Ann Arbor's first lady : events in the life of Ann I. Allen
Bidlack, Russell E. (Russell Eugene), 1920-, Bentley Historical Library.

Page  [unnumbered] F. A45 853,1149 -

Page  [unnumbered] Published with the assistance of the J. J. Seaver Fund and the Bentley Historical Library's Friends Fund. Printed by U-M Printing Services. Front Cover: Ann Allen, circa 1860. Allen Family Collection, Bentley Historical Library. ISBN 0-9668205-C-9

Page  I Ann Arbor's First Lady Events in the Life of Ann I. Allen Russell E. Bidlack 1935 The Bentley Historical Library The University of Michigan

Page  II To Sarah W. McCue who has kept alive the family memories of her great-grandmother Ann I. Allen

Page  III Table of Contents Foreword, by Francis X. Blouin,Jr......................................................................... v In tro d u ctio n.............................................................................................................. vi I. A Little Orphan, Her Huguenot and Irish Heritage: 1797-1806............ 1 II. Schooling in Virginia and Baltimore: 1807-1812................................. 15 III. Youthful Romance and Early Widowhood: 1813-1820................................19 IV. A Marriage of Convenience and Michigan Territory: 1821-1824...............27 V. A Presence in Ann Arbor's Beginnings: 1825-1836.....................................45 VI. A Home in New York City and a Virginia Reunion: 1837-1838..................63 VII. Economic Depression and Marital Discord: 1839-1843..............................75 VIII. Return to Virginia; Again a Widow: 1844-1851................................. 89 IX. At Home with Family in Virginia: 1852-1860...............................................97 X. War, the Deaths of Sons, and Closing Days: 1861-1875............................... 103 A N ote on Sources.................................................................................................... 116 iii

Page  IV

Page  V Foreword Tell someone you are from New York, Boston, or Detroit and rarely do they pause at the name of the place. But, tell someone you are from Ann Arbor and more often than not there are the questions. Was there an Ann? Was there an Arbor? Those of us who have lived in this city for many years have come to expect the questions and usually try to recall some of the local lore in formulating an answer. Thanks to the efforts of Russell E. Bidlack, we have a definitive source on the matter. There certainly was an Ann and her story is both historic and modern. Prof. Bidlack has done painstaking research on the life of Ann Allen, exhausting the relevant resources of the Bentley Historical Library and consulting a variety of other libraries, archives, and county courthouses locally and along the eastern seaboard. In the process, Prof. Bidlack has uncovered the story of a remarkable woman whose experience challenges any notions we might hold of the romance of frontier America in the early nineteenth century. In the course of his research he made contact with several of the descendants of Ann Allen who privately held much of her extant correspondence. In recognition of the work of Prof. Bidlack, they agreed to donate her surviving correspondence to the Bentley Historical Library so that these documents would be available to the community. I am particularly grateful to Miss Sarah McCue of Harrisonburg, Virginia for the gift of several letters of Ann Allen to her son Thomas W. McCue and for her contribution toward the publication of this volume. In serving as publisher for this definitive history, the Bentley Historical Library is pleased to make this important story available to the Ann Arbor community as well as others who have an interest in what many consider to be the quintessential college town. I particularly want to acknowledge the J. J. Seaver Fund of the Bentley Library and the library's Friends Fund for underwriting the costs of this publication. Since its founding in 1935, the Bentley Library (formerly the Michigan Historical Collections) has served as a repository for papers of early citizens of the city and for many of the city's earliest records. Over the years, we have been pleased to serve the Ann Arbor community as a repository for a variety of textual and visual resources relating to its history. We are grateful to Prof. Bidlack for the many years he has devoted to this project. He has provided Ann Arbor with a study that will truly enrich our understanding of the origins of this place. Francis X. Blouin,Jr. Director v

Page  VI Introduction When the editor of the Ann Arbor Register published a brief obituary of Ann I. Allen that had been sent to him from Virginia in the spring of 1877, he noted that "few residents of Ann Arbor are aware that the one to whom our beautiful city is indebted for its name, has but recently ended her earthly pilgrimage." Over three decades had then passed since Ann I. Allen had taken her last farewell of the town that had flourished in its oak opening on the Huron River that she had glimpsed for the first time on October 16, 1824. It had been her home for the next twenty years, except for a brief sojourn with her husband and their daughter in New York City in 1837, followed by a year-long visit in Virginia. Named in her honor five months before Ann's arrival, his having rejected "Allensville" and "Annapolis" as possibilities, John Allen, the town's principal founder, had chosen the word "arbour" to follow his wife's first name, it being commonly used in Virginia for a bower of trees. In Michigan Territory, arbour seemed appropriate to describe the setting of sunshine and shadow produced by the scattered oaks in the "opening." In so doing, he created a place name that would remain unique. Recorded officially for the first time in a plat map of the village on May 25, 1824, the name was written "Annarbour," but thereafter it appeared as two words. The Aliens insisted throughout their lives, however, on the pre-Webster spelling of arbor. The events of Ann Allen's life during her Ann Arbor years were determined largely by her husband's speculative business enterprises, leading from massive debt to apparent wealth, then to painful poverty, and finally, in 1844, to marital alienation. Although Ann Isabella Barry had become motherless nine days following her birth in Staunton, Virginia, on January 22, 1797, and an orphan from age three, her considerable inheritance had assured that her father's wishes for her education would be fulfilled. The love of a Scotch-Irish grandmother, with that of a doting aunt and a caring uncle, helped to groom her for the role of the "Southern Lady" that her parents had envisioned for her. Married at age sixteen to a respected physician and gentleman farmer in Lexington, Virginia, Dr. William McCue, Ann was the mother of two sons when she became a widow in 1818, at age twenty-one. Her second marriage, following a widow's customary period of mourning, was on June 7, 1821, to a young widower named John Allen. He, like Ann, had been left with two small children. It was a marriage of convenience. As the eldest son in the fourth generation of Scotch-Irish Virginians, John Allen had found himself encumbered by massive debts resulting from his father's foolish investments. Plantations and slaves would soon be lost to demanding creditors, and John's father, the dignified Col. James Allen, was ordered to vacate his stately home on Middle River by the end of October 1824. The possibility for a fresh beginning with cheap government land in the West, timed with the completion of the Erie Canal, was a temptation John Allen could not resist in the autumn of 1823, the same year as the birth of his and Ann's only child. His course of action to promote this scheme was recorded beside his name by the local Virginia tax collector with one simple word: "Absconded." vi

Page  VII So it was that in August 1824, Ann Allen complied with her distant husband's directions contained in a letter from Michigan Territory. She and their infant daughter, Sarah, would accompany his parents and John's own children on a covered wagon route that he had outlined. AsJohn expected, and Ann feared, her first husband's wealthy brother, in his role as guardian of Ann's small sons, John and Thomas McCue, declared that his nephews would remain in Virginia. It was a tearful parting. As a Southern lady, Ann I. Allen had been spared from household labor by the presence of slaves, always called "servants" in the South. Shy and naturally modest, and of delicate physique, she was ill equipped to play the role of pioneer wife among the Yankees and German immigrants who would populate the village named for her. During all of her years in Ann Arbor, Ann also grieved for the small sons whom she had left in Virginia, fearful that they would soon forget their "Ma." Although she had been powerless to do otherwise, she was plagued with a sense of guilt for having deserted them. After her return to Virginia, Ann's unhappy memories of her Ann Arbor years outweighed those that she could recall with pleasure. As John Allen's wealth had increased during the 1830s and there had been money for servants, a commodious home, and fine clothes, Ann had enjoyed physical comfort, but there was marital discord. With the Panic of 1837, the Aliens again endured poverty, worsened by humiliation. Writing her son, Thomas McCue, in 1841, Ann revealed her state of depression: "When I look back, all I had is gone to the four winds; when I look forward, all is darkness." It was three years later, in 1844, that Thomas McCue came to Ann Arbor to take his mother and his half-sister home to Virginia. It was there, near the place of her birth, that Ann I. Allen spent her remaining years, a witness to the Civil War and the Shenandoah Valley's devastation by the Yankees, and present at the early deaths of her two sons. She died, blind and deaf, in her daughter's home in the village of New Hope, on November 27, 1875. John Allen had been a victim of the California Gold Rush a quarter century earlier. In a tribute to Ann Allen at her death, Joseph A. Waddell, then Augusta County's leading historian, observed: "The incidents connected with the long and eventful life of Mrs. Allen would furnish material for quite an interesting volume." Perhaps, the following attempt to tell her story, one hundred and twenty-three years later, may affirm Mr. Waddell's assertion. vii

Page  VIII -- hi - Photograph of Ann I. Allen, circa 1860. Allen Family Collection, Bentley Historical Library.

Page  1 I. A Little Orphan, Her Huguenot and Irish Heritage 1797-1806 Mrs. Allen was remarkable for her unassuming modesty and diffidence, which caused comparatively few to know and appreciate the varied excellencies of her character; but those few will ever cherish the remembrance of her many virtues. Thus did Joseph A. Waddell, early historian of Augusta County, Virginia, characterize Ann I. Allen, the woman for whom Ann Arbor, Michigan, had been named a half-century earlier.' Mr. Waddell's tribute appeared in two successive issues of The Spectator, a weekly newspaper published in Staunton, Augusta County's seat of justice, in December 1875.2 Because it was then considered "unseemly" to identify oneself when writing for the local press, Mr. Waddell signed his name as "Nestor," although interested readers easily recognized the local author's pen. He continued: She was a lady of no ordinary character and remarkable for strength of intellect, and in her death severed the last link that connected her family with Staunton. Mrs. Allen had died some weeks prior to the publication of this tribute, and a death notice had appeared at that time.3 Mr. Waddell believed, however, that the story of the little orphan girl who had traveled to and from Ireland before she was ten and who, as a young mother carrying an infant daughter, had followed her adventurous husband in 1824 from Virginia to the settlement he had named for her in Michigan Territory, deserved a more detailed telling. "In the last decade of the last century, she first saw the light in Staunton," Waddell noted, adding that she had been the only child of Thomas Barry, "a native of Londonderry, and one of the first and most prominent merchants of his day." It had been on January 22, 1797, that Ann Allen "first saw the light of day" as she was delivered by a midwife into the arms of her twenty-year-old mother, Ann Isabella Smith Barry. A native of Kent County, Maryland, where the Smith family had been land and slave owners for three generations, Ann Smith had been born in 1777, the youngest child of William and Ann Martha Smith.4 She had few memories of her father, however, for he had died in January 1783 when Ann Smith was seven.5 In keeping with the custom of primogeniture, her father's land had been inherited by her oldest living brother, James Smith, who also became Ann's guardian. When the estate was finally settled in 1791, Ann Smith's share of her father's personal property (which had included thirteen slaves), amounted to ~181.16.10 (i.e., 181 pounds, 16 shillings, and 10 pence). This included a "Negro boy Isaac" valued at ~57.10.0; a "black horse 7 years old" and side-saddle, worth ~25.5.0; and the payment of a debt that Ann Smith owed to one Becky Maxwell for ~3.0.0. The remainder of her inheritance was in the form of a bond from her brother, James Smith, for ~96.1.10. When Ann Smith signed the receipt for "my part of my father's personal estate" on August 12, 1791, her witness was Thomas Barry, a man ten years her senior, to whom she would be married in the following year.6 1

Page  2 Born in 1767 on his father's farm in County Donegal, Ireland, Thomas Barry was of the third generation of the Barry family to be born in Ireland, although he considered his heritage to be more French than Irish.7 His great-grandfather, Richard Barry, had been one of some 400,000 Protestants (Huguenots) who had fled to the British Isles and the English colonies following Louis XIV's revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685. His Scotch-Irish mother, Sarah McKim Barry, was a great-granddaughter of Sir John McKim, who had migrated from Scotland in Cromwell's time and had been knighted by William of Orange for his service in the Siege of Londonderry.8 Writing to a cousin in 1867, Ann I. Allen, only child of Thomas and Ann (Smith) Barry, said of her grandfather, Thomas Barry, Sr.: As I recollect hearing Grandma say, he [her grandfather] was of a noble family, a gentleman of excellent education, which was a rare thing at that time. His judgment considered of the first class, pious, beloved by his neighbors. Grandma said he had a genealogical tree which he kept a long time after his marriage, but unfortunately, it was destroyed. Being engaged in commercial business, he lost largely during the American Revolution....Grandma lived on a farm where he had died [in 1783]. It was called Burt, five or six miles from Londonderry.9 With an older sister, Eleanor, nicknamed Ellen, and a younger brother, Andrew, Ann Allen's father had grown up in Ireland with three McKim cousins, children of his mother's brother; they had been taken into the Barry household following the deaths of their parents'0 It was one of these cousins, John McKim, who had migrated to America in 1780 at the invitation of a granduncleJudge Thomas McKim, of Philadelphia. After a year or two, John McKim went to Baltimore where a much older Quaker relative of the same name was prominent. Thereafter, the younger John McKim added Jr. to his name. Not long after moving to Baltimore, John McKim inherited a West Indies fortune and, with an acumen for commerce and banking, he quickly became one of Baltimore's leading merchants. It had been John McKim, Jr.'s success in America that, in 1787, prompted Thomas Barry, at age twenty, to follow him to Baltimore, having the promise of a clerkship in the McKim store." After three or four years of practical training in the ways of commerce, and having accumulated some capital, Thomas was ready to enter the mercantile business in his own right. With his cousin's support, he chose to launch his career on the Eastern Shore of Maryland, in Kent County, and it was there that he met, and fell in love with, Ann Smith. We know that Thomas Barry was in Kent County in the summer of 1791 when he witnessed Ann Smith sign a receipt for her inheritance. It was not until the close of the following year, however, that Barry purchased land on which to operate his store. Perhaps he had been a renter before this. It was to "Bartholomew Foreman, Tavern Keeper," that Barry paid ~43.10.0 on December 22, 1792, for a triangularly shaped lot comprising one and one-half acres "with all appurtenances...at a place called Newmarket... on the Road leading to Georgetown."''2 Foreman had purchased this lot only four months earlier from Ann Smith's brother-in-law, "Richard Peacock, Gentleman," who, in 1784, had bought it 2

Page  3 from Ann Smith's uncle, Matthew Smith. So it was that Thomas Barry and the Smith family became neighbors. According to family lore as recalled by Ann Allen in her old age, the older members of the Smith family considered Thomas Barry to be an unworthy suitor of their sixteen-year-old daughter, considering him "a stranger and a young Irishman." Without her mother's approval, nor that of her brother, James Smith, who was also her guardian, Ann Smith and Thomas Barry were married in the home of another of Ann's brothers sometime in 1792.13 A statement of Ann Allen in 1867 that her mother had been "cut out of her fortune by her marrying" may mean that James Smith refused to redeem the bond that he had given his sister in 1791 for ~96.1.10. Thomas Barry, with his bride, prospered at New Market, the name of which was changed later to Chesterville and has since nearly disappeared. According to a Maryland historian, a brick house built about 1780, stood on the northeast corner of the village, but in the 1980s it was moved "because it obstructed the view of motorists and was considered a traffic hazard." This may have been Thomas and Ann Barry's first home.14 Although Thomas Barry prospered at New Market, after a year or two he began having health problems. His daughter recalled many years later that John McKim had told her that her father had suffered "frequent attacks of fever and ague which impaired his constitution." It was believed that his illnesses were caused by the damp climate of Maryland's Eastern Shore. Considering later developments, Thomas may have been in the early stages of tuberculosis. It was in the spring of 1795 that Thomas Barry, determined to seek a healthier climate, sold his New Market lot and store to a fellow merchant named Bodien Warner.'5 His financial success and improvements on the property, despite his poor health, can be measured by the fact that the selling price of his establishment was 300 pounds compared to the 42 pounds and 10 shillings that he had paid for it two and one-half years earlier. At the completion of this sale, the Barrys went to Baltimore for an extended visit in the McKim home. In 1796, Thomas Barry decided to move his wife and possessions west, beyond the Blue Ridge Mountains, to a town called Staunton, in the Shenandoah Valley of Virginia. Known even then for the healing powers of the medicinal springs nearby, Staunton was attracting settlers along with numerous visitors in search of better health. Not only did young Barry hope to gain back his physical strength at Staunton, but, also, that the town's location would provide a continued prosperity for his mercantile business. In the latter anticipation, he would succeed. In what manner the Barrys traveled, and what assistance Thomas may have had in transporting goods from his cousin's warehouses with which to equip a new store in Staunton, we can only surmise. We know, however, that they were accompanied by Ann's "Negro Isaac," although with her marriage, Isaac had become the property of her husband. Reaching their destination in mid-summer, we can assume that the young couple took up temporary residence in one of Staunton's eight inns, which served also as taverns, until such time as a suitable dwelling and business site could be located and purchased. With John McKim's knowledge of trade and commerce extending well beyond the city of Baltimore, it is quite possible that Thomas Barry carried letters of introduction and recommendation to some of Staunton's men of influence. 3

Page  4 It was on August 31, 1796, that Thomas Barry purchased from Robert and Mary Douthat for $2,000 the east half of Lot No. 8, facing Beverley Street, the original patent for which had been issued in April 1749."' The patentee had been William Beverley, for whom the street had been named. Barry's east half of Lot 8, measuring 363 feet on its north end, extended "about 91 feet" south along New Street on the east side. According to the deed of purchase, there was a house on the property facing Beverley Street. This would become the birthplace five months later of the Barry's daughter, their only child, for whom Ann Arbor would be named in 1824. The Virginia town of Ann Allen's birth was a thriving community when her father set up his store there. It had been laid out in 1748, although it was not until 1761 that the Colonial Assembly of Virginia had provided Staunton with a charter. As the seat of justice for Augusta County, it had acquired a post office in 1793, and in 1795 the first instructor for the Staunton Academy for Boys was engaged to teach Latin and Greek. It was in May 1796, the same year that the Barrys arrived, that an Englishman named Isaac Weld passed through Staunton on ajourney that he later described in his Travels Throughout the States of North America. Weld wrote: This town carries on a considerable trade with the back country, and contains nearly two hundred dwellings, mostly built of stone, together with a church. This was the first place on the entire road from Lynchburgh, one hundred and fifty miles distant, and which I was about ten days traveling, where I was able to get a bit of fresh meat....Salt pork boiled with turnips tops by way of greens, or fried bacon, or fried salted fish, with warm sallad, dressed with vinegar and the melted fat which remains in the frying-pan after dressing the bacon, is the only food to be got at most of the taverns in this country.17 In 1797, in the summer following Ann Allen's birth, Staunton again entertained a European traveler, a French nobleman, no less: the Duke de la Rochefoucauld Liancourt. He, too, was gathering information about America for a book, although he often hid both his purpose and his true identity from the people with whom he conversed.' Prior to his arrival in Staunton, the duke had spent several days at Monticello. There he had contracted "distemper," an illness that he described as "very common throughout this country in the hottest part of the season, especially with those who expose themselves to the sun." After finding accommodations in one of Staunton's eight inns ("three of which are quite large"), the Frenchman consulted one of the town's four physicians. "I was obliged to have recourse to bleeding, physic, and blisters," he wrote, "and to remain four days in that small town." As a result of his forced stay, the duke was able to describe the place in some detail, estimating that there were "eight hundred inhabitants, a fourth of whom are negroes." He continued: The houses are tolerably well built. From fifteen to eighteen stores receive the produce of the back country, which chiefly consists in wheat, Indian corn, rye, hemp, linseed, wax, and honey. Pretty large quantities of bear-skins and beaver-skins are also carried 4

Page  5 hither, as well as ox-hides, for the supply of the tan-yard, which has been established in the place....Two market-days are weekly kept in the town. Staunton's brick church, measuring 40 feet in length, with a width of 25 feet, was noted by the duke as then being under the control of the Presbyterians, although it had been built between 1760 and 1762 under the authority of the Church of England."' In the absence of a rector following the Revolution, the Presbyterians had taken possession. "It is well frequented every Sunday by the followers of that sect," according to la Rochefoucauld, who added: "A Baptist preacher delivers now and then a sermon in this church, which does not, however, make the least alteration in the composition of the audience." It had been in the spring of 1796, as Thomas and Ann had been contemplating their move to the Shenandoah Valley, that Ann had become pregnant. The two-hundred mile journey to Staunton that summer, with her weakened husband, doubtless sapped Ann's own strength at this critical time in her short life. As noted earlier, the birth of the Barrys' daughter occurred on January 22, 1797, nearly five months following the purchase of their home on Beverley Street. Ann was now twenty years of age and Thomas was thirty. The baby was born on a Sunday, and considering the promptness with which infants were baptized in those days, we can probably assume that she was carried by her father to Staunton's brick church for this purpose on the following Sabbath. At her christening, the Barrys' daughter was given the name Agnes, probably to honor Thomas' favorite aunt back in Ireland. As will be noted later, however, little Agnes came to be called "Ann Isabella" after 1800, in memory of her mother.2 Death from childbirth was a common fate for young American mothers of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. We can wonder what medical attention may have been provided by one or more of the four Staunton physicians as Ann Barry's condition worsened following her daughter's birth. The "bleeding, physic, and blisters" noted by la Rochefoucauld were then among the standard treatment supplied by doctors, regardless of the nature of their patient's illness. Whatever the treatment given Ann, it proved to be fruitless, and, as reported two weeks later in the Virginia Spectator, she died on January 31, 1797, "leaving an only child, an infant nine days old."'2 Ann Allen recalled in her old age that the only knowledge she ever had of her mother was that provided to her by Mr. and Mrs. McKim. She never met any of her Smith relatives. Thomas Barry's grief in the loss of his young wife was compounded by his anxiety for the future of his infant daughter. Writing to his mother, now fifty-two years old, he urged that she and his unmarried sister, Ellen, come to America to provide a home for his child, as well as for himself and his teenage brother, Andrew, who, like Thomas before him, was now learning the mercantile trade with John McKim in Baltimore. Ann Allen recalled many years later having heard it said that her grandmother had been willing, but her Aunt Ellen refused; "she was afraid to cross the sea."22 Thomas Barry engaged a young woman in Staunton named Patsy Dold to care for his daughter. When Patsy was married the following year to Robert McDowell, she continued to care for little Agnes in the McDowells' home, located just west of the site bordering Beverley Street on which a new Presbyterian Church would be 5

Page  6 built in 1804.23 It was also near the spot where, a half-century later, the twenty-eighth President of the United States, Woodrow Wilson, would be born. Because Andrew Barry, Ann Allen's uncle, would play a significant role in her life, a word regarding his following his brother to America is appropriate. It had been prior to his move to Staunton that Thomas had written to his mother and to Andrew urging that his brother, though only fourteen, be permitted to join him in his American adventure. Andrew could begin as a clerk in the McKim store, just as Thomas had done, and then join Thomas in partnership. Andrew readily agreed, his mother consented, and he soon set sail on an English vessel for the land that would become his permanent home. As Ann Allen explained to Andrew's son some seventy years later, this was during the French Revolution, at a time when France and England were at war. Both English and French merchant and passenger ships then sailing the Atlantic were at considerable risk. John McKim (1766-1842) Ann Allen's "Uncle McKim," herfather's first cousin, who was her benefactor in her youth. Portrait painted by Rembrandt Peale ca. 1815, now owned by the Museum and Library of Maryland History, Maryland Historical Society, Baltimore. 6

Page  7 Having received word of the approximate date of Andrew's departure, and "allowing the time it usually took vessels at that date to cross the Atlantic," Ann recalled the story of how both her father, who was then in Baltimore, not yet having begun the move to Staunton, and John McKim, were "on the lookout" for the boy in the spring of 1796. Intelligence finally reached them, however, that Andrew's vessel had been taken captive by a French privateer shortly before reaching the Baltimore harbor. A "prisoners' roll" released by the French captor included Andrew's name. John McKim, according to Ann Allen's memory of the oft-told story, "was acquainted with influential French persons" living in Baltimore, and he and Thomas Barry "offered a ransom for Andrew's release, which was accepted." Ann further recalled John McKim telling her that when young Andrew had been delivered by his captors, he "had nothing but the clothing he had on." As he had done earlier for Thomas, John McKim now took young Andrew into his own home and because of his youth enrolled him in a Baltimore school. A neighbor ofJohn McKim at that time was a fellow immigrant from northern Ireland named William Patterson, said to be the second richest man in America. Patterson's daughter, Betsy, and Andrew attended the same private school and even shared a youthful romance. Betsy would later gain international attention when, in 1803, she was married to the Emperor Napoleon's youngest brother, Jerome Bonaparte. (The Emperor declared the marriage null in 1806.)24 After spending his "apprenticeship" in his cousin's mercantile establishment in Baltimore, Andrew Barry joined his brother in Staunton, probably in 1798. One of the observations of the Duke de la Rochefoucauld Liancourt in 1797 was that the manufactured goods sold by Staunton storekeepers were transported from either Baltimore or Philadelphia. It was in Baltimore, of course, that Thomas Barry obtained the supplies for his store in Staunton, from his cousin's wholesale establishment. Twice each year, Thomas traveled north on what Isaac Weld had called the "great road," known earlier as the "Great Indian Warpath," to the point at which it crossed the Potomac River, then east, on what would later be called the National Road, to Baltimore. Every traveler on these roads decried the deep mud whenever there was rain, as well as the stones that seemed constantly to work their way to the surface. Thomas Barry probably made the semiannual journey on horseback, there engaging one or more teamsters to transport by wagon back to Staunton the goods that he had selected from his cousin's large offering. It was customary then to advance six months of credit, whether at the wholesale or retail level, so Barry probably paid McKim on each visit for the goods that he had purchased the time before. He was doubtless a guest in his cousin's home on these occasions, and, according to Ann Allen's memory of the account given to her years earlier, John McKim had been much concerned that Barry's health seemed continually to worsen. Despite his illness, Barry's mercantile business prospered, not only from the community's patronage, but from the stream of travelers who passed through Staunton in spring, summer, and fall on their way to Kentucky and Tennessee, some to "explore," others to settle on a new frontier. Many others took lodging in the town while they sought to improve their health by drinking from, and bathing in, Augusta County's mineral springs. Joseph Waddell, in his Annals of Augusta County, noted that "even before the year 1800, Staunton was thronged every summer and 7

Page  8 fall with people going to and returning from 'the Springs'. The Warm and Sweet Springs were then much frequented by invalids and pleasure seekers."25 J. Lewis Peyton, a resident of Steephill, a village near Staunton, described "the Springs" in 1882. The Augusta or Stribling Springs are situated on the eastern slope of the North Mountain, about thirteen miles from Staunton. The medicinal effects of the waters are acknowledged, and there are several kinds of water here-alum and chalybeate being among them. The water from the principal spring is strongly impregnated with sulphuretted hydrogen, and is said to equal the celebrated springs of Harrowgate, England....On the eastern slope of the Blue Ridge, about eighteen miles southeast of Staunton, is the Black Rock Spring... [whose] waters contain iron, soda, lime, magnesia, with carbonic acid gas, and has been found efficacious in dyspepsia, scrofula and other diseases.26 Patrons of the springs were largely persons of wealth and leisure, many of them proving to be good customers for the variety of goods available in the Barry store on Beverley Street. Parties of Indians often passed through Staunton, sometimes continuing on the road through the town, other times disappearing into the woods to follow lesstraveled paths. Their presence always caused some uneasiness, but they too, were good customers in Barry's store. In her 1867 letter to her cousin, noted earlier, Ann Allen recalledJohn McKim telling her that "when Father came down after goods he often spoke of his ill health; [he] did not know how soon God would call him home. What gave him the most unhappiness was leaving me so young and unprotected." It was during his last trip to Baltimore in the summer of 1799, when his daughter was two and one-half years old, that Thomas Barry, now in his thirty-third year, drew up his "will and testament" in the presence of John McKim and the famous William Patterson. Describing himself as "sick & weak in body, but of sound mind and memory," citing "the certainty of death & the uncertainty of time," Thomas made his will "that I may be the better prepared to leave this world."27 He designated his brother, Andrew, and John McKim to be co-executors, signing the document on July 21, 1799. By late January in the following year, Thomas Barry was in his grave, beside that of his wife, on the west side of Staunton's brick church. His motherless daughter, whose third birthday also fell in January 1800, was now an orphan, indeed. Although Thomas Barry's will could not be probated until the next quarterly meeting of the Augusta County Court in April, an inventory of the scores of items in his store and home was completed on February 6, 1800.28 The three men charged with this task filled twenty large and closely written pages in the store alone, arriving at the total worth of ~1,934.14.7 (i.e., 1,934 pounds, 14 shillings, and 7 pence). The most valuable single item was listed as 463 gallons of whisky, worth ~94.10.7. (There were also 32 gallons of peach brandy, ~25.12.0; 41 gallons of spirits, ~21.17.4; and 10 gallons of rum, ~4.0.0.) Other sample items in the list were: 1,033 pounds of brown sugar, ~47.0.4; 180 yards of "fancy dark callico," ~38.18.11; and 20,000 10-penny nails, ~13.6.8. 8

Page  9 Two pages of the inventory were devoted to Thomas Barry's personal belongings, their total worth coming to ~215.9.0. His single most valuable asset was his "Negro Isaac," valued at 45 pounds, Isaac having been part of his wife's inheritance nine years earlier. His horse was priced at 39 pounds, his "clock & case" at 30 pounds, and his "desk & book case" at ~10.10.0. No debts were shown against the estate, but over four pages of the inventory were filled with the names of the 178 individuals who owed money to Barry, totaling ~966.13.6X. The names of many of the most prominent persons of the area appear on these pages, including the Rev. John McCue, a future father-in-law to Thomas' daughter, who owed Barry ~1.3.8. These many debtors can be explained by the fact that much of a merchant's business at that time was conducted on credit. Unpaid debts came due, however, at the death of the creditor. Barry was also the owner of nearby Lot 28 in Staunton, on Market and Frederick Streets, that he had purchased in 1797. Thomas Barry had directed in his will that his real estate be sold and that twothirds of the proceeds be invested in "bank stock." The interest was to be used as needed toward "the maintenance and education" of his daughter, with the principal to be held for her until her twenty-first birthday, or, if she should marry before then, until the day of her wedding. The other third was to go to Andrew, but the interest therefrom was to be paid to his mother and sister in Ireland "during their natural lives." Likewise, two-thirds of Thomas' personal estate, that is, the value of the goods in his store, the furnishings of his home, and the debts due him, was designated for his daughter, but those assets were to remain in the hands of Andrew, with their inventoried value to be paid to her, with interest, also at age twenty-one or at her marriage. The remaining third was to be Andrew's. Throughout his will, Thomas Barry had referred to his daughter as "Agnes Barry," a fact that caused consternation many years later when a researcher into Ann Arbor's history visited the Augusta County Courthouse in 1925. Fortunately, a granddaughter of Ann Allen, Phoebe W. Bell, was living at the time and recalled the story that on his deathbed, Thomas Barry had requested that his daughter's name be changed from Agnes to Ann Isabella in memory of her mother.29 No legal action was considered necessary, and we can assume that Andrew Barry simply reported Thomas' desire to the McKims and to his mother in Ireland. When writing to her cousin in 1867, Ann Allen told of a promise made byJohn McKim to her father before his death: that he should not "make himself unhappy [for] if anything should happen in his lifetime, he would take me in his family, and follow out his directions." Those directions had been that "if, after his death, a good opportunity should offer, to send me to Grandma's." So it was that Ann was taken from Mrs. McDowell's simple house in Staunton to the McKim mansion in Baltimore following her father's death. John McKim was a very wealthy man by the year 1800, owning both a "city home" and a "country home," the latter called "Darley Hall." His house in the city was on Holliday Street and was surrounded by wide lawns in front and rear.:o The change for Ann must have been traumatic-we can only imagine the scene when she was taken from the arms of Mrs. McDowell, the only caregiver she had known, to live with strangers in a great city. John McKim had been married to Margaret Telfair, the daughter of a Presbyterian clergyman, in 1793, and by 1800 they were the parents of children named David, Jane, Elizabeth, and John. Our 9

Page  10 single glimpse of Ann's new life in Baltimore at age three is found in her statement that, hearing the McKim children call their parents "Papa" and "Ma," she did the same, although there would come a time when she would be told that this was not proper.31 Remembering his promise to Ann's father, John McKim made arrangements sometime before Ann's fourth birthday to send her to her grandmother in Ireland-to Sarah McKim Barry who, many years earlier, had taken John McKim, then also an orphan, into her home. He engaged "a trusty nurse," according to Joseph Waddell's account, and after "a tedious voyage," Ann was delivered to her grandmother's farm near Londonderry. We can imagine the child's anxiety as she was taken from the family where she had learned to call the parents "Papa" and "Ma," but we can also imagine her seeing the open arms of an Irish grandmother who would provide loving care akin to that of a mother. In her old age, Ann Allen treasured a Barry family heirloom that she remembered from her childhood. It was a small, leather-bound book containing the New Testament, in French, that had been published in Paris in 1668. Included were also the Psalms, the Huguenot Catechism and Confession of Faith, and the Ten Commandments. It had been one of the few possessions carried by her forefather, Richard Barry, as he had fled to Ireland following the revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685. As the eldest son in his generation, Thomas Barry had inherited this remnant of his French heritage, and, as it had been carried a century earlier by an ancestor seeking asylum in a new land, Thomas had brought it to America in 1787. It was packed with Ann's other belongings in a small trunk and thus returned with her to Ireland.32 Ann recalled that her grandmother's farm was called "Burt," but she shared no other memories of her five years in Ireland when she wrote about her past in 1867, nor have any of the stories been preserved that she doubtless told her children as they inquired about her childhood. Andrew Barry, although he was not yet "of age" when his brother died, continued to operate the store in Staunton, taking a partner, Joseph Cowan, to assist in the enterprise. On March 22, 1802, shortly after reaching his twenty-first birthday, Andrew Barry purchased for ten pounds the west half of Lot 8 on Beverley Street, adjoining his late brother's property, which he also gradually acquired.33 Andrew succeeded financially as had his brother, and he quickly gained the respect of the community. In 1804, for example, when a new Presbyterian church was completed in Staunton, he was chosen, at age 24, to be one of its four ruling elders. Andrew was a handsome and engaging young man, and, although his formal schooling had not been extensive, he was highly intelligent and widely read.34 An acquaintance writing about him in 1880 assumed that he had been "well educated." In 1802, Andrew was married to Margaret Matthews, the youngest daughter of one of Staunton's leading citizens of an earlier day, General George Matthews. A hero of the American Revolution, Matthews had moved his family from Staunton to Georgia following the war, and there he had served two terms as governor, as well as representing the state in Congress from 1789 to 1791. He returned with family members to Staunton periodically, however, to partake of Augusta County's famous Springs. Members of the General's family were shown as debtors to Thomas Barry on the 1800 inventory of his store. 10

Page  11 A son was born to Andrew and Margaret Barry in September 1803, whom they named George Matthews Barry. Three months later, on December 19, Margaret died. Recalling his brother's situation six years earlier, Andrew also found a foster mother for his infant. She was his partner's wife, Mrs. Joseph Cowan. In 1805, still grieving for his wife, Andrew Barry left Staunton for Highland County, Ohio, there to begin a new life in a new land. In the following year, however, shortly after buying land there on Brush Creek, Andrew received word from his mother that his sister had finally agreed to risk the perils of ocean travel-they would be bringing Ann back to her native land where Mrs. Barry would provide a home for still another motherless grandchild as well as for her only remaining son. In the words of Joseph Waddell, "knowing that such a place as his then wild home on the frontiers of Ohio would not be congenial to them, he returned to Staunton and again entered into partnership with Mr. Cowan."35 So it happened that, in the summer of 1806, at the age of nine, Ann Barry found herself once again in Baltimore. There her grandmother, her Aunt Ellen, and Ann were welcomed byJohn McKim who had bidden farewell to his Aunt Sarah a quarter century earlier. As the orphaned nephew for whom Sarah McKim had provided a home back in Ireland, we can imagine McKim's pleasure in showing her and Ellen the American city in which he had prospered. Ann had vague memories of her time at age three in the McKim home. Recalling in her 1867 letter that she had then known her father's cousin as "Papa," she greeted him in 1806 in the same manner. However, "he said I must call him Uncle," an admonition that Ann still remembered vividly sixty years later. An orphan girl should not pretend to have a "Papa." Andrew Barry had arranged to be in Baltimore to greet his mother, sister, and niece upon their arrival. After a brief visit with the McKims in Baltimore, they accompanied Andrew to Staunton, thus fulfilling in part the dream of her son Thomas nine years earlier: that his mother and sister might come to America to help rear his daughter as well as to provide a home for himself and Andrew. Thomas was dead, of course, and Andrew now had a house of his own, but Andrew had a two-year-old son who, like his niece, needed the loving care of an Irish grandmother. For Sarah McKim Barry and her daughter, Ellen, the departure from the family farm and the saying of what they could be sure was a last farewell to relatives and old neighbors, was doubtless traumatic, as was their "crossing the sea" which Ellen had refused to undertake earlier. For nine-year-old Ann Barry, secure in her grandmother's protection and the tender love of her maiden aunt, the long ocean voyage, with its joyful end in the McKim mansion in Baltimore, had likely been a splendid adventure. We may wonder, however, whether Ann experienced some anxious moments during the slow journey to Staunton as she thought of her twoyear-old cousin there with whom she would have to share the attention of Grandma and Aunt Ellen. Learning from her Uncle Andrew that she would begin an instructional program under a demanding tutor in Staunton, may, also, have given her pause. 11

