The city of Detroit, Michigan, 1701-1922;
Burton, Clarence Monroe, 1853-1932., Stocking, William, 1840-1930., Miller, Gordon K.

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Page  [unnumbered] The City of Detroit Michigan 1701-1922 CLARENCE M. BURTON, Editor-in-Chief WILLIAM STOCKING, Associate Editor GORDON K. MILLER, Associate Editor VOLUME II DETROIT-CHICAGO THE S. J. CLARKE PUBLISHING COMPANY 1922

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Page  857 The City of Detroit PART V MILITARY HISTORY CHAPTER XXXIII FORTS AND MILITARY POSTS DU LUTH'S POST-FORT PONTCHARTRAIN-FORT LERNOULT-FORT SHELBYFORT CROGHAN, OR FORT NONSENSE FORT WAYNE. Although details which concern the various forts which have stood at Detroit have been given throughout the chapters dealing with the early military history of the place, we herewith present a few connected details in brief form. The first forts in the region about the Great Lakes were established by the French for the purpose of facilitating trade with the Indians, and as a protection against the forays of unfriendly Indian tribes. The presence of a fort was regarded by the red men as evidence that the French were masters of the country. As early as 1671 a fort was built at Michilimackinac, a small garrison was stationed there to protect the traders and friendly Indians, and to prevent the English from opening a traffic with the western tribes. DU LUTH'S POST On June 6, 1686, Marquis de Denonville, governor-general of New France, wrote to Daniel Greysolon, Sieur du Luth, former commandant at Michilimackinac and then in charge of Indian affairs on the upper lakes, as follows: "You will see from the letters which I am writing to M. de la Durantaye that my intention is that you should occupy a post at the Strait of Lake Erie with fifty men, that you should choose a post in an advantageous spot so as to secure this passage to us, to protect our savages who go hunting there, and to serve them as a refuge against the designs of their enemies and ours; you will do nothing and say nothing to the Iroquois unless they venture on any attempt against you and against our allies. "You will take care that each (of the fifty men) provide himself with provisions sufficient for his subsistence at the said post, when I doubt not you may trade for peltries." Durantaye was at that time commandant at Michilimackinac. He fitted out Du Luth's expedition according to the governor's instructions, but instead of locating a post "at the Strait of Lake Erie," Du Luth selected a site in what is now St. Clair County, a short distance north of Port Huron, where he established Fort St. Joseph. The following year Durantaye, Du Luth and Tonty, then commandant at Fort St. Louis in the Illinois country, all joined in an expedition against the Iroquois Indians. The expedition proved to be a failure, which left the posts on the lower lakes exposed to Indian attacks, and Fort 857

Page  858 858 CITY OF DETROIT St. Joseph was abandoned in August, 1688. One account says the buildings were destroyed by the Indians. Farmer says: " The fort was abandoned within two years after its erection and the passage between Lakes Erie and Huron was left undefended until 1701." There is no record to show that the fort was ever rebuilt, though Captain Campbell, commandant at Detroit, in a letter to Col. Henry Boquet, dated October 12, 1761, says: "Captain Balfour proceeded to occupy Fort St. Joseph with a detachment of light infantry." It may be that Captain Balfour and his light infantry occupied the site of the former fort, and that Captain Campbell referred to the place by the name of the old post as a matter of convenience. At the time of the Pontiac war the site was occupied for a short time by an expedition from Michilimackinac. In 1765 Patrick Sinclair, afterward lieutenant-governor of Michilimackinac, established a regular fortification at the mouth of the Riviere aux Pines (Pine River), where the Town of St. Clair now stands. Sinclair's fort was about fifteen miles south of the place where Du Luth's post was situated, though some writers have made the mistake of giving them the same location. In 1811 a few men belonging to the St. Clair militia met at Sinclair's old fort. Their supplies were cut off by a band of hostile Indians and they were relieved by an expedition from Detroit. FORT PONTCHARTRAIN This fort, which was the beginning of the City of Detroit, was established by Antoine de LaMothe Cadillac, who arrived on the site with a company of French soldiers, voyageurs and Indians on July 24, 1701. The fort was named in honor of Count Pontchartrain, then the French colonial minister of marine. It was one arpent (192.75 feet) square and was of the stockade type, constructed of pickets planted close together in a trench about three feet deep, the tops of the pickets extending twelve feet above the ground. The fort was located on the first rise of ground from the river. Compared to the present streets, it was situated in the block bounded by Jefferson Avenue, Woodbridge, Griswold and Shelby streets. At each corner was a bastion of stout oak pickets. About two years after the fort was built it was set on fire by the Indians and seriously damaged, but was immediately repaired. By 1717 the stockade had fallen into poor condition through negligence. The following year it was rebuilt by Tonty and it was then stronger than ever before. After the arrival of the immigrants in 1749 the stockade was enlarged and in 1751 the garrison was increased. The post then took the name of "Fort du Detroit." Between the years 1754 and 1758 additional ground was inclosed. Soon after the post was surrendered to the English in the fall of 1760, the fort was made large enough for seventy-five or eighty houses inside the palisades. The enlarged fort extended from Griswold Street to a line about fifty feet west of Shelby Street, and from Woodbridge Street to the alley between Jefferson Avenue and Lamed Street. The bastions at the corners were enlarged and strengthened and over the gates on the east and west sides blockhouses were built for defense in case of an attack. Under the English the main gates were allowed to remain open from sunrise to sunset. In each of the large gates was a smaller one, through which only one person could pass at a time. Under the charge of a sentry these small gates were kept open until 9 P. M.


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Page  861 CITY OF DETROIT 861 FORT LERNOULT In the fall of 1778, when Col. George Rogers Clark and Col. Daniel Brodhead were both threatening Detroit, Maj. Richard B. Lernoult, the British commandant, after consultation with his officers, decided the fort was not strong enough to withstand an attack by any considerable force. Capt. Henry Bird was therefore ordered to lay out a new redoubt on the hill-a position better calculated for defense. Captain Bird gives the following account of the new fort in one of his reports: "I at first intended only a square (our time as we imagined being but short for fortifying ourselves), but when the square was marked out it appeared to me so naked and insufficient that I added the half-bastions, imagining if the enemy appeared before the curtains were completed we might make tolerable defense by closing the bastions at the gorge. So perfect a work one with entire bastions for so small a number of defendants, four or five six-pounders very illy furnished and no artillery officers, and an attack expected in a few weeks, was what I never would have engaged to have undertaken. * * * We began, I think, early in November and worked without intermission until February, at which time the Indians declaring an intention of attacking Colonel Brodhead's post of 400 then at Tuscarowas I joined them. In the meantime Lieutenant Duvernett returned from Post Vincent (Vincennes) and was appointed engineer; the work was then too far advanced for him to alter the form of it." The new fortification was named Fort Lernoult, in honor of the commandant. It was evacuated by the British on July 11, 1796, and was occupied the same day by a detachment of United States troops under Capt. Moses Porter. On August 16, 1812, it was surrendered by General Hull to the British army commanded by Gen. Isaac Brock. Detroit was reoccupied by the Americans on September 29, 1813, when the name of the fort was changed to FORT SHELBY The new name was adopted in honor of Gen. Isaac Shelby, governor of Kentucky, who raised a large body of Kentucky riflemen and marched to the relief of Detroit. Although sixty-three years of age, he joined his forces with those of General Harrison and took an active part in the campaign that ended the war in the Northwest. The following description of the fort is taken from an article written by Mrs. Samuel Zug in September, 1872, and published in the "Michigan Historical Collections." "The fort, the center of which was near the intersection of Shelby and Fort streets, was an embankment said to have been thirty feet high, surrounded by a ditch and pickets. It was built by the British in 1778. The cantonment, or barracks, were built in 1815 and were west of the fort, and composed of four rows of one-story log buildings, about three hundred feet long, arranged in a quadrangle. The center was used for the parade ground. The west row stood directly on the Cass line. The cantonment and the fort extended from the line to, I think, a little east of Shelby Street, and from the south side of Fort Street to a little north of Lafayette Avenue. "The leveling of the parapet was considered a great undertaking and it was two or three years before it was entirely accomplished. Much of the earth taken from the fort was used to fill up the bank of the river, which was in some parts very shallow, and no doubt occasioned the severe malarial fevers that

Page  862 862 CITY OF DETROIT prevailed at certain seasons, and from which cause many useful lives were sacrificed. "Well do I remember the consternation that was created by the cavin' in of a portion of the earth and one poor man, 'Old Kelly,' being buried under it, and the haste with which his fellow workmen labored to extricate him. But when it was done life was extinct." The chimneys of the barracks remained standing for several years aft(r the rest of the buildings was removed. Mrs. Zug tells of an agreement made with a boy of some thirteen or fourteen years old to tear down the chimneys for fifty cents each. The young contractor was a thrifty sort of boy, for he sublet the job to other boys, paying them twenty-five cents each. In this way a number of youngsters obtained their spending money for a good time on the fourth of July. On May 27, 1826, the last of the garrison-two companies of infantrywhich had been stationed at Fort Shelby left for Green Bay, Wisconsin, and the military reservation was given to the City of Detroit by Congress. At the Fort Street entrance of the postoffice building is a bronze tablet, known as the "Evacuation Day Tablet," at the top of which is an outline design of the old fort, below which is the following inscription: "This tablet designates the site of an English fort erected in 1778 by Major R. B. Lernoult as a defense against the Americans It was subsequently called Fort Shelby, in honor of Gov. Isaac Shelby, of Kentucky, and was demolished in 1826. "The evacuation of this fort by the British at 12 o'clock noon, July 11th, 1796, was the closing act of the war of Independence. " On that day the American flag was for the first time raised over this soil, all of what was then known as the Western Territory becoming at that time part of the Federal Union." FORT CROGHAN, OR FORT NONSENSE This defense was a small affair, hardly worth the appellation of fort, which was built near what is now the northeast corner of Park and High streets. It was erected in 1806 to frighten marauding Indians, who were continually killing cattle and stealing horses. Stanley Griswold, acting governor and commander, gave the order for its erection. The fort was circular, about forty feet in diameter, with dirt embankment ten feet high and two feet wide on top. Robert E. Roberts, in his "Sketches of Detroit," wrote that the fort was located near the intersection of Park and Duffield streets as now laid out, was seventy-five feet in diameter, with eight-foot parapet surrounded by a ditch ten feet deep. He said it was built by Capt. Moses Porter on the night of July 10, 1796, the day before the British evacuated Fort Lernoult and that traces of the fort remained until Park and Duffield streets were opened in the '50s. FORT WAYNE Fort Wayne, now a United States government military post, located three and a half miles from the city hall, at the bending point of the river, where the distance across is the shortest, was begun in 1843 and completed about 1851 at a cost of $150,000. The site of this fort was the camping-ground for troops assembling for the Black Hawk war, also the Patriot war of 1838, also was a mobilization camp in 1861. General Meigs had charge of the construction of


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Page  865 CITY OF DETROIT ' 865 this fort, which was originally of the square-bastioned type with sand embankments and red cedar scarp with embrasures of oak. In 1864 the cedar scarp was replaced with brick, the wall being seven and a half feet thick and twentytwo feet high, with brick facing eighteen inches backed by six feet of concrete. The fort has, from time to time, undergone various structural changes, and has been occupied almost continuously by United States troops. The fort is now housing the First Battalion, Fifty-fourth Regiment. On October 19, 1921, one hundred men of the Fifty-fourth arrived from Camp Grant, near Rockford, Illinois, having marched the entire distance, more than four hundred miles, since the preceding September 29th. The Fifty-fourth assimilated the Thirtyseventh Regiment, which had been stationed at Fort Wayne just before them.

Page  866 CHAPTER XXXIV EARLY TROUBLES WITH INDIANS ILL FEELING AMONG THE INDIAN TRIBES-ATTACK OF 1703-AFFAIR OF 1706 — -FATHER DE L'HALLE KILLED-MIAMI DISAFFECTION-FOX WAR OF 1712 -LOUVIGNY'S EXPEDITION-MINOR CONFLICTS-HURON AND OTTAWA QUARRELPLOT OF 1747. For many years before the founding of Detroit, the Indian tribes inhabiting the country had been engaged in war with each other. As early as 1649 the Iroquoian tribes drove all the others from the neighborhood of the Detroit River. From that time until the coming of Cadillac in 1701, the country around Detroit was uninhabited, except for a few straggling Indian villages, and these were usually of a temporary character. Cadillac's first undertaking, after the establishment of the post, was to cultivate the friendship of a number of tribes and induce them to settle near the fort. In this he was measureably successful, as narrated in an earlier chapter. But the ill feeling engendered by the tribal wars had not entirely disappeared in 1701 and some of the tribes refused to settle near the post. These tribes, by circulating false rumors about the French, sought to alienate Cadillac's Indian allies, even going so far at times as to threaten attacks upon the fort. Several times during the French occupation the old tribal ill feeling cropped out in forays upon white settlers or their Indian allies, and rumors of general uprisings against the post were not infrequent. Most of these affairs were trivial, hardly being entitled to the dignity of being designated as wars. ATTACK OF 1703 Before the post at Detroit was one year old, the conflict known as Queen Anne's War began between the French on one side and the English and Dutch on the other. Early in the summer of 1702, the English commandant at Albany (then called Orange) sent an invitation to the Indians at Detroit to visit that post and meet the representatives of the great English father. Several of the Ottawa chiefs accepted the invitation. They were made to believe the post at Detroit had been established chiefly for the purpose of enslaving them and their brethren. They returned to Detroit as a consequence with somewhat bitter feelings toward the French. It required the exercise of all Cadillac's good judgment and diplomacy, as well as a liberal distribution of presents, to restore the amicable relations that existed prior to their visit to Albany. Even then a few of the malcontents were not fully reconciled. In the summer of 1703, while Cadillac was absent, some of these, knowing that many of their race were dissatisfied with the way affairs were being conducted while the chevalier was away, made an attack upon the post. A portion of the palisades, Cadillac's house, Ste. Anne's Church, the residence of the priest and another building were burned to the ground, but no lives were lost. 866

Page  867 CITY OF DETROIT 867 If the rebellious Indians hoped to bring about a general uprising, which would result in the destruction of the post, they were disappointed. Friendly Indians cooperated with the French in driving off the attacking party. The Indian allies then assisted in rebuilding the houses and gave to the commandant one hundred bushels of corn, as a partial reimbursement for the loss sustained by the fire. AFFAIR OF 1706 Before the Indian settlements at Detroit were a year old, the Ottawa grew jealous of the Miami, who seemed to be favored in many ways by the French. Quarrels between small parties of these tribes were of frequent occurrence. On June 6, 1706, a party of six Miami Indians were set upon by some of the Ottawa, and five of the six were killed. The one who escaped gave the alarm in the Miami village, the inhabitants of which hurried to the fort for protection. The immediate cause of this trouble lay in the fact that an Ottawawas bitten by a dog belonging to a Miami and, when he kicked the dog, was so severely beaten by the commandant, De Bourgmont, that he died. (Some writers say the dog belonged to De Bourgmont). Father de L'Halle, the beloved Recollet priest, was walking in his garden at the time of the outbreak. He was captured by some of the Ottawa, probably with the intention of holding him as a hostage to protect themselves from punishment. One of the chiefs, however, ordered his release and the priest started for the fort. Just as he was about to pass through the gate he was shot to death by an Ottawa. His body was carried inside the fort, the gates of which were then closed, and De Bourgmont ordered the garrison of fifteen soldiers to fire upon the insurgents. In the melee which followed about thirty of the Ottawa were killed. Then they tried to induce the Huron braves to join them in making an assault upon the fort. Failing in this, they made an attack upon the Huron village, but were repulsed. For nearly a month the fort was kept practically in a state of siege, when the Ottawa grew tired of the warfare and sued for peace. Cadillac wrote plainly to Governor Vaudreuil, urging the capture and execution of Le Pesant, the Ottawa chief at Michilimackinac, whom he accused of being the instigator, if not the actual leader, of the outbreak which resulted in the death of Father de L'Halle and the attack on the Huron village. Cadillac wrote: " This outbreak is no sudden freak and if the savages have become so seriously disaffected as present appearances indicate, no doubt the cause may be imputed to my unjust detention at Quebec by your order, in consequence of a well connected series of charges preferred against me by the Company of the Colony. I am aware that at first you might have believed me guilty; but after I had been acquitted by the intendant I had the honor to request, with all possible earnestness, your permission to return to the post to which I was appointed by the king, not having been the choice of any governor, but you refused to grant my request." Vaudreuil realized the gravity of the situation and followed Cadillac's suggestions so far as to order the principal Ottawa chiefs to appear before him at Quebec. He ordered several of these chiefs to report to Cadillac, who was given the power to deal with them as he saw fit. The result was that the chiefs La Blanc, Kinonge, Meaninan and Menekoumak, four of the leading chiefs of the Ottawa nation, returned to Detroit and promised to either surrender Le

