which amuse'the vacant ears of unthinking men, have saved you from the "pelting of that pitiless storm" to which the loose improvidence, the cowardly rashness of those who dare not look danger in the face, so as to provide against it in time have exposed this degraded nation? I did not obey your instructions. No-I conformed~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ to the iristruCtioris uf truth and nature, and maintained your interest against your opinions, with a constancy that became me. Arepresentative worthy of you ought five years hence. I was not to look to the flaish of the Under the head of "Random Thoughts," "Odds and day. I knew that you chose me, in nmy place, aloing Eitls," "Stray Leaves," "Scraps," "Brevities," and a with others, to be a pillar of the state, and not a wea. variety of similar titles, we occasionally meet in perithercock on the top of the edifice, exalted for may levity dernof Rion tse bto f the eific,ltefy tevity odicals and elsewhere, with papers of rich interest and and versatility, and of no use but to indicaite the shift- t ings of every fashionable gale. glue-tithe result, in some cases, of much thought and And ofartheryfsionablegal. more research, expended, however, at a manifest disad ~~~~~And fartlih~er- v~latage, if we regard merely the estimate which the As to the opiinion of the people wlicel some think, in public are willing to set upon such articles. It somesuch cases, is to be im plicitly obeyed; ne tr two year times occurs that in papers of this nature may be found tranquillity, vlichl followed the act, proved abundantly lls o ea t that the late horrible spirit was, in reat eae the a collective ass of general but more usually of claseffect of insidious art, and pierverse industry and gross sical erudition, which, if dexterously besprinkled over a misrepresentation. But suppose that the dislike hald proper surface of narrative, would be sufficient to make been much more deliberate, arid much more general the fortunes of one or two hundred ordinary novelists than I am persuaded it was.-W- hen vwe know that the in. these our good days, wlen all heroes and heroines opinions of even the g'deatest multitude(s are the standard a enecessarily men and women of" extensive acquireof rectitude, I slihall think nmyvseltf obliged to nmake those e cessaly nen an woen of " extensive acquire .opinions the masters of y csience t if it nay mets." But, for the most part, these" Brevities," &c. be doubted whl-ether Omrnipotence itse lf is o ipC)tCllt to arie either piecemeal cullings at second hand, from a alter the essential constitution of riglt and wrong, sure variety of sources 1hidden or supposed to be hidden, I am that such thlinis as they and I, tare possessed of'no o n' more auidacious pilferings from those vast storesuch r)owver. No maan carries f.rtther than I dlo t..'e... soich ofowaing. Nomen cirres faers o thean Ie td ie houses of brief facts, rrmemoranda, and opilnions in genpolicy of niakiug goverunienit lleasig to the 1)0eoie. Bit the widest rane if tais plitic coil. e is co r-l literature, which are so abundant in all the princifined within the limits of justice......."t if I profe ss pll libraries of Germnty and France. Of the former all thlis impolitic stlubbornrness I may charce never to be species, the Koran of Lawrence Sternie is, at the same elected into Parliameritit." It is certainly not pleasintlg tiie, one of the most consummately imnipudent and to be put out ofthe public service. But I vwishl, in berinig a member of Parliament, to have mly share oof doi, silly; and it may well be doubted whether a single gfood and resisting evil. It vwoultl i therefore be aud paragraph of any merit in the whole of it may not be to renotunce my objects in order to obtain my seat. found, nearly verbatim, in the works of some one of his VoL. 11-73 In his speech, upon his arrival at Bristol, and at the conclusion of the poll in 1774, he says I am sorry I cannot conclude without saying a word on a topic touched upon by nimy worthy colleague. I wish that topic had been passed by, at a time when I hiave so little leisure to discuss it. But since he has thought proper to throw it out, I owe you a clear explanation of my poor sentiments on that subject. lHe tells you that the "topic of instructions has occasioned mniuch altercation and uneasiness in this city," and he expresses himself (if I understand him rightly) in favor of the coercive authority of such