Page  12 END NOTES - CHAPTER I 1. Prior to her first marriage, Ann I. Allen was called Ann Isabella Barry, although her parents had named her Agnes Barry at her birth. Her name was changed by family members to Ann Isabella Barry in 1800 in memory of her mother. With her first marriage in 1813, her name became Ann Isabella McCue. With her second marriage in 1821, she became Ann Isabella Allen. For the remainder of her life, she signed her name "Ann I. Allen," the name used in this biography. 2. The first part of Waddell's tribute to Ann I. Allen appeared in The [Staunton] Spectator of December 21, 1875, which is on microfilm at the Augusta County Historical Society in Staunton. The successive issue of The Spectator, in which Waddell's tribute was continued, does not exist on the film, but a portion of it is found as a clipping in a scrapbook kept by Lucy Chapin in Ann Arbor, and is now preserved in the Bentley Historical Library, The University of Michigan, Ann Arbor. (Hereafter referred to as BHL.) Joseph A. Waddell, Staunton's first historian of note, not only wrote for Staunton's weekly newspaper, but his Annals of Augusta County (Richmond, VA: J. W. Randolph & English, 1888) is a rich source for information on Augusta County's early families. 3. Ann I. Allen's death notice had appeared in The Spectator of Nov. 30, 1875. 4. Dr. Carson Gibb of Annapolis, MD, was engaged by this writer to search probate, land, and church records from Kent County, MD, now preserved at the Maryland Hall of Records in Annapolis, for information on the family of Ann Isabella Smith, mother of Ann I. Allen. Her earliest identifiable Smith ancestor was named William Smith, a name regularly bestowed upon the eldest son in subsequent generations. The writing of the will of this first William Smith, on September 21, 1701, was prompted by his then being "designed for England." He returned safely, dying in 1707. He left the "plantation I live on in Langfords Bay with 200 acres" to his wife during her widowhood, then to be divided among his four sons. The Smith family records compiled and reproduced at the Hall of Records for this writer will be placed in the Bentley Historical Library. 5. The undated will of William Smith, father of Ann Isabella Smith, was probated on January 28, 1783. Kent Co., MD, Wills, Vol. 7, p. 23, Maryland Hall of Records, Annapolis, MD. 6. Kent Co., MD, Guardian Accounts, 1781-98, pp. 175, 192, and 293, Maryland Hall of Records 7. Caroline P. Campbell did research on Ann I. Allen in 1925, during which she visited a granddaughter of Ann named Phoebe W. Bell (she was a daughter of Thomas W. and Elizabeth McCue). Phoebe Bell was then keenly interested in her grandmother's history and showed Mrs. Campbell "torn leaves from an old family Bible" from which Mrs. Campbell copied the following entry: "Thos. Barry born in County Donegall, Ireland, in 1767, died in Staunton, VA, January 1800." This was Ann I. Allen's father. Mrs. Campbell's papers are in the Bentley Historical Library, a number of which are undated notes intended for her later use in writing her proposed biography of Ann I. Allen. She died in 1926 following a gall bladder operation in the ten-patient Cowie Private Hospital, 320 S. Division St., Ann Arbor, MI. 8. An article devoted to Thomas and Andrew Barry appeared in The Spectator of January 11, 1876. Signed "N," this was written by Joseph A. Waddell, who had obviously obtained much of his information from Ann I. Allen and from her uncle, Andrew Barry. Thomas Barry, a son of Andrew Barry and a cousin of Ann I. Allen, traveled to Ireland sometime after 1868; he diedJune 4, 1888. The purpose of his journey was to find Barry relatives. His nephew, Charles A. Barry, wrote on March 16, 1906, to Phoebe (McCue) Bell, a granddaughter of Ann I. Allen, regarding family records: "I also have several letters from Margaret Barry near Londonderry, Ireland, to Uncle Thomas after his return home. She goes into the family history and has sent inscriptions of old tomb stones away back as early as 1699 which is the birth date of Thomas Barry, but Richard Barry's Student of Divinity death is dated 1713, and I have gained the impression that he was the first Barry in Ireland and arrived there shortly before the 'siege of Derry' which he helped defend....Our direct line is something like the following: Thomas Barry born in County Donnegall [sic] 1714; his son, Andrew, born 1736; his two sons, Thomas and Andrew, born, 1st, Thos. 1767; 2nd, Andrew, 1780." This letter was in the possession of Sarah W. McCue in 1978, when it was copied by this writer. 9. The information regarding the Barry family given here comes primarily from a letter written by Ann I. Allen to her cousin, Thomas Barry (son of Andrew Barry) of Hillsboro, Ohio, on December 25, 1867. (It will be cited hereafter simply as "Ann I. Allen's 1867 Letter.") This lengthy letter begins: "You ask me a number of questions about our forefathers...." The original seems not to have been preserved, but a handwritten copy was made by Charles A. Barry for Phoebe (McCue) Bell sometime after the Civil War. In making this copy, Barry appears to have done some editing with regard to punctuation, capitalization, and spelling; it was among the family papers owned by Mary and 12

Page  13 Sarah W. McCue in 1978 when a photocopy was made by this writer. A typewritten carbon copy of Barry's transcription, with minor changes, was owned in 1962 by Mrs. Hugh Andrews, 79 West 12th St., New York, NY 10. In her 1867 letter, Ann I. Allen identified the three McKim children as Edy,John, and Isabella. Their father, John McKim, was a brother of Sarah (McKim) Barry, Ann's grandmother. In her 1867 letter, Ann stated that Isabella McKim had been married to a Mr. Hazlett of Baltimore. She added: "The oldest son, Edy McKim...went to the West Indies, made a fortune and died; left it to [his siblings] Uncle McKim and Aunt Hazlett." 11. The most detailed record of the life of John McKim, sometimes called John McKim, Jr., is found in an article in the Baltimore Sun of January 20, 1924, entitled "Maryland Historical Society Gets Portraits of Rembrandt Peale." Information, along with reproductions of McKim family portraits can also be found in "The McKims...Maritime Merchants of Maryland," contained in a volume entitled the Fourth Annual Maryland Antiques Show & Sale, published by the Maryland Historical Society, 1982. 12. Kent Co., MD, Land Records, Book BC # 3, pp. 351 and 413; and Book EF 6, pp. 387-8. Maryland Hall of Records. 13. No official record of the marriage of Thomas Barry and Ann Isabella Smith has been found, but circumstantial evidence places it in 1792. In her 1867 letter to her cousin, Ann I. Allen stated that her mother had been "aged 20k years" when she died on December 31, 1797. She also stated that her mother had been sixteen when she was married to her father. 14. The Maryland historian quoted here is Dr. Carson Gibb of Annapolis, MD. 15. Kent Co., MD, Land Records BC #4, p. 244. 16. Augusta Co., VA, Deed Book 29, pp. 104-05. 17. Isaac Weld, Jr., Travels Through the States of North America, and the Provinces of Upper Canada During 1795, 1796, and 1797 (London: Printed forJohn Stockdale, 1799), p. 136. 18. Le Duke de la Rochefoucault Liancourt, Travels Through the United States of North America (London: 1799), pp. 90-3. 19. Detailed information regarding the Staunton church, including its measurements, can be found in J. Lewis Peyton, History of Augusta County, Virginia (Staunton: Samuel M. Yost & Son, 1882), p. 102. 20. Speculating why Thomas and Ann Barry named their daughter Agnes, Norma Bell Norris, a granddaughter of Ann I. Allen, in a letter to Caroline Campbell dated June 8, 1925, noted that Thomas Barry's grandfather, Andrew Barry, Sr., had a sister named Agnes. Caroline Campbell Papers, BHL. 21. Reported in the February 6, 1797, issue of the Virginia Spectator, then called the Staunton Virginia Gazette. 22. Ann I. Allen's 1867 Letter. (See above, note 9.) 23. Mrs. McDowell was identified byJoseph A. Waddell in his article in The Spectator ofJan. 11, 1876. She was married to Robert McDowell on March 1, 1798, according to "A List of Marriages Solemnized by the ReverendJohn McCue" in First Marriage Record ofAugusta County. Virginia, 1785-1813 (Verona, VA: McClure Press, 1970), p. 30. 24. This account of Andrew Barry's journey to Baltimore is contained in Ann Allen's 1867 Letter. A similar account appeared in Joseph A. Waddell's article on the Barry family in The Spectator of January 11, 1876, along with the story of Andrew's youthful romance with Betsy Patterson. 25. Waddell, Annals, p. 222. 26. Peyton, History of Augusta County, p. 277. 27. The will of Thomas Barry was recorded in the Augusta County courthouse sometime in 1800, in Will Book 9, pp. 68-71. That it had been written in Baltimore is proven by the fact that the witnesses, William J. Moore and Nimrod Owings, were both residents of Baltimore at the time. 28. The inventory of Thomas Barry's estate was recorded in Augusta County Will Book 9, pp. 123-54. Deeds relating to his estate are found in Augusta County Deed Book 36, pp. 137-42. 29. The explanation of the change of name of Ann Isabella Barry from Agnes is contained in an undated six-page document in the handwriting of Phoebe (McCue) Bell, doubtless written in 1925, owned by Virginia Somerville of Montreat, NC. Part of this was copied from Joseph A. Waddell's tribute to Ann I. Allen that appeared in The Spectator ofJanuary 11, 1876. 30. The location of the McKim home in Baltimore is found in Vol. 1 (June 1906), p. 116, of the Maryland History Magazine in an article giving the location of various Baltimore families in 1824. Darley Hall, the McKim country home, had been purchased byJohn Montgomery Gordon followingJohn McKim's death in 1842 and renamed "Kenmuir." 31. Ann I. Allen's 1867 letter. (See Chapter I, note 9.) 13

Page  14 32. No written account of this French Testament has been found. The account given here was provided in 1978 when this writer visited two of Ann I. Allen's great-granddaughters, Mary and Sarah W. McCue, then living at Belvidere, the country home built by Ann's son, Thomas W. McCue, in the early 1850s in the community known as Fort Defiance, near Staunton. The Misses McCue continued to provide information to this writer based on their memories of family discussions and from family records. Mary McCue died irL1989. 33. Jacob Deary to Andrew Barry, March 22, 1802, Augusta Co., VA, Deed Book 31, p. 460. 34. History of Ross and Highland Counties, Ohio (Cleveland: Williams Bros., 1880), p. 360. "Mr. Barry was a native of Ireland, was well educated, and was, early in life, a merchant in Staunton, Virginia. He came to Highland [County] with ample means, which he invested near Hillsborough. He was an elder in the Presbyterian church, both in Virginia and in Hillsborough. He left his farm and removed to Hillsborough where his useful life was closed, and where his memory and worth are revered." (The spelling of "Hillsborough" is now Hillsboro.) 35. The Spectator, January 11, 1876. 14

Page  15 II. Schooling in Virginia and Baltimore 1807-1812 Andrew Barry had a high regard for education, not only for boys but for girls as well. His Baltimore cousin held similar views, and as stewards of Ann's rather substantial inheritance, they could provide schooling for her at no expense of their own. James Waddell, then principal of the Staunton Academy for Boys, agreed to take Ann as a private student for a time. Later, she was placed under the tutelage of the Rev. William Calhoun, the pastor of the new Presbyterian Church in Staunton. She doubtless lived in her uncle's home, with her grandmother and Aunt Ellen, during this period. On August 18, 1807, Andrew Barry was married a second time. His bride was Mary (nicknamed Polly) McCue, eldest daughter of the Rev. John McCue, a Presbyterian clergyman then preaching in a nearby village called Tinkling Spring. It was after Andrew's second marriage that, in the words of Joseph Waddell, Ann "was sent to Winchester, and enjoyed the instruction and counsels of the Rev. William Hill, D.D., and was boarded in his family." This was Ann's first separation from her grandmother since she had been taken to Ireland in 1800. Located some eighty miles northeast of Staunton in Frederick County, Virginia, Winchester was a thriving village with some two hundred "freeholders," i.e., owners of real estate, located on the Great Trading Path (or "Great Road") across Virginia to the Potomac River. The Rev. William Hill, a native of Cumberland County, Virginia, had been born in 1769; he had but recently reached his fortieth year when Ann came under his tutelage. A liberal in his day, Hill belonged to the "New School" element in the Presbyterian Church and was described by his biographer as "a man of strong convictions and a genius for controversy." He and his wife had two daughters, Elizabeth and Sarah, who were very nearly the age of Ann when she studied at the Hill home at 132 North Cameron Street in Winchester. It was in 1816 that Hill was awarded the honorary degree of Doctor of Divinity by Dartmouth College, and in 1839 his History... of American Presbyterianism was published.1 It was in either 1809 or 1810 that it was deemed appropriate byJohn McKim and her Uncle Andrew that Ann's education now be completed in Baltimore. Living with the McKims, she was enrolled in what Waddell described as "a seminary, under the management of a celebrated French lady."2 The "celebrated French lady" under whom Ann studied has not been identified, although it is probable that at this stage of her education emphasis was placed upon the social graces, including the art of conversation, parlor and dining manners, the appreciation of fine literature and music, along with letter writing and, perhaps, an introduction to the French language. Baltimore in 1810, with a population of nearly fifty thousand, was third in size after Philadelphia and New York among American cities.3 It was a prosperous and bustling metropolis and port at the time Ann returned there to complete her education. She doubtless observed with awe the massive walls of the Roman Catholic Cathedral then rising, although the coming war with England would delay its completion for many years. Her "Uncle McKim" surely pointed with pride to the new 15

Page  16 courthouse, for the building of which he had been one of the eight commissioners. He may have explained, also, that the space left by the demolition of the old courthouse was being considered as a site for a monument to honor President Washington, who had died a decade earlier, with its estimated cost of $100,000 to be raised through lotteries. Several stone bridges were under construction, a ship was being built in the harbor, and a four-story addition to the City Hospital had just been completed. In November 1808, John McKim had been one of the founders of the Baltimore Water Company to "introduce a copious supply of wholesome water into the city." Baltimore, even at this early date, was gaining renown as a medical center with a number of practicing physicians in residence who are remembered as pioneers in modern medicine. Eye surgery, although without benefit of anesthetic, even included the removal of cataracts for patients brave enough to endure the operation. Vaccination for smallpox, rather than inoculation, discovered in 1796 by Dr. Jenner in England, was, by 1810, an increasingly common practice in Baltimore where a local society was formed that year "for promoting vaccination generally." We can speculate that Ann Barry may have been vaccinated at this time. A young man from Staunton then studying medicine in Baltimore was Dr. William McCue, a brother of Andrew Barry's second wife. There can be little doubt that Dr. McCue had known Ann Barry as a child in Staunton, but in Baltimore he found her to have become an engaging young lady. Ann returned to Augusta County in 1812. The timing of her return was determined in large part by national events. On June 18, 1812, the United States declared war against the British. Political leaders in Baltimore were sharply divided on the war issue, the Federalists in opposition and the Republicans (includingJohn McKim) in support. In June and July that year, there were riots in Baltimore resulting in several deaths, and John McKim concluded that fifteen-year-old Ann Barry would now be better off with her uncle in Virginia. The home of Andrew Barry to which Ann returned, however, was no longer in Staunton. With his wife and their two children (William born in 1808 and Elizabetk born in 1810), along with his mother and sister and his nine-year-old son by his firsi marriage, Andrew had just moved into a fine new brick residence built on land thai he had purchased from his father-in-law some sixteen miles north of Staunton, neai the village of Mt. Solon. The Rev. John McCue, through inheritance and wise invest ments, was an extensive land owner in Augusta County, and he had sold 400 acre: "on the head waters of Mossy Creek" to Andrew for the nominal sum of ter pounds.4 The first house to be built of brick in that area, the Barry residence wa: within sight of the home of his wife's brother, James A. McCue. The latter woulc play an important role in Ann's life at a later date. The Mossy Creek Presbyterian Church, located two and one-half miles fron Mt. Solon, near the Rockingham County line, soon made Andrew Barry an elder a well as its clerk of sessions. Not long after Ann's arrival, Dr. William McCue, Andrew's brother-in-lax whom Ann Barry had known during her stay in Baltimore, arrived at Mt. Solon Having but recently completed his medical studies, Dr. McCue had decided to se up his practice there, "the first physician outside of Staunton who ever practiced ii that section of Augusta County," according to a nephew, Marshall McCue, writin1 in 1888.5 Dr. McCue took temporary lodging with his sister and brother-in-las 16

Page  17 where, also, Ann Barry was now a family member. A courtship that may have begun in Baltimore now progressed in earnest. Dr. William McCue was the second son of the highly respected Rev. John McCue, who had founded the first Presbyterian church west of the Alleghenies, in Lewisburg, Greenbrier County, Virginia. A member of the second generation of his Scotch-Irish family in America, John McCue was a graduate of Liberty Hall in Lexington, Virginia, the predecessor of Washington College.6 He had then studied theology under Dr. James Waddell, Augusta County's famous "blind preacher." In 1781, he had been sent by the Synod of Philadelphia "to take pastoral care of Tinkling Spring and Staunton." Although he preached in English, John McCue wrote his sermons initially in Latin. His wife, and the mother of his eleven children, was Margaret Allen, sister of Col. James Allen, the latter destined one day to become the second father-in-law of Ann Barry. The Home of Andrew Barry Near the Village of Mt. Solon It was in this house on the head waters of Mossy Creek that Ann Barry lived with her Uncle Andrew following her return to Augusta County from Baltimore in 1812. It was here, also, that her grandmother, Sarah McKim Barry, made her home with her son, as did also Andrew's sister, Ellen Barry. Ann celebrated her sixteenth birthday here on January 22, 1813, and it was in this house that she was courted by Dr. William McCue, brother of Andrew Barry's wife, Mary McCue Barry. Ann Barry and Dr. William McCue were married on April 20, 1813. From Sarah W. McCue. 17

Page  18 Not surprisingly, William McCue was also a graduate of his father's alma mater in Lexington. While a student there, he had decided upon a medical career, thereafter becoming a private student and assistant of Dr. William Boys who had come to Staunton from Philadelphia in 1800. Dr. Boys had received his medical training in Edinburgh. His practice in Staunton had flourished, particularly among those traveling to Augusta County to visit the famous Springs. After studying with Dr. Boys, McCue had obtained his M.D. degree from the University of Pennsylvania's School of Medicine, the oldest medical school in the United States, founded in 1765. From there he had gone to Baltimore for further study. Thus, at age twenty-five, Dr. McCue was a highly trained physician for his time. An incident in the life of young McCue while he was studying with Dr. Boys had gained widespread attention. A rich Baltimore merchant namedJohn Comegys had become a patient of Dr. Boys for some type of surgery, following which the patient was determined to return home before his doctor thought wise, the latter fearing not only the adverse effect of the long journey would have on Mr. Comegys, but on his own reputation as well. Young McCue provided a solution that was satisfactory to both doctor and patient, as recalled in the words of his nephew, Marshall McCue, many years later. Uncle William's ingenuity was equal to the occasion. He procured two quiet horses, fastened or suspended a mattress between them, laid Mr. Comegys upon it; with a Negro boy on a horse to lead them, he on horseback, superintended. Thus Mr. Comegys was safely carried to his mansion, that was ever after open with its hospitalities to the young physician during his sojourn here [Baltimore] as a student.7 While living with the McKims in Baltimore during her instruction by the "celebrated French lady" there, Ann Barry had doubtless heard of this achievement by the young physician from Staunton. Perhaps he had even related its details to her himself. END NOTES-CHAPTER II 1. "Rev. William Hill, D.D. (1769-1852)," in Some Worthy Lives by Garland R. Quarles (Winchester, VA: Frederick County Historical Society, 1988), pp. 120-22. 2. The Spectator, December 31, 1875. 3. Thomas W. Griffith, Annals of Baltimore (Baltimore: W. Woodly, 1833). 4. John and Elizabeth McCue to Andrew Barry. Augusta Co., VA, Deed Book 37, p. 406. 5. J. Marshall McCue to Samuel N. Kerr, March 4, 1888. A photostat of this letter is in the John Allen Papers at BHL. On the back of this photostat, Caroline P. Campbell wrote: "Copied at the U.S. Bureau of Commerce for me July 1925 from original in possession of Elizabeth Barry Kerr, lineal descent from Ann I. Barry &John Allen." J. Marshall McCue was a son of James A. and Margaret (Trimble) McCue,James A. being the eldest son of the Rev.John and Elizabeth (Allen) McCue, and was thus a first cousin ofJohn and Thomas W. McCue, sons of Dr. William and Ann (Barry) McCue." Samuel N. Kerr, a grandson of Sarah (Allen) Waddell, apparently had written toJ. Marshall McCue for information regarding his memories of Ann I. Allen. (Cited hereafter asJ. Marshall McCue 1888 letter.) 6. 'The M'Cue Family," in Peyton, History of Augusta County, pp. 315-16. (See Chapter I, note 19.) 7. J. Marshall McCue 1888 letter. (See note 5, above.) 18

Page  19 III. Youthful Romance and Early Widowhood 1813-1820 Ann Barry was only fifteen when she returned to Virginia, but she celebrated her sixteenth birthday on January 22, 1813, thus reaching the age at which it was then quite common for girls to marry. Her mother had been sixteen when she had been married to her father. The fact that Dr. McCue was nearly a decade older than Ann was also considered to be quite proper. (He had been born on July 14, 1787.) Ann and William were married by the latter's father, the Rev. John McCue, on April 20, 1813.' Where the marriage was performed, however, is not a matter of record, although one can speculate that it was likely in the Rev. Mr. McCue's church at Tinkling Spring. We can be sure that Ann's 73-year-old grandmother was in attendance. No description of Ann Barry's physical appearance during her youth seems to have survived, but a granddaughter remembered that she was quite small. A photograph taken in her old age indicates that she was slender. Perhaps Ann's description of her own daughter at age eleven was not unlike that of herself as a girl. Writing to her son, Thomas McCue, in June 1834, she noted: "Sarah Ann enjoys good health but is very slender and delicate....she is a very livly child full of mirth and glee, she is very affectionate to me and to every one, it is her natural disposition."2 One can be sure that Ann was an attractive bride and, with her good education, well suited for the role of physician's wife. As determined in her father's will, she would come into a substantial inheritance with her marriage, a fact that may have made Ann even more attractive in the view of the young doctor. Thomas Barry's will had directed that two-thirds of the amount received form the sale of his real estate be invested in bank stock for his daughter, with the other third to belong to his brother, Andrew. Thomas had made the same division of his personal property, the value of which had amounted to well over three thousand pounds according to the inventory taken shortly after Thomas' death. Ann's share, however, was to remain under the control of her Uncle Andrew until she came of age, or at her marriage if that occurred earlier. At that point, Andrew Barry was to make payment to Ann, including the accumulated interest. (Although not stated in Thomas' will, the interest rate at that time was usually 6 percent.) It was doubtless because of Ann's approaching marriage, with the need for this settlement to be made, that on March 22, 1813, Ann Barry had requested the Augusta County Court to appoint a guardian for herself in the person of Joseph Cowan. Cowan, an immigrant from Ireland like the Barry brothers, was Andrew's business partner, so his selection as Ann's guardian was surely satisfactory to Andrew as well as to Ann.3 As dictated by common law and custom in Virginia, Ann's inheritance immediately came under her husband's control following their marriage, as would a dowry. Then, also, of course, Joseph Cowan ceased being Ann's guardian. On November 9, 1815, Dr. McCue was chosen to become a member of the Board of Trustees of Washington College, his alma mater in Lexington.4 With a $50,000 endowment from George Washington, this institution had been called 19

Page  20 2, Xl2ovCtK %rrexz %. XCados TLL-Vor S. To PtlWv e 5 UoveruhI Rivex EmS $*osLtV SizYev Map of Augusta County, Virginia Reproduced from Annals of Augusta County, Virginia...by Joseph A. Waddell, published in Richmond, Virginia, in 1888. Washington Academy until 1813 when its name was changed to Washington College; today it is Washington and Lee University. To be chosen as a member of its self-perpetuating governing board was a distinct honor for Dr. McCue at age twenty-eight. How long Dr. McCue continued to practice medicine at Mossy Creek following his and Ann's marriage is not known. It is possible that they were already living in Lexington when William was chosen as a trustee of the college. At least by the autumn of 1816 they were there, for on November 14, 1816, as a resident of Rockbridge County, Dr. McCue purchased Lot 5 and half of Lot 4 on Nelson Street in Lexington for a total of $800. The seller's name was John Dalton. There is another deed on record in Rockbridge County by which, for $5,740, Dr. McCue purchased from brothers named James and David Moore two adjoining farms comprising 287 acres.6 This was an impressive amount of money in McCue's time, and the land must have been well improved. There can be little doubt that this purchase had been made possible by Ann's inheritance which had come under 20

Page  21 her husband's control at their marriage. Although a married woman was then required by Virginia law to sign the deed when her husband sold land (relinquishing her dower rights), she was not mentioned in a deed of purchase, even if the money paid by her husband had been hers before their marriage. It was in 1816 that Ann Barry McCue, now nineteen years of age, bore her first child, a son. The name chosen for the infant, John McCue, was probably to honor the baby's paternal grandfather, the Rev. John McCue. Two years later, on January 2, 1818, a second son was born; he was named Thomas William McCue, thus honoring the infant's maternal grandfather as well as his father. It was later the same year, on September 20, 1818, that Dr. McCue's father was thrown from his horse on the way to his church. He died instantly. Few contemporary references to Dr. McCue have been found. His nephew, Marshall McCue, responding to a relative's query in 1888, could recall only a remark by a Lexington clergyman: "I remember as a boy, seeing your uncle, Dr. William McCue, on a very cold morning, in his shirt sleeves, chopping wood, and his house was on the spot now covered by the Presbyterian Church."7 Considering Ann's many heartaches and disappointments during the remainder of her long life, there is reason to believe that the period from her wedding in 1813 until November 7, 1818, were the happiest years of her life. It was on the latter date, perhaps the saddest day in her seventy-eight years, that Dr. McCue died suddenly from typhoid fever. Thus, at age twenty-one, Ann McCue became a widow with two small sons, John, age two years, and Thomas, ten months. Having been dependent upon relatives while a child, she found herself dependent again, now upon her late husband's brother, James A. McCue, a gentleman farmer and justice of the peace living near her Uncle Andrew on Mossy Creek. The son of James McCue, Marshall McCue, quoted earlier, who had been born in 1817, recalled growing up with his two cousins: 'John, a year older, and Thomas W., a year younger [than Marshall], we were some size boys before we knew we were not brothers. "Just as Ann had once called John McKim "Papa," so now her sons came to assume that their father's brother was their papa. Among the fifteen extant letters written by Ann, on only one occasion did she provide a glimpse of her first husband. This is found in her letter of August 15, 1842, to her son, Thomas, at a time when the waywardness of her older son, John McCue, was giving his mother considerable grief. She wrote: "I look back to the day of his birth and recollect how rejoiced your Father was; he had a son; he kissed him-held him in his arms with delight."8 Ironically, the documents settling Dr. McCue's estate best provide a view of his and Ann's few years together. Because of his sudden illness and death, Dr. McCue did not leave a will. At the request of John McCue, Dr. McCue's younger brother, and Andrew Barry, the two of them were appointed by the Rockbridge County Court to administer his estate." The inventory of the doctor's personal property reveals that, in addition to his medical practice, he had managed his farm, owning livestock valued at $1,390.50 when he died (38 head of cattle, 29 sheep, 44 hogs, and 6 horses). He possessed the usual farm implements of the time, along with eight African Americans. (Slave owners rarely used the term "slave," preferring "negro" or "servant.") Valued in all at $2,700, the doctor's "negroes" were named Connell, Callomid (wife of Connell), Judy, Winey, Louisa, Maria, Henry (a boy), 21

Page  22 and Sally (a girl). Some were doubtless house servants who had relieved Ann of many household tasks. There was the usual list of household goods, including such items as a "Flax wheel, $1.50," "Sundry Delph ware, $20.00"; "X doz. silver teaspoons, $4.00"; "1 Mahogany bureau, $20.00"; "a Trundle bed, bedstead & clothes, $50.00"; "a cradle, $2.00"; "a Ladies saddle, $12.00"; etc. Numerous books were listed, the most valuable title being "1 Set, Scots family Bible, 5 vol., $20.00." Valued at $100 were "55 Vols. of Medical books." A local physician, Dr. S. L. Campbell, assisted in taking inventory of the remarkably large supply of medicines that Dr. McCue had on hand, no fewer that 128 separately listed items in all, from castor oil and white arsenic, to oil of cloves and oil of peppermint. There were over two pounds of quick silver, one ounce of "Extract Hemlock," over a pound of calomel, and 12 ounces of "Balsam of life." Dr. McCue's medical instruments included a "Spring lancet," "Accoucher instruments," and "Tooth instruments." He owned a skeleton valued at $3.00. In all, McCue's medicines and equipment were inventoried as worth $325.20. Ann McCue and her sons lived for two and one-half years in the home ofJames and Margaret McCue. No record of a personal nature appears to have survived for this period of Ann's life. While we can be certain that she was treated kindly, her dependence upon her late husband's brother must have been painful as she remembered her few happy years as mistress of her own home. James Andrew McCue had been born in 1783. At age twenty-five, he had been married in 1808 to Margaret Trimble. The story was told that Margaret, at age seventeen, had been brought by her mother, Jane (Allen) Trimble, on horseback from their frontier home near Hillsboro, Ohio, for the purpose of finding a suitable husband for her daughter. Whether as a result of youthful romance or parental planning, perhaps a combination of the two, the mother's quest had settled on a son of her own sister, Elizabeth (Allen) McCue, and the Rev. John McCue. James and Margaret were thus first cousins. The marriage lasted for forty-seven years, until James's death in 1857. His widow lived for twenty more years. In her obituary appearing in the Virginia Spectator, her husband was remembered: A gentleman of the olden days, [he] was for more than 45 years a magistrate, and for more than 20 years a commissioner of the revenue for the county of Augusta. He was a man of substance and large-hearted Christian liberality. He looked well to the ways of the farm and his wife did to those of her household, and both dispensed a generous hospitality....10 The probating of an estate was a time consuming procedure in the early 19th Century, especially in those cases where there was no will. To settle Dr. McCue's estate, not only was there a large number of personal items to be sold, but many debts to be paid as well. At the time of the appraisement, his widow had been permitted to keep "sundry articles" valued at $239.00, but this sum, along with occasional advancements of small amounts for Ann's support during the years following, were carefully calculated as part of her ultimate dower's third. It was in Ann's interest, therefore, to keep informed, as best she could, regarding the progress of the estate's settlement, no doubt through her Uncle Andrew Barry, a co-administrator with John McCue. 22

Page  23 23

Page  24 Court records reveal that in the spring of 1820, Ann learned that, while several of Dr. McCue's slaves had been sold, John McCue had agreed with his brother, James McCue, to take the "Negroes" named Connell and wife, Callomid, with their two small children, Henry and Sally, for which he would pay an annual rental to his late brother's estate to aid in the support of Ann's sons. While performing an apparent act of kindness toward faithful servants, as well as contributing to the support of Ann's sons, his action removed the worth of these "Negroes" from the estate to which Ann was entitled a third part. Ann protested, obtained advice from a lawyer, and actually brought suit against her own sons for her share of the value of these slaves. James McCue acted as the McCue boys' defender." While none of the details in this curious case have been preserved, the record shows that Ann was judged to be in the right, and the Augusta County Court appointed Joseph Cowan, Ann's former guardian, and a man named Will Clark, "for the purpose of assigning to the Complainant her dower in the slaves..." This action must have strained the relationship between Ann and her McCue relatives. Might Ann at least have been tempted to point out that many of her late husband's assets had been acquired through her own inheritance? Because Andrew Barry lived on land adjoining that ofJames McCue on Mossy Creek, with the Barry house "within sight" of the McCue place, we can assume that Ann was often a welcome visitor in her Uncle Andrew and Aunt Polly's home, greeted there also by her grandmother and Aunt Ellen. Ann shared the Barry family's grief in 1820 when her cousin, George Matthews Barry, only child of Andrew and his first wife, died suddenly at age seventeen while visiting a Matthews relative. Polly Barry, Andrew's second wife, was a sister of James A. McCue, as she had been, also, of Ann's late husband. Through their mother, Elizabeth (Allen) McCue, they were related to the Scotch-Irish Allen family whose plantation and milling establishment were on Middle River, but a few miles from Mossy Creek.2 Col.James Allen then headed the family, having inherited the 500-acres of rich bottom land granted to his grandfather in 1740. Because John Allen, eldest son of Col. James, was a first cousin of Dr. McCue, John and Ann had been acquainted for a number of years.13 Six months after Ann had become a widow, John Allen was left a widower following the death of his wife, Mary Crawford, to whom he had been married in 1815. Like Ann,John had two small children,James Crawford Allen, born October 14, 1816, and Elizabeth May Allen, born December 19, 1818. In the 19th century, young widowers left with small children were expected to marry again rather promptly, for the sake of their children as well as for themselves. Young widows, with or without small children, even those blessed with substantial inheritance, were thought to require the "protection" that only a husband could provide. With the high rate of death from childbirth among young wives then prevailing, opportunities for remarriage were about even between the sexes, except in the time of war. Neighbors and relatives of eligible parties within a community often served as go-betweens in matchmaking. We doubt that John Allen required such assistance, however, as he considered his cousin's widow for courtship. 24

Page  25 END NOTES-CHAPTER III 1. "A List of Marriages by John McCue since the 24th May 1812...." in First Marriage Record of Augusta County, Virginia, 1785-1813 (Verona, VA: McClure Press, 1970), p. 60. 2. Ann I. Allen to Thomas W. McCue, June 20, 1834, Ann I. Allen Papers, BHL. 3. Joseph A. Waddell wrote of Joseph Cowan: "[He] was a conspicuous citizen of the county for many years, although he never held any public office, except that of treasurer of the Western Lunatic Asylum. He was a native of the North of Ireland, and possessed all of the characteristics of his race in a prominent degree. There was no bank in Staunton during his time, and he acted as banker for many citizens of the county. His store was a favorite place of resort for elderly men. He was an elder in the Presbyterian church, and very rigid in his observance of the Sabbath Day." Waddell, Annals, p. 213. (For full citation see Chapter I, note 2.) 4. The following statement appears in Rockbridge Co., VA, Will Book 5, p. 193: "I do hereby certify that Docts William McCue and William Taylor, Esqrs duly qualified according to law as Trustees of Washington College before me a ustice of the peace for Rockbridge County. Given under my Hand this 9th day of November 1815. [signed] Robert White." 5. Rockbridge Co., VA, Deed Book K, p. 253. 6. Ibid., p. 228. 7. J. Marshall McCue 1888 Letter. (See note 6, chap. II.) 8. Ann I. Allen to Thomas W. McCue, Aug. 15, 1842. Ann I. Allen Papers, BHL. 9. Documents pertaining to the estate of Dr. William McCue were recorded in Rockbridge Co., VA, Will Book 5, pp. 201-05 and 481-5; and Will Book 6, pp. 476-7. 10. The obituary of Margaret (Trimble) McCue appeared in The Spectator of November 6, 1877. A copy is preserved as a clipping in the manuscript booklet byJames Turner Allen owned by Samuel Smith of Markesan, WI, in 1962. A copy of this clipping has been placed in BHL. 11. Augusta Co., VA, Court Order book 30, pp. 223, 254-5. 12. A genealogical record of the Allen family of Augusta Co., VA, prepared by A. M. Prichard, is in Vol. 13 (1933), William and Mary College Quarterly Historical Magazine, Second Series, pp. 186-9. 13. The claim has sometimes been made thatJohn Allen had a middle name beginning with letter "J". In fact, in Waddell's obituary of Ann I. Allen in The Spectator of December 21, 1875, he was called "John J. Allen." A copy of this obituary was clipped and mounted for preservation by John Allen's brother, James Turner Allen; it was loaned to this writer in 1962, along with other papers of James Turner Allen, by a descendant, Samuel Smith of Markeson, WI. James Turner Allen had made a handwritten note on this clipping: "He had no middle name." 25

Page  26 Boyhood Home of John Allen Built by Col. James Allen in 1810, the Allen house is located on Middle River in Augusta County, Virginia. Photogaph by R. Bidlack, 1978. 26

Page  27 V. A Marriage of Convenience and Michigan Territory 1821-1824 It probably came as no great surprise to neighbors of the Aliens and the McCues when, in the spring of 1821,John and Ann announced their intention to marry. They were nearly of the same age, Ann was twenty-four andJohn was twentyfive. The youthful widow and widower were, however, very different from each other in personality and temperament. While there was good reason for them to be attracted to each other, their union was basically a marriage of convenience. According to family tradition, members of the McCue family were not pleased with Ann's decision to marryJohn Allen, despite the close family ties between the McCues and the Aliens. They were concerned for Ann's future happiness with a husband so different from herself-John was outgoing and self-confident, even boastful, with an adventurous and friendly spirit, while Ann was retiring and shy, deeply religious and private. The McCues were even more anxious for the welfare of Ann's two sons. Basic to these concerns was the common knowledge that John Allen had serious financial problems rooted in his father's heavy indebtedness and impractical investments of long duration. As his father's eldest son and principal heir, John had become embroiled in James Allen's debts in an attempt to save at least the family's home place on Middle River. The Allen home there is considered even today to be one of Augusta County's old stately houses. Its construction in 1810 had contributed to the colonel's debt problems, along with an impractical expansion of the Allen milling operation.' Despite family objections, however, Ann McCue became the wife ofJohn Allen on June 7, 1821. After two and one-half years as a guest in the home of her former brother-in-law, Ann could now be mistress again of her own household, on Allen's farm on Walker's Run of Middle River. Her sons, however, remained with their uncle and aunt at Mt. Solon, and the Allen children continued living with John's parents. The young couple doubtless planned that all four children would join them later, when the Allen family's financial woes had been resolved. While the settlement of Dr. William McCue's estate would not be closed for several more years, thus keeping control of the McCue boys' inheritance in the hands of its administrators, John Allen did succeed in convincing the Rockbridge County Court that Ann should have her dower (one-third) of her late husband's personal property. On January 1, 1822, John and Ann signed a receipt for $1,733.45. Although Ann signed her name on this document, under Virginia law it was a husband's right to dispose of, as he saw fit, any property that his wife brought to their marriage. John Allen had been only nineteen years of age in 1815 when he had been married to seventeen-year-old Mary Crawford. His future had then appeared bright. Not only was Mary an heir to her deceased parents' considerable amount of property in Virginia and Kentucky, but Col. Allen had also promised to convey to John a 397-acre tract of land known as the Samuel Frame farm when he came of age at twenty-one.2 Located on "a branch of Middle River called Walkers Run," Col. Allen had paid ~3,186 (equivalent to some $10,000) for this farm. This conveyance when it came, however, seems to have carried more debt than gift. Within a very few years, 27

Page  28 After her marriage to John Allen in June 1821, this farm was Ann I. Allen's home until John's departure for Baltimore in Autumn 1823. Purchased by Col. James Allen in 1814 and given to John in 1815, the 397-acre farm was located on Walker's Run, a branch of Middle River in Augusta County, Virginia. The farm was lost to Allen's creditors after 1824. From Allen Family Collection, Bentley Historical Library. the extent of James Allen's indebtedness became evident as creditors began to threaten foreclosure. Using his first wife's inheritance and his own land as collateral, along with the limited resources of his younger brother, William Allen, John had attempted at least to delay foreclosure on Col. Allen's home plantation by shouldering the debts with William. William Allen, however, soon recognized the folly of this effort and withdrew in the summer of 1822, leaving John owing creditors the then astronomical sum of $40,000. This crisis was concurrent with the first anniversary ofJohn and Ann's marriage. In desperation, John shifted the debts back to his father. Creditors then foreclosed, and white-haired Col. James Allen and his wife were given until October 1, 1824, to vacate their home. The Frame farm that had been a gift to John from his father was lost as well, as was Ann's dower from her first husband's estate. Amid this family dilemma, Ann gave birth on May 10, 1823, to a daughter, her and John's only child. They chose the name Sarah to honor Ann's beloved grandmother who died at her Uncle Andrew's home in the same year, at age eighty-three. In the autumn of 1823, John Allen left Augusta County never to return. Ann, with her baby girl, again took shelter in the home of James McCue on Mossy Creek. The degree of warmth in the welcome extended to her is not known, but for a while, at least, she again could be united with her two sons. Increasingly concerned for the future welfare of his nephews as stepchildren of John Allen,James A. McCue now convinced the Augusta County Court that their inheritance could best be protected with himself as their official guardian. The 28