Page  868 868 CITY OF DETROIT Pesant, or execute him in his village and bring his head to Cadillac. After some delay he was surrendered to Cadillac, who, on account of his age and as a matter of policy, pardoned him. MIAMI DISAFFECTION The pardoning of Le Pesant was not approved by the Miami, who wanted him put to death. They accused Cadillac of acting in bad faith and went on the war-path. After killing three Frenchmen and destroying some property, they persuaded the Huron to raise a war-party to attack the French. This influenced the Iroquois to assemble a war-party for the same purpose. Seeing himself menaced by a new danger, from an unexpected source, Cadillac wrote to the governor, asking for more troops and the means of strengthening the fort. He also succeeded in making a treaty of peace with the Miami. In the negotiation of this treaty, Cadillac made concessions to the Indians which they construed to mean that the commandant was afraid of them, and at the first opportunity they violated the provisions of the treaty. They were rudely awakened to the fact that it was not fear which caused Cadillac to make the concessions, for he now raised a large force and marched against them, compelling them to accept his. terms of submission. This restored order at Detroit for a time. FOX WAR OF 1712 Early in the year 1710, the British decided that the best way to end the war in America was the complete subjugation of New France and expeditions against the French strongholds were planned. That against Port Royal was successful, but the others ended in failure. The Indian, in forming alliances, likes to be on the winning side. After the French victories of 1710, a deputation of chiefs of the Five Nations visited Quebec to offer their services to Governor Vaudreuil. Their reception was so cool that it amounted almost to a rebuff, though they were given a number of presents before their final dismissal. Nettled at the treatment they had received, they went back to their people and advised them to ally themselves with the English. In the spring of 1711, representatives of the band of Fox Indians living on the peninsula between Green Bay and Lake Michigan visited the Five Nations, with whom they formed an alliance. For several years these Indians had played no important part in history, but they now promised the English that they would surprise and capture the post at Detroit. They spent several months in perfecting their plans, and in enlisting the assistance of part of the Kickapoo and Mascouten tribes. A large party of Fox and Kickapoo warriors, led by the chief Lamina, appeared at Detroit early in May, 1712, and encamped within a short distance of the fort, where they began to throw up earthworks. Bubuisson, the commandant, ordered them away, but Lamina informed him that they were the owners of the country and would encamp where they pleased. At that time there were only thirty soldiers in the garrison and the Huron and Ottawa men were still absent upon their winter hunt, so that Dubuisson was unable to drive them from the vicinity. The invaders killed animals and fowls without permission and even tried to pursue some of the inhabitants into the fort. An Indian named Joseph, who was acting as a spy for the French, informed Dubuisson that it was the intention of the red men to set fire to the fort. The garrison supply of wheat was

Page  869 CITY OF DETROIT 869 stored in a house belonging to a Mr. A. Mallette outside the stockade. Dubuisson had it brought into the fort and the house in which it had been stored, as well as Ste. Anne's Church and one or two other buildings, were pulled down or burned by the commandant, in order to prevent them from being occupied by the enemy. On the 13th, De Vincennes arrived with a small reinforcement and about the same time the Indian allies returned from their hunting expedition. The tables were now turned. The beseigers became the beseiged. Parties were sent out to intercept any reinforcements. Saginaw, an Ottawa war chief, led one of these parties and cut off about one hundred and fifty Mascouten warriors who were trying to join Lamina. To escape the continued fire from the fort, the Fox warriors dug holes four or five feet deep, in which they concealed themselves, but Dubuisson ordered his men to erect scaffolds high enough to enable them to fire into the pits. The assailants were now in a precarious position. Closely held to their trenches, they were unable to obtain food or water, and every time one of them exposed himself he was greeted by a bullet. This forced them to abandon the pits under cover of darkness and seek a safer position. One morning, after the seige had been going on for several days, a number of red blankets were seen waving as standards over the Fox camp. They were recognized as being of English manufacture and one of the chiefs boldly announced that the Fox Nation "acknowledged no father but the English." To this the head chief of the Pottawatomi replied: "Wicked nations that you are, you hope to frighten us by all that red color which you exhibit in your village. Learn that if the earth is covered with blood it will be yours. You speak to us of the English. They are the cause of your destruction, because you have listened to their bad counsels. They are enemies of prayer and it is for that reason the Master of Life chastises them, as well as you. Don't you know as well as we do that the Father of all nations, who is at Montreal, sends continually parties of his young men to make war, and who take so many prisoners that they don't know what to do with them?" At this point Dubuisson stopped the speaker, because he saw the Fox women were taking advantage of the parley to obtain water from the river, and hostilities were renewed. The enemy got possession of a house within easy gunshot of the fort and built a scaffold at one end of it, on which they placed some of their best marksmen. Dubuisson ordered a swivel gun to be hoisted to one of the scaffolds within the fort and the second shot from this piece demolished the Indians' platform and killed several of the "snipers." The next morning a white flag was displayed and Chief Peenoussa was conducted into the fort for a parley. He was told that three women held captive in the enemy's camp must be returned before any proposals for a truce would be entertained. About two hours later the women were brought to the fort. Peenoussa then asked permission to be allowed to retire from Detroit, but one of the Illinois chiefs informed him that as soon as he reentered his fort the firing would be resumed. Failing to obtain a truce that would permit them to withdraw unharmed from the vicinity of the fort, the enemy then tried to set the fort on fire by shooting burning arrows inside the stockade. But the garrison had made provision for just such an emergency. Two large pirogues were kept filled with water and as fast as the flaming arrows set fire to the straw thatches the flames were extinguished with swabs fastened to long poles and saturated with water. The night following the nineteenth day of the siege was dark and rainy and

Page  870 870 CITY OF DETROIT the invaders took advantage of it to withdraw. They were pursued the next morning by M. de Vincennes with a few French soldiers and a large body of Indians and were found near what is now known as Windmill Point, where they had intrenched themselves. In his report of the affair, Dubuisson says cannon were sent up from the fort to dislodge the enemy and about one thousand of them were killed, while his own loss was trivial. Subsequent events indicate that these figures were based more upon imagination than upon fact. The survivors returned to Green Bay, where they erected a large stockade on an eminence called Buttes des Morts (Hills of the Dead) and for years their scouting parties infested all the trails leading to the posts, killing and plundering the traders. They were secretly encouraged by the Iroquois and their irregular warfare was so successful that some of the Siouan tribes formed an alliance with them. This would hardly have occurred had their chastisement been as severe as represented by Dubuisson. By 1716 the situation had become so serious that Governor Vaudreuil determined to send an expedition against the Fox band at Green Bay. The expedition of 800 French and Indians was commanded by M. de Louvigny, who found the Indians in a position fortified by palisades. Artillery was brought into requisition and after a seige of a few days the occupants of the fort offered to capitulate, but the terms they offered were not satisfactory to Louvigny and the attack upon their stronghold was renewed. Finally they surrendered and placed in the hands of the French six sons of the six principal chiefs, to be taken to Montreal as a pledge that a deputation of Indians would be sent there the next spring to ratify a treaty of peace. Notwithstanding this action, another Fox attack was made upon Detroit in 1717, but it was repulsed without loss or serious inconvenience to the garrison. Mrs. Sheldon Stewart, in her "History of Early Michigan," states: "From this time until the close of 1724 there was a succession of conflicts with the savages. As soon as one 'bad affair' was settled, another would crop up and some real or fancied grievance would cause the hatchet to be dug up and war declared by some tribe upon the French at Detroit. The forts at this post and Michilimackinac were at a low ebb and poorly defended, and to the savages were subjects of contempt rather than terror. It is impossible to trace a connected chain of events at these points and only now and then can be found isolated incidents known to be authentic." HURON AND OTTAWA QUARREL For some time prior to 1738, jealousy among the Indian tribes about Detroit led to frequent petty quarrels, which sometimes threatened the safety of the post. In 1738 Desnoyelles, then commandant, summoned the chiefs to a council at his residence, hoping to allay the jealousies and restore harmony. At this council the head chief of the Huron Nation gave a belt to the Ottawa head chief, saying: "We have made peace with the Flatheads of the West. We are now brothers and we invite you to regard them in the same way. We would be glad to have peace in the land. If you continue to send war parties against the Flatheads, some of our young men may go to warn them of their danger." The Ottawa chief resented the advice of the Huron, accused him of interference in a matter which did not concern him or his tribe, and the Chippewa and Pottawatomi sided with the Ottawa. The result was that the council came

Page  871 CITY OF DETROIT 871 to an end without having accomplished its purpose, the ill feeling in fact being greater than it was before. Soon after the adjournment of the council, an Ottawa war party of about twenty young men started on a foray against one of the Flathead villages. As they were on the march they saw two Huron parties. Their intention was to surprise the Flathead village, but just as they were about ready to attack the cry of a raven was heard and the occupants of the village were immediately upon the alert. The raven cry was distinctively a Huron signal and had two meanings, a warning of impending danger and a call of hunger. It appears, however, that the Flathead Indians understood it and when the Ottawa made their attack they found themselves between the Flathead warriors on one side and the Huron on the other. Nine of the Ottawa were slain and scalped and five more were captured. The others broke through the Huron line, killing one of the number, and returned to Detroit. When they arrived within hearing distance of their village they raised the cry of mourning instead of the scalp yell, which would have proclaimed a victory. They entered the village and told how they had been betrayed by Huron treachery. The entire tribe was in a great rage and threatened the destruction of the Huron village. The Huron chiefs denied that any of their young men had betrayed the Ottawa or had killed any of them. "We do not shed the blood of our brothers," said one of them, to which an infuriated Ottawa replied: "You are dogs; you are capable of shedding the blood of your father as well as that of your brothers." One of the survivors of the war party approached the Huron chief and in a voice full of passion said: "We have been to war with the Flatheads many a time, but we never heard the cry of the raven before. I killed one of your men, Orontega, and when your warriors come home we shall see if he is missing. Then you will see that I am telling the truth." Thoroughly alarmed at this manifestation of hostility, the Huron retired to their village and the women and children dared not go out to cultivate their crop of corn. The trouble was finally ended by the removal of the greater part of the Huron settlement to Bois Blanc Island, where they remained for several years. Desnoyelles, in the fall of 1738, issued an order to the inhabitants not to sell ammunition of any kind to the Indians. PLOT OF 1747 In 1746 Mackinac (the Turtle), a powerful Chippewa chief, undertook to enlist all the northern tribes in a movement against the post of Detroit. Several of the tribes, including the northern Ottawa, joined in the alliance and a formidable body of Indians suddenly appeared before the fort. The garrison was called to arms and Pontiac, the Ottawa chief at Detroit, came to the aid of the French. Mackinac was driven off with a loss of several of his warriors. Messengers were then sent to the Iroquois to ask their cooperation in another attack. In the spring of 1747 the Iroquois sent belts to the tribes living about Detroit and succeeded in winning several of them to a plot to murder the garrison and drive the French out of the country. The plan was for the massacre to take place on the night following a church holiday. As many of the Indians as possible were to get permission to sleep inside the palisades and during the night each was to arise at a given time and kill the people of the house in which he was lodged. An Indian woman had occasion to go into the loft of one of the houses and while there heard voices below. She listened intently and thus Vol. II-2

Page  872 872 CITY OF DETROIT gained a knowledge of the plot. As soon as the plotters left the house she went to the residence of Father Richardie to tell him of what she had learned. The priest happened to be absent, but she told a lay brother, who informed De Longueuil, the commandant. De Longueuil called the Huron chiefs together, informed them that he knew of the plot, upbraided them for listening to the evil counsels of the Iroquois and threatened them with punishment. While engaged in the conspiracy, the Indians had paid little attention to the cultivation of their fields, with the result that only a small crop of corn had been raised. As the commandant controlled their winter supplies, they saw hunger staring them in the face. They therefore humbled themselves and promised allegiance for the future, whereupon they were pardoned by De Longueuil. The Huron Indians at Bois Blanc Island then moved up to Sandwich and settled around the mission house there, nearly opposite their old fort at Detroit. The English were charged with being the instigators of this conspiracy, which was probably true, as the English traders were anxious to drive out the French, in order to gain control of the fur trade. This rivalry culminated in open war between the two nations, in which Detroit played an important part, and was finally surrendered to the English.

Page  873 CHAPTER XXXV FRENCH AND INDIAN WAR EARLY EXPLORATIONS IN AMERICA-SPANISH CLAIMS-ENGLISH CLAIMS-FRENCH CLAIMS-LA SALLE-FRENCH AND ENGLISH RIVALRY-WASHINGTON'S MISSION — FRANCE DECLARES WAR-BRADDOCK S DEFEAT-WILLIAM PITT S POLICYENGLISH VICTORIES —DETROIT IN THE WAR-BELESTRE SURRENDERS-END OF THE WAR. The causes of the conflict between France and England about the middle of the Eighteenth Century date back to the first explorations and settlements made in America by European nations. In the East the struggle took the name of the "French and Indian War", for the reason that the tribes of that section were supplied with arms and ammunition by the French and incited to attack the English settlers. The British retaliated by arming the Iroquois and their allied tribes and inducing them to make war on the French. Upon the restoration of peace, the western people referred to the conflict as the "Seven Years' War", but historians generally have adopted the eastern name. SPANISH CLAIMS In 1493, the year following the first voyage of Columbus to the New World, the pope granted to the king and queen of Spain "all countries inhabited by infidels". At that time the extent of the American Continent was unknown, but as the native inhabitants were regarded as infidels, this papal grant included, in a vague way, all the present State of Michigan. The grant of the pope was strengthened by the expedition of Hernando de Soto (1540-42) into the interior and the discovery of the Mississippi River, by which Spain laid claim to "all the lands bordering on the great river and the Gulf of Mexico". ENGLISH CLAIMS Henry VII, King of England, in 1496 granted to John Cabot and his sons a patent of discovery, possession and trade "to all lands they may discover and lay claim to in the name of the English Crown". During the next three years the Cabots explored the Atlantic Coast and made discoveries upon which England, at the beginning of the Sixteenth Century, claimed all the central portion of North America. The charter granted by the English Crown to the Plymouth Company in 1620 included "all the lands between the fortieth and forty-eighth parallels of north latitude from sea to sea". This grant included all of the present State of Michigan and the northern half of Ohio and Indiana FRENCH CLAIMS Through the voyages and discoveries of Jacques Cartier, France laid claim to the Valley of the St. Lawrence River and the country about the Great Lakes. Explorations were then pushed westward toward the headwaters of the Mississippi River and southward into the Ohio Valley. As early as 1611 Jesuit missionaries were among the Indians that dwelt along the shores of Lakes Huron, 873

Page  874 874 CITY OF DETROIT Michigan and Superior. In 1634 Jean Nicollet passed still farther to the westward and reached the country around the Fox River, in what is now the State of Wisconsin. Claude Allouez, one of the most zealous of the Jesuit fathers, held a council in 1665 with the chiefs and head men of the leading western tribes at the Chippewa Village, on the south shore of Lake Superior. At this council the Chippewa, Illini, Sac and Fox, Sioux and Pottawatomi were represented. Allouez promised them the protection of the great French father and thus opened the way for a profitable trade with the natives. Three years later, Fathers Jacques Marquette and Claude Dablon founded the mission of St. Mary's, the oldest white settlement within the present State of Michigan. The accounts of the country carried back to Quebec by explorers and missionaries led the Canadian authorities to send Nicholas Perrot to arrange for a grand council with the western tribes. The council met at St. Mary's late in May, 1671, and before the close of that year Father Marquette founded the mission of Point St. Ignace, which for many years was regarded as the key to the great, unexplored West. LA SALLE In 1678, Louis XIV, then King of France, granted to Robert Cavelier, Sieur de la Salle, a patent to explore the western parts of New France, as the French possessions in America were then called. Jacques Marquette and Louis Joliet had discovered the Mississippi River at the mouth of the Wisconsin in June, 1673, and had descended it to the mouth of the Arkansas. La Salle's first expedition to the west was unsuccessful, though he finally explored the Mississippi to its mouth, where on April 9, 1682 he formally claimed all the country drained by the great river and its tributaries in the name of France and gave to this vast expanse of country the name of Louisiana, in honor of the French king. FRENCH AND ENGLISH RIVALRY Following the usage of nations of that period, by which title to land was claimed "by right of discovery", it is not surprising that in course of time a controversy arose as to which nation was really the rightful owner of the soil. Spain's claim to the interior was never strongly asserted and it soon came to pass that most of the European nations acknowledged that France possessed the better title, based upon the discovery of La Salle. But the Plymouth Company's grant of 1620, extending from "sea to sea", overlapped a large section where the French were actually in possession. The Hudson's Bay Company was chartered by the British Government on May 2, 1670, and its trappers and traders went into all parts of the Great Lakes country in spite of the French claim to the territory. Under these conditions, France and England were soon aroused by the conflict of their respective claims. Several times the English were accused of inciting the Indians to attack French posts. In 1749 Comte de la Gallissoniere, then governor of New France, sent Pierre de Celeron, Sieur de Blainville, with 300 soldiers from Montreal to take formal possession of the Ohio Valley. Celeron was supplied with leaden plates, each bearing an inscription setting forth the claims of France and a formal declaration that France thus took possession of the Ohio Valley. Celeron planted the plates at various points along the Ohio River, after which he went

Page  875 CITY OF DETROIT 875 to Detroit, arriving there on October 6, 1749. Gallissoniere also made special efforts to encourage immigration to the western posts by offering special privileges and supplies to the immigrants. Under these liberal offers a number of people came to Detroit during the next five years. La Salle's claim to the region drained by the Mississippi River extended on the east to the summit of the Alleghany Mountains. On the other hand the English Colony of Virginia claimed territory northwest of the Ohio River. Shortly after Celeron's expedition, citizens of Virginia, hoping to offset the activities of the French, organized what was known as the Ohio Company, which was granted 500,000 acres of land northwest of the Ohio, on condition that 100 families should be settled thereon within seven years. WASHINGTON'S MISSION The first open rupture between the two nations did not come until 1753. The Ohio Company commenced a fort at the confluence of the Allegheny and Monongahela Rivers, where the City of Pittsburg, Pennsylvania, now stands, but it was captured by the French before it was completed and named Fort Du Quesne. In 1753 the French began building a line of forts from the Ohio River to the Great Lakes to prevent the English from extending their settlements west of the mountains. The territory upon which some of these forts were located was claimed by Virginia. Governor Dinwiddie, of that colony, after consultation with Governor Clinton, of New York, decided to send an embassy to the commandant of Fort Du Quesne, to demand an explanation for the armed invasion of English domain while the nations were supposed to be at peace. Governor Dinwiddie selected George Washington, just turned twenty-one, to bear the remonstrance to Fort Du Quesne. One reason for Washington's being chosen was that he understood land surveying and was instructed not only to remonstrate against the French trespass, but also to survey and locate the lands of the Ohio Company. Legardeur St. Pierre de Repentigny, the commandant at Fort Du Quesne, received Washington courteously, though the only explanation he would offer was that the Ohio Valley had been generally recognized as French territory since 1682. Nor would he permit Washington to make any surveys northwest of the Ohio River. Washington then visited Fort Le Boeuf, a few miles up the Allegheny River, where he was treated in the same manner. Rebuffed at every point, Washington moved over to Monongahela, where be began the construction of a fort, but was driven out by a detachment of French troops, commanded by Captain Contrecoeur, and returned to Virginia. Fort Du Quesne was then made a strong post by the French, who in 1754 had a chain of sixty forts (mostly blockhouses) between Quebec and New Orleans. One of these was the post at Detroit. FRANCE DECLARES WAR In 1754 Washington, with the rank of lieutenant-colonel, was again sent into the disputed territory. This time he was supplied with a detachment of troops and was instructed "to complete the fort already commenced by the Ohio Company at the forks of the Ohio, and to kill, capture or drive out all who attempted to interfere with the English posts". This aroused the indignation of France and that nation formally declared war against Great Britain. New Brunswick