instructions. Certainly, gentlemen, it oiughlt to be the happiness and glory of a representative, to live in the strictest union, the closest correspondence, and the most unreserved communication with his constituents. Their wishes ought to have great weight with him; their opinion high respect; their business unremitted attention. It is his duty to sacrifice hris repose, his pleasures, his satisfactions to theirs; and, aliove all, ever and in all cases, to prefer their interest to his own. But his unbiassed opinion, his mature judgment, Ihis enlightened conscience, he ought not to sacrifice to you, to any man, or to any set of men living These he does not derive from your pleasure-no, nor from the law and the constitution. They are a trust from Providence, for the abuse of which he is deeply answerable. Your representative owes you not his industry only, but his judgment, and he betrays, instead of serving you, if he sacrifices it to your opinion. My worthy colleague says hiis will ought to be subservient to yours. If that be all the thing is innioccent. If government werc a matter of will upon any side, yours, without question, ought to be superior. But government and legislation are matters of reason and judgment, and not of inclination-and what sort of reason is that in which the determination precedes the discussion; in wliclh- one set of men deliberate and anothler decide; and where those who form the conclusiont are perhaps thiee llhundred miles distant from those who hear the argumenrts? PINAKIDIA. 5 Is 3
SOUTHERN LITERARY MESSENGER. E~ttortal. RIGHT OF INSTRUCTION. In the article published by us this month, on the Right of Instruction, Judge Hopkinson has alluded to some opinions of Edmund Burke. It may perhaps be as well to copy here one or two of the paragraphs to which we suppose allusion is made. In his speech in 1780, at the Guildhall in Bristol, upon certain points relative to his parliamnentary conduct, we have what follows. Let me say with plainness, I who am no longer in a public character, that if by a fair, by an indulgent, by a gentlemanly behavior to our representatives, we do not give confidence to their minds, and a liberalti scope to their understandings; if we do not permit our mernbers to act upon a very enlarged view of things, wve shall at length infallibly degrade our national representation into a confused and scuffling bustle of local agency. Again, in the same speech What, gentlemen, was I not to foresee, or, foreseeing was I not to endeavor to save you from all these multiplied mischiefs and disgraces? Would the little, silly, canvass prattle of obeying instructions, and having no opinions but yours, and such idle, senseless tales which amuse'the vacant ears of unthinking men, have saved you from the "pelting of that pitiless storm" to which the loose improvidence, the cowardly rashness of those who dare not look danger in the face, so as to provide against it in time have exposed this degraded nation? I did not obey your instructions. No-I conformed~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~~ to the iristruCtioris uf truth and nature, and maintained your interest against your opinions, with a constancy that became me. Arepresentative worthy of you ought five years hence. I was not to look to the flaish of the Under the head of "Random Thoughts," "Odds and day. I knew that you chose me, in nmy place, aloing Eitls," "Stray Leaves," "Scraps," "Brevities," and a with others, to be a pillar of the state, and not a wea. variety of similar titles, we occasionally meet in perithercock on the top of the edifice, exalted for may levity dernof Rion tse bto f the eific,ltefy tevity odicals and elsewhere, with papers of rich interest and and versatility, and of no use but to indicaite the shift- t ings of every fashionable gale. glue-tithe result, in some cases, of much thought and And ofartheryfsionablegal. more research, expended, however, at a manifest disad ~~~~~And fartlih~er- v~latage, if we regard merely the estimate which the As to the opiinion of the people wlicel some think, in public are willing to set upon such articles. It somesuch cases, is to be im plicitly obeyed; ne tr two year times occurs that in papers of this nature may be found tranquillity, vlichl followed the act, proved abundantly lls o ea t that the late horrible spirit was, in reat eae the a collective ass of general but more usually of claseffect of insidious art, and pierverse industry and gross sical erudition, which, if dexterously besprinkled over a misrepresentation. But suppose that the dislike hald proper surface of narrative, would be sufficient to make been much more deliberate, arid much more general the fortunes of one or two hundred ordinary novelists than I am persuaded it was.