Page  29 court agreed, and, beginning on January 1, 1824, any decision regarding the wellbeing of young John and Thomas McCue, including their place of residence and the management of their inheritance, would be determined by their uncle.3 No document contemporary with these events has been found detailing the circumstances of John Allen's departure from Augusta County, and the accounts given later by McCue and Allen descendants differ. Marshall McCue, who had been a child of seven at the time, recalled sixty-five years later having been told that Allen had "bought up a considerable lot of cattle," on credit that "he carried to Baltimore" to market.4 (The expression "carried" meant that he drove them, probably with some assistance.) Another version of the story has the cattle belonging to relatives and neighbors who simply entrusted Allen to return with the proceeds from the Baltimore market to be divided among the cattle owners. Whatever the case, those proceeds were not Allen's to keep. Weeks, then months, passed with no word regarding John Allen's whereabouts. "The impression became general that he had been assassinated, in which his parents shared, or seemed to at least," according to Marshall McCue's 1888 account. An entry in the Augusta County tax record for 1824, however, explains the mystery with one word: opposite Allen's name was written "Absconded."5 We can only imagine Ann Allen's anxiety and embarrassment at this turn of events. She doubtless endured "we-told-you-so" reminders from her McCue relatives, along with disparaging evaluations of her husband's character. From letters to John Allen now preserved in the Burton Historical Collection at the Detroit Public Library, we know that no harm had befallen him in Baltimore, but that he had journeyed from there to Buffalo, New York, late in October 1823. There he had investigated the possibility of investing "his" cattle money, amounting to several hundred dollars, in western land. Later, he would explain to his Aunt Jane Trimble that, while he had, indeed, left his family "to suffer persecutions unheard of," he had no intent of "defrauding any one of their just rights." He assured his aunt that, given time, he would "prove to the world that I only detained from them a few pence to enable me to pay them the pounds."" To encourage westward migration, the federal government was then offering land to settlers for as little as $1.25 per acre. Aware of the near completion of the Erie Canal and the anticipated increase in migration that would follow, Allen conceived a plan while in Buffalo of purchasing a strategically situated tract on which he would create a town. He could then divide a portion of his land into lots to be sold at a considerable profit. From letters that Allen later received from two Buffalo merchants, we know that while there he had even discussed what he might call his town: "Allensville," perhaps, or "Annapolis."7 The latter, while not original, would honor his Virginia wife. Early in January 1824, John Allen engaged a French-Canadian guide to lead him through Canada to Detroit, then Michigan Territory's "capital city," containing 1,325 inhabitants, exclusive of an army garrison and "55 persons of color."' From Detroit, Allen planned to go to the Maumee Valley to search for a site for a town, but in a Detroit tavern he met a man from Genesee County, New York, who convinced him that Michigan Territory offered greater opportunities for such an enterprise than did Ohio. His name was Elisha Walker Rumsey and, like Allen, he was running away from a debt-ridden past. Eleven years Allen's senior, Rumsey had borrowed a few hundred dollars from his aging father in Vermont with which he 29

Page  30 hoped to begin a new life, in a new land, with his youthful second wife, Mary Ann Sprague. There was also a marital scandal that the Rumseys hoped they could leave behind in New York.9 In an earlier flight to Michigan Territory that had ended in his arrest and return to New York on a charge of embezzlement, Rumsey had recognized the financial potential in founding a town in the territory, information that he shared with Allen. So it was that these two very different men agreed to pool their resources (cash being required for the purchase of government land), and by February 12, 1824, they had chosen a site on the Huron River on which to create their shared dream. At what point in his journey from Baltimore to Buffalo to Detroit, John Allen advised his wife and parents of his whereabouts and his plans, we do not know. Family memories refer to only one such letter, received byJohn's father in August 1824. While this letter is not extant, we know a portion of its contents from a contemporary reference preserved in Ohio. Jane Allen Trimble, John's aunt, who was also the mother-in-law of James McCue, was on a visit at Mossy Creek from her home in Ohio. Writing on August 20, 1824, to her son, Allen Trimble, a future governor of Ohio, she reported that her brother, Col. James Allen, "was here yesterday, with a letter to Ann; he has one from John Allen directing him what way to go & insists on his not coming without Ann, as he cannot live without her; her friends are all opposd to her going."' From Mrs. Trimble's choice of words, it appears that there had been earlier word from John informing his parents and wife of his activities in Michigan Territory, and that Col. and Mrs. Allen were already planning to join him there. Knowing that his parents would be forced to vacate their home by October first, John now described the route that they should follow in their covered wagon from Augusta County to Detroit, where he would meet them. In his letter to Ann,John obviously urged, perhaps insisted, that she, with their infant daughter, accompany his parents on their journey. He doubtless assured her that a suitable home had been constructed in which to receive them. Knowing that James McCue was the court-appointed guardian of Ann's sons, he also knew that John and Thomas McCue, eight and six years of age, would remain in Virginia. Allen and Rumsey had first viewed the land on which they would establish their town from a one-horse sleigh in early February 1824. There is reason to believe that Michigan Territory's governor, Lewis Cass, had told them of this oak opening on the Huron River, with which Cass was personally familiar." Located in the recently created county of Washtenaw, it could be reached by following either of two old Indian paths. The Sauk Trail was through the woods, while the Potawotomi Trail hugged the north side of the Huron River. It being February, Allen and Rumsey wisely chose the Sauk Trail. There was then another small settlement in Washtenaw County dating from the spring of 1823. Four men from Sandusky, Ohio, including a school teacher named Benjamin Woodruff, had bought land and built cabins for their families about ten miles southeast of the site chosen by Allen and Rumsey. Because Woodruff was the best educated of the group, he had been the one chosen to go to Detroit to make the case before Governor Cass of the need for a post office. The governor was sympathetic, but he pointed out that the settlement would have to have a name. So it fell to Woodruff to provide the answer: "Woodruff's Grove."'2 30

Page  31 While most of Michigan Territory's land was heavily timbered, there was an occasional large "opening" where the trees grew far apart and where settlers could immediately plow and plant. Furthermore, the "oak opening" visited by Allen and Rumsey possessed other attributes that they desired. A spring-fed creek, later christened "Allen's Creek," flowed through fertile soil into the Huron River. There would be easy access to the Huron both for water power and transportation, and the site's proximity to the growing commercial center of Detroit would surely attract the mechanics and artisans, along with traders and farmers, vital for a frontier town's success. Having found their site, Allen and Rumsey had lost little time in claiming it. Back in Detroit on February 12, 1824, Allen purchased 480 acres for $600, and Rumsey bought 160 adjoining acres for $200.13 Between them, they acquired all of Section 29 in what would become Ann Arbor Township. Together, they also purchased 40 acres on the Huron River in Section 21 for a mill site.'1 From the start, the partners were called "Allen and Rumsey" because John Allen assumed the leading role in the town's development and promotion. Rumsey sought only financial security in a new land where past indiscretions could be forgotten, while Allen viewed the founding of a town as a stepping stone toward higher goals, including public office, through which he could rise to prominence and power. On February 14, 1824, Governor Cass announced that "application has recently been made to me by persons interested in...the establishment of the County seat," and, therefore, he had appointed five commissioners to explore Washtenaw County for this purpose. In their report on March 6, 1824, the commissioners stated that they had chosen a spot on "the south bank of the Huron of Lake Erie...upon lands owned by Allen and Rumsey, Esquires." The selection of their settlement as Washtenaw County's seat of justice assured Allen and Rumsey of success in their endeavor.15 At what point John Allen revealed to Ann the name he had chosen for his town, we do not know, nor is the precise date known on which he, no doubt with Rumsey's approval, made the decision.16 (Rumsey's wife had the middle name Ann, but she was not called by that name.) We know that the choice had been made prior to May 25, 1824, however, because on that date Allen and Rumsey were again in Detroit to register, and thus make legal for future sales of lots, a map of their village. This map, including the names of the first twelve streets, was drawn by a Detroit surveyor named Philo E. Judd from a less elegant drawing done by Allen. It is our earliest known record on which the name of the village appears. In an endorsement in one corner by Justice of the Peace Richard Smyth, the name was written "Annarbour." In another corner appears: Recd for record at Detroit, Register's office this 25th day of May A.D. 1824 at seven of the clock P.M. [signed] Jeremiah V. R. Ten Eyck Register M. T. Co. Wayne'7 With Huron Street marking the east/west dividing line between the two men's property, Allen's lots lay to the north of Huron Street while Rumsey's were to the south. Agreeing to use ordinal numerals to designate five streets running north and south (Third Street was also called Main), each man had chosen names for the three streets on his own land to run parallel with Huron. Allen called his three Ann, Catherine, and North, while Rumsey chose Washington, Liberty, and William. 31

Page  32 I4nnrl lcu^.. ' 1. I]aZ ]] II A_ eAl.^. * e *-^ </ INt p - Ir" am -j am ILS IO A11 Ij I ' Li 1-3. j rJjj L.LJ LIUUIL - Portion of "Plan Of The Village Of Annarbour" drawn by Philo E. Judd on May 25, 1824, showing the streets and numbered lots on John Allen's side of Huron Street. (Reproduced from Liber 7, pp. 82-83, Wayne County Deeds.) 32

Page  33 On May 26, 1824, Governor Cass issued a proclamation making official his earlier acceptance of his commissioners' selection of the site for the county seat: "I do hereby establish the seat of Justice of the said County of Washtenaw at the Town of Ann Arbour."'8 Now calling themselves "Proprietors," Allen and Rumsey arranged with John Sheldon, publisher and editor of Detroit's weekly newspaper, the publishing of an advertisement on their behalf. Thus, in the June 4, 1824, issue of the Gazette, appeared the following: TO THE PUBLIC The subscribers invite the attention of EMIGRANTS, particularly of Mechanics and Artisans, to the village of ANN-ARBOUR The County-seat of the County of Washtenaw, pleasantly located on the Lower Huron. Ann-Arbouris in the heart of a rich and rapidly populating country, distant about thirty miles from Detroit. The village has been laid out into convenient lots, and the proprietors now offer them for sale on the most liberal terms, to persons desirous of permanently locating. A map of the village may be seen at the office of the Register of Wayne County in Detroit, or by application to the subscribers, at Ann-Arbour. It is expected that a road, to run direct from the county-seat to Detroit, will be surveyed and laid out in the course of the summer. The subscribers pledge themselves to facilitate, as far as possible, the views of emigrants and others, who may visit the county, for the purpose of locating. JOHN ALLEN ELISHA W. RUMSEY Proprietors. While map-maker Judd spelled the name "Annarbour," and Governor Cass wrote it as two words, John Sheldon inserted a hyphen between Ann and Arbour. The Governor's choice became standard, except for the gradual acceptance of Noah Webster's "American" spelling of arbour, i.e., arbor, although neither John nor Ann ever made the change. Ann Arbor's first historian, Mary Clark, writing in 1863, correctly explained the choice of arbor: "It was called 'Arbor' on account of the noble aspect of the original site of the village-which was a burr oak opening, resembling an arbor laid out and cultivated by the hand of taste."' Its use was common in Virginia, there even being an "Arbourhill" a few miles south of Staunton. Col.James Allen's visit with his sister and her daughter's family on Mossy Creek on August 19, 1824, was to acquaint them with the plan for the family's imminent journey by covered wagon to Detroit, but he also brought John's letter to Ann. There followed great consternation and distress in the households ofJames McCue and Andrew Barry. Jane Trimble's observation written to her son the following day 33

Page  34 that Ann's friends were "all oposd to her going," doubtless involved all of the McCues and their in-laws.20 Their disillusionment with, even distrust of, John Allen was coupled with a deep concern for Ann's ability to cope, not only with such ajourney, but with the rigors of the pioneer life she would face among strangers in the North. Although she had been an orphan, Ann had received tender care from an indulgent grandmother and a gentle Aunt Ellen, and from other relatives as well. With a substantial inheritance, she had been remarkably well educated for a young woman of her time. Married at sixteen to a successful physician and slave-owning gentleman farmer, Ann had been spared the household labor that would be demanded of a pioneer wife and mother in Michigan. Jane Trimble could attest to the fact that the leisure "Negro" servants provided Southern ladies for "the niceties of life" would not be found on the American frontier. Furthermore, the emotional trauma that would accompany her separation, not only from all of her Virginia relatives and friends, but from her two small sons, also would provoke anxiety, even fear. (Today we would use the word depression.) Yet, even the McCues and her Uncle Andrew recognized the legal, even sacred, obligations of a dutiful wife of that era to follow her husband. Ann, after all, had promised to obeyJohn Allen in her marriage vows. Everyone involved being a devout Presbyterian, it followed, naturally, that the dilemma should be faced in communal prayer. Marshall McCue remembered the assemblage of relatives "at our house... to consult as to the propriety of Aunt Ann, with her infant, accompanying her fatherin-law and family to Michigan....After praying over it for 24, 36, 48 hours, cannot remember the time, it was decided she had better go.1"21 Although McCue's memory probably exaggerated the length of the prayer session, its occurrence is included in other family stories of these events. So it was that on August 28, 1824, the Allen family began their journey to Detroit; it would end nearly two months later, on October 24. Besides Ann and her daughter, Sarah, now 15 months, with John's parents (Col. James, age 52, and Elizabeth, age 49) and John's children by his first marriage, (James C. Allen, age 8, and Elizabeth May, age 5), the party included, also, the Allens' youngest son, James Turner Allen, who had reached his twentieth birthday in the previous March. Unrelated to the family was the seventh member, a young school teacher originally from Connecticut, named Orville Barnes who also had plans for settling in Michigan Territory. He would prove to be a helpful member of the group in its journey. It was scarcely a joyful departure. Ann Allen, ill equipped to play the role of a pioneer wife, bade farewell to her two sons knowing that, at best, years would pass before she would see them again. Henceforth her loyalties would be torn between her venturesome and public spirited husband in Michigan and her orphaned sons in Virginia. Ever after, Ann Allen was plagued with a quiet sense of guilt, interpreted as melancholy by those who came to know her in Michigan.22 Fortunately for the historical record, James Turner Allen, who was called Turner by family members, prepared a narrative account of the journey in 1880 that he shared with relatives. Recalling their departure from Virginia, he wrote of his father: [He] inherited the old homestead, which he owned and cultivated for many years, but having become involved in pecuniary matters, he gave up the old homestead, with considerable other real & 34

Page  35 personal property, all that he possessed, to his creditors to satisfy their claims. His circumstances being so changed, he concluded to move to a New Country, and commence the race of life anew, and try and retrieve that which he had lost. And accordingly on the 28th of August A.D. 1824, he, with his family, left the land of their birth with all its associations, and numerous relatives and friends, for Michigan.23 Turner Allen might have added that his parents left behind five married children, four of whom Col. Allen would never see again. He might have noted also, that his father would fail in his quest to "retrieve that which he had lost"; Col. Allen would die in 1828 still in serious debt to creditors back in Virginia. Many years later, an Ann Arbor settler remembered when Col. Allen had played his violin for a New Year's party in 1826, describing him as "then an old man with locks as white as snow."24 Of their equipment taken for the journey, Turner Allen wrote: Our traveling outfit consisted of an old fashioned Pennsylvania Wagon (covered) drawn by four horses, and three riding horses with saddles. The riding horses were a great convenience, for any one of the party becoming fatigued or weary riding in the wagon could relieve themselves by taking a ride on horseback. A granddaughter of Ann Allen named Phoebe (McCue) Bell, recalled hearing her grandmother say that she had ridden nearly all the way on horseback, holding Sarah on her lap.25 She would have ridden sidesaddle, of course, perhaps using the "ladies saddle" that had been listed in the inventory of her first husband's estate. It was by no means unusual for Virginia women at that time to be adept at horseback riding. A German tourist, Karl Bernhard, Duke of Saxe-Weimar Eisenach, whose Travels Through North America...included a description of his journey from Woodstock to Staunton in November 1825, noted: It appeared they [the farmers] travel here much on horseback, on account of the great distances between the plantations; almost all the ladies can ride on horseback; we met several of them elegantly dressed, and also black women.26 The route that John Allen had instructed his father to follow across Virginia was known as the Great Kanawah River Road, ending at the Ohio River, above the town of Gallipolis. To reach this road from Staunton, however, required that the Aliens first travel nearly one hundred miles to Lewisburg, in Greenbrier County, now in West Virginia. Turner Allen recalled that, after leaving Lewisburg, "not one of the party slept in a house during our long and tedious journey to Lake Erie." He continued: We had a good tent which we pitched every night, and which was occupied by all of our company except Mr. Barnes and myself; our lodging place was in the wagon....We did not experience or meet with any accident or trouble (worth mentioning) until we arrived 35

Page  36 at the Great Kenawha River in Va. The road for some distance down the river had been lately turnpiked, and as far as it was finished, it was splendid going, almost as smooth as a floor, but after we left the Pike, the old road was very bad. He went on to describe their most serious accident when, on the side of a hill "our wagon upset, turned completely up side down, the running gear being exactly on top of the wagon box." Fortunately, Col. Allen was riding the lead horse pulling the wagon, while the others were walking or on horseback. No one was injured, and, with the help of two men working on the road further back, they were able to get the wagon on the road again "with what few worldly treasures we had stowed in it." Upon reaching what Turner called "the Village of Charleston," now West Virginia's capital, they took a suggested shortcut through "what was called Tease's Valley." Although the road proved nearly impassable, he recalled: "I never saw such quantities, and such fine peaches as I saw there." The generous owner of the peach orchard gave the Aliens permission to "load our wagon with them if we chose to do so."...they were cling stones and proved to be splendid. Mother would slice them up, and fry them in ham gravy, and I think I never tasted anything that I liked any better. This was Turner Allen's only description of food preparation during the entire two months they traveled, nor did he once mention their washing of clothes or bathing themselves. This aspect of the journey must have been especially distressing for Ann as she cared for her infant daughter. The Aliens crossed the Ohio River "in the rain in a Ferry Boat" at the mouth of the Great Kanawha. On reaching the Ohio side, however, they found "the road so slippery that our horses (being smooth shod) could not pull the wagon up the bank." The captain of a passing keel boat, however, agreed to take their goods to a warehouse in Gallipolis, and, with an empty wagon, the horses were able to get up the bank. On reaching Gallipolis, Col. James realized that he had not asked for the keel boat captain's name, nor had he obtained a receipt for their belongings; when asked at the warehouse the name of the boat, he had to admit that he had not noticed. Turner Allen remembered the warehouse owner's response: If we had delivered our goods to the captain of any of the river keel boats without taking a receipt for them, or knowing the name of the captain or the boat, the chances were against us of ever seeing them again-that they were probably at that time a good many miles down the River. Father said he took the captain of that boat to be an honest man, and he was loth to believe that he was mistaken in his judgment in regard to him. After keeping us in suspence some time, he [the warehouse owner] said to Father, that he was not mistaken in the man, that he was honest, and that it was lucky for us that we happened to give them in charge of the person we did, that as a general thing, the captains on those keel boats were not any too honest. 36

Page  37 We felt pretty well after learning that our goods were safe. We went to work and loaded them into the wagon and started on our journey through Ohio. Regrettably, Turner Allen rarely mentioned his sister-in-law in his account, and although Phebe Bell recalled that Ann had often entertained her family with stories of her journey to Michigan, no one appears to have recorded them in any detail other than her fear of being attacked by Indians.27 An incident noted by Turner that must have especially interested Ann Allen occurred as they were traveling up the Scioto River. We met a man on foot with a pack on his back, who stoped us and made inquiry as to where we were moving to. We told him to Ann Arbor, Michigan. He said the reason he made the inquiry was that he was then direct from Ann Arbor and knew a Mr. Allen there, and that he had heard him say that he was expecting his father and family, with his wife and children who he thought were then on their way from the Valley of Va. to that place....We stoped quite a while, conversing with him. He gave us a description of the country around Ann Arbor, spoke well of it, said it was in a wild state just as nature made it, but would be, when improved, a splendid country... He said one great draw back was, it was quite sickly there, nearly every one had to have a siege or seasoning from the fever and ague. "Fever and ague" was, indeed, an illness experienced by most immigrants to Michigan Territory, and there exist many personal accounts of the suffering that was endured, along with remedies for its cure. Turner Allen, who would become a victim, was convinced that his cure had come after walking barefoot in a freshly plowed furrow. Decades would pass before the disease was finally identified as a form of malaria, spread by the common mosquito. The Allens progressed without mishap through the Ohio towns of Chillecothe, Columbus, and Marion, but thereafter they found the area to be "new and sparsely settled." We heard that there was a swamp which was called the Black Swamp which extended some distance around the head of Lake Erie, and out into the country, and through which we would have to pass if we continued our journey by land. We made inquiry in regard to the practicality of our passing through it with our wagon and teams, but could not get any reliable information... When we came to the road that we were informed led through it, we took it, and after traveling it something over half a day, we came to a place in the Wyandotte Indian reservation in northern Ohio, that was called the Big Springs. Here we found ourselves right among the Indians, and from what we had heard and read of the Savage Character of the Indians, we felt afraid of them. My Brother's wife said that their cattle lowed savage. 37

Page  38 James Turner Allen, called "Turner" in his youth, was born on March 4, 1804, the youngest son of Col. James and Elizabeth (Tate) Allen. At age twenty, he accompanied his parents and his sister-in-law, Ann I. Allen, on their two-month journey to Ann Arbor to join his oldest brother, John Allen. In 1880, he compiled a lengthyfamily record in which he described this memorable event in his lifefrom notes he had made at the time. As one of Ann Arbor's pioneers, Turner's interest in the town continued, although he had moved to Chicago after 1856. In August 1883, Turner wrote a letter to Lorenzo Davis, one of Washtenaw County's historians: "I have just received some photographs, and as per your request, inclose [sic] one to you to be placed, as proposed, in the old settlers' album." From Allen Family Collection, Bentley Historical Library. This is the only instance in his account that Turner Allen quoted Ann Allen. Of necessity, they camped there that night with considerable trepidation. With the coming of darkness, however, Col. Allen decided to "reconnoiter around a little," and while doing so he observed "an oldish Indian" on his knees in prayer. His report calmed the nerves of his family, and "the next morning we found ourselves all right with our scalps on." It had probably been a sleepless night for Ann, however. From a young Wyandotte who rode up on horseback while they were repacking their wagon, they learned that it would be impossible for them to drive through the Black Swamp. This "good Indian," as Turner Allen characterized him, then agreed to guide them "over the Prairie and around the Swails" to a road leading to Sandusky City where they might catch the only steam boat on Lake Erie, the Superior, on its way from Buffalo to Detroit. Waiting in Sandusky City several days, however, they saw the Superior pass without stopping. 38

Page  39 There was then in the harbor, a schooner called the Hannah, the captain of which offered to take the family and all our stuff aboard and take them up to Detroit, except the horses, and this being the only chance we had, Father made a bargain with him to do so. We took our wagon apart and shiped it with all of our other articles, except our tent, which was forgotten and left on the dock. To Turner Allen and Orville Barnes fell the lot of taking their six horses through the swamp. Four days later, the two young men arrived in Detroit with the horses and a tale to tell for the rest of their lives about their ordeal and their terror in crossing the Black Swamp. Allen and Barnes found the other members of their party "all safe and well, and there we found Bro.John, he having previously arrived there from Ann Arbor." Turner Allen's account of the journey from Detroit to Ann Arbor, while including no mention of Ann, provides an amusing end to his record. Father had the wagon put together, and our stuff all stowed away in it previous to our arrival, ready for a start for Ann Arbor which was about forty miles distant and over a very bad road most of the way which we yet had to travel before our long and tedious journey would come to an end. We left Detroit the twelfth or thirteenth day of October, and arrived at Ann Arbor on the sixteenth day of the same month....When we left Detroit for Ann Arbor, Mother and myself rode in a buggy, one I think Bro. John came in from A.A., and in those days there were but few streams that were fordable that had bridges over them. When we came to the River Rouge, in fording it, we found the water quite deep, and the bank where we had to go out being quite high and steep. When we came to it, our horse refused to pull us up. The buggy being in the river and he partly on the bank, I could not get out of the buggy without getting into the water. I was about to try what virtue there would be in the whip, when Bro. John called to me, saying hold on, that is a Yankee horse and it would not do to whip him, said we would have to coax him. He came down the bank, talked to him and patted him and stroked him over the nose, and after doing so a little while, he took him by the bridle and said, "Come along now, if you don't, I won't give you any pumpkin pie tonight," and the little fellow started and took us up the bank as nice as could be. That took me down, being about the first Yankee performance I had seen. There were two possible routes, Indian trails actually, for travelers to follow from Detroit to Ann Arbor. While the Sauk Trail through the woods was wide enough to accommodate the one-horse sleigh used by Allen and Rumsey in February 1824, the Potawatomi Trail that hugged the shoreline of the Huron River was the only choice for the Aliens with their heavily-loaded wagon. Turner Allen recalled years later that at Mallet's Creek they had become thoroughly "stuck in the mud." Fortunately, Ezra Maynard, who then "had the body of a log house up, but had no roof on it" on the land he had purchased there, "helped to pull us out with his oxen."28 39

Page  40 So it was that on October 16, 1824, a Saturday, Ann Allen had her first glimpse of the settlement her husband had named in her honor. He doubtless called Ann's attention to the line of stakes marking Ann Street, named for her along with the village itself. Perhaps he also explained the origin of the name Catherine for a street running parallel to Ann Street, but today his choice of that name remains a mystery.29 In the absence of any record of Ann's reaction, we can only imagine her feelings as she looked at the primitive setting. After the difficult journey that she had endured, however, its end must have been welcome even though the view was doubtless depressing. Six months earlier, anxious to begin selling their lots as quickly as possible, Allen and Rumsey had driven stakes to mark the boundaries of each, a total of 447, as shown on their map. Next it had been necessary for them to think about their own shelter, where they could also "entertain" prospective settlers. Typical of pioneer neighborliness and cooperation, as Woodruff's Grove settler, Daniel Cross, recalled later, "we all turned out and helped to build their homes.""' There are also references among John Allen's papers to three young men from Detroit whom he and Rumsey had engaged to assist them, rewarding them with free lots. It was the Rumsey house that was built first, no doubt because Mary Ann had accompanied Elisha, whereas Ann Allen was still in Virginia. Furthermore, consideration was surely given to the fact that Mary Ann had given birth to a daughter near the end of February while under the care of Mrs. Woodruff at Woodruff's Grove. The baby had died at birth, and Mary Ann doubtless required some quiet rest as well as protection from the elements. The Rumsey house stood on the southwest corner of the intersection of Huron (now West Huron) and First Streets. The Michigan pioneer named Ezra Maynard, whose oxen had pulled the Allen wagon out of the mud on October 16, 1824, had described Ann Arbor in a letter four months earlier to his son in New York:...now there are about 100 lots taken up, several houses commenced, Mechanics of allmos all kinds on the spot near the county seat which has been established by the Governor since we came here. I presume that it is the most delightsome place for a county seat and an extensive village or city in the west, no man that has viewed it says to the contrary. 400 village lots are already staked out and many of them sold and given to Mechanics who are building frame houses. Two saw mills are commenced and a grist mill is to commence soon. The Huron will admit of the most good mill sites of any river I ever saw all though the law forbids of the navigation being obstructed for 150 miles from its mouth. But owing to the great migration into this place, provisions are high and we shall have to pinch a little till we can raise them ourselves.: John Geddes, another early settler, had arrived on July 15, 1824. He remembered that Allen was then sleeping in a tent and that his "log block house, one story and a half high [still] had no rafters nor roof on it."32 It stood on Main Street, near the corner with Huron, facing the public square. Until Ann Arbor's saw mills became operational, lumber for building frame houses had to be hauled from Detroit, which is the reason the Allen house was 40

Page  41 made of logs. Although it was described as being large for a log house, never before had Ann lived in such limited space, even without guests, and always before there had been "Negro house servants" to perform the more unpleasant household tasks. Because no house had been built forJohn's parents, they, along with Turner Allen and John's two children, lived with John and Ann for a number of weeks, as did, also, Orville Barnes, who had agreed to work for Allen and Rumsey for a while. On November 3, 1824, only two and one-half weeks after Ann's arrival with her Allen relatives, by which time, perhaps, she was beginning to adjust to the crowded conditions, space had to be provided in the Allen house for still others. Two men, brothers named Noble from the state of New York, had been among the first to use Allen's service in "viewing land" during the previous March. Buying land jointly that was located "a little above town on the River Huron," the brothers had returned home immediately to bring their families. Between them, they had nine children, and two other young men had accompanied them. Years later, Harriet L. Noble, one of the wives, recalled their arrival "in the middle of the afternoon of November 3rd": There were six or seven log huts occupied by as many inmates as could crawl into them. It was too much to think of asking strangers to give us a place to stay in, even for one night, under such circumstances. Mr. John Allen himself made us the offer of sharing with him the comfort of a shelter from storm, if not from the cold. His house was a large one for a log one, but quite unfinished; there was a ground floor and a single loft above. When we got our things stored in this place, we found the number sheltered to be 21 women and children, and 14 men. There were but two bedsteads in the house, and those who could not occupy these slept on feather-beds on the floor. When the children were put to bed, you could not set a foot down without stepping on a foot or hand; the consequence was, we had music most of the time. We cooked our meals in the open air, there being no fire in the house but a small box stove. The fall winds were not very favorable to such business; we would frequently find our clothes on fire, but fortunately we did not often get burned. When one meal was over, however, we dreaded preparing the next. We lived in this way until our husbands got a log house raised and the roof on; this took them about six weeks, at the end of which time we were into it, without door, floor, chimney or anything but logs and roof....3 If Harriet Noble remembered the number correctly (a total of thirty-five), there must have been even more guests in the Allen household than those we can account for. It may be significant that she made no mention of Ann in her memoir. It had been John who extended the invitation to the Nobles to move into his house, probably without even consulting his wife. Hearing the Noble children laugh and cry in the Aliens' crowded cabin during November's days and nights of 1824, we can imagine the frequency with which Ann's troubled thoughts dwelt on her orphaned sons back in Virginia. With her quiet prayers for their well-being, she doubtless added her thankfulness for the nearness of her daughter, 18-month old Sarah Ann. 41

Page  42 END NOTES-CHAPTER IV 1. Many documents pertaining to the financial problems of John Alien through his father's unwise investments are found in File 127 of Chancery Causes, Staunton District Court, and were copied for this writer by Katherine C. Anderson, professional record searcher, in 1961-62. 2. James Alien had purchased the Frame farm from William Wilson and William Robertson, executors of the will of Samuel Frame. Augusta Co., VA, Deed Book DB, p. 39. 3. James McCue's detailed accounts of his management of his nephews' inheritance between 1824 and 1839, amounting to dozens of pages, were turned over to the Augusta County Court by McCue on August 29, 1839. A photocopy of this entire document was obtained by the present writer. 4. J. Marshall McCue 1888 Letter. (See Chapter II, note 5.) 5. Augusta Co., VA, Land Tax Book 1820-25 Section for 1824. 6. John Alien to Jane Trimble, February 20, 1825, John Alien Papers, BHL. 7. These letters, saved by Alien, are among the large collection of his papers preserved at the Burton Historical Collection in the Detroit Public Library. A microfilm of this collection is in BHL, and this writer owns a complete printout in 13 vols. Two merchants with whom Alien had become acquainted while in Buffalo in the winter of 1823-24, wrote a number of business and personal letters to Alien after he settled in Michigan. These were in response to letters that Alien had written to them, but Alien did not keep copies of his own letters, nor do those received from him by his Buffalo friends seem to be extant. On April 29, 1824, William A. Moseley wrote in reply to Allen's letter "of February last." It is apparent that Moseley had not known that Allen had a wife in Virginia while Allen had been in Buffalo. In acquainting Allen of the marriage on April 13, 1824, of a friend named William W. Williams, who "has nothing particular to say to you, but 'go friend & do thou likewise!'" Moseley continued: "I saw one of your female friends a few moments yesterday, she bid me remember her to you in my letter. She is to go to Fort Meigs three weeks hence, or remain in this place until late in the fall; whenever she does go, I shall not fail to acquaint you, believing you think lightly of a ride from Allensville to Ft. Meigs to see so amiable and agreeable a girl, & to hear in detail from her the welfare of your friends in this place." Another Buffalo friend, Abner Bryant, wrote to Allen on May 24, 1824, in response to a letter from Allen "last winter." Bryant addressed his letter to "Mr. John Allen, Anapolis, M. Territory." He sent it in "care of Colo R. Smith, Detroit." In a letter from Williams to Allen dated April 5, 1826, there is this further reference to Allen's marriage: "Mr. Mosely [sic] was very happy to hear of you and wishes to be heartily remembered. Mrs. W. thanks you for your kind remembrance of her & joins me in the wish that [we] may shortly see you and Mrs. A. at our house. (I say Mrs. A. as I have understood you are married altho you say nothing of it in your letter, if so recommend me to her....)" Another reference to Annapolis as a possible name for Allen's town appears in the Michigan State Gazetteer and Business Directory for 1863 (Detroit: Charles F. Clark, 1863). At the beginning of the section on Ann Arbor, the editor quoted (p. 173) from "an interesting account, prepared for this work by Miss Mary H. Clark, of Ann Arbor....The original site of the village was a burr oak opening, having the appearance of an arbor, laid out by the hand of taste. Mrs. Allen always denied all claim to the title, and declared that she could not tell how it came about; that her husband at first proposed it should be 'Annapolis,' after a place with which he was once familiar, but she preferred the name 'Ann Arbor,' as being more original." We must doubt, however, that Ann Allen played any direct role in choosing the name, since she did not arrive at Ann Arbor until October 1824. 8. Proof that Allen went from Buffalo to Detroit by land through Canada and not by way of Cleveland as has been claimed by some, is found in a letter dated Feb. 15, 1824, written in Buffalo by William W. Williams to Allen in Detroit. This letter begins "yr favour of the 27th ult. [January 27, 1824] was received two days since, and believe me nothing could have given me more pleasure than the hearing of your safe arrival in Detroit. I did not at all like the scape gallows look of that fellow who took you from here....And pray now my good Sir, what do you think of John Bull's people?, having had a long route throug[h] his dominions." In the January 2, 1824 issue of the weekly newspaper, the Detroit Gazette, the editor, John P. Sheldon, gave a detailed description of Detroit. Sheldon was then in his seventh year as editor of the Gazette. 9. A detailed biographical study by this writer entitled "The Short and Troubled Lives of Elisha and Mary Ann Rumsey" has been placed in BHL. 10. Jane Trimble to Allen Trimble, August 20, 1824. Trimble Family Papers, Ohio State Museum, Columbus, OH. John A. Trimble, a younger brother of Allen Trimble, accompanied his mother on her 1824 visit in Virginia. Many years later, in an article entitled "Romance of Ann Arbor," he recalled a visit with his Allen relatives in Ann Arbor in the autumn of 1828. He also recalled the 42

Page  43 discussion when the decision had been made four years earlier that Ann I. Allen should join her husband in Michigan Territory: "The writer happening to be in Virginia about the period of Mr. Allen's adventure in Michigan, and being a relative and interested in this romantic history, was present at a family and social meeting when Mr. James] Allen was conferring with friends as to the propriety of undertaking the laborious and formidable journey of twelve hundred miles to join her adventurous and enterprising husband, who had prepared a home and a town to commemorate her worth and her virtues. It was quite a sad and sorrowful parting with a numerous and attached circle of relatives and friends, but she made the noble and heroic sacrifice, joining her husband, surviving him several years." The Old Northwest Genealogical Quarterly, July 1905, p. 193. 11. In the spring of 1820, Governor Cass had set out from Detroit with an exploring party to view Michigan Territory, a journey of some 4,200 miles. By the late summer, Cass had reached Fort Dearborn (Chicago), and it was from there that he had "set out on horseback and returned...to Detroit over the Old Sauk Trail, now U.S. Route 112." F. Clever Bald, Michigan in Four Centuries by (New York: Harper & Brothers), p. 150. 12. Chapter XV, entitled "Reminiscences," in History of Washtenaw County, Michigan (Chicago: Chas. C. Chapman & Co., (hereafter cited as History of Washtenaw County, 1881) includes an autobiographical sketch by Elona (Rogers) Cross, a member of the family of Oronte Grant, whose farm near Sandusky, Ohio, had been lost through a faulty title (pp. 449-57). Grant was determined, in 1823, to find a new home "situated where no previous title would disturb him in the wilds of Michigan." According to Mrs. Cross: "At the time of which I write there resided on a part of Mr. Grant's farm a Mr. Benjamin Woodruff, pettifogger and school teacher, whose wife had just fallen heir to several hundred dollars from her grandfather's estate. They wished to invest this in a home where land was cheap, and they decided to accompany Mr. Grant." History of Washtenaw County, p. 450. By July 1823, according to Mrs. Cross, six other men had chosen to settle with Grant and Woodruff. "Detroit was their only postoffice [sic], and wishing a more definite address for letters, Mr. Woodruff visited the city, and after consulting with the Governor [Cass], gave the settlement the name of Woodruff's Grove." 13. Facsimile copies of the land grants from the U.S. Government to Allen and Rumsey are in the BHL. 14. On March 7, 1825, Allen and Rumsey purchased jointly from the U.S. Government a tract of slightly less than 37 acres in the "South fraction of fractional Section Twenty one." The certificate signed by John Quincy Adams is extant at BHL, it having been found in the files of Ayres, Lewis, Norris & May, Inc. in 1974. It was reproduced for the Ann Arbor Sesquicentennial Celebration by the Ann Arbor Federal Savings. 15. The appointment by Gov. Cass of the commissioners for "fixing the seat of justice in the new county of Washtenaw" was reported in the Detroit Gazette of March 26, 1824. The Governor's Proclamation establishing Ann Arbor as "the seat of Justice of Washtenaw," dated May 31, 1825, may be found on p. 582 of Vol. XI, "The Territory of Michigan, 1820-1829," in The Territorial Papers of the United States (Washington, DC: Clarence Edwin Carter, comp. & ed., 1943). The text of the instructions given by Cass to the commissioners, dated February 3, 1824, appears in ibid, p. 514. 16. Among the references made by Michigan's early settlers to the naming of Ann Arbor was W. C. Ransom's "Michigan, My Michigan," an address he delivered before the Society of Michigan in Lawrence, Kansas, and later published in Vol. 6 of the Michigan Pioneer Collections, pp. 106-112. "From there [Detroit] westward we Journied to Ann Arbor (called after the buxom helpmate of John Allen), then a mere opening in the woods...." (p. 109) This is the only reference to Ann I. Allen found in which she was described as "buxom." Ransom may not even have met her. 17. Ten Eyck recorded Ann Arbor's first map in Wayne Co., MI, Liber 7, pp. 82-3. 18. Detroit Gazette, May 28, 1824. 19. Michigan State Gazeteer and Business Directory for 1863-4, 2d ed. (Detroit: Charles F. Clark, 1863), p. 173. A decade earlier, James Dale Johnston, having published his Johnson's Detroit Directory in 1853, set out to compile a similar work for the state of Michigan. He sent questionnaires to Michigan towns and villages to acquire this information. Apparently his lack of response discouraged him from ever completing his project. In 1862, he sent a number of the reports he had received to the Michigan State Historical Society, and these were published in Vol. 12 (1888) of the Michigan Pioneer Collections. That for Ann Arbor appears on pp. 398400. While unsigned, there can be little doubt that this had been prepared by Mary Clark, including the following statement regarding the origin of the town's name: 'John Allen of Virginia and Walker Rumsey of New York located the land. Finding it abounding in natural groves and arbors, formed by the burr oak and beautified by multitudes of wild flowers, with a spirit of romance truly commendable, called the place Ann Arbor...." 20. See note 10, above. 21. J. Marshall McCue 1888 Letter. See Chapter II, note 5. 43