Page  876 876 CITY OF DETROIT and Nova Scotia had fallen into the hands of the English at the time of King George's War, but the French inhabitants, called Acadians, were permitted to remain in possession of their homes. Immediately after the declaration of war by France, the English ordered the expulsion of the Acadians from the two provinces, except such as would take the oath of allegiance to the English crown. About seven thousand people were thus rendered homeless. A few of the exiles found refuge in the French settlements of Canada and about the Great Lakes, some of them coming to Detroit, but by far the greater portion of them went to the French settlements in Louisiana. This unhappy incident was made the subject of Longfellow's poem "Evangeline". BRADDOCK'S DEFEAT The first active campaign of the English was directed against Fort Du Quesne. Its geographical position at the head of the Ohio River made it a post of great strategic importance and the British authorities saw that whichever side held the fort would hold the key to the Ohio Valley. In the spring of 1755, General Braddock, recognized as one of the best English military commanders, was placed at the head of a large force of regulars and colonial militia for the capture of the fort. His army was the largest military force which, up to that time, had ever crossed the Alleghany Mountains. Braddock moved forward with "pomp and circumstance", his colors flying, fifers and drummers playing, and his troops marching in solid column, according to the established customs of civilized warfare. Col. George Washington, who commanded the Virginia troops, and who was well acquainted with the Indian characteristics, fearing an ambush, tried to persuade General Braddock, but his suggestions were spurned. "High times, high times," retorted the pompous commander, "when a young buckskin presumes to teach a British general how to fight." Washington's fears were realized. While marching through a narrow valley a few miles east of the fort, where the Town of Braddock is now located, the Indians opened fire from all sides, accompanied by the most blood-curdling yells. At the first volley the British regulars, brave enough men, but unused to fighting with an unseen foe, were thrown into confusion and General Braddock was killed. Washington then took command, covered the retreat with his Virginians, and saved a remnant of the army. There is a tradition that General Braddock's body was buried in the road and the wagons and artillery driven over the grave to prevent its discovery and desecration by the savages. WILLIAM PITT'S POLICY During the year 1756 there was not much activity displayed by either side. General Montcalm arrived at Quebec in May and on August 14th captured Fort Ontario, at Oswego, New York, which was the most important military event of the year. In 1757 the British Government adopted the vigorous policy, proposed by William Pitt, of sending a large force of troops and efficient commanders to America. General Amherst was sent against Ticonderoga, General Wolfe was ordered to lay siege to Quebec, and General Prideaux was directed to effect the capture of the fort at Niagara. Before the close of the year Louisburg, which had been captured by Gen. William Pepperell during King George's

Page  877 CITY OF DETROIT 877 " War and returned to the French in 1748, was taken by Generals Wolfe and Amherst and the place was destroyed. On October 15, 1758, an English force commanded by Major Grant made a determined attack on Fort Du Quesne, but the attempt failed, the assailants being driven off with considerable loss in killed and wounded. General Forbes was then sent with a larger force against the fort and on November 28th the French abandoned the post, after burning the stores and some of the buildings, and made their way to Detroit. The English rebuilt the fort and gave it the name of Fort Pitt. The year 1759 saw the English arms victorious at almost every point. General Amherst took the two forts-Crown Point and Ticonderoga-on Lake Champlain. On July 24th General Prideaux captured or dispersed a reinforcement of 1,200 men sent from Detroit and other western posts to the relief of Fort Niagara and the next day the fort capitulated. The surrender of Niagara broke the French line of cummunication with the posts at Presque Isle, Venango and Le Boeuf. These forts were then blown up and the garrisons retired to Detroit. The influx of so many troops caused a scarcity of provisions. It is said that "meat without bread or corn was distributed to the soldiers and there was much distress". On September 13, 1759, Quebec, the stronghold of the French, capitulated. Montreal then was the only eastern post of consequence remaining in the hands of the French. Early in the year 1760 three divisions of the British Army moved by different routes toward Montreal, sweeping everything before them, and on Septemper 8, 1760, Marquis de Vaudreuil, governor of New France, surrendered Montreal and all its dependencies to the British Crown. Pitt's policy had proved successful. DETROIT IN THE WAR In 1751, before the actual beginning of the war, the garrison at Detroit was increased and in 1754 the fort was enlarged. During the next three years the stockade was extended, inclosing additional ground. Late in the year 1754 or early in 1755 the intendant of Canada sent Hugues Jacques Pean with 400 militia and large supplies to Detroit. It is believed that some of these troops later went east and took part in the defeat of General Braddock. Soon after the declaration of war by France, the government of that country sent large quantities of military supplies to America, and some of these supplies were stored at Detroit. That the post was depended upon to a considerable extent during the war as a base of supplies is seen in a letter of Governor Vaudreuil, dated July 12, 1757, and addressed to M. de Moras, in which he says: "I have already written several letters to the commandants and Illinois, to put themselves at that moment in a condition to transmit at the opening of navigation, for the victualling of the posts on the Beautiful River (the Ohio), the largest quantity of provisions of all descriptions that they could spare, by restricting the settlers to mere subsistence". After the capture of Fort Du Quesne in the fall of 1758, General Forbes planned an attack on Detroit. Concerning this movement, one of the publications of the Quebec Literary and Historical Society states: "Sieur de Bellestre, having heard that the enemy was marching, put himself at the head of the Hurons and other Indians to give an attack to the advance

Page  878 878 CITY OF DETROIT guard, which he defeated. The Hurons gave signs enough of their bravery and made about twenty prisoners, but the Ottawas disgraced themselves in scalping all those the French had killed." When the British began their active campaigns in the East, a considerable force was mobilized in Detroit. About the time General Prideaux began his operations against Fort Niagara, Belestre, the commandant at Detroit, was appealed to for provisions and reinforcements. Preparations to send the provisions were commenced, but were soon abandoned. A French officer, evidently not a friend of Belestre, said this was done "because the provisions were required for the private and invincible trade of some person in that very post itself". The same officer, criticizing Belestre for failing to send reinforep-ments to Niagara, said: "In the spring of 1759 ore hundred and fifty militia, almost all belonging to Fort Du Quesne and who had wintered at Detroit, were also detained under pretext of making a ditch around the stockade fort which tumbled down immediately." In view of the fact that 1,200 troops from Detroit and other western posts were "captured or dispersed" by General Prideaux the day before Fort Niagara capitulated, it would seem that this criticism was unmerited. The only trouble was that they arrived too late to be of service in saving the fort from capture. More French troops were sent to Detroit in June, 1760. They brought with them several pieces of artillery, provisions, ammunition and other supplies, and from that time Detroit became the great stronghold and depot of the West, though its career as such was of short duration. On September 12, 1760, four days after the surrender of Canada to the English, Maj. Robert Rogers, known as "The Ranger", received orders from General Amherst "to advance with a sufficient force to take possession of Detroit, Michilimackinac and the entire Northwest, and administer the oath of allegiance to the inhabitants. Rogers left Montreal the next day with fifteen bateaux and 200 men of the Eightieth Regiment. At Presque Isle he was joined by a small detachment commanded by Captain Croghan and Captain Campbell's Royal Americans. From Presque Isle, Rogers and the main body continued the journey by water, while Captain Brewer with a small force marched overland along the south shore of Lake Erie with a drove of cattle. BELESTRE SURRENDERS Sieur de Belestre, who was an able commander, seemed to think the Canadian Government was secure and that he could defend Detroit against any force likely to be sent against him. It should be borne in mind that during the struggle most of the fighting had been done in the East, that most of the Indian tribes of the territory tributary to Detroit remained loyal allies of the French, and that none of the western posts had been molested. Being far out on the frontier, the soldiers and even their officers had remained in comparative ignorance of the progress of events. When Major Rogers arrived at the mouth of the Detroit River, runners carried the news to Belestre that a large English force was approaching. A little later Major Rogers' courier arrived with a demand for the surrender of the post, at the same time imparting the information that Canada had been surrendered to the English. So certain was Belestre that the report of the courier

Page  879 CITY OF DETROIT 879' was false that he asked time to consider. It was at this time that, partly in derision and partly to inflame the Indians, the commandant erected a pole, upon the top of which was the effigy of a crow pecking at a man's head, indicative of the manner in which he would treat the English if they continued to advance. Major Rogers then sent another messenger to the fort with a copy of the terms of capitulation and Vaudreuil's letter of instructions to the commandant at Detroit. In this letter the governor stated that the conditions of the capitulation were "particularly advantageous to Detroit; that all persons, even the soldiers, were to retain their property, real and personal, including their peltries; that the soldiers were to be allowed to delegate to some resident the care of their property, or to sell it to either French or English, or they might take with them their portable property. They were to lay down their arms and agree not to serve again during the war." After despatching the second messenger, Rogers pushed on toward the fort. When within a half mile of the post, he received a message from Belestre surrendering the fort. At last the commandant was convinced that Canada had become an English possession. He called his garrison together and, with illconcealed chagrin, gave notice that New France had been turned over to the English. Rogers had sent forward Lieutenants Leslie and McCormick, with thirty-six of the Royal Americans, to take possession. The French troops marched out upon the little plain in front of the main entrance to the fort and laid down their arms. The Canadian militia was disarmed and disbanded, many of them taking the oath of allegiance. With military honors the French flag, which had waved over the fort for fifty-nine years, was lowered, the British troops marched in and hoisted the colors of Great Britain as the symbol of the new ruling power. All this occurred on November 29, 1760, which day marks the beginning of English domination in what is now the State of Michigan, though the post at Michilimackinac was not turned over to the British until some time later. Some seven hundred Indians, who only the day before had been allies of the French, were present when the troops laid down their arms. They cheered the British flag when it was raised and sarcastically referred to Major Rogers as the crow and Belestre as the victim. The French prisoners of war were sent to Philadelphia and from there to France. The French inhabitants were permitted to retain their farms and homes, on condition of their taking the oath of allegiance, which most of them did, though three years later some of them broke their oath and gave assistance to Pontiac in his uprising against the English. At the time of the surrender, the garrison consisted of three officers and thirty-five privates. The condition of the fort and conditions generally were thus described by Captain Campbell in a letter written to Col. Henry Boquet three days after the English took possession: "The inhabitants seem very happy at the change of government, but they are in want of everything. The fort is much better than we expected. It is one of the best stockades I have seen, but the commandant's house and what belongs to the King are in bad repair." Major Rogers remained at Detroit until December 23, 1760, when he turned over the command to Captain Campbell and set out for Fort Pitt.

Page  880 880 CITY OF DETROIT END OF THE WAR The French and Indian War was brought to an end by the preliminary Treaty of Fontainebleau, which was concluded on November 3, 1762, by which France ceded Canada to Great Britain, also all the posts about the Great Lakes and that part of Louisiana lying east of the Mississippi River, except the city and island of New Orleans. This preliminary treaty was ratified by the Treaty of Paris on February 10, 1763, and the two nations were again at peace, after a dispute that had kept their American colonies in a state of war and turmoilfor almost a decade.

Page  881 CHAPTER XXXVI PONTIAC'S CONSPIRACY DISSATISFACTION OF THE INDIANS UNDER ENGLISH RULE-SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON -PONTIAC-PONTIAC S COUNCIL ON THE ECORSE-THE INDIANS RECONNOITRE-THE PLOT EXPOSED-EVENTS OF MAY 7, 1763-DEATH OF SIR ROBERT DAVERS AND CAPTAIN ROBINSON-CAPTURE OF OTHER POSTS-PONTIAC'S SECOND ATTEMPT-KILLING OF MRS. TURNBULL AND THE FISHER FAMILYBEGINNING OF THE SIEGE-UNSUCCESSFUL NEGOTIATIONS-FATE OF THE CUYLER PARTY-RETURN OF THE GLADWIN — MCDOUGALL'S ESCAPECAMPBELL'S DEATH-CONTINUATION OF SIEGE-ARRIVAL OF DALZELL'S COMMAND-BATTLE OF BLOODY RUN-TRUCE DECLARED-EVENTS OF 1764 -CROGHAN S TREATY-PONTIAC'S DEATH. In order to understand the motives of Pontiac in organizing his conspiracy against the British posts in the Ohio Valley and about the Great Lakes in 1763, it is necessary to notice briefly the conditions which preceded it. By the treaty which ended the French and Indian War, Canada surrendered the posts in the region of the Great Lakes and that part of Louisiana lying east of the Mississippi River to England. In fact, some of the posts were occupied by the English before the conclusion of the treaty. Through the transfer of the western posts from the French to the English, the Indians soon became acquainted with the different policies of the two nations, as described in an earlier chapter of this history. Instead of pursuing the French policy of liberality and conciliation, the English treated the natives with contempt, paid them less for their furs than the French had been accustomed to pay, and often took possession of the best hunting grounds without the formality of purchase or treaty. The tribes most affected by this policy, and whose grievances were consequently the greatest, were the Delaware (also known as Lenni Lenape, meaning original men), Ottawa and some of the Iroquoian tribes in New York. In the Delaware tribe there arose a prophet about the time the English took possession of the country. He spent days at a time in seclusion, during which periods he claimed to hold communion with the Great Spirit, or the Master of Life. By his interpretations of his alleged visions, the burden of which was that the Master of Life wished the red men to join in an uprising among the whites, he excited many of the his people almost to madness. Under the influence of his teachings, an attempt was made in 1761 to destroy some of the frontier posts, but it ended in failure. During the year 1762 several outbreaks occurred, but there was no concerted action. In numerous instances, the Indians were abetted and encouraged by the coureurs de bois, who remained loyal to French customs and traditions and maintained intimate relations with the natives, many of them having married Indian women. 881

Page  882 882 CITY OF DETROIT SIR WILLIAM JOHNSON In June, 1761, a plot was formed by the Seneca and Huron Indians to massacre the garrison at Detroit post, but the attempt was frustrated by the prompt action of the white men. In view of the general discontent among the Indians, and their frequent depredations, Sir William Johnson, superintendent of the tribes of the Northwest, decided to hold a council. On July 5, 1761, accompanied by his son, John Johnson, a nephew, Lieut. Guy Johnson, Capt. Andrew Montour and a few friendly Mohawk and Oneida Indians, he left Fort Johnson (now Johnstown, New York) for Detroit. At Niagara the party was joined by Maj. Henry Gladwin, with Gage's Light Infantry. Gladwin left for Detroit on the 12th of August and was followed a week later by Sir William, who had been reinforced by a detachment of the Royal Americans, under Ensigns Holmes and Slosser, and a company of British regulars, commanded by Lieutenant Ogden. He arrived at Detroit on the afternoon of September 3, 1761 and was lodged in the house formerly occupied by Commandant Belestre. The next day Colonel Du Quesne and the officers of the fort dined with him and preparations for the council were discussed. Meantime news of the superintendent's arrival had spread among the Indians and a large number had gathered outside. In the afternoon Sir William began the distribution of presents he had brought for that purpose. Charles Moore, in his introduction to "The Gladwin Papers," Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collection, states that Sir William and Major Gladwin reached Detroit on August 17th. A preliminary council was held on Wednesday, September 9, 1761. So many Indians were present that no room inside the stockade was large enough to accommodate them and seats were arranged outside of the council house. A cannon was fired at 10 A. M. to announce the opening of the council, and the session lasted until 5 P. M. Another council was held on the 11th and the final one was held on Sunday, the 13th. At all of these meetings Pontiac was present and was deeply interested in the proceedings. Sir William was lavish with his promises, as well as his presents, and had all of these abundant promises been kept, there is reason to believe that Pontiac might have becone loyal to the British cause, although this statement has been disputed by eminent authorities. PONTIAC Of Pontiac himself much has been written and the story of his career is yet unknown in its finest detail. He was an outstanding figure in the Indian history of the United States and intellectually was much above the ordinary type of his race. Pontiac was the principal chief of the Ottawa and the virtual leader of a confederacy of Ottawa, Ojibway and Pottawatomi, his influence reaching over the nations of the Illinois region. According to the United States Bureau of Ethnology, Pontiac was born on the Maumee River, not far from the mouth of Auglaize, about 1720, and was therefore about forty years of age when he began planning his campaign against the English. It is said that his mother was a Chippewa woman, although another authority claims her to have been an Ottawa, and another an Ojibway.. In addition to his chieftainship, Pontiac was a sort of "medicine man," having been the high priest of the secret order of the Midi. Wimer, in his "Events in Indian History," says:

Page  883 :; OLD PONTIAC TREE On site of Michigan Stove Works OLD PONTIAC TREE AT MICHIGAN STOVE WORKS IN 1881