-W- hen vwe know that the in. these our good days, wlen all heroes and heroines opinions of even the g'deatest multitude(s are the standard a enecessarily men and women of" extensive acquireof rectitude, I slihall think nmyvseltf obliged to nmake those e cessaly nen an woen of " extensive acquire .opinions the masters of y csience t if it nay mets." But, for the most part, these" Brevities," &c. be doubted whl-ether Omrnipotence itse lf is o ipC)tCllt to arie either piecemeal cullings at second hand, from a alter the essential constitution of riglt and wrong, sure variety of sources 1hidden or supposed to be hidden, I am that such thlinis as they and I, tare possessed of'no o n' more auidacious pilferings from those vast storesuch r)owver. No maan carries f.rtther than I dlo t..'e... soich ofowaing. Nomen cirres faers o thean Ie td ie houses of brief facts, rrmemoranda, and opilnions in genpolicy of niakiug goverunienit lleasig to the 1)0eoie. Bit the widest rane if tais plitic coil. e is co r-l literature, which are so abundant in all the princifined within the limits of justice......."t if I profe ss pll libraries of Germnty and France. Of the former all thlis impolitic stlubbornrness I may charce never to be species, the Koran of Lawrence Sternie is, at the same elected into Parliameritit." It is certainly not pleasintlg tiie, one of the most consummately imnipudent and to be put out ofthe public service. But I vwishl, in berinig a member of Parliament, to have mly share oof doi, silly; and it may well be doubted whether a single gfood and resisting evil. It vwoultl i therefore be aud paragraph of any merit in the whole of it may not be to renotunce my objects in order to obtain my seat. found, nearly verbatim, in the works of some one of his VoL. 11-73 In his speech, upon his arrival at Bristol, and at the conclusion of the poll in 1774, he says I am sorry I cannot conclude without saying a word on a topic touched upon by nimy worthy colleague. I wish that topic had been passed by, at a time when I hiave so little leisure to discuss it. But since he has thought proper to throw it out, I owe you a clear explanation of my poor sentiments on that subject. lHe tells you that the "topic of instructions has occasioned mniuch altercation and uneasiness in this city," and he expresses himself (if I understand him rightly) in favor of the coercive authority of such instructions. Certainly, gentlemen, it oiughlt to be the happiness and glory of a representative, to live in the strictest union, the closest correspondence, and the most unreserved communication with his constituents. Their wishes ought to have great weight with him; their opinion high respect; their business unremitted attention. It is his duty to sacrifice hris repose, his pleasures, his satisfactions to theirs; and, aliove all, ever and in all cases, to prefer their interest to his own. But his unbiassed opinion, his mature judgment, Ihis enlightened conscience, he ought not to sacrifice to you, to any man, or to any set of men living These he does not derive from your pleasure-no, nor from the law and the constitution. They are a trust from Providence, for the abuse of which he is deeply answerable. Your representative owes you not his industry only, but his judgment, and he betrays, instead of serving you, if he sacrifices it to your opinion. My worthy colleague says hiis will ought to be subservient to yours. If that be all the thing is innioccent. If government werc a matter of will upon any side, yours, without question, ought to be superior. But government and legislation are matters of reason and judgment, and not of inclination-and what sort of reason is that in which the determination precedes the discussion; in wliclh- one set of men deliberate and anothler decide; and where those who form the conclusiont are perhaps thiee llhundred miles distant from those who hear the argumenrts? PINAKIDIA. 5 Is 3
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"Pinakidia [pp. 573-582]." In the digital collection Making of America Journal Articles. https://name.umdl.umich.edu/acf2679.0002.009. University of Michigan Library Digital Collections. Accessed June 20, 2025.