Page  44 22. In a letter dated September 21, 1925, from Phoebe W. Bell, granddaughter of Ann Allen, to Caroline Campbell, she referred to descendants of Ann's daughter, Sarah (Allen) Waddell, having criticized Ann for leaving her sons in Virginia to join John Allen in Michigan Territory: "I cannot see why they should blame Grandma, for not taking her boys when all of her family thought John Allen not a suitable one to have the boys, & really [I] think it took a brave heart in his wife to go to him. Not many women would have gone under the circumstances & live as she did." Caroline Campbell Papers, BHL. 23. James Turner Allen's 35-page handwritten account of the 1824journey to Ann Arbor was completed in "Chicago January 28th 1880," and entitled "Family Record...." It was owned by Samuel Smith of Markesan, WI, in 1962 and was loaned to this writer. A photostat copy was placed in the BHL. James T. Allen also made abridged copies for other family members. 24. See "History of the Cities, Villages, and Townships of Washtenaw County," pp. 17-24 in Combination Atlas Map of Washtenaw County, Michigan (Chicago: Edwards & Stewart, 1874). One of the persons interviewed had been Jonathan Morton, born in 1802, who settled in Ypsilanti in 1825. Morton recalled that: "The first party with dancing that occurred among the earliest settlers of Ypsilanti and Ann Arbor combined was at Mr. Rumsey's in Ann Arbor. The young people of Ypsilanti, on or about the 1st ofJanuary, 1826, got up a sleighride, for the purpose of making Ann Arbor a visit. It was good sleighing, but there was only one sleigh in the vicinity, and this had been brought from New York. The balance of the company went in 'jumpers' made of poles. On arriving at Ann Arbor they stopped at the log house of Mr. Rumsey, who kept a public house. It was proposed to have a dance, if music e6uld be obtained. It was soon assertained that John Allen's father owned a violin, and could play in good style. He was an old man, with locks as white as snow. He was induced to play for this party....A number of the settlers of Ann Arbor were there, and ajolly time was had. Society then was a unit, and all were welcome...." 25. Phoebe (McCue) Bell was urged by Caroline Campbell to record her memories of her grandmother. This she did, in an undated manuscript that was copied at a later date by Mrs. Bell's daughter, Janie E. Bell. This seven-page handwritten account is preserved in the Caroline Campbell Papers, BHL. 26. Karl Bernhard, Duke of Saxe-Weimar Eisenach, Travels Through North America During the Years 1825 and 1826. (Philadelphia: Carey, Lea & Carey, 1828),Vol. II, p. 189. 27. See note 25, above. 28. See a handwritten "Reminiscence of James T. Allen," BHL. Also quoted on p. 884 of History of Washtenaw County, 1881, where the source was identified as "a letter written byJames T. Allen...to John Geddes." The Potawatomi Trail was recalled in an "Historical Address" by the Rev. John D. Norris, delivered on the occasion of the "semi-centennial celebration of the settlement of Washtenaw County" in Ypsilanti and later printed in full in the History of Washtenaw County, 1881, p.528: "...the Pottawatomie [sic] trail up and down the Huron [was] used by the Indians on their way from the far West to their payments at Malden....Most of you remember it well, and how the Indian-file made of progress had worn it in places to the depth of two feet...ever hugging the shore-line in its serpentine windings to the blue waters of Erie." 29. The third street named by Allen on his side of Huron Street was simply "North Street." This name was changed in the summer of 1892 to Kingsley Street according to a newspaper clipping datedJuly 5, 1892, in Lucy Chapin's Scrapbook, BHL. 30. Reminiscence of Daniel Cross in Combination Atlas Map of Washtenaw County. (Chicago: Everts & Stewart, 1874), pp. 17-18. 31. Ezra Maynard to William S. Maynard,June 5, 1824. Maynard Papers, BHL. This letter was presented to the Washtenaw County Historical Society by Mrs. Julia Wilson, and an edited version was published in the Michigan Argus, November 20, 1874. 32. See under "Correspondence" in the Peninsular Courier, April 8, 1870, a letter from John Geddes dated March 26, 1870. 33. See "Reminiscence" by Harriet L. Noble, History of Washtenaw County, 1881, pp. 431-36. 44

Page  45 V. A Presence in Ann Arbor's Beginnings 1825-1836 If Ann Allen had not discovered back in Virginia that in her second marriage she would have but a minor role in decision making, she soon discovered that fact in Michigan. While no letters written by Ann during her first decade in Ann Arbor have come to light, those written to her son, Thomas McCue, thereafter, clearly reveal that John rarely, if ever, sought her counsel, nor did he even inform her of his plans and the nature of his daily activities. To Ann, John was always "Mr. Allen." No children other than Sarah were born to this union. Ann would doubtless have agreed with her first husband's nephew, Marshall McCue, in his description of her andJohn's marriage as "an unhappy and unfortunate one."' By nature, a shy and retiring young woman (she was twenty-seven years of age in 1824), Ann soon found that she had little in common with the wives of the "mechanics and artisans" whom John welcomed to his and Rumsey's village. The Aliens were the only settlers from the South until 1826 when a sister ofJohn, Polly Welch, arrived with her husband and children. The others, including the Rumseys, were from the state of New York, almost without exception, and all had a New England heritage. Bitter toward many of his relatives and former neighbors in Virginia for their harsh judgment of his father's and his own financial failures, John was determined now to learn and to emulate Yankee customs in business and commerce, and to accept their culture. Ann, however, born and bred a Southern lady, yearned for the life she had known in Maryland and Virginia, and longed to hold her beloved sons close to her, a longing that would haunt her for years to come, as her fear grew that those sons were gradually forgetting her. An example of John Allen's quick acceptance of Yankee values may be found in the letter that he wrote to his AuntJane Trimble in Ohio on February 20, 1825. Although he had been a member of a slave-owning family in Virginia, and had owned a number of slaves himself until his financial problems forced their sale, John wrote: Oh how great a curse are we delivered from, the thoughts of which at all times constrains me to bless and praise the disposer of all events, for his thus delivering us, by a strong hand, from a land of oppression and Tyrany, and placing us in a land of liberty and peace, where the sweat, the groans, and blood, of the Afflicted Sons and Daughters of Affrica, shall never rise in Judgment to condemn us.2 As in so many other areas, Ann's attitude and convictions differed from her husband's on the matter of slavery. Her view was like that of John's brother-in-law, Charles Lewis, Jr., who lived in Monroe County, Virginia. Responding to a letter John Allen had written to him on November 29, 1825, in which John had also expressed his new-found opposition to slavery, Lewis wrote: That slavery is an evil of great magnitude, we are fully sensiblebut it is an evil that is irremediable-and the Master who keeps his 45

Page  46 slaves in a proper state of subjection, and at the same time treats them with humanity, in my opinion, discharges his duty, both in a moral and religious point of view.3 In his letter to his AuntJane Trimble, John Allen also provided an interesting description of his Michigan settlement. He exaggerated somewhat, however, as was his nature-he always tended to overstate the positive and minimize the negative in describing his own accomplishments and prospects. It is now twelve months since I settled here when there was not an inhabitant within ten miles-how different is the scene now, in the village and neighborhood there is between thirty and forty families many of whom are of the first respectability, roads have been opened in various directions, mills of every kind started, tradesmen putting their shops in operation, by way of preparation for the flood of emigration that is expected next summer, farmers busily engaged in fencing farms-in short it already wears the appearance of an old settled country, except the want of houses and barns.4 From scattered references, it is apparent that by February 1825, a cabin had been built forJohn's parents on the corner of Huron and Second Streets. John later sold this lot to his father for the nominal price of one dollar.5 Not only did John's brother, Turner Allen, accompany his parents to their new home, but John's children, James C. and Elizabeth May Allen, also went to live with their grandparents, as they had done ever since their mother's death. The Nobles, likewise, had gone to their new dwelling, and the next influx of settlers would not occur until the following spring or summer. John and Ann, with their daughter, Sarah, were now alone in the log house, to which there had been added a fireplace besides the "small box stove" that Harriet Noble had remembered. John Allen continued in his letter to his AuntJane: We live in a small log house with but one room down and one upstairs (or ladder) rather, with a good fireplace and cooking stove, by which Ann does the work of our family with ease, and none to fret or put her out of temper. When the business of the day is through with, and we have seated ourselves around the fire, there is none to disturb us; we lye down and rise up contented and happy.6 John's use of the phrase "fret or put her out of temper" doubtless had reference to Ann's state of mind in the previous autumn. Even now, in February, however, we doubt whether she would have described herself as "contented and happy." A lover of books and reading, Ann found few housewives in Ann Arbor with similar interests, and she was doubtless shocked by Yankee manners and daily customs. The talk was of land and livestock, markets and credit. Yankee women did men's work along with their husbands and dressed accordingly; having never had servants, they scoffed at the idea of needing them. There were cutting remarks about the evils of slavery. The leisure that the South's "peculiar institution" 46

Page  47 provided for its ladies to nurture their children, with time for reading, gracious entertaining, and enlightened conversation, was considered akin to laziness by Yankee women. Although Allen and Rumsey were partners, their wives had little in common. Mary Ann, three years Ann's junior, was admired and remembered by early Ann Arborites for her happy and outgoing nature, along with her excellence as a cook in the "Rumsey Coffee House." Ann, however, was mentioned by no one when, years later, the County Pioneer Society collected memoirs from the town's early settlers. Her neighbors had scarcely known her, although Ann Arbor was her home for some twenty years. Nor did Ann ever mention by name a single Michigan friend, other than members of the Allen family, in her letters that have survived. Mary H. Clark, head-mistress of a famous school for girls that flourished in Ann Arbor between 1839 and 1875, wrote an article for the May 1852 issue of Godey's Lady's Book entitled "Ann Allen." It was one of a series being edited by Mrs. E. F. Ellet for her Pioneer Mothers of the West. Miss Clark, who had regularly included John Allen's name among the half-dozen leading men of Ann Arbor endorsing her efforts to promote female education, had had opportunity to know Ann personally, yet she told her readers virtually nothing about her, except that, in her journey with the Allens from Virginia, she had ridden horseback, "carrying her only child in her arms." In fact, the title of the article was a misnomer; its contents were devoted largely to John Allen's mother, not his wife.7 Ann Allen doubtless found some solace in her association with the eight other women, including John's mother, who "entered into covenant to form the First Presbyterian Church in Ann Arbour" on August 21, 1826.8 John Allen was not among the eight men who signed, however, although his father and Orville Barnes did so. John had not been a church member in Virginia, nor did he become one in Michigan until 1844, and it was then a church of which his wife strongly disapproved. In the earliest letter written by Ann Allen known to exist, though dated nearly ten years after her arrival in Ann Arbor, she described herself to her son, Thomas McCue: "I am a great home body; [I] never consent to go without I am compeled."9 She might well have used the same self-description a decade earlier. John Allen, on the other hand, was a constant traveler, and in his frequent expeditions in the buying and selling of Michigan land, along with other schemes to make money, he was often absent from home for weeks at a time. Determined to take advantage of "the flood of emigration that is expected next summer," to use John Allen's own words, he and Rumsey sent copies of their advertisement from the Detroit Gazette to a number of weekly papers published in New York. In order to place Ann Arbor on the national map and to enhance its status among prospective settlers, in the autumn of 1824 Allen had made application to Postmaster General John McLean to have the village declared a post office, with himself as postmaster. McLean approved, and on December 30, 1824, he signed a rather handsomely printed "declaration" to this effect, a document that 'John Allen, Esqr." carefully preserved among his papers. The appointment not only carried a small annual stipend, but, more important, at a time when the twenty-five-cent charge for a one-page letter sent through the U.S. mail was normally collected from the recipient, postmasters could receive letters free.10 47

Page  48 As the town's first postmaster, however, Allen was obliged to transport the mail weekly to and from Detroit, a task that he knew would be much too demanding of his time. He promptly contracted with Bethuel Farrand, a settler from Cayuga County, New York, to perform this task for an annual salary of $100. Farrand's wife recalled years later that "it was a three day trip-the first night he would stop at Elder Hickock's store on the [River] Rouge-the second day he would go on to Detroit and back again to Elder Hickok's-and the third day he would return home."1 It was also in anticipation of the migration west in 1825 that U.S. Surveyor General Edwin Tiffin agreed to have the primitive Potawotomi Trail surveyed along the Huron River, after which Farrand obtained the contract to make the "improvements" deemed necessary.12 This accomplished, he further augmented his mailcarrying salary by providing a "stage" between Detroit and Ann Arbor. Seeing his announcement, immigrants expected to ride in a stagecoach, but they found his means of conveyance not only to be an ordinary wagon, but in bad weather they often had to walk part of the way.'3 True to predictions, there was, indeed, a flood of immigrants to Michigan in 1825, with a large proportion at least passing through Ann Arbor. Some tarried, however, buying government land or a lot in the village. If a particularly needed artisan appeared, such as a carpenter or blacksmith, Allen or Rumsey would offer him a free lot. In March 1825, Governor Cass had appointed Elisha Rumsey and a settler named Oliver W. Whitmore justices of the peace, thus making it possible to have deeds properly witnessed.'4 Because a wife's signature was required on a deed to relinquish her dower rights to the property involved, Ann dutifully signed her name, "Ann I. Allen," belowJohn's signature on scores of occasions. She thus had some knowledge of his financial activities, but she was not informed of his land purchases, nor of his mounting debts. Convinced that a fortune could be made within a few years through the increasing market value of Michigan land, Allen was determined to purchase as many acres as possible, even with borrowed money, at the bargain government price of $1.25. Rumsey, on the other hand, was not tempted to play the dangerous game of land speculation. As he sold his village lots, he repaid debts, improved his tavern, and tended his farm land. Mary Ann managed and cooked for the "Rumsey Coffee House," which offered considerably more than coffee to quench travelers' thirst, along with food and lodging. Testimony regarding Ann Arbor's early growth was provided by Dr. Benjamin Packard who first visited the place in April 1825 when, in addition to the Rumsey house, it "contained seven log houses." Seeing its potential for growth, he decided he would become the town's physician. Returning the following autumn to set up his practice, however, Dr. Packard not only found that "a number of new frame buildings had been put up during the summer," but that two of them were occupied by "physicians Dr. Lord and Dr. Denton, and I was the third."'5 By 1826, Washtenaw County, including its seat of justice, had become sufficiently populated by tax payers to justify its becoming independent from Wayne County, with its own court and county record keeping.16 This new status became effective late in December 1826, and henceforth there was no need for one to travel to Detroit to register a deed or probate an estate. The first meeting of the county court was in January 1827, with Samuel Dexter, proprietor of a new settlement 48

Page  49 called Dexter, presiding as judge. Two licenses were granted to John Allen during this court session, one to keep his tavern, "necessary for the accommodation of travelers," and the other to retail "strong or spirituous liquors.""7 In June 1826, Mary Ann Rumsey bore a son whom she and Elisha christened Lewis Walker Rumsey. While it is doubtful that the two women ever became close friends, Ann Allen would probably have considered it her duty to call upon Mary Ann on this occasion, perhaps bringing three-year-old Sarah Ann "to see the new baby." In the late summer of the following year, both Elisha and Mary Ann became seriously ill, and although Mary Ann recovered, Elisha died on September 5, 1827, at the age of forty-one. The value of Elisha's estate, after the portion for Mary Ann and her son's support had been set aside, did not equal the total of his debts ($2,081.95), and his many creditors, including his aged father in Vermont, had to be content with 78 percent of the amount owed them. Elisha Rumsey's death dissolved, of course, any remnant remaining of the Allen and Rumsey partnership." In the year following Elisha's death, in 1828, Mary Ann, at age twenty-eight, was married to a young farmer named William Van Fossen. By the spring of 1832, she was again a pioneer wife, in Jackson County, Michigan. She and her husband both died from Asiatic cholera in Indiana in 1849, leaving three sons and one daughter. The departure of Mary Ann Van Fossen from Ann Arbor in 1828 was of little significance to Ann Allen, for the two women had never been more than acquaintances. No record has been found to suggest what the personal relationship between Ann Allen andJohn's parents may have been. Elizabeth Tate Allen, John's mother, was still living when Mary H. Clark wrote about the Aliens and Rumseys for Godey's Lady's Book. Describing Mrs. Allen's appearance at age seventy-six as still "most prepossessing," Miss Clark added: "...she is noted for the strong practical sense which fits its possessor for every event and vicissitude, in every station of life." It is not difficult to imagine that Ann was intimidated by her mother-in-law's strength of will and patient fortitude, nurtured, perhaps, by a lack of those same traits in Mrs. Allen's sometimes quixotic and undiscerning husband. On the other hand, Col. Allen's gentile manners and trusting nature, with his innate kindness, surely endeared him to his like-minded daughter-in-law."' Col. Allen's attempt to "retrieve that which he had lost" (using Turner Allen's words) began in Ann Arbor with his renting a grist mill that had just been built on the Huron by a man named Hill. This "was a great help to us in procuring for us something to live on," according to Turner Allen, and, hoping to do even better for themselves, the father and son built a sawmill. This, however, "did not prove [to be] a very profitable investment, but left us in debt some hundreds of dollars." The colonel's pattern of failure seemed to be repeating itself. In 1826, however, he built a boat, propelled with poles, "to transport families and their goods that were moving into the country, and all kinds of freight." The Detroit Gazette of April 25, 1826, reported:...a few days since, Col. Allen's boat from the Lower Huron [was] lying at one of our wharves. This boat is of a different construction from any one that has been built here. It is seventy feet in length 49

Page  50 and seven in width, with a light draught of water, and will carry one hundred barrels; I am informed that it is built on the plan of the James River boats of Virginia, which have been found best adapted to the navigation of rapid streams without much depth of water. Turner Allen's account continues: The roads being very bad between Ann Arbor and Detroit, he had all business he could do. He run the boat one or two seasons, but the country at the mouth of the river, and on the lake through which he had to pass being low and marshy, he was taken sick and was just able to get home, and only lived some seven or eight days....20 When Col. James Allen died on July 18, 1828, we can imagine that Ann Allen may have lost her most understanding friend in Ann Arbor. Following her husband's death, Elizabeth Tate Allen returned to Virginia to visit family, taking with her John's two children by his first wife. Her visit to her old home community would last for five years. Ann Allen's lonely and unhappy years in Ann Arbor were mitigated by the presence of her daughter, Sarah Ann, on whom she lavished her love, time, and attention. Sarah Ann's early education was provided by her mother at home, but in 1828, at the age of five, she began attending school with other children. Her first teacher was Mary M. Page who announced the opening of her school in the Detroit Gazette, as follows: MISS MARY M. PAGE Would inform the public, that the spring term of her SCHOOL will commence, in Ann Arbour, on the 24th inst. Her terms of tuition are as follows: Reading, Spelling, Cumming's small Geography, $2.00 Writing, Arithmetic, Grammar, Composition, Modern Geography, Maps and Charts, and History, $2.50 Ancient Geography, Astronomy, Natural Philosophy, Globes, Rhetoric, $3.50 Chemistry, Moral Philosophy, Theorem Painting $5.00 Board can be had in the first families by applying to the Teacher. Ann Arbour, March 4, 1828.21 Mary Page's school was by no means Ann Arbor's first. Among John Allen's papers, there are references to a Miss Monroe conducting a school as early as 1825 in a log structure built by Allen, on the northwest corner of Main and Ann Streets.22 It was in this same crude building that Miss Page began teaching in 1828. 50

Page  51 Not only did John Allen know the personal value of education, he recognized that the presence of schools in his town, like that of churches, would attract settlers of quality. So it was, also in 1828, that he established a "select school" for older students, called the Ann Arbor Academy. Its first instructors were brothers named Merrill. A half-century later, the Rev. O. C. Thompson recalled: In the autumn of 1832, I accepted the appointment of principal in the Academy at Ann Arbor. This, so far as I know, was the only institution of learning in the Territory of a higher grade than the common school....Some of my best scholars in [the] Ann Arbor Academy were from Detroit....There were one hundred pupils in that school that winter. This institution, humble as it was, was the beginning of better things in education in Michigan, especially in Ann Arbor....A few years later...when the question was agitated, "Where shall the University be located?" I think the claims of Ann Arbor were respected on account of the advanced standing of her school privileges....23 While Ann Allen was doubtless interested in, and approved of, her husband's activities in the area of education, we can be sure that she had less regard forJohn's growing passion for politics, specifically in a new political party that had sprung up in New York with the goal to discredit, even destroy, Freemasonry. In Samuel Dexter, founder of the nearby village of Dexter, Allen found a kindred political spirit, and, with the dual purpose of promoting their towns and spreading AntiMasonic propaganda, in December 1829 they purchased from Thomas Simpson Ann Arbor's first newspaper. Simpson had brought his press to Ann Arbor three months earlier and had managed to issue five weekly numbers of what he called the Western Emigrant. Apparently discouraged by his prospects for financial success in Ann Arbor, however, Simpson welcomed the opportunity to sell his press and weekly paper to Allen and Dexter, as he announced in his fifth number on December 23. "Addicted to the excessive use of whiskey," according to a later biographer, Simpson left for what he hoped would be greener pastures in the village of Pontiac.24 Allen and Dexter were able to continue the Western Emigrant with an issue dated December 30, 1829. They engaged a fellow Anti-Mason, George Corselius, to serve as the paper's editor and employed a printer named Thomas M. Perry. Six months later, however, Allen turned over to Dexter his interest in the enterprise. The year 1829 was significant in Ann Allen's life because that summer she had opportunity to see her oldest son, John McCue, during a visit to Hillsboro, Ohio. James McCue, guardian of Ann's two sons, kept an exact account of their income and of his expenditures for their support.25 These records have been preserved in the proceedings of the Augusta County Court and provide an insight into the rearing of John and Thomas McCue, including the purchase for John of "a young mare to ride to Ohio" and "$20.00 cash for expenses to Ohio." These entries were dated July 31, 1829. The sources of the McCue boys' annual income managed by their uncle were: the 6 percent interest from the bonds into which had been placed their inheritance of $4,326 from the sale of their father's personal property; the annual rental of Dr. McCue's house in Lexington ($47.50), the vacant lot there ($5.00 to $7.00) along with that of his farm in Rockbridge County ($125.50); and the "hire" by John 51

Page  52 McCue of the "Negroes" ($90.00), noted earlier. Because Ann Allen still held her dower interest in Dr. McCue's real estate, she was entitled to her "dower third" from the rental income (afterJames McCue had deducted 5 percent as a commission for himself and had paid the taxes and upkeep). He was also allowed $100 per year by the court for "boarding" the boys. Expenses for clothing and tuition were carefully itemized, as were also charges for postage on letters from their mother. There can be no doubt that "to ride to Ohio" meantJohn's going to Hillsboro, in Highland County, to visit the family of Andrew Barry and his mother's Aunt Ellen. At age thirteen, John was doubtless accompanied by one or more adults, perhaps relatives of the Trimble family, also of Hillsboro. The opportunity to see her eldest son after the passage of five years was enough to overcome Ann Allen's reluctance to travel. She was thirty-two years old in 1829, quite capable of undertaking a horseback journey of over two hundred miles. Who may have traveled with her to Hillsboro, and whether six-year-old Sarah Ann accompanied her, we do not know. In a letter to her son Thomas, written in 1834, Ann noted: "The Doctors think, if I would travel this summer it would be very beneficial to my health as it contributed so much before to my general health when I went to Ohio."26 One might wonder whether it was her travel in 1829, or the opportunity to see her son and her beloved uncle and aunt, that had been the primary contributor to her improved health. In the summer of 1830, John Allen was appointed a justice of the peace, and at the same time, he began "reading law" with James Kingsley, Ann Arbor's most prominent lawyer. This was the typical means by which one qualified for the Bar then, and Allen learned from a Detroit attorney that the usual fee charged by an experienced lawyer for this tutoring service was $300.27 Kingsley was also Washtenaw County's judge of probate, and in February 1831, Governor Cass appointed Allen to be the register of probate, a position that enabled Allen to receive a modest salary while receiving the judge's instructions. On November 3, 1830, the governor had appointed Allen to the post of "brigade quartermaster with the rank of captain in the M.T. Militia," and by 1831 Allen also held the post of commissioner of highways for Ann Arbor Township. Small wonder that Ann saw little of her busy husband. Allen had continued to improve his property along Main Street opposite the west side of the public square. In May 1827, he sold a sawmill on the Huron River that he and Rumsey had built in partnership. The purchasers, Eri and Aschel Higby, agreed to pay Allen the equivalent of $2,000 in lumber totaling 75,000 feet in twelve monthly installments, with designated portions of "white pine, basswood, white ash, black walnut, and oak." This lumber "sawed in such reasonable thickness and width" as Allen "shall direct," was used in part to build a new two-story house facing Huron Street on the south half of lots one and two, west of the courthouse square.2 A portion of the Aliens' new house was designed for John's general store as well as his law office, while his original log house became solely a tavern. With his brother, Turner Allen, he created the 'John Allen & Co.," giving his brother responsibility for operating both the tavern and his store. Turner painted the tavern red, and because taverns in those days usually had striking names, it came to be called "Bloody Corners," much to Ann's displeasure, no doubt. 52

Page  53 An advertisement in the Western Emigrant listed the variety of items then on hand in Allen's store: Dry goods, Groceries, Hard-ware, Crockery, Stone-ware, Paints, Window-glass, Putty, Dye-stuffs, Lamp oil, Ploughs, Plough-castings, Hollow-ware, Nailes, Iron and Steel. Also, Ladies and Gentlemen's shoes and boots, &c. N.B. The highest price will be paid for Hydes, Bees-wax, and tallow.29 While Ann Allen was doubtless pleased to have a home greatly superior to the log house the Aliens had occupied since 1824, she probably found her husband's thriving store under the same roof to be disquieting and living next to a tavern, especially one called "Bloody Corners," embarrassing. The partnership of the Allen brothers did not last long, being dissolved "by mutual consent" in December 1829.'~John then made still more improvements in his tavern and gave it a more dignified name, calling it "The Mansion House." In the following January, a young man named Colban Cornwall announced in the Western Emigrant, under the "Mansion House" heading that he has taken the inn formerly kept by Mr. John Allen, on the corner of Huron and Main Streets. He has procured a supply of necessaries, and flatters himself by strict attention to business to merit a share of public patronage.3' To operate his store, Allen gave responsibility to Henry Welch, husband of his sister, Mary Allen. The Welch family had followed the Aliens to Ann Arbor in 1826 after Henry had failed in the mercantile business back in Virginia. He was also ill from tuberculosis. An insurance policy issued to Allen by the New York Farmers' Fire Insurance and Loan Company survives among his papers.32 Dated June 25, 1830, it described the Allen's new house as a "two story building of wood situated on the corner of Huron and Main Streets occupied as a Store, Law office and private dwelling" valued at $1,000. Also included in Allen's policy was his tavern ($400), and a twostory house "occupied by Thomas M. Perry, printer of a newspaper [the Western Emigrant]" ($500). This latter structure had been built by Allen on the public square, which he considered still to be his property. AlthoughJohn Allen's increasing involvement in partisan politics brought him enemies, his prosperity continued to increase, as did Ann's physical comforts. As in an earlier time in her life when African-American servants had performed the physical labor in her household, so now Yankee "hired-girls" were engaged as domestics. By 1831,John Allen had concluded that, in keeping with his current status in his community, he and his family should live in a finer home. We can be sure that Ann welcomed the plan-no longer would she have to live next to a tavern and to share her space with a general store. A large, brick structure, the Aliens' new home was at the southeast corner of the intersection of Huron and Second (Ashley) Streets, facing Huron. In a May 1831 issue of the Emigrant, formerly called the Western Emigrant, Allen announced that his former "Large Two Story House and Lot" was for sale, adding that its "pleasant situation" made it "well suited for a tavern, or other business." 53

Page  54 On December 1, 1832, a new physician in town named Philip Brigham announced that "his residence is in the house lately occupied byJohn Allen, Esqr."33 Allen was not alone in believing that a man's wealth could increase indefinitely through land speculation in Michigan Territory. Allen's apparent success in this regard, along with his convincing enthusiasm, prompted a number of neighbors and friends to conclude that they should trust him not only with their savings, but that they should even borrow money toward that end. A number of capitalists in Detroit and elsewhere were happy to invest in his plans to found other towns that would emulate Ann Arbor's growth and prosperity. Allen was admitted to the Michigan Bar in May 1832. It was also in 1832 that he visited the city of New York for the first time, his primary purpose being to purchase goods for his store, an investment on credit, amounting to over $3,000. From later events, we know that Allen was intrigued by the great city, and that even in 1832 he began imagining himself as an entrepreneur there. Just as Allen bought goods for his store on credit, so he also sold those goods on credit, and just as Allen's creditors had difficulty collecting from him, so were those indebted to Allen slow to pay their bills. In the Michigan Emigrant of December 21, 1832, appeared the following appeal by Allen: SELF PRESERVATION IS THE FIRST LAW OF NATURE I owe money in New-York, that must be paid. I cannot pay it without the aid of those who are indebted to me. All Notes and Accounts that were due me on the first of October last, that are unpaid on the 1st of February next, will be left with Geo. W.Jewette, Esq. [a local lawyer] for collection. Those who call on or before the 10th and confess judgment, will save costs. Self preservation is the first law of nature. As has been noted earlier, following the death of Col. James Allen in 1828, John's mother had taken her two grandchildren byJohn's first marriage for a long visit back in Virginia. Five years passed, during which John was so preoccupied with business and politics that he gave little thought to family, whether in Ann Arbor or Virginia. A single letter from his Virginia family during this period is preserved among his papers; it was written by his sixteen-year-old son, James Crawford Allen, on March 30, 1833. Revealing a father's neglect, as well as a son's anxiety to return home, it reads in part as follows: I am at Uncle Billy Bells a going to school to Mr Alfred at present. Uncle Bell has been very kind to me, if it had not of been for him I don't know what I would of done for clothing. I received a letter from you a few weeks ago and have neglected answering it knowing that Grandma would. It gave me much gratification to know that you intend to send for us this spring. Dear Father, do not neglect sending for us, I am almost crazy to get home. I think the most of the friends will be twice glad, if they were glad when we came they will be glad when we go I think that they would be willing to keep Grandmother but sister and myself must go.... dear Father I would like to have a horse to ride out if you think 54

Page  55 you could afford it. If we all ride in the carryall it will be almost too heavy loaded....34 John sent money for a pony, and Mrs. Allen and her grandchildren did, indeed, return to Ann Arbor in 1833. On July 5th of that year, Mrs. Allen began a charge account at a grocery store then conducted by Chauncey Branch and Edward F. Gay. In opening the account, the store's proprietors noted that the items would be charged to John Allen; when they presented their first bill to him on May 13, 1834, the total came to $160.78. One of the items regularly purchased by Mrs. Allen was a quarter's worth of snuff. John provided a house for his mother where James and Elizabeth continued living with her. It was on April 22, 1833, that Michigan Territory's Legislative Council passed, and Governor Cass approved, an "Act for the Incorporation of Ann Arbor" as a village. Under this act, an election was held on July 7, 1834, to elect a president, a recorder, and six trustees. Fifty-five votes were cast, and John Allen was elected the village's first president.35 From a political point of view, as wife of the village president, Ann was Ann Arbor's "first lady," although in terms of her southern upbringing and unusual education, as well as her social graces, Ann Allen had been the settlement's first lady from the day of her arrival a decade earlier. The first ordinance passed at the second meeting of the village officials headed by John Allen in 1834 was to "prevent swine from running at large in the village limits." It was also agreed that there should be no shooting nor "running of horses" in those same confines.36 In the summer of 1834, a traveler from Germany named Karl Neidhard visited Ann Arbor. He wrote later for a German magazine describing his American tour, and, in translation, he noted the following regarding John Allen: Six years ago he had considerably less than nothing. Now he lives like a prince in a magnificent house and his property increases daily. No wonder! The half-acre building lots which cost him seventy-five cents he is now selling for several hundred dollars.37 Ann Arbor was home for Ann Allen for twenty years, from 1824 until 1844, except from November 1836 until the autumn of 1838 when she was in New York City and Virginia. No letter written by Ann prior to 1834 is known to exist, but during her second Ann Arbor decade, thirteen letters, and a fragment of a fourteenth written to her son, Thomas McCue, are preserved in the University of Michigan's Bentley Historical Library, a gift from Ann's great-granddaughter, Sarah W. McCue. Miss McCue has given to the Washtenaw County Historical Society Ann's "Huguenot Bible" (the New Testament, Psalms, etc.) published in Paris in 1668. This family heirloom had been brought to America by Ann's father, Thomas Barry, in 1789 and had accompanied Ann to and from Ireland in her childhood. In her earliest extant letter, dated March 20, 1834, Ann reported a limited amount of local and family news to her son, but, as was true in her later letters as well, she devoted much of her space to admonishments on religion and education. Urging Thomas to begin correspondence with his cousin, William Barry in Ohio, she noted that "it will improve you the more you accustom yourself to epistlatory 55

Page  56 writing," while hoping "my, Dear Son, you will be good, learn all that will make you wise and useful." As was her custom, Ann closed on a religious note: "...love God, my Dear Son, and keep his commands, and He will never forsake you, in youth, or old age; you have...the prayers of your poor mother for your spiritual and temporal happiness while life lasts."38 Knowing that Thomas was then studying under a Mr. Hoggshead, Ann provided a more detailed admonition regarding education in her letter to him in June 1834. I feel very anxious about your improving your mind. Now is the time to lay up a store of useful knowledge. I see your deficient in the first rudiments of learning, you and John are awful spellers. Do pay some attention to that branch of your learning....I think if you would give attention to your books for a few years, you might make a smart man.39 An interesting glimpse of Ann Arbor's progress at the beginning of its second decade is found in this same letter. This place improves quite fast. Emigration to Michigan is great; we have I might say from all parts [a] great many from York State, New England, quite a number from London in Europe and the countries adjacent; Ireland, Scotland, and a large number of German Swiss-they are three daily line of stages runs to this place. Elizabeth & James enjoys themselve[s] quite well, they live with Grandma. Mr. Allen just return [ed] from New York where he has been on business for a few weeks. We have a Presbyterian, Methodist, Episcopal places of worship and also, I am sorry to say, a building just finish[ed] for a Universalist Church. The court house is completed this summer. Washtenaw County's first courthouse was built on the "public square" that had been donated for this purpose by Allen in 1824. In this same 1834 letter, Ann told her son that although she had contemplated a Virginia visit for herself that summer: I suppose ere this, you have hear[d] I have given up going to Vir. for the present. Much my beloved son do I long to see you. The distants is great and suitable company not to be had, but I do not despair of seeing you if God gives me health and length of days. Just as John McCue had paid a visit to his Ohio relatives in 1829, Thomas McCue, at age seventeen, made the same journey in the spring of 1834. While at Hillsboro, Thomas had written to his mother, but, contrary to her expectations, he did not come to Ann Arbor. "I did not know of your return to Vir. untillJohn wrote me," Ann complained in a subsequent letter to Thomas. Although greatly disappointed, she did not scold, saying simply: "You must write me, tell me all the news of your journey to Ohio."4" She acknowledged that when her nephew, John Barry, had stopped to see her that year on his way to Niagara Falls, it had required six days on horseback for him to travel from Hillsboro to Ann Arbor. 56

Page  57 *^ oA- a' L;e ":::It...W 'I... 4r C m9Y gt oA /,.o A 7 }+.- *.Y, Aw~y ~.,, # f-(-' ~~I ' *" "'~-"t', -~. >-.......-.. k - 9a '"' 47 ~ ~ rh- T -,.,,,.,,,,;,.:- '7/ ~...Z_~/.7'"';-T' w /. 's.1 ~,,.." #~.7,/. - ~ ', ~ _.,,-'-. *...'_L,,,. a.^',,/' ' -;:... / & '...^ ~,-,,., - co A3Lt!zy y ^- o f,,,/ bi (c q,,,_+ et .,.. -~ 0 ' *,., ' - -.. * J.. A Sample of the Handwriting of Ann I. Allen From her letter to Thomas W. McCue dated June 20, 1834. 57

Page  58 By 1833, the political leaders of Michigan Territory, certain that its population had exceeded sixty thousand (the minimum number required in the Northwest Ordinance for statehood), petitioned Congress to pass the required "enabling act." Congress delayed, however, because of a continuing boundary dispute between Ohio and Michigan. To pressure Congress, the Territorial Council ordered a census to be taken, which proved that Michigan's population even exceeded ninety thousand, and, thereafter, the Council called a constitutional convention. John Allen had participated in these decisions, and when it was agreed that Washtenaw County should have fifteen of the ninety-one delegates to the convention, he declared himself a candidate on the Federalist slate. A Democratic newspaper called the Michigan Argus had begun publication in February 1835, and in an issue in the following March appeared a "review" of each candidate. Regarding Allen, two questions and one answer were printed: Men, freemen of Washtenaw. Do you regard domestic peace and happiness? Do you care aught for those virtues which endear and render private life happy? Let your vote answer.41 From this, it would appear that Allen's political enemies knew of his and Ann's strained marital relationship. We can imagine Ann's embarrassment and John's anger on reading this attack. Because all the Federalist candidates lost, the attack on Allen's personal life may not have led to his defeat, but, nevertheless, he was third from the bottom in votes cast. Perhaps his poor showing was somehow related to Allen's active involvement with the Washtenaw County Temperance Society; he was elected its president in February 1835. As announced in Ann Arbor's Michigan Whigat that time, there were then 2,000 members throughout the county. It was claimed that "there have been 45,000 gallons of spirits consumed in the county during the year, at an average expense to the Consumer of one dollar. The expense of supporting paupers made so by intemperance has been $500."42 To Ann Allen's delight, her son John paid her a visit in the Spring of 1835, but her joy was dampened; she had expected Thomas to accompany him. In writing to Thomas in June 1835, Ann did not hide her feelings. Your Brother has left us for Ohio. I need not describe to you my disappointment in not seeing you with him. I am afraid if you had any love for your mother it is long gone from you....Ask yourself the question, is it not my duty to write to my Mother, is their any one on earth as near [dear?] to me, or would do more for me in all situations of life? Who watch'd over my helpless infancy? Shall I forget her?...I thought it a good oppertunity for you to come with your brother, as you did not come when your [you were] half way before....If you have forgot your Ma, she has not forgot her son....43 Thomas McCue was a sensitive and kindhearted young man, and he was touched by his mother's fear that he had forgotten her. In truth, however, his memory of her had, indeed, faded. He and John had remained with their Uncle James and Aunt Margaret in 1821, when Ann had been married to John Allen, thereupon moving with her husband the several miles to his farm on Walkers Run. Thomas 58

Page  59 had been but three years old in 1821, and he had been only six in 1824 when he saw his mother for the last time, as she had departed for Michigan Territory. There were no photographs in those days to remind a little boy of his mother during the eleven years that followed. James McCue may, also, have felt a pang of regret for not having encouraged Thomas to accompanyJohn on his Ann Arbor visit. In any case, on March 20, 1836, in his role as guardian, McCue purchased a horse for $85.00 from his ward's inheritance and advanced him $50.00 to travel to, and to spend the summer of 1836 in, Ann Arbor. Shrewd businessman that he was, McCue directed his nineteen-year-old nephew to maintain a record of his expenditures and, upon his return to Virginia, restore to his father's estate any part of the $50.00 that he had not spent.44 Thomas arrived in Ann Arbor sometime in April 1836. We can imagine the joy with which Ann greeted him. He was also given a warm welcome by his stepfather's children, James and Elizabeth Allen, and by their grandmother. They had become well acquainted with Ann's sons during their extended visit in Augusta County between 1828 and 1833. Thomas called James and Elizabeth "Brother" and "Sis" and, like them, he called Mrs. Allen "Grandma." He called his mother and stepfather "Ma" and "Pa." The 1830s were a "boom period," not only in Michigan, but in the nation generally. Cheap paper money abounded as a result of PresidentJackson's "war on the Bank of the United States" beginning in 1832. Inflation increased dramatically as the number of state banks grew to over seven hundred, seventeen of which were in Michigan Territory. Called "wildcat banks" by Michigan historians, few held more than a small fraction in specie (gold and silver) to secure the bank notes that they freely loaned to speculators. Debtors were able to pay off their old obligations with these bank notes, while borrowing more for further land purchases. Although buyers of government land were required to pay in cash, paper money was accepted as cash. By 1835, the entire national debt had been paid off as a result of land sales, and Congress passed an act to distribute its surplus to the states. In retrospect, it is difficult to comprehend how land speculators like John Allen could fail to recognize the danger signals foretelling their financial collapse. Ann Allen had no reason to doubt her husband's continued prosperity. Typical of the antebellum Southern lady, she had little knowledge of, nor interest in, financial affairs, whether national or local. She dutifully signed away her dower right to land represented in grantor deeds thatJohn brought home for her signature. She knew little of, nor cared much about, his regular acquisition of sites for future Michigan towns, while his joining in partnerships to promote "internal improvements" came to her attention only by his frequent absences from Ann Arbor. In a day when most business was conducted on credit, Ann simply charged to her husband's accounts at local stores whatever she desired for herself and for Sarah Ann. 59