Page  884

Page  885 CITY OF DETROIT 885 "Pontiac was a man of imposing presence and as a chief was entitled to rank with Tecumseh and Red Jacket * * * He commanded the Indians (mostly Ottawa) who defended Detroit against the northern tribes and led the Ottawa and Chippewa warriors at the defeat of General Braddock in 1755." Having fought against the British in the French and Indian War, it was natural that Pontiac should look with disapproval upon the British occupation of the country. On November 7, 1760, when Maj. Robert Rogers was on his way from Montreal to take possession of the posts at Detroit and Michilimackinac, under orders from Genera] Amherst, he encamped at the mouth of the Cuyahoga, where the City of Cleveland is now situated. Here he was met by a party of Indians led by Pontiac, who demanded to know why Rogers and his men came into the country. Major Rogers was something of a diplomat. He explained to the irate chief that Canada had been surrendered by the French and that the English were really the true friends of the Indian. A formal council was then held, the pipe of peace was handed round and harmony was apparently established. Cyrus Thomas, of the United States Bureau of Ethnology, says: "Pontiac was disposed to be friendly to the English, who he hoped would recognize his power and place him at the head of a great Indian confederacy, but, failing to receive the recognition he considered his due, and being deceived by the rumor that the French were preparing to regain the territory they had surrendered, formed his plan for a general uprising." That Pontiac was proud, vindictive, belligerent and very sensitive there is no doubt, nor is there any question but that the principal motive behind his days of attack upon the Detroit post was an intense desire for revenge, a burning hatred which could be satisfied only with the blood of his enemy. PONTIAC S COUNCIL ON THE ECORSE Before a year had passed after Sir William Johnson's visit to the Detroit post, Pontiac saw that the promises to his race were not being kept. He saw, too, that the aspirations of the English were forcing the Indian from his hunting grounds. Alone in his lodge, or standing solitary on the shore of Peche Island, where he had his summer home, he brooded over these matters and matured his plan for uniting all the western tribes for the destruction of the English posts. During the fall of 1762 he traveled many miles through the forests or in his canoe, visiting the various tribes, and succeeded in enlisting most of those northwest of the Ohio River in his scheme. The Pottawatomi chief, Ninivois, was a weak character and fell easy prey to Pontiac's seductive oratory, but the Huron presented a more complex problem to the wily schemer. The Huron were of two branches, which were lead by Takay and Teata, the former a match for Pontiac in character, but the latter a shrewd, discerning man who was not persuaded to Pontiac's way of thinking. Consequently, the Ottawa chief had to be content with the aid of only half of the Huron band, at under Takay. On the 15th of the moon, as the Indian judged time, or April 27, 1763, Pontiac assembled his council of Ottawa, Pottawatomi and Huron chieftains on the Ecorse River, ten miles southwest of the fort. Pontiac, as "high priest and keeper of the faith," announced the will of the Great Spirit, as revealed to the Delaware prophet and himself, and urged his hearers to unite for the extermination or expulsion of the white invaders and the recovery of their

Page  886 886 CITY OF DETROIT hunting grounds. The assembled chiefs listened attentively and gave their unanimous approval. Plans for the general uprising were then completed. All the posts were to be attacked simultaneously on May 7, 1763 (at a certain change of the moon). Each tribe was to attack the nearest post and "dispose" of the garrison, after which all were to join in the reduction of the older and stronger posts. Pontiac was to lead the attack on Detroit in person. Messengers "with reddened tomahawks and wampum war belts" were then sent to the tribes north of the Great Lakes and in the Mississippi Valley to enlist their cooperation. A few of the northern tribes joined the confederacy, but those of the Mississippi Valley, especially around Kaskaskia and Fort Chartres, where the French were still in control, were satisfied with conditions as they were and declined the invitation. THE INDIANS RECONNOITRE Pontiac's plan was to visit the fort at Detroit with about sixty of his leading chiefs and warriors on the appointed day, under the pretext of holding a council. Each Indian was to carry his weapons concealed under his blanket and at a given signal all were to begin their bloody work. On Sunday afternoon, May 1, 1763, Pontiac and forty of his men presented themselves at the main gate of the fort. It was nothing unusual for the chief to visit the post, but the large number of braves with him on this occasion excited some suspicion and admission was denied them. The Indians were momentarily puzzled at this reception, but asked that Pierre La Butte, interpreter and respected merchant of Detroit, should be sent to them. To him they explained that they had come merely to dance the peace-pipe dance for the commandant and that no harm was intended. La Butte then secured permission for a portion of the band to be admitted within the stockade. They performed their dance outside the house of Capt. Donald Campbell, while others, acting under orders from Pontiac, wandered around the fort, apparently indifferent to their surroundings, yet carefully noting the strength of the garrison, the position of the swivel guns and other details. This done, and bread, tobacco and beer received from the officers, the Indians departed to their village on the other side of the river to the northeast, where they had encamped two days before. (This village stood where the town of Walkerville, Ontario, is now situated). Having returned to his village with the information he desired concerning the fort, Pontiac again dispatched messengers to the Huron and Pottawatomi, telling them of the successful visit to the garrison at Detroit and summoning them to a grand council to be held at the Pottawatomi village, located where Springwells is now situated. This council was held at noon on May 5th and after Pontiac's harangue to his auditors they were properly aroused for their plan of destruction and killing. No women were allowed within hearing distance of this meeting, for the red man did not trust the feminine tongue in matters of great secrecy. Pontiac and his associate chiefs, among whom were Mahigam, the Wolf; Wabanamy, the White Sturgeon; Kittacoinsi, he that climbs; Agouchiois, a friend of the French, of the Ottawa; and Gayashque, Wasson, Macataywasson, Pashquior, Chippewa chiefs (Lanman's History of Michigan), perfected a plan whereby Pontiac, with some sixty chosen warriors should repair to the fort on the appointed day and request a grand council with the commandant. They were to carry their sawed-off guns and knives underneath

Page  887 CITY OF DETROIT 887 their blankets. Following them inside the stockade the remainder of the band should drift in, prepared in the same manner, while the Huron and Pottawatomi were to take their places around the fort and along the river to cut down any that might escape. They were then to await the signal, a war cry from Pontiac, or as another story gives it, the presentation in reversed manner of the belt of wampum to the commandant. But Pontiac's carefully laid plans were a dismal failure. Despite the Indians' precaution, Major Gladwin learned of the plot and with ease defeated it. This much is historically correct, but of the manner in which Gladwin learned of the plan there are many stories. THE PLOT EXPOSED It is said that as early as March, 1763, Ensign Holmes, then commandant at Fort Miami, advised Gladwin that a conspiracy to capture the fort at Detroit was on foot and cautioned him to be on his guard. Gladwin's experience while serving with Braddock, at Ticonderoga and Niagara, had taught him something of Indian methods of warfare and he thought Holmes' warning of little consequence, but forwarded an account of it to General Amherst. Carver, in his account of his travels through the Northwest, gives the credit of the exposure to a Chippewa girl called Catherine, whom he described as "an Indian maiden of great beauty." According to this story, some sort of attachment had grown up between the Indian girl and the dashing commandant, Gladwin. The day before the attack was to be made, she visited Major Gladwin's quarters for the purpose of giving him a pair of moccasins she had made, and while there gave him the details of the plot. Although this story has been generally discredited, it is said that Pontiac sent four Indians to Catherine's wigwam with instructions to take her before Major Gladwin and demard to know her connection with the expose. The Indians could learn nothing in this manner, whereupon Pontiac tried to make the girl confess and gave her a severe beating, but in vain. "The Journal of Pontiac's Conspiracy," translated from the original French journal of the time, supposed to have been written by Robert Navarre, the royal notary, and published by Clarence M. Burton, has the following: "In the meantime, toward 4 o'clock in the afternoon there arrived in the village a false rumor that it was a Chippewa woman who had betrayed them (this was after the failure of Pontiac's plan) and that she was concealed in the Pottawattamy village. At this report Pontiac ordered four Indians to go look for her and bring her to him, and these, taking delight naturally in lawlessness, were not so slow to do what their chief told them. They crossed the river directly in front of the village, and passed by the Fort quite naked but for breechclouts, with knives in their hands. They were yelling as they went along that their plan had failed, which caused the French along the shore who knew nothing about the plot of the Indians, to think they had some evil designs either upon them or upon the English. They arrived at the Pottawattamy village and actually found the woman who had not even thought of them. Nevertheless, they took her and made her walk ahead of them, all the while uttering yells of joy as if they had a victim upon whom they were going to vent their cruelty. They took her into the Fort and before the Commandant as if to confront her with him, and demand if she was not the one who had disclosed to him their plans. They got no more satisfaction than as if they had Vol. II-3

Page  888 888 CITY OF DETROIT kept quiet; the Commandant ordered bread and beer for them and for her, and then they took her to their chief in their village." In this incident, as it was carried from mouth to mouth, the story of the "beautiful" Indian maiden probably originated. Parkman also gives credence to the tradition founded upon this incident. Another story states that Gladwin was warned by William Tucker, a soldier at the fort, who had been stolen by Indians when a small child, and upon arriving at manhood, was adopted into the tribe. On the same day that "Catherine" informed Gladwin of the conspiracy, Tucker learned from his Indian "sister" all the particulars of Pontiac's plan to surprise the garrison and immediately communicated his information to the commandant. Silas Farnier's History of Detroit (p. 235) states: "While visiting the Ottawa village, the wife of M. St. Aubin noticed several of the Indians filing off their guns. On her return to the fort she mentioned this fact to the blacksmith, who confirmed her fears by telling her that several Indians had recently been trying to borrow saws and files for purposes they did not seem willing to explain. The attention of Gladwin was at once called to these facts, but he did not seem to think them indications of evil. In the afternoon of the next day, however, an Ottawa Indian, named Mohigan, came to the fort, sought an interview with the commander and exposed the plot." "The Journal of Pontiac's Conspiracy" gives in detail this story of Mohigan, or Mahiganne, and credits this alone as the source of Gladwin's information. The "Gladwin MSS." mentions the fact that M. Gouin told the English that his wife had seen the Indians sawing off their gun barrels. There seems to be a grain of truth in the story that Angelique Cuillerier dit Beaubien, whose father and brother were friends of Pontiac, told the story of the plot to her lover, James Sterling, who in turn informed Gladwin. On August 29, 1773, Maj. Henry Bassett desired to employ James Sterling as interpreter and sent to Governor Haldimand a request for the appointment, in which he stated: "Should your Excellency allow me an interpreter here, I beg to recommend Mr. James Sterling, who is the first merchant at this place and a gentleman of good character. During the war, through a Lady that he then courted, from whom he had the best information, he was in part a means to save the garrison. This gentleman is now married to that Lady and is connected with the best part of this settlement and has more to say with them than any one here." This refers to Angelique Cuillerier, who afterwards married James Sterling. Angelique was the belle of the post, a beautiful French girl sought by all the officers of the fort. Sir William Johnson, when he visited Detroit, was much impressed with her charms, despite the difference in their ages. In fact, from his own writings, after a delightful evening spent in her company at the dance given in his honor, one understands that the principal memory he carried away with him was of the clever Angelique. Antoine Cuillerier, her father, held the confidence of Pontiac, and was considered by the latter as the commandant of Detroit succeeding Belestre, so it is reasonable to suppose that she overheard many things concerning the conspiracy. She was a favorite with the English, in fact, the marriage ceremony which united her and James Sterling was performed by the commandant instead of the priest, which is significant. Maj. Robert Rogers refers to her in his diary and many other evidences exist which prove it reasonable that she would have been quick to reveal any plot to the

Page  889 CITY OF DETROIT 889 British. This story is used as the basis of the historical novel "The Heroine of the Strait" by Mary Catherine Crowley (Little, Brown and Company, 1902). Rutherford, in his narrative, says that while at the house of Quilleim (Cuillerier), during his captivity, he had a conversation with Miss Quilleim (Angelique) in which she greatly lamented the state of the English and the dreadful acts of the Indians. Still another version is given in a letter of Ensign J. Price to Col. Henry Boquet, Fort Pitt, June 26, 1763, in which it is stated: "That on or before the 1st of May, 1,500 Indians arrived at Detroit and wanted to hold a Treaty in the Fort, but Major Gladwin, being told by Monsieur Bauby (Baby) that if they were admitted, they would fall upon and destroy every man in it, ordered the garrison under arms, which the chiefs of the Indians seeing, asked if he was afraid." It is probable that of the many stories written as to the source of Gladwin's knowledge of the plot many of them are mere fiction. On the other hand, many of them may be true, as undoubtedly Gladwin learned of Pontiac's designs from different sources. The grand council at the Pottawatomi village was held on the 5th and the assault was planned for the 7th, so that in the course of the intervening two days it is highly probable that the news reached the commandant from different persons. However that may be, Gladwin was prepared when the fateful 7th of May arrived. His garrison was comprised of eight officers, 120 regular soldiers and twenty other men capable of bearing arms. The armament consisted of one two-pounder, two six-pounders and three mortars. EVENTS OF MAY 7, 1763 Early on the eventful morning of May 7, 1763, the cannon were loaded and put in readiness for instant action. By 9 o'clock the entire force was under arms, the traders had closed their stores and a hush of expectancy prevailed throughout the fort. Near 10 o'clock Pontiac and sixty of his warriors, in full regalia, appeared before the main gate of the fort and asked for a council with the commandant. They were admitted to the house of Captain Campbell, second in command, where Major Gladwin and his officers received them. Others of the officers were busily engaged in assembling the soldiers of the garrison on the parade-ground, which was done in such a manner as not to arouse, at first, the suspicion of the chiefs. Pontiac, having seen his men arranged according to his plan and believing that sufficient time had been given for others of his tribe to filter through the gate, prepared for the signal, stepped outside with the intention of raising the war-cry as agreed upon. To his consternation he perceived the troopers lined up on the parade-ground, fully armed and prepared for an attack. He realized then that his plot was known and that to give the signal meant only that he and his warriors would be killed. He then re-entered the council chamber, his return signifying to his own men that the game was up. Shortly afterward he and his braves stalked out of the house, through the gate, and back to the village whence they came. Chagrin and disappointment aroused Pontiac to a rage and he vowed hideous punishment for the one who had betrayed him. However, history does not record that he ever learned the source of Gladwin's knowledge of his nefarious scheme. Historians have painted the scene of Pontiac's visit to the fort on this spring morning in varied colors, but the basis of the foregoing is, the simple narrative

Page  890 890 CITY OF DETROIT given in the "Journal of Pontiac's Conspiracy," which was written at the time, presumably by Navarre, and is an unimaginative, cold record of the actual happenings. CAPTURE OF OTHER POSTS At this time, or later, all the English posts in the Great Lakes region and the Ohio Valley were attacked as planned in Pontiac's council of the 5th of May. Niagara, Sandusky, Presque Ile (now Erie, Pa.), Miami, Michilimackinac, St. Joseph, Ouiatenon (near Lafayette, Ind.), and a few minor stations all fell a prey to the savages. Some of these posts held out for several weeks, but Fort Pitt (now Pittsburg, Pa.) and Detroit were the only ones to resist all attacks of the conspirators. Fort Sandusky was taken May 16th and most of the garrison put to death. The commander, Ensign Christopher Paully, was adopted by the Indians, became very popular with them and later escaped. The news reached the post at Detroit on the 26th and answered the question as to why a band of Indians had been flying a red flag from their canoes on the other shore of the river. On the evening of June 4th it was learned that demonstrations of returning Indians on the other side of the river were due to rejoicing over the capture of Fort Miami on May 27th. At that time Fort Miami had been surprised and taken; Ensign Robert Holmes, in command, was murdered and some of the garrison taken prisoners. Jacques Godfroy and Miny Chesne were accused of having taken part in its capture. Fort St. Joseph was taken by Washee, chief of the Pottawatomi, on May 25th. Ensign Francis Schlosser was in command at the time and was brought to Detroit, a prisoner. Ten of the garrison were killed and three made prisoners. On June 18th Father Du Jaunay arrived with seven Ottawas from Michilimackinac and eight Chippewas under Kinonchamek, son of Pontiac. He brought a letter from Captain Etherington, giving an account of the capture of Michilimackinac and asking for assistance, but finding this post in a state of siege he returned to his own post and ransomed many officers and traders. Kinonchamek while here held council with his noted father, but disapproved of his father's methods of warfare, chiefly the fact that he ate his victims, and later departed for his own territory. The news of the capture of Presque Ile was confirmed on June 29th, the first rumors having arrived on the 20th. The fort at that place was a large blockhouse commanded by Ensign Christie. According to his account, on June 20th, about 200 Indians from the neighborhood of Detroit attacked it. After resisting for three days, he surrendered upon a promise that they would be allowed to withdraw to the nearest post. They were immediately taken prisoner and sent to the Huron village near Detroit, where Christie and several other prisoners were handed over to the English on July 9th. Fort le Boeuf, or Beef River Fort, was a poorly constructed blockhouse on Le Boeuf River and, being inland, was not ranked or fortified as a first-class post. At the time of the Indian uprisings, it was occupied by Ensign George Price, two corporals and eleven privates. On June 11th they were attacked, but nanaged to hold out for a day, then, under cover of darkness, escaped in the direction of Venango. Upon reaching Venango they found it in ruins, and at last reached Fort Pitt. DEATH OF SIR ROBERT DAVERS AND ROBINSON On the day just preceding Pontiac's failure at the post, or possibly on the very day, occurred the murder of Sir Robert Davers and Captain Robinson

Page  891 CITY OF DETROIT 891 (also spelled Robson or Robertson) while these men with their party, were taking soundings at the head of the St. Clair River. Sir Robert Davers, a native Englishman born in Suffolk, was spending the winter of 1762-3 in Detroit, intending to make a tour of the lakes in the spring. Robinson, a ship's officer, made up a party in the spring, consisting of Sir Robert Davers, John: Rutherford (a boy of seventeen), a Pawnee slave, two sailors and six soldiers. They departed from Detroit May 2d, before they had knowledge of any Indian troubles, with the intention to sound the lake and the St. Clair River. The French settlers along the river warned them that the Indians were out for trouble and that their lives were in danger, but they paid little heed, as everything had been all right when they left. At length, a band of Indians along the shore tried to persuade them to land by exhibiting meat and other supplies, but the Englishmen refused, whereupon the Indians took off in pursuit. The party was overtaken on the 6th, when Robinson and Davers were killed and Rutherford made captive. Young Rutherford, a native Englishman of good family, had been sent to Detroit in charge of military supplies. After his capture, having been saved from death by his age, he was adopted into the family of a Chippewa chief, Perwash. Later he made his escape with the assistance of Boileau, a Frenchman, and returned to the fort. Ten days later he took charge of a vessel sailing to Niagara, which was disabled en route, but the crew and Rutherford eventually reached Niagara, whence he returned to New York and after a time enlisted in the Forty-second, or Black Watch, in which he served thirty years. He died January 12, 1830, at the age of eighty-four years. PONTIAC'S SECOND ATTEMPT About 1 o'clock on Sunday afternoon, May 8th, Pontiac, accompanied by Mackatepelicite, Breton and Chavinon, all Ottawa chieftains, again came to the fort, bringing with them a calumet of peace. The commandant granted them an audience and listened to their eloquent protestations of peaceful intentions, also accepted a pipe of peace from their hands. Firmly believing that he had deceived the British leader, Pontiac and his fellows withdrew, with the intention to come again upon the morrow with a larger force and complete that which had resulted in such failure on the preceding Saturday. Further to play his part of a "peaceful gentleman," Pontiac had the young men of the tribes play lacrosse in sight of the fort, in which game some of the French youths also participated. It was the latter's yells while returning that evening which the British mistook for the Indian war cry. Pontiac related to his Huron and Pottawatomi allies his plan for the following day, when he was to smoke the pipe of peace with the English. However, he was destined again to see his best laid plans go astray. Navarre, in his "Journal," stated that at this time the garrison consisted of about one hundred and thirty troops, including eight officers, and some forty men such as traders and their employes. The "Gentleman's Magazine" of 1763 (p. 455) states "At the beginning of this affair there were not above eighty persons in the whole that carried arms in the fort and about thirty-four on board two vessels." The two vessels, or sloops, were the Beaver and the Gladwin (one account mentions the Huron instead of the Gladwin). The two boats were anchored in the river in front of the fort and were of material assistance during the subsequent siege of the post.

Page  892 892 CITY OF DETROIT At 11 o'clock on the morning of the 9th, Pontiac again came to the fort with fifty-six canoes bearing his followers, but was refused admittance. He insisted that he had come only to smoke the pipe of peace, as the commandant had promised, whereupon he was told that he could enter-on condition, though, that he bring with him only twelve or fifteen of his tribe. He replied that his people wished to smell the smoke of the peace pipe and that if they could not accompany him he would not enter either. He then returned to his village in a thoroughly bad humor and, seizing his tomahawk, began the war song. Being deprived of the opportunity to destroy those within the fort, he resolved to slay all those without the fort, consequently divided his band into several groups, each to attack at different places. In order to harass the fort better he moved his camp across the river to the place of Jean Baptiste Meloche, who lived near the river on the site of the present Michigan Stove Works. Meloche probably held Pontiac's confidence more than any other Frenchman, except possibly Antoine Cuillerier. The Indians first went to the house of an old English woman, Mrs. Turnbull, who lived upon a distant part of the common with her two sons, where she peacefully raised her cattle and cultivated the few acres which had been granted to her by Major Gladwin. She and her sons were massacred and their home burned. Lanman states in his history of Michigan that the Indians ate her body. Another party went up the river to the Ile aux Cochons (Belle Isle), where lived James Fisher, a former sergeant of the English Army, with his wife and two children, and some accounts say four soldiers and a servant. They were surprised and murdered, with the exception of the two children, who were carried as captives to the Indian camp. The story is that some Frenchmen obtained permission to go to the island and bury the bodies, and Fisher and his wife were buried in the same grave. On the following day the Frenchmen crossed again and passing Fisher's grave saw his hand protruding. They buried it and in a few days found it sticking out again. This time they told the priest, Fr. Simple Bocquet, who returned with them to the island and reinterred the hand. The Fisher children were later given over to a Mr. Peltier, who took them to their uncle in the fort, where one of them, Marie, died at the age of fifteen months. According to records in the register's office at Detroit (Vol. A, p. 91) Alexis Cuillerier, son of Antoine (and brother of the famous Angelique), shortly after the war was over, was accused by one Jean Myer of having drowned one of the Fisher children. He was tried by a military tribunal at Detroit, and the commandant expelled him from the village and banished him from the community. Later developments ended in a new investigation which 'cleared Cuillerier of the crime and on June 4, 1769, Capt. George Turnbull had him recalled. This was not done until all the facts had been laid before General Gage and his consent had been obtained. Francois Goslin, a young Frenchman, was working upon the island when the Indians killed the Fisher family. Believing himself to be in danger, he fled, but was caught by the Indians, who told him to sit quietly in a canoe at the water's edge and he would not be harmed. However, Goslin held no faith in the Indians' word, and after a time attempted to flee into the interior of the island. The Indians mistook him for an Englishman and killed him, but

Page  893 CITY OF DETROIT 893 immediately afterwards recognized him as a Frenchman, whereupon they transported his body to the French people, who buried him in the cemetery. BEGINNING OF THE SIEGE Realizing the gravity of the situation and that his forces were destined for a prolonged siege by the Indians, Gladwin immediately took precautions to place himself and garrison in readiness for whatever might happen. Of the four gates to the fort, three were closed permanently after the cattle outside had been driven in, and only the gate on the southwest, facing the river and guarded by the two sloops, was left open. From the 10th of May for several days the garrison was busy in making itself ready to receive the redskins. Outside of the stockade were several barns and shacks, unoccupied, but which afforded shelter for the Indians, who fired into the fort and into the two ships from these points. To drive them from this position, the commandant ordered iron spikes tied with wire and heated redhot. This charge was then fired from the three-pounder into the buildings, which were soon in flames. The Indians then retreated, but had inflicted some damage to the fort and ships and had caused some casualties. Neither did they retreat unscathed, as the English had answered with a hot fire from the fort and from the two ships. Following the withdrawal of the Indians there was a temporary cessation of hostilities, during which, according to Avery's "History of the United States," Pontiac called a council to be held at the home of Antoine Cuillerier. This council was attended by Ottawa, Chippewa, Huron and Pottawatomi chiefs and a few French traders. UNSUCCESSFUL NEGOTIATIONS When the fire of the Indians had nearly ceased on Tuesday the 10th, Gladwin ordered M. La Butte, the interpreter, to hold a parley with the tribesmen. He was accompanied by M. Chapoton and Jacques Godfroy. (Chapoton was probably Jean Baptiste Chapoton, son of Dr. Jean Chapoton, a captain of militia and a man of standing in the town. Jacques Godfroy was also an officer of the militia and a trader, but an open ally of the Indians against the British. He aided in the reduction of Fort Miami. As he had taken the oath of allegiance to the British crown, he was arrested and sentenced to be hanged for treason, but Bradstreet pardoned him on condition that he would conduct Captain Morris safely to and from the Illinois country. After returning to Detroit he became one of the wealthiest French colonists.) After the three had talked with the Indians for a time, La Butte returned to the fort, convinced that all the English had to do was to distribute a few presents and the trouble would be quelled. But he failed to give proper credit to the Indian treachery. Campbell, at the fort, persuaded La Butte to return to Pontiac and his chiefs, which he did, there finding Chapoton and Godfroy yet in conference with the Indians. Pontiac, always a bit suspicious, sent La Butte back to the fort with six or seven Indians, who conferred there with the officers and also heard the rumor that Colonel Bouquet was on the way to Detroit with 2,000 men. They returned to Pontiac with this information, but he branded it a lie to frighten them. Late in the afternoon, Pontiac again summoned Godfroy and Chapoton to his camp and told them that he would consent to a peace and that he desired to speak with Captain Campbell, the second in command at the fort. Despite the murder that was in his heart

Page  894 894 CITY OF DETROIT and the shrewd plan he had concocted, the two Frenchman believed him and carried the word back to the fort. CAPTURE OF CAMPBELL AND MCDOUGALL Not heeding the repeated warnings of one Charles Gouin, a Frenchman who had divined the true purpose of Pontiac, Captain Campbell departed for Pontiac's camp, accompanied by Lieut. George McDougall, La Butte and several others. The meeting was held at the home of Antoine Cuillerier, who, as stated before, was regarded by Pontiac as the true commandant of Detroit during the "absence" of Belestre. Pontiac stated his terms of peace and they were severe: he insisted that the English lay down their arms and depart from the fort without even baggage. This, of course, was in order that the subsequent wholesale slaughter might proceed unhindered. After an -hour of silence on the part of the Indians, Captain Campbell perceived that nothing was to be gained by the meeting, so arose to return to the fort. But Pontiac had different plans. He informed them that all could return but Campbell and McDougall, whom he desired to retain for a time and then would return them to the fort. Thus Captain Campbell became a prisoner of the Indians, a captivity which was to result in his murder some time later. He and McDougall would probably have been put to death very soon, had it not been for Pontiac's fear that Gladwin would retaliate by executing the Pottawatomi prisoners held at the fort and thus cause that tribe to desert the conspiracy. This act of Pontiac in holding Campbell and McDougall as prisoners, after giving his solemn promise that they might return to their friends, has few parallels in the history of Indian treachery. Pontiac also, by threat and cajolery, had induced the good band of Hurons, under the chiefs Teata and Baby (Babie), to join them. (This band later withdrew and moved to another locality.) He had also sent his men to the French settlers and traders along the shore outside the fort to demand of them ammunition and food supplies, so that they might better carry on the siege. The participation of the French settlers in this war-which to the Indians was known as the Beaver War-was much more active than the English knew at the time. Most of the French openly sided with the Indians, assisted them materially, and a few renegade French actually participated in the attacks on the fort later during the siege. Those of the French who were not allied with the Indians were forced in time to move within the stockade, as it became a question of their own survival if they did not assume activities against the British. The Indians also had constantly before them the belief that the King of France would eventually aid them with a large army. Realizing that Major Gladwin had no intention of abandoning the post to his warriors, Pontiac settled down to a regular siege. Within the fort, the English made the same preparations. Tubs of water were placed at advantageous points to quench any fires which the savages might start with flaming arrows, and the French inhabitants of the village were placed under martial surveillance. Some of the latter warned Gladwin that the Indians were likely to receive reinforcements at any time, that in the end the fort would be captured, and advised him to escape with the garrison on the vessels before it was too late. The attack of the Indians on May 12th was a vicious one. Early in the morning the savages opened fire and continued it throughout the day, but without inflicting any serious damage. Captain Hopkins, with forty men,

Page  895 CITY OF DETROIT 895 went out and burned several houses that stood near enough to the fort to afford shelter to the Indians, and Lieutenant Hay (Jehu Hay, afterward lieutenantgovernor of Detroit) sallied out with thirty men to burn two barns which stood in the rear, while a sergeant with a detachment on the following morning fired two other barns. Two days later a party went out and destroyed the house of the interpreter, M. La Butte. This party also cut down the orchards and tore down the fences, so that the ground about the fort was rendered practically free from hiding places for the enemy. About this time Pontiac had Campbell write a letter from dictation to the commandant, promising peace if the English would depart with just their clothes on their backs, but Gladwin characteristically replied that he (Pontiac) had best conserve his powder and ball for game and disperse his warriors. On the 16th, Capt. Joseph Hopkins and Lieutenant Hay, with ten soldiers and a trader, embarked in the large sloop, intending to drop down the river and shell the village of the bad Pottawatomi. The variable wind of the day caused them to tack and upon one occasion they stranded the vessel just a few feet from the shore. Had any Indians been present, they might have easily captured the ship. By throwing out an anchor to midstream and pulling in, the English worked their craft loose and returned to their safe anchorage in front of the fort. (Note: Capt. Joseph Hopkins, originally from Maryland, served in the Eighteenth or Royal Irish Regiment. For his services he secured a captain's commission and raised a company of independents known as Hopkins' Independent Company of Rangers or Queen's Independent Rangers. This was the company sent to Detroit in the fall of 1762. It consisted of four officers, of whom were Lieutenants Abraham Cuyler and Francis Phister, four sergeants, four corporals, two drummers and 110 men. As soon as they arrived, Campbell sent them back to Niagara for the winter, in order to save provisions. [Part of this company started to the relief of Detroit under Cuyler in the spring of 1763 and was routed at Point Pelee.] Hopkins evidently remained in Detroit. During the siege he took a very active part. He presided at some of the courts of inquiry which investigated the conduct of the French during the siege. At the request of Antoine Cuillerier, he was one of the few of the English who were to be spared if Pontiac succeeded in his plans. At the end of the year 1763 his company was disbanded and the officers put on half pay. In 1764, Hopkins went to England and there becoming dissatisfied he changed is allegiance to France. In 1766 he wrote to Robert Rogers from Cape Francis, San Domingo, and urged Rogers also to transfer his allegiance, which missive later played a part in the downfall of Rogers. In this letter he wished to be remembered to Reaume and St. Martin and "ma chere Catherine" and asked Rogers to tell "Baube and all my friends the Hurons, Pottawawameys, ye Chippawas, and the Ottawas of the change I've made and if you have an interview with Pontiac take him by the hand for me, and make known to him I serve his Father, the King of France." Hopkins rose high in the French service, becoming a brigadier-general and once governor of Aux Cayes. He endeavored to join the American cause during the Revolution, but did not succeed, as he was known as an agitator and unreliable in his faithfulness to a cause.) Major Gladwin's great problem was to obtain provisions and supplies for the garrison. Pontiac had served notice upon the settlers that any person supplying provisions to the fort would be put to death. There were a few farmers,

Page  896 896 CITY OF DETROIT however, on both sides of the river who were willing to run the risk of supplying at least enough provisions to prevent the garrison from being starved into surrender. Under cover of darkness, cattle, hogs and the products of the fields were smuggled into the fort. Even then it became necessary to put the men on short rations and on May 21, 1763, the smaller of the two sloops, the Gladwin, was ordered to Niagara for supplies and reinforcements, also to tarry at the mouth of the river and observe whether or not help should appear from across Lake Erie. The next day, while the vessel lay becalmed at the mouth of the Detroit River, a number of canoes filled with warriors were noticed approaching from both sides of the river, the savages evidently intent on capturing the ship. In the prow of one of the canoes, Captain Campbell was held up as a shield, though he called to his friends to fire on the Indians without regard to his perilous position. Had the men on the Gladwin obeyed his injunction, the gallant officer might have been spared the tragic fate which was later to be his. Fortunately, before the canoes reached the sloop, a friendly breeze filled her sails and she was soon out of danger. Shortly after the departure of the Gladwin, the houses of the French inhabitants were searched and all food not immediately needed by the families was taken to the public storehouse, receipts being given for all articles thus appropriated. On May 21st, Sekahos (or Cekaas, Cekaos, Chekahos), a Chippewa chief living on the Grand, or Thames, River in Canada, joined Pontiac with 120 men, the remainder of his band arriving on June 9th. About the 25th of May, the commandant perceived that some of the Pottawatomi were coming up from their village southwest of the fort and hiding behind two lime-kilns some little distance from the stockade, from which position they could command the front gate. To offset this, he ordered a portable platform, or bastion, to be constructed. This was made out of wood torn from the walks and bolted together just outside the walls. After failure to raise it during the afternoon, it was put over until the following morning at dawn. On the 28th an intrenchment of timbers thrown up by the savages during the night one hundred or so yards from the gate was destroyed by a sortie from the fort under Lieutenant Hay. FATE OF THE CUYLER PARTY On May 13th an expedition left Niagara for the relief of Detroit. This convoy was in charge of Lieutenant Abraham Cuyler of the Queen's Company of Rangers, and consisted of ninety-seven men, ten batteaux and 139 barrels of provisions. The Indians were aware that such an expedition was on the way to Detroit and eagerly watched for its first appearance. On the 28th Cuyler and his men reached Pelee Point on the shore of Lake Erie, not far from the mouth of the Detroit River. Here they disembarked for the night, intending to do the cooking for the next day. They did not suspect that death lurked in the bushes and shrubbery surrounding their camp. All during the night the savages waited, watching that their prey did not escape, and when the first gray of the dawn appeared they made their attack. The English awakened to hear the war-whoop and without opportunity to defend themselves. In the attack Sergeant Cope, fifteen privates of the Royal American Regiment, Sergeant Fislinger and forty-two of the Rangers, one child and one woman, were killed. Lieutenant Cuyler and a party escaped with two batteaux and five

Page  897 CITY OF DETROIT 897 barrels of provisions. The remaining barges were captured, with several prisoners, and were taken by the Indians up the river to Pontiac's camp. At 9 o'clock on the morning of the 30th, a sentinel on the fort flag bastion saw these barges some distance down the river. He gave the alarm and the officers and men crowded to the stockade, believing that it was the long-expected convoy. But the sound of war-cries from the vicinity of the barges changed their joy to gloom, for they then realized the fate of the Cuyler expedition. When the string of barges came opposite the fort and the vessel anchored in front, four Englishmen in the first barge made a break for liberty, propelling the craft toward the English vessel, and calling for help. Two shots were fired from the Beaver, which drove the Indian guard from the escaping barge, one of whom dragged one of the four Englishmen into the water with him and both were drowned. The three other Englishmen reached safety, with the barge and a goodly supply of provisions on board. The remaining English prisoners on the other floats were then landed by the Indians and taken to Pontiac's camp on foot. Here they were cruelly murdered. They were stripped and arrows shot into their naked bodies, they were mutilated with knives and some were burned in slow fires by the children and squaws. A mere handful of them were spared. Of these, John Severings and James Connor were kept to serve the Indians and were made to work upon the rafts constructed by the savages; Thomas Cooper was placed upon a farm and never saw a Frenchman during his life with the Indians. A great quantity of hard liquor was captured by the Indians and they immediately began a debauch. The squaws hid the Englishmen who were spared so they would not be killed and the chiefs, who did not drink, soon saw the damage being done by the spirits, so knocked in the remaining barrel-heads and destroyed the "fire water." The "Journal of Pontiac's Conspiracy" relates of two young bucks who became so inspired by the liquor that they conceived the idea of capturing Fort Detroit by themselves. They accordingly set out on a dead run directly for the stockade. The sentries abruptly ended their desires with a few rounds of lead bullets. One fell in his tracks, was carried into the fort and exhibited until he died, while the other managed to crawl far enough from the fort to die amidst his own people. RETURN OF THE GLADWIN On the 17th of June, Major Gladwin first received a rumor that the sloop Gladwin had returned from Niagara, and was anchored off the mouth of the Detroit River, awaiting favorable wind and opportunity to ascend to the fort. He ordered signals to be fired. The Indians themselves repaired to Turkey Island, where they threw up intrenchments in order to harass the returning boat. About sundown on the evening of the 23d the wind arose and the sloop started up the river, but was becalmed shortly and compelled to anchor off the island mentioned. The Indians waited until nightfall for the attack, but the English on board were wary and posted lookouts. They also kept the majority of the men below decks, allowing only ten or twelve in view, as they anticipated the Indians would attack if they believed the sloop poorly defended. At 9 o'clock the Indians filled their canoes and paddled toward the Gladwin. The English commander ordered all the men quietly to assume places by the rail, with arms ready, and to load the cannons. The savages were allowed to approach within easy gun shot, when they were raked with a hail of lead. Four