Page  60 END NOTES-CHAPTER V 1. J. Marshall McCue 1888 Letter. (See Chapter II, note 6.) 2. John Allen to Jane Trimble. (See Chapter IV, note 4.) 3. Charles Lewis, Jr. to John Allen, January 10, 1826. John Allen Papers, Burton Historical Collection, Detroit Public Library. (Cited hereafter as BHC.) 4. John Allen to Jane Trimble. (See Chapter IV, note 4.) 5. Until Washtenaw County was organized in December 1826, it was attached to Wayne County for legal proceedings and record keeping; thus, deeds pertaining to Washtenaw County were registered in Detroit. At some point after Washtenaw County was organized, all earlier deeds for land transactions were copied from Wayne County deed books into a separate volume, now called the "Old Book," which is preserved in the Register of Deeds Office in the courthouse in Ann Arbor. The deed by which John Allen sold to his father for $1.00 the one-fifth acre comprising "Lot 4 in Block no. 1 North of Huron St. of Range 3 fronting Huron & Second Streets," dated September 1, 1825, is recorded on page 26 of the "Old Book." It was co-signed by Ann I. Allen and witnessed by Aaron Doan and E. W. Rumsey. Also on September 1, 1825, John Allen and Ann I. Allen sold to John's brother, James Turner Allen, for $100 "Lot 3 and the south half of Lots 1 & 2 fronting on Main and Huron St. containing 1/5 of an acre each, situated in Block 1 N. of Huron St. & in Range 3." Aaron Doan and E. W. Rumsey were, again, the witnesses. (Page 27 of the "Old Book.") 6. John Allen toJane Trimble. (See Chapter IV, note 6.) 7. Mary Clark's article in the May 1852 issue of Godey's Magazine and Lady's Book entitled "Ann Allen," is found on pp. 317-19. From the several paragraphs in her article devoted toJohn Allen's mother, Elizabeth (Tate) Allen, it is apparent that Mary Clark had interviewed her with keen interest. "The character of this excellent matron, who is often described as the ideal of a pioneer, is so remarkable as to call for a brief notice....In her youth, she was eminently handsome, and even at the age of seventy-six retains a most prepossessing appearance, having a tall and symmetrical figure, but slightly bent, with a complexion showing the freshness of habitual health." Referring to her sixteen offers of marriage before she had reached her 18th birthday, Miss Clark noted an unusual proposal that provides an interesting glimpse of life in Virginia when women even rode their horses to church: "Miss Tate (afterwards Mrs. Allen) was one day in attendance at a funeral, after the conclusion of which the newly bereaved widower rode up to the side of her horse, and, to her extreme surprise, expressed a wish that she might be induced to consent to fill the place of the dear departed one whose mortal remains had just been laid in the grave. The young lady regarded him with astonishment and displeasure, and sternly forbade him to name that subject to her again under a year. Just a year from that day he proposed in due form, and was rejected!" Almost as though she were contrasting Ann Allen's quiet, retiring nature with that of her mother-in-law, Miss Clark noted: "Mrs. Allen is accustomed to express herself at all times in a manner so forceful and decisive, and at the same time with so much dignity, as to evince talent of no ordinary kind." It was John Allen's mother who reared his two children from his first marriage. Mary Clark quoted Mrs. Allen's answer to the question of whether she had had a large number of children: "Oh, no, I have only had seven children. I laid out to have no less than a dozen; but the granchildren [sic] left motherless, whom I have brought up, perhaps make out the number." Besides Elizabeth and James C. Allen, children of John, she had taken the three youngest children of her daughter, Mary (Allen) Welch, when Mary died in Ann Arbor. Mary Clark's articles from Godey's Lady's Book also appeared in Elizabeth Fries Ellet, Pioneer Women of the West (New York: Scribner, 1852). 8. A scrapbook kept by Lucy Chapin of Ann Arbor is preserved in BHL. A newspaper clipping therein, the source of which is not given, tells of the opening of the cornerstone of the "Old Presbyterian Church" in which was found a list of the men and women who "entered into covenant" to form "the First Presbyterian Church in Ann Arbor on August 21, 1826. Eight men and nine women signed the covenant." The nine women were: Mary Branch, Clarissa Mills, Deborah Farrand, Agnes Parsons, Harriet Parsons, Elizabeth Allen, Mrs. Monroe, Ann Isabella Allen, and Phoebe Whitmore. 9. Ann I. Allen to Thomas W. McCue, March 20, 1834. Ann I. Allen Papers, BHL. Only a photostat of this letter appears to exist; it had been borrowed from Phoebe (Allen) Bell by Caroline P. Campbell for photostating with the new equipment in 1925 in the University of Michigan Library. 10. In addition to the formal appointment of Allen to be postmaster in Ann Arbor, dated December 30, 1824, among theJohn Allen Papers at BHC, there is a printed sheet of detailed instructions for postmasters datedJanuary 20, 1825, sent to Allen byJohn McLean, Postmaster General. 11. A biographical sketch of Bethuel Farrand exists as a clipping in Lucy Chapin's scrapbook at BHL. The anonymous author based his account in part on an interview with Mrs. Farrand. The Farrands had left Cayuga County, NY, for Detroit in May 1825; they came to Ann Arbor the following autumn. A brief record of Bethuel Farrand's appointment, based on this same biographical sketch, appears 60

Page  61 in History of Washtenaw County, 1881, p. 889. 12. The surveyor for the road was William Brookfield, a resident of Detroit. In a letter from Brookfield to Tiffin dated December 31, 1824, he reported: "I yesterday returned from running a road from the R. Rouge to the County seat of Washtenaw," The Territorial Papers of the United States, Vol. XL, "The Territory of Michigan, 1820-1829" (Washington, DC, U.S. Govt. Printing Office, 1943), p. 623. 13. Detroit Gazette, May 9, 1826. "Stage to Washtenaw. A stage will run hereafter (or walk, if the roads are bad) between this place and Ann Arbor, the seat of justice in the county of Washtenaw. It leaves Detroit three times a week." 14. "Executive Proceedings of Michigan Territory, January 1, 1825 - December 31, 1825," in Vol. XL, p. 847, The Territorial Papers of the United States (see note 12, above). 15. The autobiographical sketch of Dr. Benjamin H. Packard partially quoted here consists of 6 small, handwritten pages, beginning with: "I came to Michigan from Niagara Co., N.Y My first visit for exploring the country was made in April 1825." This document is contained in the Emily Mary Sheldon Stewart Papers, BHC. It is entitled "Dr. Benjamin H. Packard, Ann Arbor." It is not dated. Dr. Packard's wife was Anna Bennett, and her brother, James Bennett,Jr., was married to Alta Maria Rumsey, sister of Elisha Walker Rumsey. In his autobiographical sketch, Dr. Packard noted that, upon reaching Ann Arbor, he "found to my joy that a former friend, Walker Rumsey, was keeping a pioneer's hotel in a log house. This family were very kind and hospitable and I fared well." 16. This act of Michigan Territory's Legislative Counsel on November 20, 1826, is quoted in full in History of Washtenaw County, 1881, pp. 123-24. 17. Ibid., pp. 220-24. 18. The extensive file of papers in the probating of Rumsey's estate, preserved by the Probate Court of Washtenaw County, provide a rich source of information on early Ann Arbor. It is there, also, that we learn of Mary Ann Rumsey's illness. 19. See the quotations from Mary Clark's article in Godey's Lady's Book in note 7, above. 20. In his manuscript entitled "Family Record" (see Chapter IV, note 23, above), after recounting the Allen family'sjourney to Ann Arbor in 1824,James Turner Allen wrote of his father's reliance "upon our own labor to produce the necessities of life." Of his father's death, he wrote: "His death was a severe stroke to us all. It was the first break in our family circle." 21. Detroit Gazette, March 27, 1828. Although Miss Page's advertisement was dated March 4, 1828, it did not appear until the issue of March 27; it continued to be published in the Gazette through May 29, 1828. 22. For a gathering of data pertaining to Miss Monroe and her school, see Lela Duff, Pioneer School (Ann Arbor: Board of Education, 1958), pp. 1-2. 23. The Rev. O. C. Thompson's "Observations and Experiences in Michigan Forty Years Ago" was read before the Detroit Pioneer Society on January 13, 1873. It was published in Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society Collections (1877), Vol. 1, pp. 395-402. This quotation is from p. 400. 24. Louis W. Doll, A History of the Newspapers of Ann Arbor, 1829-1920. (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 1959), pp. 5-7. 25. See Chapter IV, note 3. 26. Ann I. Allen to Thomas W. McCue,June 30, 1834. Ann I. Allen Papers, BHL. 27. Joseph W. Torrey to John Allen, December 11, 1829. John Allen Papers, BHC. Allen had obviously written to Torrey for advice on becoming a lawyer. Then holding the office of Recorder for Detroit, Torrey was appointed Judge of Probate for Wayne County, MI, on December 26, 1829. "The fees in the office where I studied were 300 dolls. of which I paid 150 in my attention to the business of the office...by drawing papers, declarations, pleas, etc....Kingsley will undoubtedly deal not only fairly but very liberally with you....If my advice be worth anything it is GO ON! and you will succeed not only in being admitted in due time, but also in the business of the profession." 28. This agreement, dated May 7, 1827, is among the John Allen Papers, BHC. 29. Western Emigrant, November 18, 1829. 30. With this deed, dated December 15, 1829, signed byJames Turner Allen and his wife, Abby H. Allen, John Allen's brother acknowledged payment byJohn Allen of $600. John Allen Papers, BHC. 31. Western Emigrant, January 20, 1830. 32. Signed not only by the agent, E. P. Hastings, who sold Allen the policy, but by the company's president, John T. Champlin, and its secretary John King, the policy cost Allen an annual premium of $17.22. The company's address was 34 Wall Street, New York City. It was not until 1834 that the Washtenaw County Courthouse was built on the public square. John Allen Papers, BHC. 33. The Emigrant, May 16, 1831. (The name of Ann Arbor's first newspaper had been changed from the Western Emigrant by February 2, 1831, the earliest issue in 1831 that is extant.) 61

Page  62 34. James C. Allen to John Allen, March 30, 1839. John Allen Papers, BHC. 35. A detailed account of the incorporation of Ann Arbor as a village, and the actions taken by its trustees during their early meetings, appears in the 1881 History of Washtenaw County, pp. 904-05. It was in 1851 that Ann Arbor was elevated to city status by the State Legislature. A listing of the village officers from 1833 to 1851 appears on pp. 905-06 of the county history. 36. Ibid., p. 904. 37. "Karl Neidhard's Reise nach Michigan," edited by Robert Benaway Brown, Michigan History, XXV (March 1951) pp. 32-84. Neidhard's article had appeared in a German magazine, Amerikanisches Magazine, in May 1835; it had been written "im Sommer 1834." Describing Ann Arbor as a town of about "800 souls," he stated: "Ann Arbor is only six [sic] years old. Its founder, a planter who met a fatal accident in Virginia, gave the town its name in honor of his wife." Here, Neidhard had obviously confused Dr. William McCue, Ann I. Allen's first husband, with John Allen, although Dr. McCue had not died from a "fatal accident," nor did he ever know about Ann Arbor. On p. 64 of Brown's translation, appears the following: "Right now there is no better way of investing money than by buying government land in the best sections of Kalamazoo and letting it lie. Those with enough vision to recognize ahead of time the sites best suited for the founding of future cities can establish the prosperity of their families for generations. Among many examples let me mention only the nearest one, that of the founder of Ann Arbor...." This is followed by the quotation in the text. Neidhard's words were doubtless those from John Allen's own lips. 38. Ann I. Allen to Thomas W. McCue, March 20, 1835. Ann I. Allen Papers, BHL. 39. Ann I. Allen to Thomas W. McCue, June 20, 1834. Ibid. 40. Ann I. Allen to Thomas W. McCue, March 20, 1835. Ibid. 41. Michigan Argus, March 12, 1835. 42. Michigan Whig, February 12, 1835. 43. Ann I. Allen to Thomas W. McCue, June 28, 1835. Ibid. 44. See Chapter IV, note 3. 62

Page  63 VI. A Home in New York City and a Virginia Reunion 1837-1838 Eighteen hundred and thirty-six, the year in which Thomas McCue came by horseback to Ann Arbor to visit his mother, was also the year that marked the zenith ofJohn Allen's rise from poverty to apparent wealth, from obscurity to prominence within Michigan Territory. Allen was now acknowledged locally to be a successful entrepreneur, and a growing number of men of means not only in Michigan, but outside the Territory as well, sought his advice on investments for quick profit. Some trusted his judgment so completely that they simply transferred money to him to invest as he saw fit. For example, among Allen's papers is an agreement by which Edward Brooks of Detroit furnished "said Allen with ten thousand in Money to be used in land speculation...and [at the end of four years to] pay said Brooks one half of the increase, said Allen to have the other half for his services and expenses. "1 A growing number of John Allen's associates now began addressing him as "Colonel Allen." On what basis, and by what authority, this title was bestowed upon him is not a matter of record, although there can be little doubt but that it was used simply to recognize his leadership role and his growing wealth. There were those, of course, who remembered that his father had been called Colonel Allen, but in James Allen's case, he had actually held the rank of colonel in the Virginia Militia. Late in 1835, Allen had joined with five capitalists (Lucius Boltwood and Luke Sweetser of Amherst, Massachusetts; Henry and Edwin Morgan of Aurora, New York, and Charles Mosley of Ann Arbor) in forming the Richmond Company, the purpose of which was to acquire over two thousand acres of land in Allegan County on which to create a major town. In May 1836, when Mosely asked to withdraw from the scheme, the remaining proprietors bought his share for $20,000, after which they agreed on a plan on how to divide the profits beyond the $100,000 figure.2 A New York lithographer, C. B. Graham, was engaged by Allen to design and print 600 copies of a "Plan of the Village of Richmond."3 Although quadruple the size of Allen's 1824 plat for Ann Arbor (Richmond was shown with thirteen named streets and twenty-three with ordinal numerals), the two plans were remarkably similar. In 1836, Allen was also closely involved with a similar project on the Kalamazoo River called Bronson, later changed to Kalamazoo. In Van Buren County, he had purchased lots in nearly every township and was planning for towns to be called Mason on the Paw Paw River (later called Lawrence) and Middletown on Hog Creek. In March 1836, Allen and Henry Morgan agreed to a $10,000 purchase of land in "Campau's Addition to Grand Haven," and in August 1836, Allen purchased for $3,000 a section of land in Jackson County where, with Dr. Benjamin Packard, he began planning a town to be called Spring Arbour. The list goes on, totaling thousands of acres to which Allen held title. He was convinced that in the not too distant future, these lands would be worth many times the amount of borrowed money (paper bank notes) with which he had purchased them. He spent time in the spring of 1836 not only in Detroit, but also in Chicago, cultivating prospective investors. Because internal improvements in transportation were vital for the 63

Page  64 success of these endeavors, Allen had become an active shareholder and promoter of the Detroit and St. Joseph Railroad Company. Although she was neither consulted nor advised by her husband in his borrowing and spending, Ann's future would be vitally affected by his activities in this regard. His absences from Ann Arbor increased in number and length. In June 1836, Lucius Boltwood wrote from Amherst to Allen suggesting: "If you can make a good beginning at Chicago or Detroit, what should you think of trying in N. York?" He added: "If you think it expedient to try to make sales in N. York we will one of us meet you there."4 Well before Boltwood had this idea, however, Allen had decided on his own that he should spend some time in New York City. In planning this journey in the spring of 1836, Allen had his business interests primarily in mind, of course, but he recognized that the trip could also provide an opportunity for him to place his children, James and Elizabeth, in eastern schools, a matter that had been on his mind for some time. "My long neglect of your education hangs like a Millstone upon my conscience," he once confessed in a letter to his son.5 A school for girls conducted by sisters named Gilbert at Avon in Livingston County, New York, had been recommended to Allen as a proper place for Elizabeth, it being located at a health spa where she could also take advantage of "the waters." Elizabeth's persistent cough had become a concern to her grandmother. Dr. Benjamin Packard, an old friend of Allen's and, more recently, a partner with him in the Spring Arbour project, may have been the one to suggest Avon for Elizabeth. He was surely the one to recommend that James be enrolled at Genesee Western Seminary conveniently located at Lima, a few miles from Avon. His son, Jason Packard, was then a student there.6 (Genesee Western Seminary, later to become Genesee College and an ancestor of Syracuse University, offered courses in a variety of areas, including surveying, for which James was enrolled.)7 Because custom required female companionship for an unmarried eighteenyear-old girl on such ajourney, it was decided that Ann Allen should accompany her husband and stepchildren. After leaving Elizabeth and James at Avon and Lima, John would take Ann to Saratoga Springs, a flourishing vacation and health resort for people of wealth, located near New York's eastern border with Vermont, after which he would go on to New York City. Sarah Ann, now thirteen, would be left in Ann Arbor under the loving care of her grandmother; Mrs. Allen agreed, also, to provide boarding for Thomas McCue. Thomas seems to have impressed everyone in Ann Arbor favorably, including "Grandma" Allen, who wrote in July 1836: I have taken grate comfort with Tommis He is a real true noble minded Virginien. I love him very mutch.8 Ann doubtless sensed the irony of leaving behind in Ann Arbor the son whom she had not seen for twelve years prior to his arrival six weeks earlier, but she had no choice. Thomas promised that he would remain until her return. John had arranged for him to be enrolled in a new school that had just opened through the efforts of himself and Henry Rumsey, a brother of John's earlier partner. The two men had created a corporation, accumulated $4,000 in capital, and had but recently completed an impressive frame schoolhouse on the northwest corner of William and Fourth Streets. An announcement had appeared in the Michigan Argus that Henry H. Griffin of Andover, Massachusetts, had opened his school there "for 64

Page  65 the purpose of qualifying youth of both sexes to become teachers," tuition being "from three to four dollars per quarter of eleven weeks, according to the studies pursued."9 In a letter to James C. Allen addressed to him at Lima, Thomas McCue reported: "Mr. Griffin has about 75 Scholars at present, one or two comeing every day or two."' It is doubtful that Ann Allen was sufficiently aware of John's business activities to sense that their financial future might be uncertain, butJohn's wise old mother, recalling, perhaps, how her own husband's reckless investments had led to disaster in an earlier time, was worried that her son was following a path similar to his father's. She confided to her granddaughter: "There are a number of indentures with New York merchants running into thousands of dollars."" It was in July 1836 that PresidentJackson issued his "Specie Circular" providing the first prick in the nation's speculative bubble. Henceforth, purchasers of government land would have to pay in gold or silver, although actual settlers could continue buying up to 320 acres with paper money (state bills) until December 15, 1836. While no record has been found of the Allens' actual journey, they probably went in their own carriage. A business letter written by Jonathan Stratton, a surveyor for the Detroit and St. Joseph Railroad, dated June 4, 1836, and addressed to Allen at Saratoga Springs, suggests that they began their journey in late May, before the arrival of Mr. Boltwood's letter. By June 12th, Elizabeth and James had been enrolled at their respective schools, Ann was settled at the Springs, and John had progressed as far as Albany. That evening, he wrote a long letter filled with fatherly advice to James at Lima. In this, he mentioned writing one, also, to Elizabeth, but only that to James has survived. Among his words of wisdom for his son, John revealed something of himself....I am now past the Meridian of life [he was forty], and have lost many opportunities for improvement, which I now look back upon with regret....Every man takes his stand in Society, just where his mind and manners entitle him....You must have a mind well stored with information on a variety of Subjects, and possess what is termed, polished Manners. Literature with awkwardness or Riches with Vulgarity-never will enable the possessor to move in good Society-I mean pollished Society. How rare in Michigan are young men of good breeding.12 On this latter point, Ann Allen would certainly have agreed with her husband. The letter from Thomas McCue to James C. Allen dated June 29, 1836, cited earlier, includes the sentence: "I got a letter from Ma a day or two ago and she was at Saratoga Springs." Regretfully, Thomas did not save this letter; whether Ann enjoyed her time there is not known. Likewise, we know little ofJohn's activities in New York City, other than from his copy of an extremely complicated agreement with aJohn P. Huntington of New York by which Allen conveyed 3,551 acres of land in Kalamazoo County to Huntington for the consideration of $9,100.'3 Like Allen, Huntington was a land speculator and, except for a lease on two lots with buildings on Hamersley Street in New York, Allen would have to wait for the remainder until Huntington sold the Michigan land. It was shortly after the signing of this agreement that John left New York City for Saratoga Springs. From a letter that he wrote to his son early in August 1836, we 65

Page  66 know that he and Ann stopped at Lima and at Avon on their homeward journey, arriving back in Ann Arbor on July 28, 1836. "After a pleasant journey from Avon, we arrived at home on Last Thursday evening, having stopd one day in Buffaloe and one day in Detroit."'4 Sometime during his brief stay in New York, John Allen made a decision that would affect his family dramatically-he decided that he could best conduct his financial affairs in the future by living permanently in New York City. No document is known to survive to reveal his reasoning on this matter, nor do we have any record of Ann's reaction. With little knowledge of her husband's affairs and no foreknowledge of the approaching "Panic of 1837," she may well have been pleased with the prospect. Recalling her pleasant times in Baltimore during her youth, she could anticipate a quality of social life more to her liking than that offered by Ann Arbor. Furthermore, the possibility of journeying from New York back to Virginia for an extended visit was something to dream about. There was one member of the Allen family whose reaction to the plan has survived. This wasJohn's mother writing to her grandson in Lima: Your Pa is in a grate notion of going to new York and takeing you all with him I dont like it mutch I dont know what he is going to do with me I will find out when you get home I still hope the[y] wont get of[f] he has made up his mind to go and take your ma and the girls Hant sure I will let Elizabeth go I will know better I see hir and you.'5 On August 15, 1836, John Allen received a letter from his son reporting that the Gilbert sisters might be closing their small school in four or five weeks to move to Ohio with their father. If this were to develop, James had inquired whether Elizabeth should accompany her teachers to Ohio, as they suggested, or should she "come to Lima and stay with me until I come [home] in the fall?" He added that it would be "considerable trouble for me after I got to Cleveland to go fifteen miles after sister."'6 This incident probably played no role in the life of Ann Allen, but John's response to James provides an interesting glimpse of American mores of the early 19th century. Emphasizing his concern that Elizabeth "be protected alike from insult and seduction,"John wrote: Nothing could have tempted me to place her so far from home, and among strangers, only the absolute necessity, for the improvement of her health and mind. When a young man leaves the path of virtue, he seldom, if ever gets back into Virtuous habits. He generally goes on from one Step to another in guilt, until he is lost to all sense of guilt, or shame. But with females the case is far different. With them, there is no repentance-once gone-they are gone forever. A whole life of pentintance will not Suffice to reinstate them in the good opinion of the world.'7 As it developed, the Gilbert sisters remained at Avon, and Elizabeth continued living with them there until she and James returned to Ann Arbor, probably by 66

Page  67 stagecoach and steamboat, in the early autumn of 1836. Again, they took up residence with their grandmother. Thomas McCue left for Virginia sometime in October. He arrived at his uncle's home on November 23rd, according to James McCue's accounts: "Returned by the said Thomas on his return from Michigan, $75.00." Thomas had sold his horse while in Ann Arbor, which accounts for his rather large reimbursement to the fund supporting him and his brother. John Allen had many matters to attend to in Michigan in preparation for his move to New York City, and it was not until late November that he was ready to depart. Ann was equally busy, no doubt, with packing, sorting, and storing. John arranged to rent their house, but to whom we do not know. In an earlier letter to his son, John had noted: "I have hired a young man to drive our carriage and take care of the horses. He is very careful and attentive."' A week before the Aliens started for New York, Ann wrote a hurried note to Thomas: "I write by candle light and in some haste." She continued: Mr. Allen returned the middle of the week you left. He has purchased a small carriage for us to go to New York in. James the hostler goes in a lumber waggon and carries our baggage. We start next Monday [November 21, 1836] to go by land, to...Monrow [Monroe], then intersect the national road some where in Ohio. There was quit[e] a fall of snow here yesterday, a dull prospect for good roads. I dread my journey, but I think it is for the best to go by land. It has got too late to cross the lake.19 In this same letter, Ann mentioned having tried to persuade the father of a servant named Rachel to permit her to accompany the Aliens, but the unnamed father was adamant in his refusal. Our next word of the Aliens is found in a letter from Ann and Sarah to Thomas McCue dated January 3, 1837. If Ann was precise in stating that their journey had taken four weeks, their arrival must have been about December 25th, although neither she nor Sarah mentioned how they had spent Christmas. Thirteen-year-old Sarah wrote first: We have arrived here safe. And I am much pleased with the City; what little I have seen of it. We had quite a pleasant trip. I will give you a short Description of it. We came in our Carriage to Columbia in Pennsylvania. We had also a lumber waggon to carry our baggage in. James [the Aliens' groom, not John's son] drove the cream colour horses in the baggage wagon. And Pa drove the white horses, in the carriage to Columbia. Then we took the railroad to Philadelphia and took our baggage with us, and James went with the carriage & four horses round on the turn-pike, then we took the steam boat to Borden town. From their we went in a Car to Amboy. From their in a steam boat to New York. I like riding in the Car very much; but the steam boat I can say I do not like as well. What little I have rode in them does not make me sick. I presume you were sick when you crossed the Lake. I could have enjoyed myself very much had it been warm weather....We pass[ed] through Pittsburg[h] but it was a dolful looking place. They burnt 67

Page  68 coal entirely. Just before you enter the place it appears as if thair was a huricane. I am sure I should not like to live their. They burn coal in this City but it is [an] altogather different kind.... Ann's letter to her son follows: I perceive Sarah has left some room for me to write; Sarah says we had a pleasant journey, for the time of year, [the] road was better than we could expect but the journey was quite fatiguing for me. The weather was cold. We were 4 weeks coming. I took some cold on my journey, it layed me up for a few days after I came. When we arrived here, we went to board in [a] private family. We was not very comfortably situated. The room was small and confined. Mr Allen has been trying to get a house and at last obtained one. I cannot tell you whether he has bought or rented it; it is a pleasant convenient house quite up in the city How I shall like it, time can only tell. I have formed no acquaintance, but the family I boarded with a few days. I have some letters of introduction from friend[s] in Ann Arbour; to their friend[s] here. I have been so unwell, and so much hurried about moving, that I have not made myself knowen to any one, indeed I have not had a moment time to call my own when well enough. If I had, it would have been in writing to my dear son. I have been very anxious to hear from you, but being so unsetled not knowing where to tell you to direct your letters, to make me defer it to the present. We have only been here a few days an[d] are not fixed yet comfortable, but I hope after we get the house clean and get some furniture we shall. I have since I came here understood their is an old acquaintance of mine living in New York, her name in Mrs. Mahand.... I became acquainted with her in Michigan, she stayed at our house in Michigan before she was married. If she will remember me, it will be of advantage to me, as she moves in such society as I have allways been accumstomed to; she is pious and intelligent....You had better direct your letters thus Mrs. Ann Isabella Allen (Seventh Avenue) 14 Street, City of New York. Their so many of our name in this City if not direct[ed] thus, I may not get them.... In the same year that the Allens moved to New York City, an article appeared in the Daily National Intelligencer entitled "New York City Around the Clock in 1836."2o From the anonymous author's observations of the city at different hours, his description of mid-day follows: At twelve the great highway of the city [Broadway] is thronged. Carriages, driven by liveried coachmen and adorned by a footman, roll majestically along-bright faces or wrinkled and lace-bordered visages peeping from the windows. Now young gallants dash by in tilburys [light two-wheel carriages] or on trotting horses (from which preserve me,) and by two o'clock taste, fashion, and wealth (to say nothing of the omnibuses, 68

Page  69 which are at the same time the greatest blessings and the greatest nuisances of New York) reign paramount in Broadway. At three the "town" emphatically hold sway there. Fashionable citizens and strangers are then at dinner, and appear no more before four. Either Thomas McCue was highly negligent in writing to his mother following his return to Virginia, or a letter had been lost, for Ann did not hear from him until mid-February, 1837. In her prompt reply, after expressing her great relief to learn that he was safe and well, she responded to his apparent query whether she would make her long anticipated visit to Virginia in the following summer: I should like it very much, but Sarah A. has lost so much time, at her age when she should improve every moment. Her papa has employed a teacher in the house. Her teacher says she applys herself very well....I should not like to take her from her studys...and I wish her to go with me if God spares our lifes.21 In his letter, Thomas apparently had mentioned the possibility of his "going west" in the spring of 1838 to look for a place to live after coming of age on January 2, 1839. Ann's response reminds us of her own unhappiness in Michigan: You mention of going to the west in the Spring You better mature that well, before you undertake it. Ohio I should give the preference too. Michigan is chiefly settled by New England Yankee's (cunning as foxes), and northern speculators, so I do not know what chance you would stand amongst them. As to Illinois & Indiana I know not much about.... I have not formed any acquaintance worth mentioning, so you must give me time to form my opinion of the people and place I am in. We are quite far up in the city. I like the situation much better than lower down, the air is purer, the water better, not so much noise and bustle. We live on the east corner of Seventh Avenue....22 To conduct his Michigan real estate business, John Allen formed a company in which he expected to sell shares. It was called the American Exchange Company, and to impress both investors and clients, he obtained an office on Wall Street, just two doors from the New York Stock and Exchange Board. Among his relatively few surviving business records of 1837, we find the earliest reference to his office in a letter dated January 30 of that year from Lucius Boltwood. It was addressed: John Allen, Esqr. (Late of Michigan) 44 Wall St. New York Not satisfied with his house on Seventh Avenue, in March 1837 Allen found one for sale that was more in keeping with the status in New York society to which he aspired. For $16,000, he agreed to purchase from one Oliver Kane "all that certain lot of land with the three story brick dwelling house there on erected, situate 69

Page  70 in Broadway in the city of New York known and distinguished as lot No. 766...." Under the agreement, the purchase price would be secured "by the bond of the said Allen and a mortgage...bearing interest at seven percent, payable semiannually from the first day of May next...."23 Curiously, this document and its amendments reveal the short period of time during which John Allen's financial empire collapsed. In March 1837, he could confidently enter into contract to pay $16,000 for what must have been a splendid home, with payments to begin in May. By the end of April, however, Allen found he could not make the first payment. Kane agreed to delay that initial installment until July 29th. By the end of July 1837, however, Allen was forced to break the contract. In his Michigan: A History of the Wolverine State, Willis Dunbar explained, by chance, the significance of these same dates in the nation's history:...onJanuary 1, 1837, when the distribution of the government surplus began, banks were called upon to pay over to the states specie that the federal government had deposited with them. The second quarterly payment [March 1st] exhausted their resources, and in May, 1837, banks throughout the nation suspended specie payments. This meant that no longer could a bank note be presented for payment at full value in gold and silver. Very quickly these notes-the paper money of the time-depreciated in value, and within a short time many of them became virtually worthless. By the middle of 1837, thousands of people in the eastern part of the nation were unemployed. Hundreds of firms went bankrupt and business was almost at a standstill....24 Never closely informed regarding her husband's business activities, Ann probably had little inkling that after six short months of comfortable living in New York City, they now, in the early summer of 1837, faced financial ruin. In fact, John, himself, did not yet realize that he was experiencing more than a temporary crisis. Michigan land was continuing to sell, but at a much slower pace. It was doubtless because of his changing situation that Allen decided that his wife and daughter should make their Virginia visit in 1837 rather than waiting until the following year. Furthermore, it was John's intention to return briefly to Ann Arbor late in August that year to attend to pressing business, and having Ann and Sarah in Virginia at that time, would make his absence from New York much simpler. He arranged for a "young man" (apparently 'James the Hostler" who had assisted in driving the Aliens to New York the previous autumn) to drive Ann and Sarah to Virginia in his carriage. In a letter to his son in August 1837, he noted: Your Ma and Sarah Ann are now in Lexington, Va. on a visit to see John and Thomas. They left here last Thursday morning [August 10]-as to the time of their return, nothing is yet fixed upon determinedly.25 No letter written by Ann regarding her journey to, or her stay in, Virginia appears to be extant, but a short letter from her son, Thomas, written in Lexington on July 31, 1837, happens to survive among John Allen's papers. It had arrived after 70

Page  71 his mother and Sarah had departed. In this, Thomas referred to a letter from his mother dated July 24th telling him of her travel plans. Ann had asked her son whether the young man driving the carriage could "get into business" in Lexington while waiting to drive them back to New York. Thomas replied: There is no vacant places at present in Lexington that I know of. Boarding can be got in private familys for 80$ [per] year....I saw Brother Jno. today. He told me that he would prepare for you....26 The reason that Thomas was then in Lexington was that he was a student at Washington College, his father's alma mater; John was nearby, living on the 287-acre farm that had belonged to their father and that had been rented out by James McCue through the years to aid in his wards' support. James McCue's accounts as guardian for Ann's two sons reveal that John, having reached his twenty-first birthday in 1837, thus becoming eligible for his share of his father's estate, had been permitted by his uncle to begin managing his father's land in Rockbridge County that year. It was the house there that John would "prepare" for his mother and half-sister's visit. Furthermore,James McCue's accounts reveal that the "Negroes" ("Connell and wife," with their children, Henry and Sally), had been transferred from their rental status with James's brother, John McCue, to his nephew of the same name. (The latter was sometimes identified as 'Jr." in his uncle's accounts, at other times as "ward.") Because the assets from Dr. McCue's estate supporting his two sons could not be divided among his heirs until both sons came of age, John was required to pay rent into this fund managed by his uncle until Thomas became twenty-one. Whereas the elder John McCue had paid $90.00 annually for his "hire" of all four slaves, Henry and Sally were now old enough to be of "hire" value. John McCue, Jr.'s "hire price" per year for Connell and Callomid was $35.00; for Henry, $65.00; and for Sally, $50.00 We assume that they were serving John when his mother arrived at the McCue farm home. We can only imagine the nature of the greeting extended by Connell and Callomid as they remembered their old mistress; Henry and Sally probably had no memory of Ann, however. Unfortunately, no record has been found to reveal the date on which Ann and Sarah arrived at Lexington, nor how they spent their time in Virginia. This being Ann's first visit since leaving for Michigan Territory thirteen years earlier, we can picture her pleasure in greeting relatives and old friends yet surviving. IfJohn Allen received letters from Ann or Sarah during their Virginia visit, he did not preserve them among his papers. Writing to his son in August 1837, John Allen indicated that he was postponing his earlier plans to spend time in Ann Arbor: "...my business here is now in such a shape, that it would be death to my future prospects to leave at this time." He told James of the American Exchange Company "which mostly belongs to me," adding that "the bearer of this letter is a Mr. Cormerais of Boston, now in the employ of the Co."27 The purpose of Mr. Cormerais' visit to Ann Arbor was to obtain, and to return to New York with, some $1,500 with which to repay a man named Sutton who held a mortgage against "the whole of the land by the Village." Allen was counting on 71

Page  72 his old Ann Arbor friend, Ezra Maynard, to whom he had written, to raise the $1,500 for Mr. Cormerais to take back to John. As an indication of Allen's desperate situation, he told James: If Mr. M[aynard] will raise the money to pay it and wants it immediately-you must put your shoulder to the wheel-and put every note, judgment, horse, cow, family utentials, hay, grain, in short everything you have there-if necessary not excepting Elizabeth's piano-to pay the debt. If it is not paid the sacrifice is the whole of the land by the Village.... BrotherJames [Turner Allen] must take charge of Mother and let her either board with him or some one else where she will be attended to well, and let BrotherJames rent the house and garden where you live for her benefit.28 In a postscript to his August 14th letter, Allen had urged that his daughter, Elizabeth, now nineteen years of age, accompany Mr. Cormerais back to New York City. He was certain that this would be a "safe opportunity" for her to make the journey: "Mr. C. I believe to be a strictly virtuous and pious young man."29 Allen's financial straits had obviously altered his earlier view regarding the danger of "insult and seduction" facing a young, unmarried woman lacking a proper chaperon's "protection." To reassure Elizabeth that the possible loss of her piano would not be irreparable, Allen had noted: "Tell Elizabeth not to worry about her piano, as I have one here for her worth double that one."30 The "land by the Village" to which Allen referred in his letter to James was a tract of one hundred acres in Section 29 that had been part of his original purchase from the U.S. Government in February 1824. This land was rented to David Swaney during 1837 and was valued for tax purposes that year at $3,000. James C. Allen, following his return to Ann Arbor from the Western Genesee Seminary, was now determined to be a farmer, and he was hoping to begin his agricultural career on this very land. It appears that Ezra Maynard did, indeed, come to Allen's assistance in this matter, and that the "Sutton claim" was paid. The "land by the Village" was saved for James, to whom John succeeded in transferring ownership, but Allen's debts and demands for their repayment continued to grow. Elizabeth did, indeed, accompany Carmerais to New York City to live with her father. In a letter to her brother the followingJanuary, she reported that "Pa is well, [but] he has but little business to attend to." She also reported that he had rented "our house and furniture for our board. We put an advertisement in the paper, and got a Quaker family to take it," but she complained, "they do not set a good table."' Although Ann and Sarah had expected to spend only the summer of 1837 in Virginia, their visit extended for a year, until the late summer of 1838, by which time John had finally faced the reality of his financial ruin. In a letter to William Woodbridge in Detroit, he confessed:...in Money matters-to use a common saying-"I am used up." I have at length determined on returning to Michigan-and try the hasle [?] once more. It is the safe place through such times as those we have passed.32 72