Page  898 898 CITY OF DETROIT teen of them were killed outright and the remainder, with the wounded, retreated to the shore. On the 27th the sloop hoisted anchor and came up as far as the River Rouge, where she again was becalmed. Not until the 30th did she get away, then under a southeast wind rode safely to anchor in front of the fort at 4 P. M. The Gladwin brought to the relief of the fort twenty-two men of the Thirtieth Regiment, and Lieutenant Cuyler and twenty-eight men of Captain Hopkins' Company of Rangers, 150 barrels of provisions and some ammunition. One sergeant and four men were wounded while coming up the river. The sloop also brought a copy of the Treaty of Paris, concluded on February 10, 1763, and on July 3d Gladwin assembled the French population, read to them the articles of peace and sent a copy to the priest on the Canadian side of the river. A large number of the French then acknowledged allegiance to Great Britain and the next day were organized into a company of militia, with James Sterling as their captain. MCDOUGALL'S ESCAPE About the time the Gladwin returned from Niagara, Pontiac demanded the immediate surrender of the post. To this Major Gladwin replied that until Campbell and McDougall were liberated, the chief need not trouble himself to send any more messages to the fort. The two prisoners were not ill treated and were permitted to take short walks in the open air each day. On July 1st McDougall decided to seize the first opportunity to escape from the savages, but Campbell refused to go, on account of his desire not to hinder his partner's attempt. Campbell was afflicted with faulty vision and was afraid lest this impairment might render him a burden where everything depended upon alert senses. McDougall then escaped after nightfall and managed to reach the fort at 3 o'clock in the morning. With him was a Schenectady trader named Van Eps. Another trader, who had been taken with Crawford on the Huron River, escaped and reached one of the boats in the river. CAMPBELL'S DEATH On July 4th the commandant learned that the Indians had thrown up some intrenchments in the rear of the house of M. Baby, northeast of the fort. Thereupon he ordered Lieutenant Hay, with a detachment of thirty men, to destroy the emplacements. But the Indians were behind the breastworks they had built, unknown to Hay's men, and immediately opened fire upon the approaching English. Gladwin within the fort perceived the peril of his men and sent out Captain Hopkins with reinforcements, with the result that the Indians were dispersed. Two Indians were killed and one of them scalped by an Englishman who had formerly been a prisoner among the savages. It appears that the young Indian buck who was scalped was none other than a Chippewa chief, the nephew of Wasson, chief of the Saginaw Chippewas. Wasson (variously spelled Wassong, Warsong, Wasso and Owasser) had joined Pontiac on June 1st with some two hundred of his Saginaw Chippewas. Upon the death of the young Chippewa, Wasson went to Pontiac and demanded the person of Captain Campbell as revenge. Pontiac turned the brave young officer over to this bloodthirsty Indian without dissent. Wasson had Campbell brought to his camp and, according to one account, killed him with the blow of a tomahawk and cast the body into the river, whence it floated down to the fort. "The

Page  899 CITY OF DETROIT 899 Gentleman's Magazine" (1763, p. 455) gives a vivid description of this murder. According to this narrative, Captain Campbell was compelled to kneel upon the body of the dead chief and pray, after which the savages murdered him, ripped his heart out and ate it, then hacked his body into bits with their tomahawks. Rutherford, in his narrative, states that the killing of Campbell so enraged the Ottawas that they determined to have retribution and selected Ensign Paully (commandant at Fort Sandusky who had been captured May 16th and adopted by the Chippewas) for their satisfaction. Paully, however, was informed of his danger by a young squaw who loved him and she assisted him to escape. Then the Ottawas turned their vengeance upon Rutherford, also a Chippewa captive, but the latter's adopted Indian father, Perwash, hid him and later took him away. On his journey he passed the slain Captain Campbell, mangled, scalped, and being devoured by the camp dogs. Thus ended the life of a brilliant young officer. Captain Donald Campbell was of Scotch blood and had come to America with the Sixty-second Regiment in 1756; he was made captain of the Royal Americans in 1759, came to Detroit in 1760, and remained in command until Major Gladwin arrived, when he was retained as second in command. CONTINUATION OF SIEGE The cruel killing of Captain Campbell alarmed the inhabitants upon the river shores and many of them sought shelter within the walls of the fort, bringing with them their household goods and valuables, but very meager supplies of provisions, thus increasing the garrison's already heavy burden. The siege had now been going on for over two months and some of the Indians grew discontented over their efforts to starve out the garrison. On July 10, 1763, they prepared a fire-raft, or two boats loaded with faggots and kindling and tied together. They set fire to this contrivance and launched it into the river, hoping that it would float down to the two sloops, fire them, and thus cut off the means of supplying the people in the fort. A similar effort on the 12th failed as quickly as that of the 10th. On the afternoon of the 12th of July, the sloop "Gladwin" sailed again for Niagara, to bring back reinforcements and supplies. One of the boats had also paid a short visit to Pontiac's camp and other Indian villages in the vicinity. With a certain amount of energetic shelling, the Indian courage became slightly dampened and the Pottawatomi and Huron soon were ready for peace. Upon their giving up the prisoners held by them, a peace was concluded, which weakened Pontiac's force, though the loss was partially offset by the arrival of a few Indians fresh from the conquest of the other posts. ARRIVAL OF DALZELL'S COMMAND The night before July 29th was one of heavy fog over the river. About dawn it thinned and the watchers upon the stockade perceived a large number of barges in sight near the River Rouge. A cannon was fired as a signal and a like response came from the barges. Gladwin and a party embarked to meet the newcomers, who turned out to be Capt. James Dalzell (or Dalyell) of General Amherst's staff, 260 men of the Fifty-fifth and Eightieth Regiments, and twenty independent rangers commanded by Maj. Robert Rogers. The twenty-two barges were loaded as well with large supplies of provisions, artillery

Page  900 900 CITY OF DETROIT and ammunition. While coming up the river the fleet was fired upon by the Indians along the shores, and fifteen men were wounded, two fatally. The arrival of these reinforcements gave fresh courage to the beleagured little garrison. The new soldiers were distributed amongst the townspeople. BATTLE OF BLOODY RUN Captain Dalzell was an officer of great energy and enthusiasm and had been associated with Israel Putnam in many daring exploits. He urged Major Gladwin to permit him to lead a night attack on Pontiac's village, "which was at that time about two miles and a half north of the Fort at a place called Cardinal Point," probably the farm of Jacques Cardinal at the Grand Marais. Gladwin knew the character and strength of the enemy and tried to dissuade Dalzell from such a perilous undertaking. After some argument he gave a reluctant consent and preparations for the attack were made. The utmost secrecy was not observed, however, and some of the French inside the fort learned of the plans, communicated their knowledge to the French kin outside, who, in turn, informed the Indians. Pontiac, consequently, had ample time to prepare his men for the attack, which he did with the utmost cunning. He ordered one band of 250 to take position on the farm of M. Chauvin a short distance from the fort and the other of 160 savages to ambush themselves on the farm of Jean Baptiste Meloche, upon whose land was the bridge over Parent Creek (located at the site of the present Michigan Stove Works). The following graphic description of the engagement which followed is taken from Mrs. Stewart's "Early History of Michigan": "On the 31st of July about 2 o'clock in the morning, the gates of the fort swung open and 300 soldiers marched silently forth. In double file and perfect order, they proceeded along the river road, while two large bateaux ascended the river abreast of them. Each boat was fully manned and bore a swivel in the bow. The advance guard of twenty-five men was led by Lieutenant Brown. Captain Gray commanded the center and Captain Grant's detachment brought up the rear. The night was still, dark and sultry. On the right of the advancing party lay the broad, placid river, and on their left the farm houses and picketed fences of the Canadian settlers were dimly outlined in the darkness. Parent's Creek entered the river about a mile and a half east of the fort. At that point its source lay through a deep ravine and only a few rods from its mouth, where the road crossed, it was spanned by a narrow wooden bridge. For a short distance beyond the bridge the ground was broken and rough. Along the summit were rude intrenchments which had been thrown up by Pontiac to protect his former camp. "Unsuspicious of danger, the troops pushed forward until they neared the bridge. This was nearly gained. (The 'Journal of Pontiac's Conspiracy' states that the troops had just passed the middle of the bridge.) On the left was the house where Campbell had been taken to meet his savage captors; in front was the bridge, scarcely visible, and beyond rose the banks of the ravine, dark as the wall of night. (The 'Journal of Pontiac's Conspiracy' here states that 'The Indians could see them at some distance, for the moon was in their favor lighting up the road the English were taking.') Still onward the soldiers silently marched; the advance guard had reached the bridge and the main body was just entering it, when, from in front and behind them arose the bloodcurdling warwhoop of the Indians, whose guns belched forth a leaden hail of

Page  901 CITY OF DETROIT 901 death. Half of the advance guard fell, stricken down in their tracks, and the survivors shrank back appalled. Dalzell advanced to the front. His clear voice arose above the din; the troops rallied and rushed across the bridge and up the slopes on the other side. Their foes had fled; vainly they sought them in the gloom of the night; yet the rifles of the enemy cracked incessantly and the war-cry rang out with undiminished ferocity. The English, unacquainted with the locality, were further bewildered in the darkness. At every point the Indians renewed their fire. Farther advance was useless and a retreat toward the fort was begun. A small detachment remained to keep in check, while the dead and wounded were removed to the bateaux which had been rowed up to the bridge. The remaining troops crossed the bridge and joined Captain Grant. "During these proceedings a sharp fire was kept up on both sides and Captain Gray was killed. Suddenly a volley was heard in Captain Grant's vicinity. A large body of Indians had taken possession of a farm house and the adjoining orchard. Captain Grant and his men with great bravery attacked the house and dislodged the savages at the point of the bayonet. From two Canadians, whom the captain found in the house, he ascertained it was the purpose of the Indians to effect the complete destruction of the English force, and had gone in great numbers to occupy the road below. An immediate retreat became necessary and the men resumed their marching order. Captain Grant now commanded the advance guard and Captain Grant the rear. About a mile from the fort on the right, as they descended the road, was a cluster of houses and barns intrenched within strong picket fences. The river ran close to the left and there was no way of escape except along the narrow passage that lay between. To many on that early morning march, it was the road to death. Hundreds of Indians lay concealed. The troops were allowed to advance unmolested until directly opposite this death trap, when, with terrific yells, the Indians poured in a deadly rifle fire. The troops broke ranks and would have fled in disorder had it not been for Dalzell, who, though twice wounded, rallied his men and restored order. A few moments later the gallant captain stepped from in front of the ranks to aid a wounded soldier and was shot dead. "With the Indians in hot pursuit and in great numbers, yelling like fiends let loose from Hades, destruction of the surviving troops seemed certain, when Major Rogers and his rangers succeeded in gaining possession of the house of M. Campau (Jean Baptiste Campau) which commanded the road. From this point his splendid marksmen covered the retreat of the regulars. Meantime Captain Grant had moved forward a half a mile and was able to maintain a stand in an orchard until the remaining troops caught up with him. All the men he could spare were dispatched to points below and the constantly arriving men enabled him to reinforce these places till a line of communication was formed with the fort. The bateaux, having discharged their wounded, returned and opened fire on the enemy with their swivel guns. This dispersed the savages and covered the retreat of Rogers and his rangers. Thus terminated the battle of Bloody Bridge; the most sanguinary and terrible conflict on record in the annals of Detroit. Parent's Creek was thereafter known as 'Bloody Run' until the stream was filled in, the bridge removed and the site of the creek transformed into city lots. For more than a century a large tree known as the 'Pontiac Tree' stood guard over the scene of the ambush and the battle." The tree mentioned by Mrs. Stewart was cut down on June 2, 1886. In this engagement the English lost Captain Dalzell, Captain Gray and Lieutenant

Page  902 902 CITY OF DETROIT Luke killed, and Lieutenant Brown of the Thirty-fifth wounded. One sergeant and thirteen rank and file were killed, one drummer and twenty-five men wounded. Of the Sixtieth Regiment, one private was killed and seven were wounded. Of the Eightieth Regiment, three were wounded and two killed. Of the Royal American Rangers, two were killed and one wounded. A trader's servant was wounded. The Indians reported that they lost five killed and eleven wounded. About 3 o'clock on the afternoon of the day following the fight, the body of Captain Dalzell, shockingly mutilated, was brought to the fort by* M. Campau. It was buried, with the bodies of other officers killed in action, in what was then known as the "King's Garden." Pontiac's success at Bloody Run renewed the confidence of the Indians in his ability as a military leader and reinforcements flocked to his standard. But the fort was now well supplied with provisions and ammunition and he was unable to follow up his victory by the capture of the post. Several sharp skirmishes occurred during the month of August, while the Beaver and the Gladwin kept the river open for the transportation of additional supplies from the Canadian side, or made trips to Niagara for food and ammunition as they were needed. On August 23, 1763, while on the return voyage from Niagara, the Beaver was wrecked at the mouth of Catfish Creek on Lake Erie. Her guns were lost, but the Gladwin succeeded in saving 185 barrels of provisions, the greater part of her cargo. A few days later, as the Gladwin lay becalmed near the mouth of the Detroit River, she was attacked by about three hundred and fifty Indians. The crew consisted of eleven men and on board were six friendly Mohawk Indians, who assisted in defending the schooner. The captain was killed early in the assault and the mate gave an order to blow up the vessel. One of the savages heard and understood the order. He repeated it in the Indian tongue and the assailants lost no time in jumping overboard and taking to their canoes. The schooner reached Detroit the next morning. A TRUCE DECLARED As winter approached a majority of the lake tribes grew disheartened. The siege had been going on for months and the post showed no signs of capitulating. Their ammunition was almost gone, they dreaded the thought of continuing the siege during the long cheerless winter, and their chiefs made overtures to Major Gladwin for peace. Perhaps the news that Major Wilkins was on his way from Niagara with large reinforcements and supplies had an influence in shaping their course. They evidently had not learned that Wilkins' flotilla had been wrecked by a storm on Lake Erie, that sixteen out of forty-six bateaux had been lost, seventy-three men drowned and that the survivors had returned to Niagara. Gladwin had little faith in Indian honesty and refused to enter into a treaty with any of the chiefs, though he consented to a truce, which enabled him to lay in fuel and provisions sufficient to carry him through the winter. Pontiac had never abandoned the hope of securing assistance from the French in the Illinois country, where they still occupied the posts, and when he saw his warriors deserting him, made another appeal to M. Neyon (Peter Joseph Neyeon de Villiere), commandant at Fort Chartres. Neyon had previously advised Pontiac to discontinue the siege, as peace had been established between the French and the English. On October 29, 1763, M. Dequindre brought to

Page  903 CITY OF DETROIT 903 Pontiac a letter from M. Neyon-dated September 27th-refusing any help whatever, and the next day he brought a letter containing the same information to Major Gladwin. Seeing his prospects of victory thus dissipated, and realizing that his cause was lost, Pontiac sent word to Major Gladwin that he was ready to make peace. But, as in the case of the other chiefs, Gladwin would only agree to a truce. The wily chief, mortified over his failure to destroy the post, accepted the terms and withdrew to the Maumee country to win the support of the Indians there for an aggressive campaign in the spring. Soon after this most of the Indians left the vicinity of Detroit for winter quarters. Gladwin took advantage of the situation to reduce the garrison to about two hundred men-all that could be comfortably cared for during the winter-sending the remainder of the troops to Niagara. The siege of Detroit had lasted for 153 days. EVENTS OF 1764 Early in the spring of 1764, the English authorities decided to assume the offensive and carry the war into the Indian country. Col. John Bradstreet, with 1,200 men, was ordered to proceed to Detroit by way of the lakes, while Col. Henry Boquet, with a large force, was to operate against the tribes between the Ohio River and the Great Lakes. Bradstreet assembled his troops at Albany and reached Niagara late in June. There he was joined by 300 Iroquois, commanded by Sir John Johnson and Capt. Henry Montour (a half-breed), and 100 other Indians under the command of Alexander Henry. The latter, however, soon became dissatisfied and abandoned the expedition. Upon arriving at Presque Ile, Bradstreet held a council with some of the Ohio Indians and made a treaty of peace with them, although he had no authority to do so. On August 26, 1764, he arrived at Detroit, bringing large supplies of provisions, clothing and ammunition. His army was the largest military force ever seen at Detroit and the Indians now realized that further resistance to the English was useless, though Pontiac sent defiant messages from the Maumee Valley. On the last day of August, Colonel Bradstreet succeeded Major Gladwin as commandant of the post and the latter left for the east the next day. Instead of chastising the Indians, as he had been directed to do, the new commandant met them in council and concluded treaties of peace. His punishment was directed against the French who had aided the Indians, though many of them had fled before his arrival. In letters to the British Board of Trade, Sir William Johnson denounced Bradstreet's course and a few months later he was relieved by Col. John Campbell. Colonel Boquet marched by way of Fort Pitt into the Ohio country. He refused to recognize the unauthorized treaty made by Bradstreet at Presque Ile and began the work of punishing the tribes which had taken part in the great conspiracy. Reinforcements constantly flocked to his standard and in a short time the Indians not only begged for peace, but also agreed to deliver to Boquet unharmed all the captives held by them. In this way many white prisoners were restored to their friends and homes. Although the conspiracy was dead, Pontiac still thirsted for revenge. He continued to hope for some fortunate turn in affairs that would enable him to destroy the hated English and recover the hunting grounds of his people. Again he appealed to the French commandant at Fort Chartres for assistance, but M. Neyon was adamant to all his entreaties. Returning to the Maumee Valley, Vol. I-4

Page  904 904 CITY OF DETROIT he collected some five hundred warriors and with this force appeared before Fort Chartes with a demand for arms and ammunition, with which to continue his war against the English. He also sent a messenger to New Orleans to ask for French cooperation. Before the return of this messenger, he learned that the western possession of the French had been ceded to Spain by a secret treaty and his last hope was destroyed. CROGHAN'S TREATY In February, 1765, Sir William Johnson sent Capt. George Croghan, accompanied by Lieutenant Frazer and a small escort, into the western country for the purpose of distributing presents among the Indians, thus preparing the way for the English occupation of the country. Near the mouth of the Wabash River, Croghan's party was captured by a band of Kickapoo Indians, taken to Vincennes and from there to Ouiatenon, where Croghan found friends and the prisoners were released. While at Ouiatenon, Croghan received an invitation from the commandant at Fort Chartres to visit that post and set out on his journey. Before reaching Fort Chartres, he met Pontiac and concluded a treaty of peace. He then gave up his visit to Fort Chartres and returned with Pontiac to Detroit, arriving here August 17, 1765. Croghan remained at Detroit until September 26th, when he took passage on a vessel for Niagara. His treaty with Pontiac ended the war. PONTIAC'S DEATH In the summer of 1766, Pontiac appeared before Sir William Johnson, at Oswego, New York, and then and there acknowledged his formal submission to English authority. Broken in spirit, he then withdrew into the depths of the western wilderness and little can be learned concerning his life during the next three years. Accounts vary as to the manner of his death, but it is known that he was assassinated in 1769 at a council held among the Illinois. One story has it that he married a Peorie whom he abused so terribly that her tribe surprised and killed him, for which the Ottawa completely exterminated the race for revenge. Carver relates that a faithful Indian who had either been commissioned by one of the English governors or instigated by his love for the English, attended him as a spy when Pontiac held a council in Illinois, and being convinced that his speech was suspicious, he instantly killed him. Parkman relates that Pontiac, while among the tribes at Cahokia, went to a feast where he became drunk and wandered away towards the woods singing medicine songs. An English trader, Williamson, bribed an Indian of the Kaskaskia tribe to follow and kill the chief. This was done and when the murder was discovered, Pontiac's friends banded together and exterminated the whole race of the Illini. The handbook of the United States Bureau of Ethnology, which is considered a good authority upon Indian history, says he was killed in 1769 by a Kaskaskia Indian during a drunken orgy at Cahokia, Illinois. Avery's "History of the United States" says an English trader offered a Kaskaskia Indian a barrel of rum to kill Pontiac, that the Indian followed him into the forest near the present city of East St. Louis, caught him off his guard and killed him, and that the commandant of the post at St. Louis buried his body with the honors of war. In the main corridor of the Southern Hotel in St. Louis, the St. Louis chapter of the D. A. R. has erected a tablet, marking the burial place of "Pontiac, the friend of St. Ange, killed at Cahokia, Illinois, in April, 1769."

Page  905 CHAPTER XXXVII DETROIT IN THE REVOLUTION BY CLARENCE M. BURTON IMPORTANCE OF DETROIT IN THE REVOLUTION-DETROIT AND THE ADJACENT COUNTRY-STREETS, BUILDINGS AND CHARACTER OF THE VILLAGE-THE FORTIFICATIONS-THE FRENCH INHABITANTS-COMING OF HAMILTON-ILLEGAL ACTS OF HAMILTON AND DEJEAN-HAMILTON 'S EMPLOYMENT OF INDIANSINTER-POST COMMUNICATIONS-ARRIVAL OF CAPTAIN LERNOULT-HAMILTON'S DESIRE TO ESCAPE DETROIT-INDICTMENT OF HAMILTON AND DEJEANHAMILTON'S EXPEDITION TO VINCENNES-CLARK RETAKES VINCENNESHAMILTON AND DEJEAN AS PRISONERS-DETROIT UNDER LERNOULT-CONDITION OF DETROIT-APPOINTMENT OF DE PEYSTER-THE POST UNDER DE PEYSTER-THE STORY OF COLONEL LA BALME-INDIAN CLAIMS AND LEGAL PROCEDURE-MEANING OF THE TERM "FORT — RELIGION IN DETROITFINANCES OF THE TIME-CURSE OF RUM-DE PEYSTER S INDIAN DIPLOMACYUNPOPULARITY OF THE WAR IN ENGLAND-DETROIT NOT AN ACTIVE PARTICIPANT IN THE WAR-MASSACRE OF MORAVIAN INDIANS-SURRENDER OF CORNWALLIS —APPOINTMENT OF JEHU HAY AS LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR-DE PEYSTERIS IMPROVEMENTS AT THE POST OF DETROIT-FURTHER NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN DE PEYSTER AND THE INDIANS-HARVESTS IN 1782 ---EXPECTATION OF PEACE-CASE OF GERRIT GRAVERAT-CONDITION OF AFFAIRS AFTER PEACE —DIFFICULTIES WITH INDIANS-FIRST AMERICAN REPRESENTATIVE ENTERS DETROIT-THE END OF THE WAR. It needed no formal act of parliament, no declaration of the American people, to proclaim to the world the existence of a state of war between the British colonies of North America and the mother country. Aggressive and conquering England, not contented with the possessions she already held in America, had, by the Treaty of Paris in 1763, obtained the relinquishment to herself from France of that vast tract of country then known as Canada, including all the possessions that are now known by that name, as well as the more valuable portion north of the Ohio River and west of New York, Pennsylvania and Virginia. Greedy and ill-advised in her attempt at conquest, she grasped too much, and in order to retain possession of her new acquisition, she was compelled to loose her hold upon what she had originally claimed and the colonies slipped away from her forever. Scarcely ten years elapsed from the signing of the Treaty of Paris, before there were mutterings of discontent in the colonies and when the year 1775 came, England's old possessions were in a state of rebellion which terminated in their independence. By the provisional Treaty of Paris in 1782, the independence of the colonies was recognized, and a few months later the final treaty was signed, which 905

Page  906 906 CITY OF DETROIT forever divested England of all claims to her first possessions as well as to a large part of the territory acquired from France in 1763. It was in this tract-in this land which England obtained from France, and which England, in turn, relinquished to the United States,-that Detroit was situated, the most important post in this vast territory. IMPORTANCE OF DETROIT IN THE REVOLUTION The histories of the United States or of the Revolutionary War do not contain much that applies to our local history, the reason probably being that the important events transpired near the seacoast, and but very little was known of Detroit or of the vast and rich country of which it was the center. Our history of this period is to be found in the numerous locar histories of Ohio, Illinois, Canada and Michigan; the memoirs of residents, travels and published letters, the transactions of historical societies, some few acts of Congress, and military letters of Washington, Jefferson and others, and above all that great accumulation of letters and reports which are in manuscript in the British Museum, and have been transcribed for the Dominion of Canada under the direction of the archivist, Mr. Douglas Brymner, and are called, from their collector, Gen. Frederick Haldimand, the "Haldimand Collections." Many of the manuscripts in this collection, which particularly relate to Michigan, have been printed in the Michigan Pioneer Collection, but many more, of quite as great local interest, are still in manuscript. The Ohio and Illinois country comprised all the land to the south of us as far as the Ohio River, and west of New York, Pennsylvania and Virginia. The entrance into this country from Canada was either by way of Niagara'or Detroit, and these two posts, as the bases of supplies and headquarters of British soldiers for the district, became posts of importance. The lands along the Ohio Valley were very fertile, and when the war had actually commenced on the east, people began to crowd westward and take up these rich lands, clear them of their timber, and settle upon them. This country was also the best hunting grounds of the Indians, and they resented the intrusion of the Virginians, and when they were unable to stem the increasing tide, they asked the aid of the British at Detroit. Thus, while Detroit was never actually engaged in any battle of the new republic, it was the important place for carrying on the war in the west. It was the depot for the distribution of presents, supplies and ammunition to the Indians, and the Indians were paid for their services solely by these presents and supplies. It was the headquarters for the Indian Department in the west, and the Indian agents made their report to the Detroit commandant and he forwarded them to the government at Quebec. It was, likewise, the headquarters of the Rangers, who were generally the leaders in the Indian incursions. They brought their prisoners to Detroit to be retained to work on the fortifications or to be "sent down" to Montreal and Quebec. Here also was the navy yard for the repairing of old vessels and the building of new ones, to be used for transportation purposes on Lake Erie and Lake Huron. Thus Detroit became a place of importance from the very outbreak of the Revolution. When the war was ended, and it was agreed that the territory should become a part of the United States, Great Britain hesitated about giving up the possessions and put one obstacle after another in the way of fulfilling her part of the treaty. It was not until 1796 that the United States troops finally entered the village, and the British troops departed.

Page  907 CITY OF DETROIT 907 DETROIT AND THE ADJACENT COUNTRY The village of Detroit, as it existed in 1775, may be described somewhat as follows: The King's Commons was a cleared space of ground extending from the Brush Farm on the east to the Cass Farm on the west, and stretching back from the river as far as the Grand Circus Park. Along the front, about the foot of Woodward Avenue, was the shipyard. Just above this, and.forming a part of what is now called the Brush Farm, were several lots occupied by persons in the employ of the British government and not owned by the occupants. On the southerly or westerly side, at the water's edge, was built the post proper. The commons had originally been cleared of wood and underbrush, to prevent the congregating of Indians under cover, and with a like design, the lands on the west of the village had been cleared and a few small houses were erected outside the fortifications on the Cass Farm. The commons was the property of the entire settlement, and no one was permitted to enclose or cultivate any portion of it, and when one of the officers of the garrison attempted to fence in a small yard in which to keep his horse, the inhabitants remonstrated at once and the fence was removed. The fort occupied the ground between Griswold Street on the east, the Cass Farm line on the west, and extended from the river bank, where Woodbridge Street now runs, to Lamed Street, thus occupying about four blocks of the present city. The streets were very narrow, and the lots very shallow. It has, at various times, been attempted to locate some portion of the village as a fort, which should be separated from the village itself and should bear the name of Pontchartrain, but it is doubtful if there ever was a separate building or buildings to which that name could properly be applied. In general terms it might be said that the civil or commercial name of the place was Detroit, and its military name Pontchartrain. On the map which was used by the powers in negotiating the treaty of 1783, the name of Pontchartrain alone appears, and Detroit does not exist. In a letter written by the ill-fated Donald Campbell in 1760 the place is thus described: "The fort is very large and in good repair; there are two bastions toward the water and a large fast bastion toward the inland. The point of the bastion is a cavalier of wood, on which there are mounted the three pounders and three small mortars or cohorns. The palisades are in good repair. There is a scaffolding around the whole, which is only floored toward the land for want of plank; it is by way of a banquette. There are seventy or eighty houses in the fort, laid out in regular streets. The country is inhabited ten miles on each side of the river and is a most beautiful country. The river is here about 900 yards over and very deep, and everything in great plenty before this last year." Around the whole village, just within the palisades, was a road which was called the "Chemin de Ronde." All the other streets in the village bore names indicating their French origin, and also testifying to the fact that Detroit had been a missionary post. There were Ste. Anne, St. Joseph, St. Louis, Ste. Honore, St. Joachim, St. James (or St. Jacques) and Sacrament streets. Ste. Anne Street occupied the same position that Jefferson Avenue now occupies, but did not run exactly parallel with it. This street was probably twenty feet wide, except at its eastern extremity, where Was situated the:Catholic Church

Page  908 908 CITY OF DETROIT of Ste. Anne, and as the church was set back some twenty feet, the street was here about forty feet wide. The other streets were not more than fifteen feet in width. The northern line of pickets ran through the present Lamed Street, and there was a street between this picket line and Ste. Anne Street called St. James Street. Ste. Anne's church lot, the northwest corner of the present Jefferson Avenue and Griswold Street, extended from Ste. Anne Street to the Chemin de Ronde on the north and completely blocked St. James Street at this point. On St. James Street, sixty feet west of the church, was a lot owned by the church which is termed in the conveyances "La fabrique" and on it was possibly the dwelling of the priest. There is no evidence that there was any school in the place or that there were any instructors. The priest could not talk English and there were very few French within the inclosure. Ste. Honore Street occupied nearly the same position that Shelby Street now occupies, and some 200 feet south of Ste. Anne Street and nearly at the water's edge was a building used for holding Indian councils and lodging such of the Indians as were permitted to remain over night within the inclosure. Ste. Anne Street, with the exception of the church, was devoted to the business houses of the town; that is, the traders lived on this street and used a portion of each dwelling for the purposes of trade. Some of the larger dealers, as Macomb, Edgar & Macomb, and Graverat & Visger, had several places and doubtless occupied dwellings apart from their places of business. Immediately outside the pickets on the west, on Ste. Anne Street, were the barracks or building occupied by the soldiers, a small parade ground and a stone dwelling occupied by the commandant. The buildings and grounds constituted the "citadel" and were enclosed by another palisade till farther to the west, the easterly side being the westerly picket line of the village proper. A few years later, but within the period of our story, there were several small lots sold on the Cass Farm, still farther to the west, indicating that houses were built outside the pickets in that direction. With the exception of the stone building referred to, all the buildings in the inclosure were of wood, small, one story in height, built up close together and numbering more than eighty. After the fire which destroyed Detroit in 1805, sufficient stone was found to erect a building which, in after years, was known as the Mansion House, and this house was nearly on the site of the stone building referred to; it is probable that the materials of this building were used for the Mansion House. In the rear of the pickets, to the north, a small stream flowed in a westerly direction. When the brook bore any name at all it still retained the old French appellation of Ruisseau de Rurtus, and was known only by that name until modern antiquarians have attempted to fasten upon it the name of Savoy or Savoyard. THE FORTIFICATIONS The post of Detroit was already considered old, the buildings were entirely of wood, and the eleven blockhouses and batteries were rotting to pieces. The village limits had been several times enlarged and at present the town was surrounded by a nearly new stockade of cedar pickets, fifteen feet high and 1,200 paces in extent. The fort was in a tolerable state of defense against savages, but as they had no cannon or earthworks, it would stand no show against soldiers properly armed. The settlement immediately dependent upon the'fort extended some eight miles down the river and thirteen miles up the river and along the margin of Lake St. Clair. There had been a census taken two

Page  909 CITY OF DETROIT 909 years earlier which showed that there were; in this district, 1,357 people, exclusive of the garrison (and also exclusive of Indians), divided as follows: south of the fort, 475; north of the fort, 655; in the stockade, 222; Hog Island (Belle Isle), 5. THE FRENCH INHABITANTS The French inhabitants, or Canadians, as they are almost universally called, were an indolent, but happy and contented people, whose habits were so much in common with the Indians that they were accepted by the latter as brothers and it not infrequently happened that a Frenchman was adopted into and made a chief of some Indian tribe. The races inter-married and became in many respects one nation. There were many notable exceptions to this rule and many of our present citizens descend from the better class of French Canadians. The newcomers were mostly English and at once took almost exclusive charge of the navigation of the lakes, the fur trade and farming. In regard to the latter occupation, while the French still retained the land they had long occupied, it was not properly tilled, and they could scarcely support themselves. They did not raise sufficient corn or wheat for their own subsistence, but traded the furs and games obtained on their hunting expeditions for bread at the bakehouses in the fort. Their farms were narrow strips of land, each with a frontage on the river and extending in depth forty arpents, or French acres. There were, at the time we speak of, only three farms that extended to a greater depth, two being sixty arpents and the other eighty arpents in depth. Their houses were all of log or framework, built nearly at the water's edge, and were within hailing distance of each other. Each house had an orchard adjoining, of fine fruits, and apples, pears, peaches and plums were in abundance. A road ran along the shore line of the river, but except in the dry season of the year, or when snow was on the ground, traveling was by boat rather than with the ponies which they had. The French were all Catholics, strict attendants at church service, and very jealous of any seeming reflection upon their religion. They were a conquered nation and could never look upon the English as their friends and, in turn, while the English tried hard to obtain their assistance and used them always with consideration and paid them well, they never trusted them, and we find letter after letter, and reports without number, containing cautions against trusting the Canadians and warnings to beware of treachery. So also, the Indians were a constant source of annoyance to the British; while great quantities of rum, trinkets and presents of all kinds were annually given to the various Indian tribes, they could not be kept constant to the British cause, nor could they even, by all this vast waste of money, be kept from occasionally joining the American, or rebel, forces. Indian councils were being called at short intervals, at which the British officers made promises of future assistance, accompanied with donations of such things as the Indian seemed to need, but after the breaking up of the council the officers in their reports always expressed their want of reliance in their Indian allies. COMING OF HAMILTON The entire Province of Canada had been commanded by a single governor at Quebec, with military commandants at each of the most important posts of the country; but shortly after the outbreak of the war the Earl of Dartmouth created the new office of lieutenant-governor and appointed Henry Hamilton lieutenant-governor of Detroit; Patrick Sinclair, lieutenant-governor of Michili

Page  910 910 CITY OF DETROIT mackinac; and Edward Abbott, lieutenant-governor of Vincennes. Henry Hamilton arrived in Detroit on the 9th day of November, 1775, and at once set to work to repair the fort and blockhouses, which were in a dilapidated condition. There were only two companies of the King's, or 8th, Regiment, in the garrison, but these, as well as the inhabitants, were set at work upon the fortifications. A ditch was dug around the citadel and new blockhouses and batteries were constructed. (Note: This citadel was built in 1764 by Gen. Israel Putnam. It was surrounded by a palisade of stakes made of small trees and for that purpose the lower end of Belle Isle was denuded.) Hamilton's first official report to the Earl of Dartmouth is dated September 2, 1776, and contains a well-drawn picture of the manners of the inhabitants. "The enterprising spirit of the trader is likely to crowd out the Canadians," he says, "and the latter in a few years will be dependent on or bought out by the traders. The navigation of the lakes in the larger vessels is already in the hands of the newcomers. The new settlers manage their farms to the best advantage. The backwardness in the improving of farming has probably been owing to the easy and lazy methods of procuring bare necessities in this settlement; wood was at hand and the inhabitants therefore neglected to raise stone and burn lime, which is to be had at their doors. The river is plentifully stocked with fish and yet not one French family has a seine. Hunting and fowling afford food to numbers who are nearly as lazy as the savage, who are rarely prompted to the chase until hunger pinches them. The soil is so good that the most ignorant farmers raise good crops. There is no limit to the number of traders permitted here, and the unworthy and dishonest ones impose on the savages and cheat them." Hamilton was busily engaged during the years 1775 and 1776 in preparing the fort for defense; in getting acquainted with his new surroundings and in seeing the Indians and attending their councils. The Virginians-as the American, or rebel, forces in the west were generally designated-were sending emissaries throughout the west, among all of the Indian tribes, striving to gain their good will and, if not their assistance, at least their neutrality. The Ottawa, Chippewa, Wyandotte, Shawnee, Seneca, Delaware, Cherokee and Pottawatomi are all mentioned as holding councils at or near Detroit during these years and the governor took it upon himself to say that on several specified occasions, in their councils, he destroyed the letters and belts sent as invitations from the Virginia Congress. It appears from charges afterwards made against Hamilton that he urged the Indians to bring scalps rather than prisoners, and although no such statements directly appear in his official reports, it is not improbable that he did so instruct the Indians, but omitted to make his report show his disposition in this respect. In his letter to the Earl of Dartmouth he says: "The Indians all appear to be satisfied, but I am not to rely on their assurances, for as soon as the council breaks up, I expect to hear of several small parties falling on the scattered settlers on the Ohio and rivers which fall into it, a deplorable sort of war, by which the arrogance, disloyalty and imprudence of the Virginians has justly drawn down upon them." ILLEGAL ACTS OF HAMILTON AND DEJEAN The office of lieutenant-governor did not confer any military authority, and although Hamilton had general charge over all affairs here, he sometimes quar