Page  73 In the absence of any letters explaining the sequence of events in Ann's life during 1838, we can only conjecture, based on later clues. In a much later letter to Thomas McCue, she referred to the failed Franklin Bank in which she had a "little money," and the fact that it would pay out only 5 percent, "which leaves me 28 dollars in Uncle McKim's debt-for the money he advanced to me to pay my traveling expenses to New York...."33 From this, we know that she and Sarah had gone to Baltimore, probably in July or early August, 1838, in the carriage with the team and driver that had taken them to Virginia a year earlier, and from Baltimore, after visiting the McKims, back to New York City. It appears that the Aliens, including Elizabeth and Sarah, arrived back in Ann Arbor early in October 1838. In a letter written in 1839, Ann indicated that they had lived and boarded at the Ann Arbor Exchange from October 3, 1838, until the summer of 1839.34 Their fine house had been lost to creditors. (The Exchange, but recently completed when the Aliens took up residence there, was a combination hotel, office building, and market, located on the corner of Main and Ann Streets.) 35 Having departed Ann Arbor in style two years earlier, amid John's confidence and Ann's expectation that his prosperity would soar to new heights in New York City, the Aliens' return, in the common knowledge that John now faced poverty, must have been traumatic for John and devastating for Ann. She may have been reminded of an earlier time when John had failed to return to Augusta County from Baltimore with the cattle money. Not only had his orgy in land speculation brought aboutJohn's own ruin, it had resulted, also, in the same fate for a number of his friends and associates who had loaned him money and followed his advice in buying Michigan land. His saving grace, however, was that thousands of others like him had convinced themselves that the increasing value and mounting sales of "western land" would go on forever. Allen was not alone in misjudging the times. END NOTES-CHAPTER VI 1. "Agreement Between Edward Brooks and John Allen," July 28, 1836. John Allen Papers, BHC. A copy of this agreement is also among the papers of William Woodbridge, BHC, with an addendum datedJanuary 15, 1838. 2. John Allen not only signed this agreement on his own behalf on May 30, 1836, but he did so also "for Bottwood, Sweetser, and Morgan." William J. Maynard was the sole witness. John Allen Papers, BHC. 3. In the John Allen Papers, BHC, there is a receipt signed by B. G. Graham dated New York, August 15, 1836. Graham had charged Allen $65.00 for "Lithographing Map of the Town of Richmond," plus $18.00 for "printing 600 impressions," and $17.50 for paper. One of the copies of the plan for Richmond is in BHC. 4. Lucius Boltwood toJohn Allen,June 7, 1836.John Allen Papers, BHC. This letter begins: "When Mr. Sweetser & myself left Michigan, it was expected that one of us would return about this time. But we find it impossible to leave home before September. Having heard nothing from you since we left, we are desirous of learning the prospects of our Village on the Kalamazoo. Have you caused it to be surveyed & Lithographed? What is the chance of water power? What do you view the property to be worth & will you probably be able to effect any sales this summer? A man by the name McFarland who owned 1/5 of a Village Platt ten miles below Grandview, on the Grand River has been in N. York a few weeks past & has sold a part of his 1/5 for $5,000...." 5. John Allen to James C. Allen,June 12, 1836. John Allen Papers, BHC. 6. An amusing letter from Jason B. Packard toJames C. Allen and Mark Howard, dated November 19, 1836, is among the John Allen Papers, BHC. Packard was still a student at the Genesee Western Seminary, whereasJames C. Allen and Mark Howard had returned to Ann Arbor. 73

Page  74 7. Elizabeth Alien to James C. Allen, September 3, 1836.John Alien Papers, BHC. Because Thomas W. McCue, in his letter to James C. Alien of this date, "has not filed [sic] up his paper," Elizabeth Alien wrote to her grandson. Included in her letter was the following in response to a letter from James: "...you said nothing about the box of surveying instruments we sent with your cloths. I presume you got them...give my respects to Jason [Packard] and be careful of your health...." 8. Elizabeth Alien to James C. Allen, July 22, 1836. John Allen Papers, BHC. A number of letters to James C. Alien, written while he was a student in Lima, are among the papers of his father. ApparentlyJames placed them with his father's papers while they were in his custody followingJohn Allen's death in 1851, and thus became the property of BHC. 9. Michigan Argus, December 10, 1835. 10. Thomas W. McCue to James C. Allen, June 29, 1836. John Alien Papers, BHC. 11. Eilzabeth Alien to Elizabeth M. Allen, July 22, 1836. Ibid. 12. John Alien to James C. Allen, June 12, 1836. Ibid. 13. "Articles of Agreement,"July 15, 1836, between John Alien and 'John J. Huntington of the City of New York." Ibid. 14. John Alien toJames C. Alien, August 4, 1836.John Alien Papers, BHC. In this letter, Alien reported the local news to his son as well as giving him advice. Of the former, he noted: "The citizens of Ann Arbour are generally in health. Old Mrs. Page is sick &Jas. Humington's wife. Mrs. Mayo, Geo. M.'s wife, was buried on Monday-she died with the quick consumption. While in life, we are in the midst of death." Again in this letter, John Alien noted the importance of education: "I am aware how little young persons of your age think of education. We are not fully conscious of its importance, until we feel the want of it. We do not feel the want of it until we are called upon to take our place in the social, political, & religious world...." 15. Elizabeth Alien to James C. Allen, September 3, 1836. John Alien Papers, BHC. 16. James C. Allen toJohn Alien, August 7, 1836. Ibid.. 17. Ibid. 18. John Alien to James C. Alien, August 4, 1836. Ibid. 19. Ann I. Alien to Thomas W. McCue, November 19, 1836. Ann I. Alien Papers, BHL. 20. "New York City Around the Clock in 1836," in The American Magazine published by the Clements Library, The University of Michigan, Vol. 2, No. 2 (Autumn-Winter, 1986-87), pp. 63-4. Reprinted from the Daily National Intelligencer, June 15, 1836. 21. Ann I. Alien to Thomas W. McCue, Feb. 24, 1837. Ann I. Alien Papers, BHL. 22. Ibid. 23. "Articles of Agreement...this twenty-fifth day of March A.D. 1837 between Oliver Kane of the city of New York of the one part and John Alien of the said city of the other part...." John Allen Papers, BHC. 24. Willis Dunbar, Michigan, a History of the Wolverine State (Grand Rapids, MI: William B. Eerdmans Pub. Co., 1965), p. 336. 25. John Alien to James C. Alien, August 14, 1837. John Alien Papers, BHC. 26. Thomas W. McCue to Ann I. Allen, July 31, 1837. Ibid. 27. See note 25, above. 28. Ibid. 29. M. Cormerais, about whom we have learned little, was able to borrow $20.00 from James C. Alien to pay for his return journey to New York, accompanied by Elizabeth M. Alien. His receipt is preserved in the John Alien Papers, BHC: "Ann Arbor, Aug. 28, 1837. Received of Mr. James C. Alien, Twenty Dollars for travelling expenses for and ofJohn Allen, Esqr. to be made good to saidJ. C. Alien when in New York." 30. See note 27, above. 31. Elizabeth M. Alien toJames C. Allen, January 10, 1838. John Allen Papers, BHC. 32. John Alien to William Woodbridge,July 16, 1838. Woodbridge Papers, BHC. 33. Ann I. Alien to Thomas W. McCue, June 9, 1841. Ann I. Allen Papers, BHL. 34. Ann I. Alien to Thomas W. McCue,July 30, 1839. Ann I. Alien Papers, BHL. Although undated,John W. McCue noted: "Ann I. Alien Letter date 30th July 1839." It had been postmarked July 31, 1839. 35. Among the John Alien Papers, BHC, is a bill dated July 1, 1839, marked paid by Clark & Petty, proprietors of the Ann Arbor Exchange: "For Board of Family" for three months, April through July, for a total of $153.66. 74

Page  75 VII. Economic Depression and Marital Discord 1839-1843 With the Allens' return to Ann Arbor in the autumn of 1838, Ann could foresee only gloom and dread in her future. The affection that had once seemed to exist between herself and John had withered long since, without hope of rekindling. Likewise, the economic security that had appeared to exist for her as the wife of a man of wealth had now vanished. Although only 42 years old, the thought of finding a means by which she might earn personal income never occurred to her. For her far-distant sons, about to enter adulthood, she knew that a destitute mother, whom they had scarcely known as children, could be only an unwelcome burden. Only in her daughter, now 15, could she take comfort. Sarah Ann had become a self-confident and joyful young lady, with a playful sense of humor. Unlike her mother, she made friends easily and enjoyed social activities. Like her father, she looked to the future with confidence. When, on November 18, 1839, the Misses Clarks' School began its long and distinguished history in Ann Arbor, offering "a thorough and polite education for young ladies," Sarah Ann became one of the first pupils. Among the ten "Gentlemen" who agreed to serve as references for the school was 'John Allen, Esq." One wonders whether Sarah's tuition may have been reduced for this favor ($2.50 to $5.00 per term, depending upon the course of study pursued).' Always the optimist, John Allen was confident that, once again, he could find a way not only to repay his mountain of debt, but to restore financial security for his family as well. A typical response to the demand of one of his many creditors is found inJohn's letter in February 1839, to William Woodbridge: You no doubt think it strange, that I do not, or cannot raise the requisite funds....but strange as it may appear, it is nevertheless true, that I am at present, unable to raise ten dollars....I will state, that you need have no fears as to the result of ultimate payment.... I hope soon to obtain my property again, so as to be able to command means. I would have been in Detroit several days ago, had I possessed the means of paying expenses &c.2 In Ann Allen's letter to her son, Thomas, in late July 1839, she reported: Mr Allen was gone west when your letter arrived; he was absent three months....I did not know what his determination would be until he returned. He is, I believe, engaged in superintending building two saw-mills out in a village he calls Richmond, on the Kalamazoo River.3 Indeed, the Amherst capitalists, Boltwood and Sweetser, still sustained their faith in John Allen's ability to promote and manage the Richmond project. The two saw mills now under construction there would be the key, they and Allen believed, to assure the village's growth, while profiting its founders. Allen was even able to obtain a post office for its eight settlers. 75

Page  76 The Ann Arbor to which the Aliens had returned in 1838 was described by the editor of the Michigan StateJournal: It has a courthouse, jail, 4 churches-one, each, for Presbyterians, Baptists, Episcopalians, and Universalists-2 printing offices, which issue two weekly newspapers, a bookstore, 2 druggists, a flouring mill of 6 run of stone, a saw mill, woolen factory, carding machine, iron foundry, an extensive plough manufactory, 2 tanneries, 17 dry goods stores, 11 lawyers, and 9 physicians. Here is a flourishing academy-number of pupils, about 70. The legislature has established the location of the University of Michigan at this place. It is passed through by the Detroit and St. Joseph state road, and by the state rail-road between those two places. There is likewise a charter for a rail-road connecting it with Monroe. Ann Arbour bears the reputation generally, of being one of the most pleasant and flourishing inland towns in the State. It is regularly laid out, on an elevated and dry soil; but is not very compact. There is considerable hydraulic power in the vicinity. Population estimated at 2,000.4 A stranger reading this laudatory description would have been disappointed had he tried to ride "the cars" from Detroit to Ann Arbor. It was not until October 17, 1839, that the first train reached the village, prompting a celebration unequaled even by the Fourth of July. Whether Ann Allen ventured out to observe the spectacle, we do not know, but we can be sure her husband, still a shareholder in the Detroit and St. Joseph Railroad Company, was one of the cheer leaders.5 ByJanuary 1839,John Allen had reopened his law office according to a notice in the Daily Michigan Argus: 'John Allen, Attorney & Counsellor at Law, corner of Main and Huron St."6 Also in January 1839, Allen had announced that he would give a series of four evening lectures at the courthouse on "Credit and Currency," a subject on which he could speak with some authority.7 From comments in the Argus, we learn that in the first of these lectures, Allen attacked American banks and banking with such vigor that he and his audience found the courthouse locked and the key hidden for his second appearance, although no one admitted being the culprit. They adjourned to the Methodist Church. What, if any, admission fee Allen charged is unknown, but the Argus reported that his lectures were well attended. Thereafter, Allen became increasingly popular as a public speaker. He was chosen to read the Declaration of Independence during the following Fourth ofJuly celebration, America's only genuine holiday at that time.8 A little later, he addressed the Young Men's Lyceum in Ann Arbor on "the perfectibility of man's nature." Again envisioning a political career, he now abandoned a short membership in the Whig Party and declared himself a Democrat. Regaining his old self-assurance, he looked to the future with growing confidence. Ann could not share her husband's optimism. At age forty-two, her future, she believed, held only more heartache, regret, and disappointment. In a July 1839, letter to Thomas, she reported that, since moving from the Exchange: We keep house in [a] small house owned by James C. Allen, his son. We live on a small scale. He is gone again West, he could not 76

Page  77 tell how long he should be gone. He talks sometimes of living in Ann Arbour, at other times going out to this new place which I speake of. Before he started west he said when he returns he thought he should visit Texas this winter. His mind is as unsettled as ever. He has given up that brick house we used to live in when you were here, to Col. Brooks. Mrs Welch [John Allen's widowed sister, Polly] lives there now, and takes boarders. We live as we can, adopting the stectes [strictest] economy....I am poor and cannot command a shilling....9 During Ann's long Virginia visit, she had come to know her sons as young men, during which her observations and conversations with her eldest son, John, had gradually caused her concern, even anxiety. From what is known today of "Traveling John," as he came to be known, it is apparent that his mother's worry about him was not unwarranted. His spendthrift waywardness during the coming years would only add to Ann's feelings of guilt for having "deserted" her sons when she had chosen to marryJohn Allen. John McCue had been born in 1816, but no family record has been found to reveal the month and the day of his birth. As noted earlier, he had reached his twenty-first birthday in 1837, at which time his guardian, James McCue, had been required, under terms of his guardianship agreement, to give him his share ($2,181.76) of what remained in his uncle's accounts from his late father's personal property. His brother, Thomas, received his share at the end of December 1838, two days prior to his coming of age, with a final payment also to John. So it had happened that Ann was present, either shortly before or shortly after, John McCue received the bulk of his inheritance, which incident may have triggered the concerns about him that she expressed in her letter to Thomas in July 1839. I had a letter from John last week. Poor fellow, how I feel for him. I hope God will preserve him and keep him from all harm. Do consul him. Support him under all his trials. He has a kind and affectionate heart as ever beneath. He write[s] me [that] his relations are kind to him; I hope God will open your hearts to do him good-if sick, take care of him; keep him out of low company, encourage him on all occasions, in that that is right (never slight him). He is very sensitive. O my son, be a brother indeed like Jonathan to David, let your affections be semented together. He has not that knowledge of human nature that God has given you....I think he ought to take an independent course with regard to Margret...act like a man & gentleman, not disgracing himself or the noble family from which he sprang....10 The "Margret" to whom Ann referred in her July 1839 letter was Margaret Irvine, daughter of Robert and Jane Irvine, whose land in Rockbridge County adjoined the McCue farm where John was then living. Like the Barry family, the Irvines had come to Virginia from near Londonderry, Ireland, shortly after Margaret's birth about 1820. John McCue and Margaret Irvine were married sometime prior to 1850. They had no children." 77

Page  78 Only a fragment of a letter that Ann wrote to Thomas on February 29, 1840, survives-scissors were used long ago to destroy most of its contents. We can only wonder what family information may have been lost thereby. Sarah Ann Allen reached her eighteenth birthday on May 10, 1841. Although her father was still struggling financially, he was able to present his daughter with a gold watch. This watch was inherited eventually by a granddaughter of Sarah named Ann Janetta (Kerr) Jones, and was described by Mrs. Jones in 1925 in an advertisement through which she was attempting to sell it following the bankruptcy of her ill husband. The watch has an open gold face with the hours in raised Roman numbers and hands of gold in a dainty lacy design pattern. Around the edge of the face is a tiny wreath of leaves and flowers in tinted gold. The crystal is held by a delicate engraved rim and the name Sara A. Allen is engraved on the back. 12 Whether Mrs. Jones, who lived in Waynesboro, Virginia, succeeded in selling this heirloom is unknown. Perhaps it was also for Sarah's eighteenth birthday that her mother wrote a long, but undated, letter of advice. A few of the maxims expressed by Ann were the following, reflecting in an interesting manner Ann's own personality and character. Your reputation is in a great measure, in your own hands; and your character is, with divine assistance, to be formed by yourself. You will, therefore be courteous to all with whom you associate, but intimate with very few, and these, well known and tried friends. Let rigid virtue and the strictest modesty characterize your deportment. Let piety place her signet on your brow; and let religion be your diadem.... Pay great attention to the suggestions and kind cousels of true friends. You cannot tell true friends on short acquaintance, it takes time and reflection, and if they prove themselves to be true friends, prise them. It is a gem rarely to be found.....Live in the fear and love of God, confide in his goodness. Keep holy the Sabbath day. Be honest in your dealings-be very temperate in all your pleasures. Attend to your health, vary your habit or dress as the state of the air and the nature of exercise are varied. Treat all classes of people with whom you associate with civility, and the more respectable part of the community with attention and politeness. Allow not yourself to go abroad alone.....Improve your leisure moments in the cultivation of your mind and in the perusal of moral, religious and philosophical essays to the neglect of novels, which too often abound with impure sentiments.... Now my dear child, when you read these lines, reflect that it is the sentiments of a Mother who loves you more than she can give utterance to expression. Cherish them, and practice them, and it 78

Page  79 will render you useful to yourself and your fellow beings, and when I am no more, may this speak as one from the dead. My prayer is for your present & eternal happiness. Your affectionate Mother Ann I. Allen'3 In a letter to ThomasJune 1841, after chastising him for "your long silence," Ann Allen painted an especially gloomy picture of her life: I am poor and needy-I cannot get the cheapest calico dress without some one gives me the means to purchase it. If Mr. Allen makes anything, which I doubt is little, he never has a cent to spend in clothing me. He makes out to feed us, that seems hard work. It is excessive hard times in Mich....Mich. money has fell, one dollar on the Bank of Mich. [in] Detroit passes only for half [a] dollar. Eastern money can scarcely be obtained and people have losst all confidence in each other, as it regards buying and selling. Very little business [is] done on credit, so business is at a stand[still] in this place.... After telling Thomas of a letter she had received from John McKim reporting the failure of the Franklin Bank and of her indebtedness to him for $28.00, as was noted earlier, she continued: He [McKim] is very sorry on my account as it was all the little I had, and also on his account, as he has lost considerable in the same bank-so when I look forward all is darkness. When I look back, all I had is gone to the four winds. Sarah does not go to school this summer, she stays at home and helps me work. She occasionally sews a little for a friend, and they give her something which helps her along. So this is the way we get along in the troublesome world, and I can see nothing to cause me to think times will alter for the better for me. Sarah, of course, is young and may hope, but all my hopes are realized in disappointment....How does poorJohn come on, do write me fully about him....14 Her letter fromJohn McKim (her "Uncle McKim") to which Ann referred, was probably his last to her. He died on January 16, 1842, at the age of seventy-five. By 1842, the Allen home that Karl Neidhard had described in 1834 as "magnificent," and in which John's sister had kept boarders for a while, had been rented by a man named Hickcox. A notice appearing in a local paper in December 1841, announced: Mr. A. Hickcox would inform the citizens of Ann Arbor that he has taken the House on Huron Street, recently occupied by John Allen, Esq., which he has opened as a Boarding House, and where he is prepared to receive a few gentlemen as boarders. Students at the University will be accomodated with board at his house upon as reasonable terms as elsewhere.'5 79

Page  80 Although but one of Thomas McCue's letters to his mother appears to survive, it is apparent from letters written to him by his mother and Sarah in 1842 that he had told them of his plans to be married that spring, although the date had not been set. A letter survives that Sarah wrote to him in May 1842, congratulating him "on your anticipated happiness." In her lighthearted manner, Sarah added: Harriet Williams, your old friend-the one you had so much fun with [in 1856]-is in town, she sends her love to you (and says) I think he might have come to Michigan and married me (these are her very words).16 On a more serious note, Sarah wrote: How is brotherJohn? Mother and I wrote to him a long time ago, but have not received an answer yet. Do cheer him up, for he has no mother near to sooth his aching heart, no sister by to meet him with a smile. Thomas McCue's marriage to Elizabeth Wilson took place the day after Sarah wrote her letter, on May 20, 1842.1' Born on January 14, 1824, Elizabeth was a daughter of Dr. James Wilson, M.D., and Elizabeth Kenney. Her grandfather, the Rev. William Wilson, had been the second pastor of Augusta Stone Church, serving from 1780 to 1814; he was described byJoseph A. Waddell in his Annals of Augusta County as "an admirable classical scholar and an attractive preacher."" On what date Thomas McCue had completed his studies at Washington College is not known, but at the time of his marriage, he was engaged in the mercantile trade, as had been his Grandfather Barry at Thomas' age some forty years earlier. Thomas had a country store called Barterbrook located near the Presbyterian Church at Tinkling Spring, although mail reached him at the nearby village of Fishersville. We have only one letter that Ann Allen wrote to Thomas McCue during 1842. In this, she gave him advice regarding a husband's responsibilities in marriage, based primarily on religious principles, concluding with: "I hope you will be mutual helpmates to each other, studying each other's happiness as your own."1" Was she recalling her own happy, but all too few, years with Thomas' father a generation earlier as she penned these words? Most of this letter pertains to Ann's continuing anxiety regarding her son, John: I had a letter from him a few weeks ago-his mind appears to be in [an] unsettled state. I think he better live at his Uncle James, if he will take charge of him and get him out of this nest of bad company, which I fear he has fallen into, and give Margret up, and never think of her more.... He said something about coming west; this is no place for him, or you, depend upon it. If I thought it were for either of your interest to come, I should hail you with a harty welcome. No, Thomas, no; you have no friends here but Sarah and I, and the western counties are generally made up of scape goats who have made this place a refuge from creditors or unlawful deeds. Unprincipled, [they] 80

Page  81 live by art or cunning, and him who can outwit his neighbors is the greater man. I now speak generally of the inhabitants. Again, Ann confided in Thomas regarding her own unhappiness: Mr Allen I think will leave for St. Louis in Nov. He wants to get another new home. How pleased I should be, if he was of a contented disposition. I know he could make a living here if that was all the object. The times are excessive hard with us; we live by the strictest economy-we keep no servant, do our own work, make our wants but few....I cannot tell whether we shall board (or what) as Mr. Allen does not communicate what his intention[s] are.... We are living in a very pleasant cottage at present; our time is up in Nov. John Allen The only known photograph of the founder of Ann Arbor, it was probably taken in the late 1840s. From Allen Family Collection, Bentley Historical Library, University of Michigan. 81

Page  82 John Allen's "intentions" were as vague in his own mind in 1842 as they were a mystery to Ann. He did not go to St. Louis, and his dreams for the Richmond project were finally abandoned. The mills were never finished. His last letter from Lucius Boltwood found among Allen's papers was dated January 20, 1842, and expressed his shock, as well as that of Luck Sweetser, on having learned that ajudgment had been obtained against them for $600.20 "Richmond" was soon erased from Michigan's map, and its site, with taxes unpaid, was added to the mounting category called "State lands." So, also, was John Allen's name gradually dropped as owner of the other thousands of acres of Michigan land that he had purchased on borrowed money from "wildcat" banks before the Panic of 1837, and on which he could not now pay the taxes. Fortunately, he had been able to transfer to his son, James C. Allen, "the land near the village," and James was now a contented farmer there, with his grandmother keeping house for him. His father had hoped for a more publicly acclaimed career for his only son. By 1842, Allen had moved his law office to "over the west end ofJ. C. Mundy's store, next to the post office," on the corner of Ann and Fourth Streets.21 Business was picking up, and his papers for the next two years consist largely of documents pertaining to his growing number of clients. He had become a skilled defense attorney, and before the year was out he had added a partner, John Gott.22 Practicing law in a quiet Michigan village, however, did not offer the excitement thatJohn Allen's roving nature demanded, and the "contented disposition" that Ann longed for him was alien to his being. On Christmas Eve 1842, Sarah Allen took time from "making wreaths to trim the Episcopal Church" to write a lighthearted letter to Thomas and his wife. We shall remain in the house we occupy untill spring; our family is small, numbering four [her half-sister, Elizabeth Allen, was living with them]. We are our own domestics. I have become a thorough bred housekeeper; I play the pots and kittles as well as the piano. Thus far we have had a very cold & severe Winter, snow is in abundance, plenty of Sleighing parties. The society of young people is quite large with the additions we have from the east of a few old maids. Ann Arbor has become quite a city since you were here, a great deal of style and formality. We have Merchants without number & goods are very low, business is carried on by trading; no specie in circulation. The farmers daughters come out as gay as the City bells.23 Sarah closed her letter with mention of the "melancholy news of the death of Uncle Barry," noting that her mother "is the only one of her father's near relatives left." Ann had written a tear-stained letter of condolence to Andrew Barry's family in Hillsboro on December 8, 1842. As a postscript, she wrote:...relative to what CousinJohn [a son of Andrew Barry] wrote at his father's request. I have not mentioned it to Mr Allen, as I thought it would do no good....I should like to know, how much was due, from this time, to lequadate that debt, which Uncle's Estate holds 82

Page  83 against Mr Allen. I feel very grateful for the kindness Uncle bestow[ed] I have no doubt Mr Allen will take the benefit which I derive from me as soon as Uncle's debt is payed. That is my reason for wanting to know what was due.24 It appears that Ann's question pertained to a matter going back to the time of her marriage to John Allen. Andrew Barry had played an important role in Ann's life. With John McKim, he had been a co-executor of her father's estate, managing her inheritance until her marriage in 1813. Following Dr. McCue's death in 1818, he had co-administered that estate. One of the debts still owed when the McCue estate was closed in 1830, had been a claim by James McCue, as guardian of Ann's sons, in the amount of $640.50 for "boarding & tuition & clothing" of John and Thomas from June 1821, when Ann had been married toJohn Allen, untilJanuary 1, 1824, the date on whichJames McCue had been entrusted to manage the income from the boys' inheritance. This charge by James McCue had been made on the basis that John Allen had automatically assumed responsibility for his stepsons' support when Ann became his wife, continuing until McCue had become their guardian. Andrew Barry had taken this debt on himself in order that the estate could be closed. Because Ann still held her dower interest in Dr. McCue's real estate, she was entitled to a third of the annual income from that property, but with the unpaid (and then uncollectable) debt of John Allen, her dower income had been given annually to Barry for application toward it. Over the years, Ann's income had totaled some $735. How the matter of interest was calculated is unknown, but a small surplus was due to Ann at her Uncle's death. Before he died, Barry had asked his son to see that Ann received what was due her, rather than giving it to her husband. Indeed, this had been accomplished. Much of a letter that Ann wrote to Thomas in March 1843, pertained to the real estate once owned by Thomas's father, i.e., the McCue home in Lexington, along with an empty lot there, and the farm in Rockbridge County.25 Deeds recorded in Rockbridge County reveal that in March 1841, John and Thomas McCue had sold, for $200, their interest in the two-acre lot in Lexington, and, a week later, Thomas had sold to John, for $4,018, his share of their father's farm.26 (Apparently it was through a mortgage on the land thatJohn was able to pay his brother this amount.) John had been operating the farm since receiving his half of his father's remaining personal estate in 1837. By 1841, Thomas was anxious to begin his mercantile business, so the sale was advantageous to both. Even though it was not until March 1841, thatJohn became the legal owner of his father's farm, he had signed a deed nearly a year earlier with Andrew B. Davidson who owned adjoining land, by which John and Davidson "exchanged lots of ground for their mutual accommodation." This exchange made the "road leading to Davidson's Mill" a more convenient dividing line between the two properties.27 No mention was made in any of these deeds of John and Thomas' mother's "dower third." Just as when Ann's share of her first husband's personal estate had been paid to John Allen on her behalf, so, also, under Virginia law, he would have authority to collect her "dower third" of the real estate that her first husband had owned. Furthermore, Allen could use the money as he should see fit. 83

Page  84 It is possible that Ann's sons simply failed to consider, or even realize, perhaps, that their mother held a right of inheritance along with themselves when they made these sales. She seems not to have been informed of their action at the time. The McCue brothers continued to collect rent on the house in Lexington where their parents had once lived and where Thomas and John had been born. Besides Lot 5, on which the house stood, Dr. McCue had also owned the adjoining half of Lot 4. By the spring of 1843, however, it was in the interest of the brothers to sell this remaining portion of their father's property. John McCue had owed money to Andrew Barry (the reason not known today), and with Barry's death, that debt had become due to the Barry estate. Thomas was then considering the purchase of a farm located near Mt. Sidney in Augusta County, some ten miles from Staunton. It was, of course, his father's inheritance that would enable him to do so. It appears that it was in the settlement of John's debt to the estate of Andrew Barry that Thomas realized that he and John may have violated the law for having failed to notify, and involve, John Allen in these transactions. Thomas wrote to his mother on March 9, 1843, regarding the matter. Although his letter is not extant, Ann's reply, two weeks later, enables us to deduce the nature of its contents. Concerned that, indeed, her sons might face legal problems for their actions, she had consulted a young man in Ann Arbor who had a law degree, but was not practicing his profession. Dear Son. Your letter of the nineth of March came safe to hand a few days ago. I should have answered immediately, but I wish [ed] to consult a young lawyer of my acquaintance (Dwight). You used to know him. He does not practice law here, but was, I understood, admitted to the bar at Franklin, Louisiana... It is his opinion that Mr Allen would know it would not be [in] his interest to institute a[n] expensive law suit in Vir. when their was so much risk to run on his part. Better not for you to write to him, as you might commit yourself as you are not so well acquainted with the law, he might take advantage of some quible of law. He [Dwight] says he think[s] it is better for you to let it remain as it is. Mr. Allen, of course, if he does any thing, must first informe you of it; you then can see what if it should be necessary, consult a comptant lawyer before you make a reply; he [Dwight] thinks if he did sue, he would sue the estate or both heirs. For my own part, I am affraid you have place[d] yourself in his power by selling it, without first informing him of your intentions according to the law. If this is the case, you will have to withdraw your hand out of the fox's mouth as waery [wearily] as you can-for this reason I have not showen your letter nor have I made him [Allen] acquainted with your wish with regard to my right of dowery. He neither consults my interest or feelings by words or actions-that is the reason Sarah and I take it for granted he would not be willing for me to receive the benefit resulting from it, if he could prevent it. He does not know Uncle Barry give me what was coming to him, until it was paid.... 8 Ann mailed her letter to Thomas on March 29th. Whether Thomas and John proceeded to sell the remainder of their father's property before receiving their 84

Page  85 mother's letter, after reading it, or perhaps after consulting a lawyer, we do not know. Whatever the case, a Rockbridge County deed dated April 27, 1843, reveals that Thomas paid John $1,500 to relinquish his claim to the McCue house and lots in Lexington.29 Other Rockbridge County deeds reveal that Thomas sold Lot 5, including the house, to Robert Paine for $1,400, and the adjoining half of Lot 4 to the "Trustees of the Baptist Congregation in Lexington," for $500.30 Curiously, both of these deeds were dated April 25, 1843, two days prior to the date ofJohn's deed to Thomas; furthermore, there were doubtless considerations made in these sales figures that are not explained in the deeds. If John's interest in the property was valued at $1,500, that of Thomas would surely have been of a similar amount, making the total value at least $3,000. Perhaps Thomas sold to Paine and the Baptists only his own portion of the property, retainingJohn's portion, for which he paid $1,500, in his own name until a later date. So far as we know, John Allen offered no objections to his stepsons' sales of the McCue property, probably because of events that transpired the following year, as will be noted hereafter. The last letter written in Ann Arbor by Ann Allen that was saved by her son was dated February 12, 1844. In this, she suggested that her sons pay her interest on the dower third of their father's land that they had sold. "You may think I ought not to ask of you that," Ann wrote, "but in fact it is all I have in the world." In this 1844 letter, Ann provided an interesting view of her own physical health and her attitude toward patent medicines of the day: I hope John's health is better. Tell him not to tamper with ever[y] kind of medicine. I presume I have the same disease in my blood that he has, and I would recommend him not to take every thing people recomend him. The use of ointment might make it strike in upon his lungs. Keep his blood cool, his bowels gently open. The medicine I mentioned in my former letter has been highly recommend[ed], but I have never taken it. I think it has been of so long standing in my case that it might injury me more than not to take any thing. I make very little use of medicine for the past 6 year[s]. Regarding her mental health, she wrote: My situation here is very precarious as it regards my domestic home. Mr Allen changes not. Our family of late has much increased; we are boarding a family by the name of Gott. Consists of wife, husband, and child, a partner in the law office. We keep a girl to assist doing the work. Much I have to say, Thomas, which I cannot transmit to paper.... As she closed her letter, Ann asked: "What has become [of] Connell & Calomid? Are they still living? Is Louisa living?" Here she referred to three of the "Negroes" who had been the property of Dr. McCue a quarter century earlier. Perhaps they had been her house servants then. Ann also noted: "I hope before this your wife has had a safe delivery."' Indeed, Thomas' wife had had "a safe delivery" a month earlier.32 A daughter had been born to Elizabeth and Thomas on January 11, 1844. The name chosen 85

Page  86 for this first grandchild of Ann doubtless pleased her, for it was her own: Ann Barry McCue. Ann Allen's characterization of her "domestic home" situation as "precarious" in February 1844, along with her statement that she could not "transmit" to paper other matters that were obviously of deep concern to her, must have pertained, in part, to decisions then being made by her husband. One of these involved his newfound religion. He had become intrigued with, and was later baptized into, the Church of the New Jerusalem. This sect was an outgrowth of the voluminous writings of Emanuel Swedenborg (1688-1772), a Swedish scientist who had become a religious seer, claiming that on three occasions he had physically and consciously visited and observed the spiritual world. The New Church denomination formed long after his death, never achieved a membership of over a few thousand in the United States, but in the mid-19th Century it attracted several of Michigan's political leaders. The Rev. George Field was the sect's chief evangelist in Michigan, and from his autobiography we know that he was in Ann Arbor in 1843.33 While in Ann Arbor, Field left with convert George Corselius, printer, local politician, and close friend ofJohn Allen, twelve volumes of Swedenborg's books as a gift to the library of the University of Michigan. Although Allen had encouraged, even contributed to, the establishment of traditional religious societies in Ann Arbor, and the building of their churches, he had never become a member of any denomination. To understand why Ann was now so disturbed at John's attraction to the Swedenborgians, one need only note the reaction of the Rev. George Duffield, then Michigan's leading Presbyterian minister and a University regent, upon reading one of the volumes left with Corselius, Scortator Love. Its language and thoughts, in many pages, cannot but prove injurious to youthful minds....I am perfectly disgusted with its pages. The dissemination of such a work cannot fail to excite a most pestilential influence in Society, by corrupting the minds, and morals, of youth.34 Another disturbing matter to add to Ann Allen's depression in 1844 was John Allen's decision to seek the Democratic Party's nomination to represent the Second Senatorial District in the State Legislature. This would mean, in Ann's view, even more turmoil in the household, and if he were elected (which he was), Allen would be in Detroit, still the state's capital city, much of the time. Sarah Ann Allen, now in her twenty-first year, had been her mother's one great comfort during the years following the family's return to Ann Arbor in 1838. From Sarah's few extant letters and her mother's references to her in her own letters, we sense that Sarah did not share her mother's constant gloom. Unlike Ann's reluctance to mingle in the town's society, Sarah was vivacious, fun-loving, and popular with her fellow youths of both sexes. It is obvious that Sarah had inherited her father's outgoing personality as well as his optimistic nature. In the fragment that remains of Ann's letter to Thomas in February 1840, when Sarah was seventeen, Ann had written:...she is high minded. If she does not get the best, she will not put up with the worst. Their has been a gentleman from New York City 86

Page  87 who has paid her considerable attention. They call him her beau. I suppose he may go under that appallation as he pays no attention to any other lady. He is much of the Gentleman, a man of good education. There is also another young gentleman who's father is very wealthy; he is very smart and enterprising, of good family.35 In a letter that Sarah wrote to Thomas McCue in 1842, she revealed her keen sense of humor, observing: Men are such Flirts, their is no believing them. I have had a number of offers, but something lacking in all. I am hard to suit. They say [that] I am a desperate flirt, but I deny the accusation. There is not many advantages [advantageous] matches here; they are all very polite to me, however.3 One may wonder whether Sarah's failure to find any of her suitors to be satisfactory was because of her daily awareness of her parents' unhappy marriage. Marshall McCue, son of James A. McCue, whose childhood was spent with Ann's sons, remembered that the marriage of Ann and John Allen had been "unhappy and unfortunate."37 James Turner Allen, brother of John, writing in 1880, recalled thatJohn and Ann "not living happy together, agreed to separate."38 The separation, but not divorce, came in 1844, not long after Ann wrote to her son regarding the "precarious" nature of her "domestic home," and it was Thomas who made the separation possible. According to McCue family memories, he came to Ann Arbor to take his mother and Sarah "home." END NOTES-CHAPTER VII 1. For a short history of this school, see "The Clark Sisters, 'Ladies' Extraordinary," in Lela Duff, Pioneer School, Some Chapters in the Story of Ann Arbor High School (Ann Arbor, MI: Board of Education, 1958), pp. 6-8. 2. John Allen to William Woodbridge, Feb. 9, 1839. Woodbridge Papers, BHC. 3. Ann I. Allen to Thomas W. McCue, July 30, 1839. Ann I. Allen Papers, BHL. 4. Michigan State Journal, June 5, 1839. 5. Published the day before the opening of the railroad to Ann Arbor, a lengthy description of the plans for the celebration appeared in the Michigan StateJournal, October 16, 1839. 6. Daily Michigan Argus, January 15, 1839. The Daily Argus was a stepchild of the weekly Argus and was Ann Arbor's first daily newspaper. It survived only three months. 7. A detailed review of the first three of Allen's lectures appeared in the Michigan Argus ofJanuary 24, 1839. A short review of his final lecture appeared in the February 7, 1839, issue of the Argus. 8. We may wonder whether, on this occasion, John Allen recalled that his father, Col. James Allen, had been chosen to read the Declaration of Independence at Ann Arbor's first Independence Day celebration in 1825, as remembered years later by Ezra Maynard. See History of Wastenaw County, 1881, p. 902. 9. Ann I. Allen to Thomas W. McCue, July 30, 1839. 10. See Chapter VI, note 34. 11. An undated clipping from a newspaper containing the obituary of Margaret (Irvine) McCue was sent to this writer by Miss Sarah W. McCue. Margaret's home at the time of her death (date unknown) was near Lexington, VA. She was 81 years old when she died. 12. The proposed advertisement prepared by Ann Janetta (Kerr) Jones was enclosed in a letter from Elizabeth (Barry) Kerr to Caroline Campbell, dated August 12, 1925. It is with Mrs. Campbell's 87

Page  88 papers in BHL. Ann Jenetta Kerr and Elizabeth Barry Kerr were daughters of Lucy Gordon (Waddell) and Samuel Homes Kerr, Lucy being one of two daughters of Sarah Ann (Allen) and Dr. John Addison Waddell. Sarah's other daughter, Isabella Barry Waddell, was married to Z. Taylor Kerr and had one child, Carroll Waddell Kerr. In a response from Elizabeth Barry Kerr dated June 11, 1963, to a query from this writer, Miss Kerr copied from a letter she had received from her sister, Ann Janetta: "I think all you can tell Professor Bidlack is that when our mother [Lucy Gordon Waddell] married, she went to live in the home of our father's family, leaving for the time being everything in the home of her father, Dr. Waddell, where her sister, Isabella, continued to live. That our mother died when we were very small children-not old enough to be interested in such things as we would love to have now-especially letters, pictures, silver, etc. That our father married again while we were still too young to be interested. When our Aunt Isabella died, the home was sold and we don't know what became of anything in it." 13. The whereabouts of the original of this undated letter from Ann I. Allen to her daughter, Sarah Ann, is unknown. A photostat of it is among the papers of Ann I. Allen, BHL. It is probable that Caroline Campbell borrowed the original in 1925 from a granddaughter of Sarah Ann (Allen) Waddell to have this photostat made. 14. Ann I. Allen to Thomas W. McCue, June 9, 1841. Ann I. Allen Papers, BHL. 15. Michigan StateJournal, December 27, 1841. 16. Sarah Ann Allen to Thomas W. McCue, May 19, 1842. Ann I. Allen Papers, BHL. 17. From family records shared with this writer by Sarah W. McCue. 18. Waddell, Annals, p. 135. 19. Ann I. Allen to Thomas W. McCue, August 15, 1842. Ann I. Allen Papers, BHL. 20. Lucius Boltwood to John Allen, January 20, 1842. John Allen Papers, BHC. 21. Allen had actually occupied the office over the west end of the Mundy store as early as April 1, 1840, as he announced in the Michigan StateJournal of that date: "...entrance first door north of the Post Office." 22. John N. Gott became a prominent lawyer in Ann Arbor. Still living when the 1881 History of Washtenaw County was published, his biography was included, pp. 999-1,000. Born in Amherst, NY, in 1814, he had come to Detroit in 1840, then to Ann Arbor where he "taught school, at the same time reading law with John Allen....During this time, Mr. Allen and Mr. Gott organized the system of abstract books now in general use [in 1881]." 23. Sarah Ann Allen to Thomas W. McCue, December 24, 1842. This letter was in the possession of Gretchen Bell of Staunton, VA, in September 1961, when it was loaned to this writer and a photostat made. A copy is in the Ann I. Allen Papers, BHL. 24. Ann I. Allen to Joseph McD. Mathews, December 8, 1842. This letter is probably no longer extant. A typewritten copy was made on January 29, 1954, by Norma Bell Morris, a great-granddaughter of Ann I. Allen, of which a photocopy was made for this writer by Virginia Somerville of Montreat, NC, a great-great-granddaughter of Ann I. Allen. 25. Ann I. Allen to Thomas W. McCue, March 26, 1843. Ann I. Allen Papers, BHL. 26. Rockbridge Co., VA, Deed Book W, p. 6, and Book X, pp. 95-96. 27. Ibid., Book Z, p. 344. Although dated March 23, 1840, this deed was not recorded untilJuly 27, 1847. 28. Ann I. Allen to Thomas W. McCue, March 26, 1843. Ann I. Allen Papers, BHL. 29. Rockbridge Co., VA, Deed Book W, p. 6. 30. Rockbridge Co., VA, Deed Book X, pp. 95-6. 31. Ann I. Allen to Thomas W. McCue, Feb. 12, 1844. Ann I. Allen Papers, BHL. 32. The family Bible of Thomas W. McCue in which he recorded family births and deaths, is preserved by the McCue family in Virginia. A transcript has been made of these records by the present writer. 33. George Field, Memoirs... (Toronto: R. Carswell & Co., 1879), pp. 99-100. John Allen's association with the Church of the NewJerusalem is described in this writer's John Allen and the Founding of Ann Arbor (Ann Arbor: The University of Michigan, 1962), pp. 48-9. 34. George Duffield to the Rev. J. Inglis, March 10, 1847. Quoted by Field, Memoirs, p. 155. 35. Ann I. Allen to Thomas W. McCue, February 29, 1840. Ann I. Allen Papers, BHL. 36. Sarah Ann Allen to Thomas W. McCue, December 24, 1842. This letter was in the possession of Gretchen Bell, great-granddaughter of Ann I. Allen, in 1961 when this writer was permitted to make a transcription, a copy of which is in BHL. 37. J. Marshall McCue 1888 Letter. (See Chapter II,note 5.) 38. James Turner Allen, "Family Record...." (See Chapter IV, note 23.) 88

Page  89 VIII. Return to Virginia; Again a Widow 1844-1851 Curiously, it is an extant letter written by the "gentleman from New York City" whom Ann Allen had mentioned in her letter of February 1840, that reveals the approximate date of her and Sarah's journey to Virginia.' That "gentleman" was named John L. Broome. It appears that the Allens had become acquainted with members of the Broome family during their stay in New York City, and that John Broome and his half-sister, LydiaJustice, had later visited the Allens in Ann Arbor.2 In some manner, John Broome had also become acquainted with Thomas McCue. Through his letter to Thomas McCue dated April 18, 1845, which Thomas saved, John Broome hoped to learn why he had received no replies to his several letters written to Sarah "since I returned from China."3 (Broome had been involved "in the ship furnishing line" and had gone to China in that connection in 1842.) Having learned that Sarah and her mother were now living with Thomas in Virginia, he wrote to Thomas to inquire, perhaps through your explanation...on some points to which at present, I remain completely mistyfied. You are not aware perhaps, that I have long and ardently loved your Sister Sarah Ann, yet such is the case, I have written several letters to Miss Sarah but as yet have received no answer since I returned from China. I directed some letters to Lexington, in June [18]44, which I suppose were not received. I only became acquainted with your present residence some few weeks ago-I understood your Mother & Sister were residing at your house, I directed one letter there but received no answer...if my letters have become troublesome to your Sister, you as her Brother, can with great propriety, inform me... John Broome also asked Thomas "to present my best respects to your Mother-tell her I hope she enjoys good health and is in good spirits." John L. Broome had been born in New York City on March 8, 1824, and was thus a few months younger than Sarah. Perhaps it was this fact that caused her to find "something lacking" in him as a suitor, but had she returned his "ardent love," our story of Ann Allen might well be different, as would that of Sarah. At the age of twenty-four, young Broome entered the Marine Corps and was commissioned in 1848 to serve in the Mexican War. Likewise, he served in the U.S. Navy during the Civil War, as captain of the Marine Guard on Farragut's flag-ship, the Hartford, during the Vicksburg and Port Hudson engagements that restored the Mississippi River to Yankee control. At the close of the war he "was brevetted lieutenant colonel for meritorious service." He died at Binghamton, New York, on April 12, 1898.4 Because John Broome had learned that Ann and Sarah had returned to Virginia by June 1844, and had sent letters to Lexington thinking that they had joined Thomas there, we know that Ann's journey "home" had taken place in the spring of 1844. What means of conveyance Thomas used to take Ann and Sarah to Virginia, and the route that they followed, is unknown. 89

Page  90 If James Turner Allen chose his words deliberately in stating that John and Ann "not living happy together, agreed to separate," we may assume thatJohn Allen offered no objection to his wife's departure. With what degree of regret he bid farewell to his daughter cannot be determined. He never saw either of them again. Unlike her sad departure from Virginia to Michigan Territory twenty years earlier, Ann's farewell to Ann Arbor probably held few regrets. The breaking of ties with her mother-in-law, Elizabeth Allen, and with her two step-children, may have brought tears, but Ann's anticipation of a more peaceful life in the South, near her sons and other relatives, with her daughter near, was surely pleasing. For Sarah, however, now twenty-one, having no memories of Virginia other than those of her lengthy visit with her mother in 1837-38, her good-byes to virtually all the friends that she had known, realizing that they probably would never meet again, must have been much more traumatic. It had been on September 1, 1843, that Thomas McCue, with a portion of his inheritance, had purchased the 425-acre farm that would be his and his family's home for the remainder of his life. Known as the King Farm, so named for its late owner, Henry King, it was located on the north side of Middle River near the village of Mt. Sidney in Augusta County, about ten miles northeast of Staunton. Thomas agreed with "the surviving executor" of the King estate,John Cochran, to pay a total of $8,117.50 "current money of Virginia" to the estate. After an initial installment of one quarter of the total ($2,029.37 %), Thomas was able to stretch out the three remaining annual payments until June 1, 1845, without interest.5 Considering that Thomas McCue was the father of an infant daughter in the spring of 1844, and that he was just beginning to farm over four hundred acres of land, he made no small sacrifice in taking time from his labors to go to Ann Arbor. The Old Augusta Stone Presbyterian Church at Fort Defiance, Virginia Ann I. Allen had been a member of this church before going to Michigan in 1824 and again following her return to Virginia in 1844. Her funeral was conducted here in 1875, and she was buried in its "New Cemetery." The solid, stone building, completed in 1749, has the distinction of being the oldest Presbyterian house of worship in continuous use in Virginia. From Allen Family Collection, Bentley Historical Library. 90

Page  91 The home to which Thomas took his mother and Sarah was a simple log cabin that was already standing on the King Farm when Thomas bought it. Upon her arrival, Ann must have been reminded of the crowded log cabin that had met her arrival in Ann Arbor in 1824, but now, we can be sure, she wore a smile. We can imagine the joy in her heart as she held her first grandchild, Ann Barry McCue. In the following August, another daughter was born to Thomas and Elizabeth, Betsy Kenny McCue, and, two years thereafter, MargaretJane arrived. No records are known to survive by which Ann Allen's story after 1844 can be told in any detail. If she ever wrote any letters to her husband in Ann Arbor after her return to Virginia, he did not save them, nor did he ever mention her in any of his surviving records. There is a receipt that he signed, but apparently never delivered, dated December 20, 1844, for $84.37 paid by a man in Ann Arbor named C. J. Garland, for several household items, including a dining table, a half-dozen chairs, 60A yards of carpeting, and some blinds.6 It appears that he was selling household furniture in preparation for moving to Detroit to assume his duties as a state senator. He had rented a room there in the National Hotel. A single letter written by Sarah Ann Allen from Virginia to her father survives among his papers. Its nearly complete text follows: Mount Sidney Nov 23rd 1847 Dear Father I would have answered your letter ere this, but I thought it would not be worth my while to write untill I could tell you what I intended to do. I have come to the conclusion to marry. The gentleman of my choice is intelligent; a physician by profession; a man of unacceptional [unexceptional] character, with habits & tastes congenial to mine. His family stands high as it regards respectability. He is a nephew of old Dr. Waddel of Staunton. His age is somewhat of an objection; he is some ten or fifteen years older than me & I fear of rather a delicate constitution, & what you would call decidedly homely; with rather too much indipendence and decision of character to be popular. His practice is at present somewhat limited as their are many to compite with the same profession. But I think by the strictest economy, and industry, we will be enabled to get along. His profession is his fortune. I hope you will assist me all you can, for I do not want him to run in debt any more than he can possibly help, to procure a house & furnish it in the plainest manner. I have not succeeded in selling my Piano, but I hope I shall. I want to help pay for the house & lot with it. I do not intend to have any wedding, just enough to witness the ceremony. I shall be married in the dress I wore when I was bridesmaid in Michigan. But I should like to get a good winter dress that would suit all occasions. I wish you could send me some money now. Perhaps you could make some trade and get me something towards housekeeping; a carpet, or two, (or...a set of china), or any thing that would be useful, that you could pack in a box, and send 91

Page  92 it by John Perkins to New York & he could forward it to me. I expect nothing more from Brother Thomas as he has given me my board thus far. We have had a very pleasant fall, very much like Michigan falls, long Indian summer. The wheat crop generally in this county has failed with a few exceptions. I suppose you know Alpheus Poage went to Mexico. Is your health good as usual? How is Elizabeth? How many children has she? How many has Mrs Hawkins? I heard Laura is to be married, is she married? My health has been generally good, with the exception of a bad cold that I have now. Father any thing you chose to send will be gratefully received. Answer this soon as it takes some time for a letter to reach here. I remain your affectionate daughter. A. A. Allen P.S. Father I suppose you have no objections to my marrying that gentleman, give me your advice on the subject, his name is Dr.J. A. Waddel [Waddell] of New Hope, a small town about 4 miles from here. The place is about the size of Dexter.7 Sarah Ann Allen was married to John Addison Waddell on January 20, 1848.8 Born on March 23, 1808, Dr. J. Addison Waddell, as he was called, was thus fifteen years Sarah's senior; Sarah was twenty-four and Dr. Waddell was thirty-nine. It was his first marriage, as well as Sarah's. The Waddell family did, indeed, belong to a family that "stands high," to use Sarah's words, in Augusta County. For three generations it had included doctors, lawyers, teachers, editors, and Presbyterian ministers. Dr. Waddell's father, James Gordon Waddell, had been the principal of Staunton Academy for Boys in 1806, and it had been he who had taken Sarah's mother, nine-year-old Ann Barry, as a private student upon her return from Ireland that year. From Sarah's letter, we know that she had received a letter from her father; from the wording of her first sentence, we may wonder whether he might have suggested that she return to Ann Arbor. It is interesting, and sad, that she made no mention of her mother, suggesting that the bitterness between Ann and John remained deep. The Elizabeth about whom Sarah inquired was her half-sister, Elizabeth Allen, who had been married to William Wallace Wilson in Ann Arbor in 1843.' Perhaps it had been at Elizabeth's wedding that Sarah wore the bridesmaid dress that would now serve as her wedding dress. The first child of Elizabeth was not born until March 28, 1848. It seems apparent, therefore, that there had been no communication between Sarah and Elizabeth after Sarah's departure for Virginia. (In 1864, the Wilsons moved to Markesan, Wisconsin.) Alpheus Poage was a nephew of John Allen, a son of his sister, Peggy. The Mrs. Hawkins about whom Sarah inquired was Mary (Welch) Hawkins, wife of Olney Hawkins, and daughter of John Allen's sister, Mary Welch (called Polly), as was also Laura. WhatJohn Allen's response may have been to his daughter's letter, we do not know, but a granddaughter of Sarah reported in 1925 that she and her sister had inherited "a small leather trunk with an old brass plate on which is engraved 'John Allen: Ann Arbor, Mich.'"'1 Perhaps he used this container to send Sarah his 92

Page  93 wedding gift. He was then in his second term in the Michigan Senate, but his financial situation had not greatly improved. At the time Sarah wrote to him, he was considering a candidacy for the Michigan governorship, but later decided against it. He was still active in the Church of the NewJerusalem and was giving thought to becoming a full-time lecturer on its behalf. William Woodbridge, now a United States Senator, was attempting to secure for him the federal post of Receiver of Public Lands at Sault Ste. Marie, but he would fail. Despite her alienation from her husband, Ann must occasionally have remembered, perhaps as she held an infant granddaughter, times of happiness that she and John had shared during their nearly thirty years of marriage. She could not help but wonder how he was coping with his mountain of debt, whether he had any health problems, and whether he sometimes thought of her with remembered affection. A few weeks after receiving Sarah's letter occurred the event that would determine the ultimate fate of John Allen. It was the discovery of gold on the American River, about forty miles east of present-day Sacramento, in January 1848. The news of this discovery was carried to the Atlantic states by sailors, and from there the excitement spread west, south, and north, including Virginia and Michigan. By January 1849, the Gold Rush to California had begun, and, before the year ended, some fifty thousand individuals would be known hence-forth, in life or memory, as "Forty-Niners." The name was quickly added to the lexicon of American history. The Waddell Home at New Hope, Augusta County, Virginia The home of Dr. J. Addison and Sarah Ann (Allen) Waddell in New Hope where Sarah's mother, Ann I. Allen, lived following Sarah's marriage in 1848, although she spent long periods of time at Belvidere. From Allen Family Collection, Bentley Historical Library. 93

Page  94 Men from Augusta County, Virginia, and Washtenaw County, Michigan, responded to this siren call from the New El Dorado, as did citizens of every other county in the United States, in ones and twos, or in companies of a score or more. The eleven men from Ann Arbor who left for "the diggings" at various times during 1849, included two ofJohn Allen's closest friends, George Corselius and Dr. Caleb Ormsby, neither of whom lived to return home." John Allen just missed being a Forty-Niner; he did not start until the following January, thus becoming one of the nearly one hundred thousand immigrants to California in 1850. From the publicity given to this dramatic migration in every American newspaper, Ann Allen could not have been unaware of the event, but when and how she learned thatJohn had joined the throng, we cannot be sure. Either he or a relative doubtless informed Sarah, if not Ann. Whatever her source of information, however, Ann was surely not surprised that "Mr. Allen" found it impossible to resist being part of this great American adventure even though, at fifty-three, he was twice the age of the typical gold seeker. There were three possible routes to the "gold fields": (1) by wagon, horseback, or foot across the plains; (2) by ship around Cape Horn; or (3) by way of the Isthmus of Panama. Allen chose the latter, believed to be the quickest, but it was also the most expensive. The journey cost him two hundred dollars, according to his first letter back to Ann Arbor intended as a guide for others who would follow him. Allen was accompanied by a political friend, Abner A. Wells, of Tecumseh, Michigan, along with Wells's brother-in-law, William Wilson, and a young man named George Van Nest. They left by wagon from Tecumseh on January 7, 1850, for Tiffin, Ohio, where they "took the cars running from Sandusky to Cincinnati,": and then by steamboat to New Orleans. From there they went by brig to Chargres, arriving on the Atlantic side of the Isthmus on February 11th. They crossed the Isthmus by canoe and on foot, with the aid of natives, to Panama City on the Pacific side. There on February 20th, with some 160 other passengers, they boarded the ship Brutus and arrived in San Francisco on April 25th. The three men went with their picks and shovels to "Matsell's Creek, 4 miles from its junction with the Mercedes River at the Horse Shoe Bend, Maraposa County."12 In addition toJohn Allen's remarkably detailed account of their journey, published in the Michigan Argus in June 1850, a long and insightful letter to his mother begun on July 27th and closed on August 2nd, describing his experiences as a miner, appeared in the Argus in October 1850. His third and last letter, dated August 10, 1850, is likewise filled with information and keen observations, but it also tells of his and Wells's disappointment that, after three months, "we have not been able to lay up three hundred dollars between us." In a post-script dated October 24th, written at San Francisco, Allen tells of their having abandoned "mines and mining" in September to purchase a team of horses and a twenty-acre "garden" five miles outside the city. With Wells and Wilson, he was now in partnership producing and selling supplies to miners, an enterprise they were certain would prove much more profitable than digging for gold themselves. As he closed this letter, Allen noted that "my health has not been very good for some days, having a somewhat severe attack of the Dysentery, now prevailing here." He added that "the cholera is also in the city."'3 94

Page  95 The issue of Ann Arbor's Michigan Argus of April 30, 1851, carried a notice that John Allen had died in San Francisco nearly two months earlier. We know nothing about the settlement of John Allen's estate, or whether Ann or Sarah may have inherited any portion of whatever assets he had possessed. Records pertaining to these matters were lost in the San Francisco earthquake of 1906. Died-In San Francisco, on the 11 th of March last, after a protracted and painful illness, Hon. John Allen, in the 56th year of his age. The deceased was the first proprietor of the land upon which our flourishing city is now built, and may therefore be regarded as the pioneer of our city, and one of the first settlers of the county. He was twice elected to a seat in the Senate of the State, and witnessed this beautiful Peninsula when only the home of the red man of the forest, and saw it teeming with the busy hum of civilization, and occupied by a population of nearly 400,000. Yet, after all, it was his lot to die among strangers. He was a man talented, and has left a numerous circle of friends to lament his loss. When it was that Ann learned that she was again a widow under law, we do not know. Although the love that she and John once shared had faded long ago, Ann was doubtless saddened as vague memories of their earlier happy times came to mind, and she pondered what might have been. Now in her mid-fifties and twice a widow, Ann Allen would have been considered a "senior citizen" by her Virginia friends had the term then existed. Her health was good, however, and she felt needed in her role as a caring grandmother, recalling, perhaps, a grandmother's importance in her own childhood. While her possessions were few, she felt secure in the love and protection of her prosperous son, Thomas, and her attentive and happily married daughter, Sarah Ann. Gone was the darkness that the future had seemed to hold for her a decade earlier when she had lamented: "all I had is gone to the four winds" with "nothing to cause me to think times will alter for the better for me." One persistent heartache remained, however: the waywardness of her son,John McCue. Her sense of guilt for her absence during John's formative years that had clouded her life in Ann Arbor continued to haunt her. END NOTES-CHAPTER VIII 1. Ann I. Allen to Thomas W. McCue, February 29, 1840, Ann I. Allen Papers, BHL. 2. Records in the John Allen Papers, BHC, pertaining to the Broome family are puzzling. The mother of John L. Broome, with two daughters by an earlier marriage (Lydia and GeorgianaJustice), were living in the New York home of John Allen in 1838, as wasJohn's daughter, Elizabeth M. Allen. In a letter to her brother,James C. Allen inJanuary 1838, Elizabeth wrote: "I think I would feel very lonesome if it were not for the Miss Justices. I think I mentioned to Grandmother in one of my letters that we talked of renting our house and furniture for our board, we put an advertisement in the paper, and got a Quaker family to take it, and board Mrs. Broome's family, Pa, and myself." Elizabeth M. Allen to James C. Allen, January 16, 1838. John Allen Papers, BHC. It will be recalled that Ann I. Allen was then in Virginia with Sarah Ann. There are two letters from Lydia H. Justice to John Allen written from New York City in 1842. They are filled with self-pity and are quite accusatory, while appealing for financial aid. Georgianna Justice had died of consumption on January 8, 1842; Lydia had had an illegitimate child named 95

Page  96 Charles. At some point, Lydia had spent time in Ann Arbor, and in her letter to John Allen of January 16, 1842, (John Allen Papers, BHC) she wrote: "I was told before I left Ann Arbor that Mrs. [surname omitted by this writer] was a very bad woman, that Mr. [surname omitted by this writer] and yourself kept her before marriage, and still continue to do so, also that you wished me for your convienence, now Mr. Allen, I cannot believe this. I know your motives were pure in that respect-it was only for me to have a home, but I am surprised if you knew her character that you would think of such a thing-and suffer your wife and daughters to associate with such a wretch...." 3. John L. Broome to Thomas W. McCue, April 18, 1845. This writer obtained a photocopy of this letter in 1978, borrowing it from Mary and Sarah W. McCue at Belvidere, 4. A lengthy obituary of John Lloyd Broome (1824-1892) appeared in the Binghamton Republican of April 12, 1892, in which it was noted that he was a son ofJohn Lloyd Broome, Sr. and a grandson of John Broome, an early Lieutenant Governor of the state of New York, for whom the county of Broome, in which Binghamton is located, had been named. According to this obituary, John L. Broome had been married to Miss Mary Cochran who had lived until 1892. They had one child, Captain George Cochran Broome. 5. Augusta Co., VA, Deed Book 64, p. 154. 6. Receipt,John Allen to C.J. Garland, December 20, 1844. John Allen Papers, BHC. 7. Sarah Ann Allen to John Allen, November 23, 1847. John Allen Papers, BHC. 8. This writer is indebted to Lilly Waddell Hawpe of Fort Defiance, VA, for information on the Waddell family taken from family records in her possession. 9. Elizabeth M. Allen's full name was Elizabeth Mary Crawford Allen, obviously named for her mother, Mary (Crawford) Allen. Elizabeth was born on December 19, 1818; she died on April 21, 1905, in Markesan, WI. She was married in Ann Arbor in 1843 to William W. Wilson (1816-1897). Their first child, Frank Seymour Allen Wilson, was born on March 28, 1848. This information has been furnished to the present writer by Frances S. Lamont of Aberdeen, South Dakota, from family records in her possession. Her late husband, William Mather Lamont, was a great-grandson of Elizabeth (Allen) Wilson. 10. Elizabeth Barry Kerr to Caroline P. Campbell, August 12, 1925. Caroline Campbell Papers, BHL. 11. This writer's Letters Home, the Story of Ann Arbor's Forty-Niners (Ann Arbor: Ann Arbor Publishers, 1960), contains texts of letters written by several of the eleven men who went, or started, from Ann Arbor to California during 1849, including George Corselius and Dr. Caleb Ormsby, close friends of John Allen. Corselius, suffering from tuberculosis and hoping California's climate would provide a cure, attempted to go by way of the Isthmus of Panama. Too ill to continue after reaching Panama City, he turned back only to die on board the Crescent City on May 10, 1849. Dr. Ormsby, going overland, succeeded in reaching California, although his nephew and a neighbor who accompanied him, both died on the way. Dr. Ormsby prospered in California for seven years, but returning home in the summer of 1857 on the Central America, he was one of some 500 passengers lost at sea when the steamer sank in a hurricane off Cape Hatteras. 12. Three detailed letters written byJohn Allen regarding his California adventure survive because of their publication in a weekly Ann Arbor newspaper called the Michigan Argus. Then owned and edited by L.W. Cole and E.P. Gardner, the Argus had been owned jointly by Allen and Orrin Arnold in 1846 and, briefly in 1847, by Allen alone. Allen's first letter appeared in the June 19, 1850 issue of the Argus, and had been written on April 30, five days after his arrival in San Francisco. It describes his journey and his impressions of the city, particularly the price of goods and the cost of labor. His second letter, written to his mother, appeared in the Argus issue of October 9, 1850. Penned on "Matsell's Creek, 4 miles from its junction with the Mercedes river at the Horse Shoe Bend, Maraposa County, State of California," it was begun on July 27, 1850, and concluded on August 2. In this, he described the difficult and disappointing life of a miner. Allen's third letter appeared in the Argus on January 8, 1851. The "Dear Friend" to whom Allen addressed this letter was probably one of the paper's editors. Begun, also, at the mouth of Matsell's Creek on August 10, 1850, Allen did not complete this letter until October 24, 1850, in San Francisco, where he and a partner had purchased land from which to sell supplies to miners. Filling many pages, Allen proved himself in these letters to be a remarkably talented observer of his natural surroundings, his fellow men, and the events shaping California's future. 13. A daughter ofJames C. Allen named Elizabeth Tate Allen, in a letter to Ellen B. Bach in Ann Arbor, dated March 4, 1937, recalled: "My father had a large bundle of letters from his father John Allen], & the last he wrote from California telling him all he had, & said if he could live two years [he] would have all the money they could swim thru. Just after that he had what they called mountain fever & died at the age of 56-but it was typhoid fever. I wrote my sister [Genevieve (Allen) Carter] about it and she said her mother James C. Allen's third wife] burned most everything when they broke up."James C. Allen Papers, BHL. 96

Page  97 IX. At Home with Family in Virginia 1852-1860 With Dr. Waddell's eventual purchase of a house in New Hope, Ann Allen made her home with her daughter, although she returned regularly to Mt. Sidney for lengthy visits with her son and his family. It was doubtless a great comfort to Ann to observe Thomas' growing success as a farmer, along with his devotion to his family. Not only had he provided a home for his mother and Sarah prior to the latter's marriage, but, recognizing his mother's "dower right" to the land he and his brother had sold, Thomas began regularly to pay her "interest," a part of which she carefully saved. Sometime between 1848 and 1849, Thomas McCue built a four-room frame house for his growing family to replace the log cabin. It was in this house that Elizabeth bore two children, William on May 9, 1850, and Phoebe onJune 21, 1852. Then, in 1850, Thomas contracted with two men to build a fine brick house that required three years to complete. When this home was finished, the nearby frame structure became housing for the African-American slaves that Thomas had begun to acquire. After the Civil War, it became a schoolhouse for the McCue and neighboring children. When the 1850 federal census was taken of Augusta County, Thomas McCue's real estate was valued at $14,424, suggesting that, in the seven years since his purchase of the King Farm, his improvements had been substantial. The census also enumerated his eight slaves, five males and three females. Four were adults (two males age 35; one female, 32; and a male who was 17). The other four were children, ranging in age from one year to ten. Thomas McCue chose the name Belvidere for his spacious new home when it was completed. Meaning "beautiful view" in Italian, the name was suggested because a mansion of the same name in Baltimore had been purchased in 1841 by John S. McKim, a son of Ann's "Uncle McKim." The Baltimore "Belvidere" had been the estate of Revolutionary War General John Eager Howard.' A descendant of Ann Allen, Barry Thrift Brown, who has made a study of the McCues' "Belvidere," has written the following: In the year 1850, Thomas McCue contracted with John C. Webb and George Peters to build a brick house 36 feet deep and 48 feet wide for the sum of $2,000. It took three years to build the house. The bricks were made on the property, and the lumber was hewn from trees on the farm. The house was designed by Thomas McCue, and his specifications called for the first floor "apartment" to have walls 18 inches thick, and those of the second floor "apartment" to be 13 inches thick. Under half of the house was constructed a cellar, and here was located the kitchen, dungeon, and dairy room.... Thomas McCue farmed all 425 acres of his land, raising cattle, hogs, turkeys, chickens, and crops to maintain the virtually independent community which lived on the farm. Since Staunton was 97

Page  98 a good day's journey, it was necessary for the farm to be self-sufficient. Thus, it was not unusual for 20-25 people to live on the grounds. In addition to the large family, there was a tanner, blacksmith, seamstress, shoemaker, and servants, all of whom helped with the farming and upkeep of the house.2 Four children were born to Thomas and Elizabeth after the family moved into Belvidere: James Andrew, October 4, 1854; Mary Abney, November 11, 1856; Edward McKim, October 11, 1860; and Ruth Lee, September 1, 1862. Sarah's first child, Lucy Gordon Waddell, was born in March 1852, and in May 1855, she bore a second daughter, Isabella Barry Waddell. The name of the latter honored her grandmother, with Ann's middle name as well as her maiden name. On January 11, 1861, Sarah gave birth to a son named William, but called "Willie." While Ann Allen found pleasure in Thomas' prosperity, and in her daughter's happy marriage, her anxiety for her son, John, only increased. Sarah W. McCue, great-granddaughter of Ann, has written: "The family had little to say about him. I am afraid that he did not measure up to what the family felt he should. He was called 'Traveling John. "3 John McCue's name cannot be found on the federal census of 1850 in either Augusta or Rockbridge County. His wife, Margaret (Irvine) McCue, age 30, was recorded by the census taker of Rockbridge County that year as living in the home of her parents, Robert and Jane Irvine. She, like her parents and a younger sister named Elizabeth, were shown as natives of Ireland. As noted earlier, descriptions of the McCue farm indicate that it adjoined Robert Irvine's property, but in 1850 John McCue no longer occupied his father's land. A deed recorded in Rockbridge County reveals that, prior to September 1850, John D. Imboden, a commissioner of revenue in Augusta County, had been appointed as "the committee of John McCue, a person of unsound mind," to control's John's assets for him.4 In a later document, Imboden was called the trustee for John McCue. Imboden doubtless assumed this responsibility for John McCue's welfare because of a family relationship. He had been married in 1845 to a daughter of Col. Franklin McCue, a brother of the late Dr. William McCue. Imboden's wife, Eliza, was thus a first cousin of John McCue. Somehow, the 287-acre farm that had once belonged to Dr. William McCue, and for which John had paid his brother $4,018 in 1841 for Thomas's share, had become the property ofJohnJ. Hammond of Rockbridge County, perhaps through the default of a mortgage. Hammond still owed $1,479.03 for this land, however, and it was through this deed, dated November 1, 1850, that Imboden agreed that Hammond should have three years to pay this amount. On September 2, 1853, Imboden signed a "deed of release," acknowledging payment. In this 1853 deed, as in that for 1850, Imboden was identified as "the Committee of John McCue, a person of unsound mind."5 John Daniel Imboden, a graduate of Washington College, is remembered in Augusta County as a prominent lawyer, town alderman, commissioner of revenue, and member of the Commonwealth General Assembly. At the beginning of the Civil War, he organized the Staunton Artillery and in 1863 was promoted to the rank of brigadier general, C.S.A. Historians of the Civil War remember him best for 98

Page  99 taking charge, at the request of General Lee, of transporting the Confederate wounded back to Virginia after the Battle of Gettysburg.6 When Ann Allen returned to Virginia in 1844, one of her joys was to take her first grandchild into her arms, the infant named for her, Ann Barry McCue. During the following eighteen years, that number grew to twelve, with Thomas' nine and Sarah's three. As a resident grandmother, Ann doubtless played a significant role in both families in the care and training of each new grandchild. She was able to care for grandchildren in a manner of which she had been deprived during the boyhoods of her two sons. In the absence of letters and other family documents, we have little of a personal nature with which to complete Ann Allen's story. We know that she wrote regularly to her cousins in Ohio, but today's Barry descendants seem not to have preserved her letters. Fortunately, her letter of December 25, 1867, answering queries regarding her father and his brother, Andrew, made by Andrew's son, Thomas, was copied for Phoebe McCue Bell in 1906 by Charles A. Barry, a nephew of Thomas. While the original appears to be lost, the copy survives. In a letter to Phoebe, daughter of Thomas W. McCue, Charles Barry noted in 1906: "I have just read an old letter from cousin Ann Allen to my mother dated 1858 in which she mentioned your Father's health as not being good and her daughter, Sarah, [who] had just gone through a very serious illness."7 Belvidere Photograph taken about 1950, a century after Belvidere was built by Thomas W. McCue on hisfarm in Augusta County, about four miles from the village of Mt. Sidney. Ann I. Allen spent long periods of time here, with her son and his family, during the last twenty years of her life. The frame house to the reader's left became quarters for African-American servants upon completion of Belvidere in 1853. The barn that was spared by Union troops in 1864 was torn down about 1917; the roof of the "new barn" is shown at the bottom of the photograph. From Sarah W. McCue. 99

Page  100 In his Annals of Augusta County, Virginia, Joseph A. Waddell, first cousin of Sarah's husband, recalled only two events of the 1850s in Augusta County worthy of mention, other than local politics. The first was the "Irish Rebellion" involving two rival groups of Irish laborers employed by the Central Railroad.8 Those working on a section of the track near Fishersville, called the "Fardowners," having come from northern Ireland, were assailed on February 11, 1850, by the faction called "Corkonians" from the south of the Emerald Isle who were employed at the Blue Ridge tunnel. "They [the Corkonians] beat the men, broke into boxes, tore up clothing, burnt down the house [occupied by the Fardowners], and then returned to the mountain." What made the brawl memorable was that "we heard that many persons had been killed, and that human heads were rolling about like pumpkins." In response to these ugly rumors, the county militia units were called out, marched to Fishersville, then to Waynesborough, and, finally, to the mountain for a night attack on the rioters. The surrounded "Corkonians" surrendered peacefully, however, and about fifty were taken prisoner and marched to Staunton. Waddell ended his account of the incident: "Finally the community lost sight of the lawlessness of the occurrence in amusement over the affair; and what at first appeared a dreadful tragedy, ended in general laughter. With her own Irish heritage, Ann Allen may have found this incident embarrassing. The other event of the 1850s that Waddell considered memorable was the great snowstorm of January 1858. He wrote: Snow began to fall about 7 o'clock Saturday night, the 17th, and continued without cessation for twenty-four hours. All day Sunday, the 18th, the mercury stood at zero, and the wind blew in a gale from apparently every point of the compass, driving the snow into houses through every crack, piling it up many feet in some places, and in others sweeping the earth bare. The running of trains on the Virginia Central railroad was suspended for ten days, and as there was then no telegraph line to Staunton, the people of the town and county were cut off from communication with the outside world.9 We can imagine Ann Allen and her daughter, Sarah, smiling at their awed and frightened relatives and neighbors who had never experienced a Michigan winter. With her return to Virginia, Ann had transferred her Presbyterian Church membership back to Augusta Stone Church, now known as the Old Stone Church, located in the Fort Defiance community on the road from Staunton to Winchester, two miles southwest of Mt. Sidney. Established in 1740, it is one of the oldest Presbyterian organizations in Virginia, and its solid, stone building, completed in 1749 to serve as a fort as well as a church, is the oldest Presbyterian house of worship in continuous use in the state. We can be sure that Ann was a regular communicant, weather and roads permitting. In its "old" and "new" cemeteries are to be found generations of the McCues and the Aliens. The federal census of 1860 included a question not asked in 1850-the value of one's personal property as well as that of his real estate. The value of Thomas W. 100

Page  101 McCue's land, including Belvidere and the other buildings, was reported as $17,460; his personal estate, including his slaves, stood at $20,000. He was a man of means. His slaves now numbered fourteen, one of whom, an eighteen-year-old female, was rented to a neighbor, G. G. Stout. Ranging in age from one year to sixty-three, there were seven males and seven females. Ann Allen was recorded in 1860 as a member of the household headed by 'J. A. Waddell, Physician," whose real estate in New Hope was worth $1,000, as was also his personal estate. He owned no slaves. Curiously, Ann Allen was shown with real estate valued at $6,000, but this must have been an error on the part of the census taker. It was about 1860 that Ann Allen posed for a photograph, the only one of her known to exist. A story handed down in the McCue family is that her son, Thomas, was so displeased with it that he threw his copy into the fire. Fortunately, there were other copies, one of which Sarah McCue has given to the Washtenaw County Historical Society's museum in Ann Arbor. The reason for Thomas' displeasure has been forgotten; possibly he objected to the wig that his mother wore. The fact that her straight black hair parted in the middle was actually a wig is confirmed in notes taken in June 1925 by Caroline P. Campbell during an interview with Phoebe (McCue) Bell, the fifth child of Thomas and Elizabeth McCue. Mrs. Campbell, the widow of a prominent lawyer in Grand Rapids, Michigan, had been distressed during Ann Arbor's centennial celebration in 1924 that so little was known about the woman for whom Ann Arbor had been named. In the following spring, Mrs. Campbell went to Augusta County to seek information, and there she met Mrs. Bell. During one of her interviews, Mrs. Campbell recorded: "She [Ann Allen] wears a wig in the photograph. I saw the original in Mrs. Bell's hands.""' (Mrs. Campbell died in Ann Arbor on January 7, 1926, without completing her research on Ann.) As Caroline Campbell discovered during Ann Arbor's centennial celebration, little was then known of the town's "first lady." Even had such inquiry been made a half-century before, when a number of the early settlers were still living, surprisingly little could have been gleaned, including an answer to the question: "Whatever became of her?" Eyebrows had doubtless been raised throughout the community when it had been realized in 1844 that the Allens were separating. Deeply humiliated as well as heartsick, Ann would have found it difficult to explain the matter to anyone except close family members. Having never become accustomed to Northern ways, and distrustful of most the Yankees she had met, she left few close friends behind in the town that had been named for her twenty years earlier. So far as is known, she did not write from Virginia to anyone in Michigan. From Sarah Ann's letter to her father in 1847 regarding her prospective marriage, it is apparent that she knew nothing of the activities of her own Ann Arbor friends during the previous three years. With John Allen's death in California in 1851, local memory of the Allens had begun to fade, while Ann's own memories, many of which she preferred not to recall, gradually dimmed. Then, as the coming armed conflict between North and South loomed ever closer, the growing bitterness of each side toward the other formed a further barrier to communication between Augusta County, Virginia, and Washtenaw County, Michigan. 101

Page  102 END NOTES-CHAPTER IX 1. Francis F. Beirne, The Amiable Baltimoreans (New York: E. P. Dutton & Co., 1951), p. 198. The Belvedere [sic] Hotel on the southeast corner of Charles and Chase Streets in Baltimore, opened in 1903, "took its name from the country estate of John Eager Howard, on the site of which the hotel was built." Howard had spelled the name Belvidere, as did Thomas W. McCue. 2. "Belvidere" by Barry (Thrift) Brown, an undated manuscript, has been shared with this writer by Mrs. Brown. 3. Sarah W. McCue to this writer, March 3, 1991. 4. Rockbridge Co., VA, Deed Book DD, p. 78. 5. Ibid., Deed Book V, p. 78. 6. For a graphic description of this 17-mile column led by Imboden, see Vol. 11 of Shelby Foote, The Civil War, a Narrative (New York: Random House, 1963), pp. 584-5. 7. Charles A. Barry to Phoebe (McCue) Bell, March 16, 1906. The original of this letter was in the possession of Virginia Somerville of Montreat, NC, in 1988. A photocopy provided by Mrs. Somerville, a great-great-granddaughter of Ann I. Allen, is in the Ann I. Allen Papers, BHL. 8. Waddell, Annals, pp. 272-73. 9. Ibid., p. 275. 10. These notes taken by Mrs. Campbell are undated, but were doubtless made in the summer of 1925. They are in the Caroline Campbell Papers, BHL. Belvidere, 1930s[?]. From Allen Family Collection, Bentley Historical Library. 102

Page  103 X. War, the Deaths of Sons, and Closing Days 1861-1875 The Civil War, or the War of Secession as it was called in Virginia, must have been agonizing for Ann Allen and Sarah in a way that was different from that of their neighbors. Although Ann's sympathies were certainly with the South as the war became real, her views before it commenced were surely those of the vast majority of Augusta County citizens: Virginia must remain in the Union. While she had left few close friends in Ann Arbor, we can be sure that Ann feared the possibility that young men whom she had known there, as well as her Barry relatives in Ohio, might face their Virginia relatives and friends on the battlefield. For Sarah, that prospect must have been even more depressing, for her youth had been spent in the North. Almost immediately following the surrender of Fort Sumter and President Lincoln's proclamation on April 15, 1861, calling for seventy thousand volunteers, with Staunton designated as one of the places of rendezvous for Virginia's quota of troops, sympathy for the Union vanished, and Augusta County considered itself, along with the rest of Virginia, to be at war with the North. In response to a miscarried order from Richmond, the county's militia companies, including that of Mt. Sidney under command of Capt. Stuart M. Crawford, a relative of John Allen's first wife, prepared to march. At the age of forty-three and the father of a large family, Thomas McCue was probably no longer a member of the Augusta County Militia, nor would he have been expected to volunteer for service in the Confederate Army, although the time would come as the war continued that men up to fifty were drafted. It was then, no doubt, that, according to family memories, Thomas hired a substitute to serve in his place. In Charles Barry's quotation from a letter written by Ann Allen to his mother in 1858, as noted earlier, Ann had referred to the health of her son, Thomas, as "not being good." This was not a temporary illness. McCue family memories indicate that his health continued to fail during the years that followed. The cause of his extended illness, however, is not remembered. Elizabeth McCue, a woman of strength and will, gradually took over the management of the farm. The physical and mental health of John McCue, Ann's eldest son, made him ineligible for military service, while Dr. J. Addison Waddell, at age fifty-three, was considered too old to serve, although as a local physician, he would be called upon frequently to treat the many wounded soldiers who were brought to Staunton. Ann Allen was thus spared the ordeal of having members of her immediate family go off to war, although both Thomas and John would have been glad, no doubt, to trade their invalid status for the good health required for soldiering. When the Civil War began, Staunton, where Ann's father had been a merchant sixty years earlier, now had a population of about four thousand, making it the largest town in the Upper, or southern, Shenandoah Valley, known as "the breadbasket of the Confederacy." The building of the Virginia Central Railroad had reached Staunton in 1858, followed by telegraph and gas lines, the latter providing the town's homes and street corners with illumination. There was a boot and shoe 103

Page  104 factory of considerable size, as well as a steam mill, a wagon manufacturing plant, and a large woolen factory. Located on the broad and main-traveled road called the Valley Pike leading to Winchester, Staunton and its environs were a prize that the Yankees coveted and that the Confederate troops vigorously protected. Joseph A. Waddell, Staunton lawyer, newspaper publisher, and author, and a first cousin of Ann Allen's son-in-law, noted in his Annals of Augusta County, that: Staunton soon became an important military station, and a great depot for army supplies....Extensive hospitals for sick and wounded soldiers were also organized and maintained here during the war.1 Whether Ann Allen was with Sarah in New Hope or with Thomas at Mt. Sidney, four miles apart, she was never far from war during the North/South struggle. It would be interesting to know when it was that she learned of the death of her mother-in-law back in Michigan. Elizabeth (Tate) Allen died onJuly 15, 1861, in the farm home of her grandson, James C. Allen.2 She was eighty-five years old. According to the obituary that appeared in the Michigan State News, Mrs. Allen's last question from her death bed had been: "Is the war going on yet?" She was doubtless thinking of her grandchildren and great-grandchildren who would serve on opposite sides in the conflict.3 Included in his Annals, were numerous extracts from the diary that Waddell kept through the Civil War. His daily observations provide a glimpse of life not far removed from Ann's own experiences and observations. Following are a few pertinent extracts:4 July 20, 1861. On Thursday evening two wagons full of sick soldiers arrived from Monterey, Highland County. Before these could be provided for, others were brought in....George M. Cochran, Jr. arrived from Winchester yesterday evening, and says General Johnston has gone across the Blue Ridge to reinforce Beauregard at Manassas. July 24, 1861. The streets are full of soldiers, many of whom are lying against the houses and on store boxes. A free negro woman took three of them home with her to get something to eat and a place to lie down. July 29, 1861. Two railroad trains arrived yesterday with troops, Tennesseeans, I believe....General Lee arrived in the mail train late this evening. August 2, 1861. Troops! Troops!! They have been pouring in yesterday and to-day, from Southwest Virginia and Tennessee. September 3, 1861. About one hundred Federal prisoners arrived last night from the west by railroad. Most of them are from Ohio. March 19, 1862. About 2 o'clock to-day seventy odd men were brought in, having been captured by our cavalry scouts in Pendleton or Hardy. They were endeavoring to make their way in small parties to Ohio, to escape military duty. Some, if not all of 104

Page  105 them, are simple-hearted, inoffensive people, belonging to the Dunkard church whose tenets forbid going to war. They will be sent to Richmond tomorrow. April 17, 1862. Just a year ago the two volunteer companies of this place started to Harper's Ferry. The war then began....At this time there are nearly a million men in the field, including both sides. The enemy is coming nearer and nearer to Staunton. Large portions of the State are devastated. May 5, 1862. Cannonading was heard to-day from early morning till 4 o'clock, P.M., in the direction of the Shenandoah mountains. J. D. Imboden has arrived with authority to raise companies for guerrilla service in Western Virginia. July 17, 1862. The town is quiet all this week as if no war were raging in the land. Brown sugar selling in Staunton at 75 cents a pound. No coffee here for sale, but selling elsewhere at $2 a pound. May 5, 1863. General R. E. Lee states in his official dispatch that he gained a great victory [at Chancellorsville], but that General ["Stonewall"] Jackson was severely wounded. May 11, 1863. A report of GeneralJackson's death was current this morning....Between 1 and 2 o'clock, the telegraph operator stepped into the room where I was writing, and handed me a dispatch from the War Department at Richmond to forward to Lexington by express, announcing the fact. There is universal lamentation in this community. May 17, 1863. About sixty women and children from northwestern Virginia arrived in town last night. They were sent off by the Federal authorities for sympathizing with the South, and were allowed to bring only necessary wearing apparel and $100 each. June 22, 1863. About 10 o'clock this morning, upwards of sixteen hundred Yankees taken at Winchester, arrived....The prisoners were much better clothed than the Confederates who guarded them. July 7, 1863. The atmosphere seemed full of exciting rumors yesterday. Great battles at or near Gettysburg, were reported. July 9, 1863. Blue! Blue! the Richmond newspapers of this morning publish a dispatch from General Johnston, dated Jackson, Mississippi, July 7th, stating that the garrison at Vicksburg capitulated on the 4th. July 10, 1863. Soldiers wounded at the battle of Gettysburg give fearful accounts of the slaughter of our army. Pickett's division annihilated. Many persons known to us were killed. A disastrous affair. 105

Page  106 July 11, 1863. Wounded soldiers have come into town today in a constant stream; some of them in vehicles and some on horseback, but most on foot. Many of them are without shoes. July 12, 1863. The stream of wounded men arriving has been uninterrupted, and not a third of those disabled has arrived yet. July 25, 1863. Crowds of sick and wounded soldiers have been arriving in ambulances, wagons, and on foot.... On September 30, 1863, personal tragedy struck the household of Thomas McCue in the loss of his oldest daughter, nineteen-year-old Ann Barry McCue. According to family memories, she died from a fever contracted while nursing ill slaves. Ann Allen's grief was doubtless as deep as that of her son and daughterin-law, for Ann Barry McCue was not only her first grandchild, but her namesake as well. In 1862, Ann Allen had given to her granddaughter on her eighteenth birthday a prized family heirloom passed down through five generations of the Barry family. This was a Huguenot Bible (New Testament, the Psalms set to music, a catechism, and the Ten Commandments) that had been printed in Paris in 1668. It had belonged to Richard Barry, Ann Allen's great-great-grandfather, who had been one of some four hundred thousand Protestants who had fled from France following King Louis XIV's revocation of the Edict of Nantes in 1685. (From the issuance of this Edict by Henry IV in 1598 until its revocation, French Protestants had enjoyed political rights equal to those of Roman Catholics.) The title page of this tooled, leather-bound volume, measuring six inches by three, is lacking, perhaps removed by Richard Barry in his flight from France so that he would not be easily identified as a Huguenot refugee. A separate title page, however, Les Pseaumes deDavid, Mix en Rime Francoise, provides the imprint, noted above. Written at the top of what is now the first page, the beginning of the Book of Matthew, appears: "A. B. McCue, AE [age] 18, Belvidere." Ann's father had brought this family treasure to America in 1787, perhaps as a charm to assure his safe journey to a new home as it had accompanied his forefather to Ireland a century earlier. When Ann was taken to her grandmother in Ireland following her father's death, the Bible had accompanied her, as it did, also, when she returned to Virginia with her grandmother and Aunt Ellen in 1806. Following the death of Ann Barry McCue in 1863, the Huguenot Bible remained at Belvidere and eventually came into the possession of Sarah W. McCue, daughter of Edward McKim McCue (1860-1943). In 1991, Miss McCue presented it to the Washtenaw County Historical Society for preservation in the society's museum in the town named for her great-grandmother, Ann I. Allen. In later years, the loss of her eldest grandchild doubtless became intermingled in Ann Allen's memories with the many other tragedies of the Civil War. It was on June 5, 1864, a Sunday morning, that Augusta County was first invaded by Union soldiers. With a field force of 11,000 infantry and 5,000 cavalry, General David Hunter, then commander of the Union's Department of Western Virginia, crossed North River into Augusta County from Port Republic in Rockingham County. (North River runs generally along the northern boundary of Augusta County.) It was Hunter's goal to move toward Staunton, there to destroy manufacturing 106

Page  107 facilities, along with military supplies, and to tear up railroad tracks, burn bridges, and cut telegraph lines. The Confederate defense consisted of about 4,500 troops, most of whom were under the command of General W. E. Jones who had arrived in Staunton from Lynchburg with 3,000 troops two days earlier. GeneralsJohn D. Imboden andJohn Crawford Vaughn commanded cavalry units. Jones's army camped near Mt. Sidney, not far from Belvidere, on June 4th. Before dawn on the 5th, the Confederates forded Middle River and attempted to stop Hunter's advance near the village of Piedmont, located only two miles from New Hope, the home of the Waddells and of Ann Allen. The Battle of Piedmont ensued. Joseph A. Waddell recalled the events of that day: From eight or nine o'clock in the morning till three in the afternoon, many citizens of Staunton were on the hills observing the smoke arising from the battlefield....In the meantime, diligent preparations for departure in case of disaster were going on at the various government depots and offices. Railroad trains and wagons were loaded up, and all hands connected with the quartermaster and commissary departments were ready to start at a moment's warning....Late in the afternoon [word came that] "General Jones is killed and our army is routed!"...The army wagon trains and many citizens immediately left town, going up the Greenville road and crossing the Blue Ridge into Nelson county....5 According to Marshall Brice, whose Conquest of a Valley is devoted to the Battle of Piedmont, "the wounded strewed the battlefield" when the conflict ended, with over 800 Federal losses and 1,500 Confederates, although many of the latter were prisoners. Brice added: John Philip Strider, a 17-year old Washington College student...was wounded severely; but he was removed to the home of Mrs. Thomas McCue, west of Middle River, where he eluded Federal parole officers and was nursed back to health.6 Brice also noted that after his "long recuperation" with the McCues, Strider returned to his home in West Virginia, only to be captured and paroled. "After the war he took degrees in theology and became pastor of the First Presbyterian Church, Staunton, in 1884. He died on January 23, 1886."7 Belvidere was one of several homes near the Piedmont battlefield that became temporary hospitals for the Confederate wounded. Ironically, Thomas McCue was, himself, a patient there along with the wounded. Where the Waddells, including Ann Allen, took refuge during the battle, we do not know, but it is logical to assume that Ann, at least, was taken to Belvidere. Following the battle, Confederate Cavalry Generals Vaughn and Imboden, the latter being the same county official responsible for the financial affairs of John McCue, attempted to organize a retreat for the 2,000 troops who had not been taken prisoner. According to Brice: Imboden posted [Captains] Sturgis Davis and Opie at a church in New Hope to halt the refugees from battle and to group them for 107

Page  108 the retreat to Fishersville. Though the two succeeded in directing organized groups to the line of march, their efforts with individuals were disheartening. In spite of arguments, commands, and oaths, many of the panic-stricken Confederates hurled away their impedimenta and vanished from the army. As darkness approached, Davis and Opie escorted a large band of the fugitives to Fishersville. Colonel O'Ferrall was left at New Hope with two squadrons to marshal additional retreating troops and to guard against another onset from the rear. O'Ferrall remained at New Hope until dark, then rode on to Fishersville.8 Although the upper Shenandoah valley was lost to the Confederacy at the Battle of Piedmont, fighting continued for some months. After destroying Staunton's factories, railroad tracks, and its telegraph and gas lines, Hunter's army left for Lexington to meet C.S.A. General Early on another battle field. On June 10, 1864, Waddell wrote in his diary: Most of the Yankees left this morning....Our servants [slaves] were such a comfort to me. They could not have behaved better, and I really feel thankful to them.9 By June 18th, Waddell could record that "the telegraph is in use again, and working from Richmond to Staunton,"'0 and on the 28th he wrote that "Early's army has been passing through town since daylight."" During late June and early July, Augusta County's citizens had some reason to hope that the Yankees could actually be forced out of the Valley as General Early scored some dramatic victories, but in early August, Major General Philip H. Sheridan took command of the Federal Army of the Shenandoah. Thereafter, in Brice's words, "reverses began to assail Early's army....Winchester fell once more into enemy hands, and...Federal troops were once again in Augusta County."12 Legend has it that General Sheridan slept at least one night in the house on Middle River once owned by Col. James Allen.'3 Whereas Hunter's brief stay in June had resulted in devastation primarily in Staunton, Sheridan now ordered that barns and mills, along with crops and forage, be burned throughout the Valley to reduce Early's source of supplies. An oft-told story in the McCue family is that of the squad of Union soldiers that came in August 1864 to Belvidere to burn the barn there. The youthful captain in charge was met by Elizabeth McCue, wife of Thomas, holding a gold coin in her hand and begging that the McCue barn might be spared because of her invalid husband. Thereafter, Elizabeth McCue frequently recalled for her children and grandchildren how gallant the young captain had appeared as he granted her wish (after accepting the gold coin). In response to his query regarding the location of the Cline Mill on Middle River, the Allen Mill four decades earlier, Elizabeth professed ignorance, but shortly thereafter she saw smoke rising in its direction. Although the McCue barn was spared, Yankee soldiers still entered Belvidere, and, in doing so, unintentionally pushed four-year-old Edward McCue to the floor, for which his older sister, Phoebe, "never forgave the North." The soldiers also tossed lighted matches here and there as they searched the house, not intending to burn Belvidere, but to tease the children, knowing that the small flames would be 108

Page  109 easily extinguished. Nevertheless, two of those small flames left charred areas on the floor. These have never been repaired, a reminder, in the words of Edward McCue when he inherited Belvidere, "of what the Yankees did." Had the Yankee soldiers found young Strider hiding somewhere at Belvidere when they made their search, the McCue barn would surely have been burned, regardless of Elizabeth McCue's gold coin. It is believed that Ann Allen, now sixty-seven years of age, was living with her son and daughter-in-law, and their eight surviving children, at Belvidere when this incident took place. There is a curious ending to this story. Thirty years later, Elizabeth McCue believed that she recognized in a Staunton newspaper the photograph of the "gallant young Yankee captain" who had heeded her plea to save the barn. His name proved to be William McKinley, and he was a candidate for President of the United States. While no confirmation of this incident can be found among official records, it is true that, as a member of the 23rd Ohio Volunteer Infantry Regiment, McKinley was serving under General Sheridan in the Shenandoah Valley at that time. Then twenty-two years old, he had been promoted to the rank of captain on July 23, 1864. Throughout the remainder of 1864, fighting continued in the Shenandoah Valley between the forces of Generals Sheridan and Early, with many more lives sacrificed on both sides. By year's end, however, there seemed little doubt that the Southern cause had been lost. A few extracts from Waddell's diary relate the war's end as observed in Augusta County.'4 December 31, 1864. The last night of a dreary year, full of wretchedness. Forage is very scarce, and many horses are dying. January 12, 1865. The State sells salt to citizens at a less price than the market affords, and I have secured all I am entitled to, as the best investment of Confederate money....A lady's dress, which formerly cost $10 to $15, now costs $400 to $500. January 18, 1865. Pins sell in town at $19 a paper, and needles at $10. Flour in Richmond at $1,000 a barrel. Confederate currency is almost worthless. April 8, 1865. All things indicate that the days of the Confederate States are numbered. April 14, 1865. We heard last night from an authentic source that General Lee had certainly surrendered himself with his army. April 17, 1865. Four years ago this day, the two military companies started from Staunton, and the war began. Now the war is virtually over, and we are-what shall I say? April 20, 1865. The report of Lincoln's assassination was renewed this evening. There is general regret in this community. For citizens of Augusta County, Virginia, the year 1865 was memorable, as it was for the entire nation, for it marked the end of the Civil War and the beginning 109

Page  110 of the South's painful years of Reconstruction. For Ann Allen, however, it would be remembered as the year in which she lost her son, Thomas W. McCue. According to the McCue family Bible, he died on July 11, 1865, at the age of forty-seven. The immediate cause of his death was pneumonia, a common ending to almost any debilitating disease in those days. Although he had been in poor health for some little time, Thomas did not leave a will, a neglect on his part that caused his widow considerable hardship. Entitled to only her "dower third," Elizabeth was required by Virginia law, after choosing items from his personal property equal in value to her dower right, then to have a public sale of the remainder, the proceeds of which had to be placed in trust for her children; the interest therefrom she could use only for their support until they came of age. Likewise, she could claim only a third of the income from the farm, the rest to be used for feeding, clothing, and educating her children and/or saved for their inheritance.15 As was customary, Elizabeth McCue was appointed by the county court to administer her husband's estate, signing the required bond ($16,000 in her case) for the faithful performance of that duty. Two of her uncles co-signed the bond, they being Thomas P. Wilson, a brother of her father, and John Kenney, her mother's brother. Elizabeth was appointed to be guardian of her eight children. Before a public sale could be conducted, it was necessary that an inventory be taken of the property of the deceased, this being done by five of Elizabeth's neighbors on September 20, 1865. Recalling General Sheridan's determination to denude the Shenandoah Valley of its livestock and forage in order to deprive the Confederate Army of sustenance, it is surprising to note in the McCue inventory the following: eight horses, two colts, a mule, seventeen cattle (including several calves), a yoke of oxen, twenty-four sheep, seventy hogs, twenty-two tons of hay, 800 bushels of corn "in the field," twenty-five bushels of potatoes, and fifteen bushels of clover seed. Before the sale, Elizabeth was permitted to choose items for her future use worth up to $2,590.37, the estimated third of the McCue personal estate's total value. When the sale took place on September 20, 1865, in addition to farm machinery and many household items, all of the sheep were sold, along with half of the hogs, five of the horses with the two colts, and nine of the cattle. (Elizabeth purchased one item at the sale with her own money-for $77.00 she bought the family "carriage and harness.") The total amount realized from the sale was $3,590.37. A number of Thomas McCue's relatives and neighbors owed him money, and, when those bonds were paid, his personal estate amounted to over $10,000. Elizabeth's dower third was increased accordingly. Had Thomas McCue died before the Civil War, his property would have included nineteen slaves. According to family lore, only one of the "Negroes" actually left the farm with war's end; the others remained to assist Elizabeth in its operation, but, as the years passed, they gradually "drifted away." One of the debts paid from Thomas McCue's estate was to Dr. J. Addison Waddell for $86.00, suggesting that Sarah's husband had been Thomas' physician. On November 25, 1865, and again on May 31, 1866, the estate paid "Mrs. Ann I. Allen" the sum of $40.50. Perhaps it was this amount that Thomas had given to his mother semiannually as "interest" on her dower right to the land of her first husband, sold by Thomas and John McCue years earlier. Apparently Ann used a 110

Page  111 portion of this, her sole income, to assist her daughter, Sarah, whose husband seems never to have been able to provide quite adequately for his family. Nevertheless, Ann Allen was still able to save a small portion of what Thomas, and later, his estate, provided her. Ann's grief in the loss of Thomas was doubtless mitigated by her deep religious faith. Augusta County's local author of note, Joseph A. Waddell, Ann's friend of many years, wrote of her: Endowed by nature with a strong mind, improved by reading and reflection, her conversation was edifying and instructive. Her views on religious subjects were clear and evangelical, and often on Sabbath evenings, propped in her easy chair, she would indulge in a strain of religious remarks, amounting at times to a regular sermon. 16 Barely seven months following Thomas' death, Ann suffered still another blow when her eldest son, John McCue, died on February 22, 1866. He was fifty years of age. No details are remembered in the McCue family regarding John's passing, except that it marked the end of a troubled life. Gretchen Bell, a great-granddaughter of Ann Allen, in a 1961 telephone conversation, recalled her mother, Phoebe (McCue) Bell, saying thatJohn McCue "was very dissipated and a ne'er-dowell." She added that his brother, Thomas W. McCue, had "taken him in" and that it had been at Belvidere thatJohn had died."7 Although Ann had been separated from her sons during their childhood, she had had twenty years of happiness with or near Thomas and his growing family, but John had caused her only heartache during those two decades. His death brought her added sorrow tinged with a feeling of guilt. Had Ann been able to provide a mother's love during his formative years, could she have instilled in him the strength of character that he appeared to lack? The McCue brothers were buried near each other in the Old Stone Church cemetery. There Thomas lies near his eldest child, Ann Barry McCue, his mother's namesake, who had died in 1863. Elizabeth McCue, who possessed the strength and intellect, along with the religious faith, to rear nine children as well as to manage the family farm during Reconstruction, lived until July 6, 1908, dying at the age of eighty-four. Margaret Irvine, wife of John McCue, whom Gretchen Bell remembered as "a lovely woman," had long been separated from John when he died. Living out her days in Lexington, she died about 1900 at the age of eighty-one.' The year 1867 brought still more sadness to Ann Allen and to her family. On July 17th of that year, Sarah's only son, Willie Waddell, died at the age of six years. Although Ann's ten surviving grandchildren all heard her recount her life's adventures, only Phoebe, the daughter of her son Thomas, born in 1852, wrote about her memories of her grandmother. Phoebe did so on the urging of Caroline P. Campbell of Grand Rapids, Michigan, mentioned earlier. My grandmother was small and rather frail looking, a very interesting talker and a good reader. I remember the double window in my mother's room [at Belvidere] where Ann sat and sewed. She would read aloud. There were three steps by the window that went upstairs; I would slip in when I heard her reading and sit on these steps. 111

Page  112 Grandmother was quite deaf in her later years and before her death [she] lost her sight, also. She would tell me of her trip to Michigan riding on horseback and carrying Sarah in her lap the entire way... My Grandmother's Scotch [Irish?] accent attracted me very much. She always said "me own" and spoke of her dress as "me frock."19 Sarah W. McCue recalls the laughter with which a story was told involving her father, Edward McKim McCue (1860-1943) into whose possession Belvidere eventually came. Edward was a small boy when his grandmother made one of her long visits at Belvidere, during which she was visiting with her longtime friend, Miss Lucy Stout. Like Ann, Miss Lucy was also quite deaf, and on this occasion when the two old friends were visiting upstairs, a guest at the house asked, "Why are those two women upstairs shouting at each other?" Little Ed McCue promptly replied: "Oh, that is Miss Stout and Grandma telling secrets to each other." Phoebe Bell told Sarah W. McCue and her sisters that when her grandmother would come from New Hope for one of her long visits at Belvidere, she would always arrive wearing several dresses, explaining that that was the easiest way to transport them. Phoebe also remembered her grandmother telling about her early years in Ann Arbor when Indians would come to her door begging salt. Each would bring his own container and would always insist that it be filled level full-they would accept neither more nor less. We can imagine how many other fascinating events in Ann Allen's long life that she recalled for her grandchildren, but only those that we have noted are remembered today. Ann Allen, for her time, lived to a remarkably old age, surviving for a decade following the close of the Civil War. We know from her letter to her cousin, Thomas Barry, son of her Uncle Andrew, written in 1867, that correspondence with her Ohio relatives had been resumed after the Civil War's long silence between them, but her letters were not preserved. Ann Allen made her will on August 17, 1874.20 Her eyesight was still sufficient for her to sign her name. To each of her two Waddell granddaughters, Lucy and Isabella, she bequeathed $500, and to her grandson, Edward McKim McCue, she left $200 "for favors received." She left all of her personal belongings to her daughter, Sarah, along with her remaining "bonds and money." The latter, however, were to be invested, Sarah only to receive the annual interest, and, at Sarah's death, the principal was to be divided between Sarah's two daughters. Ann made only one other provision in her will: I direct that my Executrix hereafter named shall take from the proceeds, to purchase two plain tomb stones, and to have the same, with suitable inscriptions, erected over the remains of my late son, John McCue, decd., and myself. The witnesses to Ann's will were Mt. Sidney residents, James R. Stout and T. G. Stout, suggesting that the will was drafted at Belvidere. On May 10, 1875, six months before her death, Ann Allen made a change (a codicil) in her will. She reduced her provision for her grandson from $200 to $100, probably fearing that her estate would not be sufficient to cover her original 112

Page  113 amount. On this occasion, no doubt because of her failing vision she signed her name by making a mark. It was in New Hope, in the Waddell home, that Ann died. Joseph A. Waddell described her passing with the following words: For the last two years, Mrs. Allen's health had been gradually declining, and anticipating her end, she often spoke of death with the utmost composure, and of her entire resignation, soul and body, to the wish of her Heavenly Father. She died calmly and peacefully, without a struggle or a groan; and her surviving friends enjoy the pleasing consolation that their loss is her eternal gain. The pains and sufferings she endured are ended; those deaf ears are unstopped; sight has been restored to those eyes so long dim, and she is now basking in the bliss and happiness which the redeemed shall forever enjoy in Heaven.2" Ann Allen's funeral was conducted at the Old Augusta Stone Presbyterian Church by the then pastor, Dr. I. W. K. Handy, who, in recognition of Ann's many sorrows and her physical infirmities, chose the text for her funeral sermon from the Book ofJob (Chapter XIV, verse 14). "All the days of my appointed time will I wait till my change comes." She was buried in what is called the "new cemetery" of Augusta Stone Church, beside her grandson, Willie Waddell. Tombstone of Ann I. Allen Ann Allen was buried in the "New Cemetery" of Old Augusta Presbyterian Stone Church near the grave of her grandson, Willie Waddell. In her will, she had directed her executrix "to purchase two plain tomb stones, and to have the same, with suitable inscriptions, erected over the remains of my late son, John McCue, decd., and myself " John McCue had been buried in the "Old Cemetery" of the Old Stone Church. 113

Page  114 Although Ann had designated her daughter to be the executrix of her estate, Sarah declined to serve, and the county court appointed her daughter, Lucy G. Waddell, in her place. When an inventory of Ann's possessions was taken, it was determined that the "sundry articles of [her] room furniture" which she had bequeathed to Sarah were worth only $30.00. Her other assets amounted to $1,842.90, and consisted primarily of her savings from the payments through the years made by her son, Thomas, and his estate. Also included was the sum of $759.99 received fromJ. D. Imboden as former "trustee" for her son, John.22 When expenses were paid, including her funeral costs ($21.00), digging her grave ($2.50), and the purchase fromJ. C. Marquiss of her and John's tombstones ($50.00), along with the legacies that she left for the Waddell granddaughters ($1,000) and to Edward McCue ($100), plus court fees, there remained $565.73 to invest for Sarah. Sarah died on March 10, 1883; her husband, Dr.J. Addison Waddell, had died three years earlier, on May 2, 1880. Their graves are near that of Ann at Augusta Stone Church. As was noted at the beginning of this biography, Joseph A. Waddell, a first cousin of Ann's son-in-law, wrote an obituary of Ann Allen from which we have quoted. He also sent an account of her death to Ann Arbor that found its way into an issue of a weekly newspaper called the Ann Arbor Register The Register's editor, Henry S. Dean, introduced Mr. Waddell's contribution with the following words: Few residents of Ann Arbor are aware that the one to whom our beautiful city is indebted for its name, has but recently ended her earthly pilgrimage.23 To close our story of Ann I. Allen, we quote Joseph A. Waddell again, this time a paragraph of what he wrote for the Register: The incidents connected with the long and eventful life of Mrs. Allen would furnish material for quite an interesting volume. The trials and difficulties which beset her father in early life, the perils and dangers through which she passed, and the pains and sufferings she was called upon to endure in her declining years, to say nothing of her deprivation of hearing and loss of sight, furnish in her character a beautiful illustration of the words of the Psalmist, "They that trust the Lord shall be at Mount Zion which cannot be removed, but abideth forever." 114

Page  115 END NOTES-CHAPTER X 1. Waddell, Annals, p. 284. 2. The obituary of Elizabeth (Tate) Allen appeared in the Michigan State News of July 23, 1861. She was living with her grandson, James C. Allen, on his farm in Pittsfield Twp., Washtenaw Co., MI, when she died on July 15, 1861, "in her 86th year." 3. William Lewis, son of Charles C. and Nancy (Allen) Lewis, and a grandson of Elizabeth (Tate) Allen, was one of the Confederate soldiers killed during the Battle of Malvern Hill on July 1, 1862, according to James Turner Allen in his "Family Record...." See Chapter IV, note 23. 4. In his Annals, Waddell devoted pp. 280-346 to the Civil War period in his history of Augusta Co., VA; in this he used entries from his diary to help tell the story. He was a resident of Staunton at that time. 5. Waddell, Annals, p. 258. 6. Marshall Moore Brice, Conquest of a Valley (Charlottesville, VA: University Press of Virginia, 1964), p.77. 7. Ibid., p. 144. 8. Ibid., pp. 85-6. 9. Waddell, Annals, p. 319. 10. Ibid., p. 320. 11. Ibid., p. 322. 12. Brice, Conquest of a Valley, p. 131. 13. The story of Gen. Sheridan spending a night in the Allen house was related to this writer in 1978 by the owner of the property at that time, William Breeding. 14. Waddell's diary entries from December 31, 1864, through April 20, 1865, are found in his Annals, pp. 328-30 and 335. 15. The estate papers of Thomas W. McCue are preserved in File Drawers 73 and 75 and in Will Book 41, p. 485, in the Augusta County Probate Court in Staunton, VA. Photocopies of these papers were obtained by this writer and, with other records so described here, will be placed in the Bentley Historical Library at a later date. 16. From Waddell's obituary of Ann I. Allen published in the Ann Arbor Register, May 9, 1877. 17. This telephone call was made by Katherine C. Anderson of Staunton on September 20, 1961, and was reported to this writer by letter on the following day. Ms. Anderson had been engaged to do research and called Gretchen Bell on this writer's behest. Ms. Anderson stated: "She told me right off what the problem was. John McCue was very dissipated, now we would say Alcoholic, and a neardo-well. He married a lovely woman named Margaret. Margaret's father took her home a number of times and Margaret would go back. Finally she had to leave him. They had no children.John lived with Thomas where he died." 18. An undated clipping from a newspaper at the time of Margaret McCue's death, mounted on a card and preserved at Belvidere, has been given to this writer by Sarah W. McCue. 19. Phoebe (McCue) Bell's recorded memories of her grandmother, Ann I. Allen, were "copied by her daughter, by request." Signed byJanie E. Bell, this copy is in the Ann I Allen Papers, BHL. 20. Ann Allen's will was recorded in Augusta Co., VA, Will Book W, p. 500. 21. Waddell's obituary of Ann I. Allen, the Ann Arbor Register, May 9, 1877. 22. The inventory of Ann Allen's estate was recorded in Augusta Co. Probate Records, Book 46, beginning on p. 659. Other records pertaining to the settlement of the estate are in Book 47, beginning on p. 207. 23. See note 21, above. 115

Page  116 A Note on Sources Two individuals in the past have done preliminary research on the life of Ann I. Allen, with the view toward writing her biography. The first was Catherine H. Anderson, an active member of the D.A.R. in Ann Arbor in the early 1900s. In 1915, Mrs. Anderson went to Augusta County, Virginia, and was a guest in the home of Edward McKim McCue, grandson of Ann, who was then the owner of Belvidere and the farm that had belonged to his father, Thomas W. McCue. She prevailed upon her host to loan her a number of the letters written by Ann Allen from Ann Arbor to her son, Thomas W. McCue, in Virginia. Mrs. Anderson agreed to return these letters promptly after copying them back in Ann Arbor. The McCues never heard from her again, despite letters requesting that the letters be returned. In truth, Mrs. Anderson had died on September 4, 1916. Eight years after Mrs. Anderson's death, six of Ann Allen's letters were sent by Mrs. Anderson's daughters in Toledo, Ohio, to Lucy E. Chapin of Ann Arbor. Miss Chapin was active in the D.A.R. and had been a friend of Mrs. Anderson. Because of her interest in Ann Arbor history, Miss Chapin kept a scrapbook devoted to incidents in the town's history, and the letters of Ann Allen were added to her collection. Whether these were all of the letters that Mrs. Anderson had borrowed is not known. Miss Chapin's scrapbook eventually became the property of the Michigan Historical Collections, now the Bentley Historical Library of the University of Michigan, where these six letters are preserved. Ann Arbor celebrated its centennial in 1924, for which a professor of education at the University named O. W. Stephenson wrote his Ann Arbor, theFirst Hundred Years. He had been able to learn little regarding eitherJohn Allen or his wife, and, based largely on tradition, his account of the Aliens is garbled. A woman with a keen interest in Michigan history, Caroline P. Campbell, a widow of a prominent lawyer in Grand Rapids, was being treated in a private hospital in Ann Arbor at the time of the town's centennial. She was shocked at how little was known about Ann Allen in the town that had been named for her; she resolved to do research on Ann in Virginia and to write a biography of her. Mrs. Campbell was able to read the six letters Miss Chapin had obtained from the Anderson sisters and in the summer of 1925 went to Augusta County and called upon Edward McCue to request access to other McCue family papers. Because of his bad experience with Mrs. Anderson, Mr. McCue was not very sympathetic toward Mrs. Campbell's project. His sister, Phoebe (McCue) Bell, however, was more trusting after Mrs. Campbell shared with her the research that she had already done among official records of Augusta County in the courthouse at Staunton. She was permitted to borrow one of Ann Allen's letters, that of July 30, 1839, along with two letters that Sarah Ann Allen had written to her half-brother, to take back to Ann Arbor to be photostated, using the new equipment recently acquired by the University of Michigan General Library. Gretchen Bell, Phoebe's daughter, also agreed to copy the remaining letters of Ann Allen for Mrs. Campbell. The letters borrowed were returned, as promised. Mrs. Campbell also prevailed upon Phoebe Bell to record her memories of her grandmother. 116

Page  117 Mrs. Campbell's health continued to decline and, following surgery, she died in Ann Arbor on January 7, 1926. Her papers were later placed in the Bentley Historical Library. Although Mrs. Campbell's research on Ann Allen was far from complete when she died, her notes regarding McCue records in the Augusta County Courthouse have been helpful to the present writer, as well as her correspondence with Phoebe Bell. The letters of Ann Allen remaining at Belvidere eventually came into the possession of her great-granddaughter, Sarah W. McCue. Miss McCue has given these to the Bentley Historical Library. The fourteen surviving letters of Ann Allen to her son, Thomas W. McCue, one of which is only a fragment of the original, form an important key to understanding her personality as well as events in her life during her years in Ann Arbor. Two letters that Ann wrote to relatives in Ohio happen to survive, although that written in 1867 to her cousin, Thomas Barry, replying to his queries regarding her youth, is a copy of the original made in 1906 for Phoebe (McCue) Bell. That written on December 8, 1842, following the death of her uncle, Andrew Barry, was sent to Phoebe Bell in later years and is among the letters donated by Sarah W. McCue to the Bentley Historical Library. In quoting from Ann Allen's letters, the present writer has made the following editorial changes for ease of reading, as a printer would doubtless have done had these letters been published in Ann's own day. Typical of her time, Ann's use of capitalization and punctuation was inconsistent; she often used a dash in lieu of a comma or period. Commas and periods have been substituted or added where appropriate in these transcriptions, and her capitalization has been standardized. Her errors in spelling have been retained, however, except where she wrote "they" for "the"; her use of an apostrophe to form plurals has been eliminated. Brackets have been placed around words or letters only when needed for clarity. This same editorial policy has been followed in quoting from other primary sources. A major source of information in telling Ann's story is the collection of John Allen's papers preserved in the Burton Historical Collection of the Detroit Public Library. This large collection has been microfilmed for the Bentley Library, and a printout has been made, with the permission of the Detroit Public Library, for the present writer. John Allen preserved a great many of the letters he received, along with his business records, between 1823, when he arrived in Michigan Territory, and his departure for California in 1850. He placed these in the hands of his son,James C. Allen, who added some of his own correspondence. The author acknowledges with appreciation the work of Ann Arbor historian Maurice Sullivan in identifying the site of John Allen's brick house at Huron and Ashley Streets. The official records, such as deeds, probate records, etc., that have been obtained from courthouses in both Augusta County, Virginia, and Washtenaw County, Michigan, have provided important sources, as have newspapers of the period in which Ann Allen lived. The writings of Joseph A. Waddell, contemporary of Ann Allen, have been most helpful, including his tribute to and obituary of Ann. A number of quotations 117

Page  118 have been taken from his diary that he kept during the Civil War which he included in his Annals of Augusta County, Virginia published in 1888. The History of Washtenaw County, Michigan, published by Chas. C. Chapman & Co. in 1881, is a vital source for any historical investigation into Ann Arbor's early history, particularly the recorded memories of a number of the town's pioneers. Members of the McCue and Allen families, particularly Sarah W. McCue, have been most generous in sharing their family memories over the thirty-five years that this writer has been collecting material to tell the story of Ann Arbor's first lady. 118

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Page  120 UNIVERSfY OF MEHIGA 3 9015 02748 7530 THE UNIVERSITY OF MICHIGAN UNDERGRADUATE LIBRARY OVERY)U ~TP"' DATE DUE SE.P 11 7Z

Page  121 Bentley Historical Library The Michigan Historical Collections was founded by the University of Michigan Board of Regents in 1935. The Regents charged the new department with two functions: to preserve historical source materials primarily related to the history of the state of Michigan, its citizens, and organizations; and to serve as the official archives of the University of Michigan. In 1972, through a major gift from Mrs. Arvella Bentley and several gifts from members of the Friends of the library, the Collections found a permanent home in the Bentley Historical Library, named in honor of the late Alvin M. Bentley, Congressman and University of Michigan Regent. The Bentley Historical Library is a modern research institution open to students, faculty, and staff as well as all citizens of Michigan and others interested in the history of the state and the University of Michigan. Bentley Historical Library University of Michigan 1150 Beal Avenue Ann Arbor, MI 48109-2113 phone: (734) 764-3482 fax: (734) 936-1333 Website address: http://www.umich.edu/~bhl/ Regents of the University Laurence B. Deitch, Bloomfield Hills Daniel D. Homing, Grand Haven Olivia P. Maynard, Goodrich Shirley M. McFee, Battle Creek Rebecca McGowan, Ann Arbor Andrea Fischer Newman, Ann Arbor Philip H. Power, Ann Arbor S. Martin Taylor, Grosse Pointe Farms Lee C. Bollinger, ex officio

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