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Page  913 CITY OF DETROIT 913 reled with the military commandant, and was not able to control him to his own liking. He is accused of using undue severity on several occasions and of being aided and assisted in his tyrrany by one Philippe Dejean, who was a notary and justice of the peace. On one occasion in 1777, one Jonas Schindler had been accused of selling base metal mixed with silver, and upon trial before a jury of twelve persons he had been acquitted, thereupon Hamilton, resenting the acquittal, ordered Schindler to be drummed out of the town, but Captain Lord, then in command of the garrison, "silenced the drum when it entered into the citadel, in order to pass out at the west gate with the prisoner, and said that Lieutenant-Governor Hamilton might exercise what acts of cruelty and oppression he pleased in the town, but that he would suffer none in the citadel." Dejean himself, although a person of a good deal of importance in the town as recorder, justice, notary and general scrivener, was not too well liked. It was stated that he had some years before run away from Quebec to avoid his creditors and, coming to Detroit sometime after the conquest, had been appointed justice and notary by Captain Turnbull and Major Bayard, in 1767. His powers so conferred upon him were necessarily limited, because there was no civil organization anywhere in the western country and no authority was vested in a military commandant to appoint such officers. Dejean continued to exercise all the authority he could and upon the arrival of Hamilton he placed himself under the protection of the lieutenant-governor and became his tool, also, in some senses, his accomplice. A Canadian, Jean Contencineau, and a negress, Ann Wiley, were accused, the former of robbing the fur store of Abbott & Finchley, and the latter as being an accomplice. They were tried before the justice, Dejean, found guilty and ordered to be hanged. When the time for the execution drew near, it was found impossible to get anyone to perform the duty of hangman, and Dejean offered to free the negro woman if she would act as executioner of the Frenchman. She consented and performed the first official murder in Michigan. We look up in surprise and an ejaculation of astonishment escapes us as we think that here-in Michigan-a person was hanged under the orders of a justice of the peace for so trifling a crime as robbing a store, and yet, almost at the same time, on June 27, 1777, the Rev. Dr. William Dodd was hanged in England for forging a bond, and in Boswell's "Life of Johnson" we find the following reference to it: "Poor Dodd was put to death yesterday, in opposition to the recommendation of the jury, the petition of the City of London, and a subsequent petition signed by three and twenty thousand hands. Surely the voice of the public, when it calls so loudly, and calls only for mercy, ought to be heard." But if that voice was not heard in England, how much less ought we to expect it to be heard here, where there were no courts, and in the midst of such surroundings as we had? The Canadian was hanged, as was also, at about the same time, Joseph Hecker, convicted of the murder of his brother-in-law, one Charles Moran, after a trial before the justice and with the approval of Hamilton, and the soldiers of the garrison marched to the execution and surrounded the gallows, more, perhaps, out of respect for the civil laws which they thought they were enforcing, than for any love they bore Hamilton or Dejean. Mr. Dejean was keeper of the records here and although we find he recorded nearly everything of importance, and many things of no importance whatever, he made no mention of these trials and executions. Other murders took place here and other crimes were committed, but the accused persons were sent down

Page  914 914 CITY OF DETROIT to Montreal or Quebec for trial and execution. It would have been much better for Hamilton and Dejean if the capital cases mentioned had also been "sent down," as in the end they created much trouble for the governor and justice. HAMILTON'S EMPLOYMENT OF INDIANS The plan of Hamilton regarding the employment of the Indians was so entirely different from that of Sir Guy Carleton that necessarily some disagreements in other matters grew out of their differences in this. Hamilton was in favor of employing the Indians, but of Carleton it is said that "he had acted with a spirit and dignity becoming a better situation. Finding the Indians could not be kept from scalping, he has dismissed everyone of them, saying he would rather forego all the advantage of their assistance than make war in so cruel a manner." But when Hamilton complained that he was not furnished with sufficient means to support his post properly, Carleton placed his duty as a soldier before his feelings as a man and wrote Hamilton that it was not intended to limit him "to such as are absolutely necessary for putting the post in a proper state of defence, and for keeping the Indians in readiness for, and a disposition to act as circumstances shall require," and added as a postscript, "You must keep the savages in readiness to join me in the spring, or march elsewhere as they may be most wanted." Governor Hamilton was directed to take charge of the lakes also, to see that new vessels were built as needed, that no vessels were permitted to be built without his sanction or approval, and that no boats, those of Indians excepted, should be permitted to sail without proper passports. All persons attempting to sow sedition, or stir up insurrections, were to be arrested and sent to Montreal. Early in 1777 Hamilton was invited by Carleton to come to Quebec in order to put his settlement in some sort of order. He said the legislative council had met "but the times will not at present admit of any regulations being made for more distant or remote situations; while the commotions continue, the power of the sword is chiefly and indeed only to be trusted to. The keeping of the Indians firm to the king's interest ought to be your first and great object." Hamilton was included in a commission of the peace for the province at large, and in that capacity could issue commitments to send down any persons guilty of criminal offenses in Detroit, "but these must be signed by you, and not by Dejean, whose authority is unknown here." The horrors of an Indian warfare, which Carleton desired to avoid, were urged on by Lord George Germain in his letter of March 26, 1777, stating that "it is his majesty's resolution that the most vigorous efforts should be made, and every means employed that Providence has put into his majesty's hands for crushing the rebellion and restoring the constitution," and directing Governor Hamilton to assemble all the Indians he could at Detroit; to place at their head proper persons to prevent them from "committing violence on the well-affected and to employ them" in making a diversion and exciting an alarm upon the frontiers of Virginia and Pennsylvania. Hamilton was, at the same time, to employ all loyal subjects to join him in the enterprise, and to offer them a bounty of 200 acres of land if they served him until peace was declared. An unofficial letter, written from Quebec, September 21, 1777, contains the following: "Yesterday his excellency, Sir Guy, was pleased to sign my pass, a few hours

Page  915 CITY OF DETROIT 915 before he set out for Montreal, notwithstanding any opposition that may have been made by our Detroit Nero, Lieutenant-Governor Hamilton, who, you know, is now in town here. From what you have heard of his cruel and tyrannical disposition, you must be well convinced how unhappy we are under his government." A few days later Sir Guy informed Hamilton that the conduct of the war had been entirely taken out of his hands, and the charge of the western frontier had been assigned to Hamilton, and added: "The unfortunate turn with which we are threatened upon the frontier of this province has obliged me to hasten your return to your post." INTER-POST COMMUNICATIONS As the winter approached, it was necessary that suitable preparations should be made for carrying information between the various military posts. Letters and dispatches must be constantly sent between Michilimackinac, Detroit, Post Vincennes, Niagara, Montreal and Quebec. During the warm weather this was not so great a task, as communication by runners through the woods or the birch-bark canoe gliding over the waters of the lake and rivers was speedy and certain, but in the winter the carrying of communications must be intrusted to more reliable persons, or persons in whom confidence could be placed. These messengers were then to be sent out in parties, to consist of an Indian, a Canadian and two or three soldiers. Through the snow or along the margin of the lake on the ice they carried their dispatches from one post to another and kept each commandant informed as well as possible of the transactions in the outside world. Every letter was written in duplicate or triplicate, and it is no uncommon matter now to find that two or three copies of the same letter had reached the person to whom it was sent, by as many different routes. If the winter was severe, the river at Detroit was frozen and the inhabitants were "snow bound." Intercourse with the outside world was cut off except on the arrival of the occasional dispatch parties. Most of the inhabitants of the post were traders, who bought furs from the Indians and Canadian hunters and sold them such articles as they needed in return. One of the articles which they deemed a necessity was rum. To anticipate for an instant, Governor Haldimand complained in 1779 that there were consumed in Detroit 17,520 gallons of rum per year, while at Niagara only 10,000 gallons were used. This seemingly vast amount is only what the government gave away to its Indian wards; it is impossible to tell how much more was sold by the traders. Detroit was not alone known to the British as a stronghold, as the key to the entrance of the southern department, but by the Americans who watched as carefully as circumstances would permit and with the desire for its capture or destruction. We have a letter from Washington to General Schuyler in 1778, in which he suggests several plans for invading Canada and for the reduction of Niagara, but, admitting the impracticability of the latter, he writes: "An expedition against Detroit, which Congress meditated last fall, and still have in contemplation, will keep the Indians in that quarter employed and prevent them from affording succor to the garrison at Niagara." In his report to Congress in January, 1779, Washington thought General McIntosh (then at Fort Pitt) "should at once decide whether, with his present force, provisions, stores, prospect of supplies and means of transportation, he can advance to Detroit, and whether the advantages or disadvantages of a

Page  916 916 CITY OF DETROIT winter expedition predominate. If these should be determined in the affirmative, his plan should be prosecuted with vigor." ARRIVAL OF CAPTAIN LERNOULT Hamilton's overbearing disposition had caused a quarrel between himself and the commanding officers of the garrison. Captain Lernoult was sent up from Niagara to take the military command and settle the matters in dispute; he arrived sometime in December, 1777. As Hamilton expected to make a descent upon Fort Pitt as soon as possible in the spring of 1778, the winter was occupied with preparations for the event, such as holding Indian councils and getting vessels in readiness for transportation, and in all this he was assisted by Captain Lernoult, who, though physically weak, was strong and active mentally. At the opening of 1778, Hamilton sent continued reports to show the necessity of a descent upon Fort Pitt, and to show that the fort was incapable of resisting any force that might be sent against it; he reports that the garrison of Fort Pitt was only 120 men, and that they were undisciplined and ill-affected, that the cannon were out of condition for service and that the garrison did not understand the serving of them; that the alarm on the Ohio was very general and something ought to be done to encourage loyalists there and to keep the Indians employed. "The militia and light company (at Detroit) would furnish 150 picked men, this garrison might spare an officer and thirty or forty men. Should your excellency think it advantageous for the protection of those persons living amongst the rebels who are friends to the government, or for the purpose of distressing the enemy to attempt Fort Pitt, I beg leave to make an humble offer of my service, whether to act with a body of militia and Indians, according to circumstances and the information I can produce, or under the direction of a regular officer appointed by your excellency to conduct an enterprise. We are entirely agreed as to the practicability of distressing the enemy somewhere on the frontier next spring." Carleton was about to return to England and Frederick Haldimand had been sent out to take his place as governor of the province. Carleton probably knew something of the character and ability of Hamilton, and neither wished to venture upon an unprofitable expedition, nor seem to interfere with the management of affairs by his successor. He refused to give Hamilton directions regarding Fort Pitt, other than those already transmitted to Lord George Germain, and wrote to Hamilton on the 14th of March, 1778, that the entire plans would be turned over to Haldimand on his arrival. HAMILTON'S DESIRE TO ESCAPE DETROIT However impatient of delay Hamilton might have been, he was compelled to remain in Detroit for want of orders to do anything else, and on August 6th Haldimand wrote him that there was no essential point to be gained by taking Fort Pitt, and he was to make no attempt in that direction. Hamilton was disappointed; his various letters show that he was anxious to get away from Detroit. The purposes for which he proposed to go, when laid before the superior officer, seemed insufficient, and he then proposed some new scheme. "The rebels are overrunning the Ohio," "they are driving out the loyalists," "there is dissatisfaction at Vincennes"; anything to get away from Detroit. The cause of all this anxiety on the part of Hamilton was fear for his personal safety

Page  917 CITY OF DETROIT 917 at Detroit. It was under his instruction and with his consent and approbation that Dejean had tried, convicted and executed the Canadian, Contencineau, and Hecker, as above related. The proceedings were entirely irregular and without the scope of his power as a civil governor. The liberty-loving people of Detroit would not permit the matter to rest with the execution of the culprits, but carried it before the Court of King's Bench at Montreal. Hamilton knew of this and was afraid of the consequences. No courts had ever been established in Detroit, but the need of them had been severely felt on many occasions and many attempts had been made by the citizens to procure the appointment of a judge here; it was then with a feeling of relief that they learned that a Mr. Owen had arrived in Quebec, bearing a commission as judge of Detroit. There had been no previous intimation of his coming and Detroit had not been set off or organized as a judicial district; nor were there other officers appointed such as would be required for properly carrying on the court business, but Detroit was to have a judge and that was one step in the right direction. Imagine the feelings of the citizens here when, a few days later, they received information in a letter from Lord Germain to Sir Guy Carleton containing the following: "A mistake appearing to have been made in Mr. Owen's warrant by appointing him a judge of the district of Detroit, instead of Montreal, a new warrant has been made out which rectifies that mistake and the receiver-general will have orders from the treasury to pay him the salary for the past year according to his present appointment." So Detroit lost its first judge without ever seeing him. Hamilton was disappointed. He was greatly in fear of the result of the investigation of the grand jury of Montreal into the affairs of Dejean and himself. He sought to smooth over the anticipated action of the grand jury and immediately upon learning that Haldimand had arrived at Quebec he wrote: "A very able and amiable person (Mr. Owen) was destined for the place of judge of this post. His absence, which I have sufficient cause to lament, has occasioned me to act at the risque of being reprehensible on many occasions. The loss of so estimable a man as Mr. Owen must be doubly felt, while I am obliged to act as judge and in several cases executor of justice (there is no executioner or gaoler, nor is a gaol yet built, tho' greatly wanted). Mr. Dejean, who has been justice of the peace here for a long time, is indefatigable, but he as well as myself requires to be better informed and better supported. I show him all the countenance I am able, but till my own authority is on a proper foundation, it can serve him but little." The tone of this letter has led Campbell, Buel and perhaps some others to suppose that Owen died. The fact is that William Owen served as judge for some time in Montreal and finally returned to England in poor health. INDICTMENT OF HAMILTON AND DEJEAN Both Hamilton and Dejean were presented by the grand jury, September 7, 1778, Dejean for having "acted and transacted divers unjust and illegal, tyrannical and felonious acts and things contrary to good government and the safety of his majesty's liege subjects" and "that the said Hamilton hath not only remained at Detroit aforesaid and been witness to the several illegal acts and doings of him, the said Philip Dejean, but has tolerated, suffered and permitted the same under his government, guidance and direction."

Page  918 0S18 CITY OF DETROIT The presentment was forwarded to Lord George Germain on the 25th of October and a warrant was issued for the arrest of Hamilton and Dejean. Dejean was twice indicted; Hamilton, once. One of the indictments was published some years since in the Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collection, but the other seems never to have reached the printer's hands. Feeling sure that the other presentment existed, I looked carefully through all of Mr. Brymner's reports, and was rewarded after more than a year of diligent search in finding the lost paper, and at once obtained a copy of it. It is dated September 8, 1778, and is a long document, reciting that Dejean, on December 9, 1775, illegally acting as magistrate at Detroit, caused one Eller (Hecker) to be tried before him on the charge of murdering one Charles Morin (Moran) and upon his conviction, sentenced said Eller to death, and that the convict was executed; and that in February or March, 1776, Dejean likewise had John Constantinau (Contencineau) and Nancy, a negro woman, apprehended and tried before him for attempting to burn the dwelling house of Messrs. Abbott and Finchley, and also for having stolen some money and peltries, and Constantinau was condemned and executed; that the woman, Nancy, was likewise sentenced to death, and was imprisoned for a time, but was pardoned by Dejean on condition that she act as executioner in putting to death the said Constantinau, and that said Nancy put to death said Constantinau by hanging him; that in June, 1776, said Dejean caused one Jonas Schindler, a Montreal silversmith, to be imprisoned and tried for issuing base metal for pure silver, but that Schindler was acquitted on the trial. Dejean would not let Schindler go with the acquittal, but kept him imprisoned six days and then, attended by a drum and guards, had him drummed out of the garrison. Judge Campbell, in his history of Michigan, says, concerning this episode: "It is evident there is much of its unwritten history yet unknown." I believe the publication of this second presentment, taken in connection with the matter already published by Campbell and in Lanman's history (p. 133), and the reports from the war department on these indictments, hereinafter referred to, make this matter as clear as it ever can be. We have an unbroken narrative-nothing is missing. Hamilton and Dejean acted with the consent of the jury they had called, and within what they deemed to be their authority, but the execution was murder, because they had no legal authority to condemn to death. In consequence of the unsettled state of affairs during the war, England thought best to overlook the irregular conviction and execution, and the parties were permitted to go free. Edward Abbott, of Detroit, had been appointed lieutenant-governor of Vincennes, and had remained there till February 3, 1778, and then returned to Detroit, where he arrived on the 7th of March. The only excuse he gave for returning was that he was without means to supply the Indians with sufficient gifts to keep them from joining the rebels, and preferred to return, rather than make promises he could not carry out, and he accordingly left before the Indians returned from their winter hunt. HAMILTON'S EXPEDITION TO VINCENNES Early in January of this year, Virginia had authorized Lieut.-Col.George Rogers Clark to proceed to the west and attack the British posts in the Illinois country. The instructions to Clark are signed by Patrick Henry, and direct him to raise seven companies, of fifty men each, officered in the usual manner,

Page  919 CITY OF DETROIT 919 "and with this force attack the British post at Kaskasky." Kaskaskia was taken on the Fourth of July and a few days afterward Clark took Vincennes, or rather it was delivered up to him, as the only persons left there seemed to have been Frenchmen well affected to the American cause. Clark returned to his troops at Kaskaskia, leaving Vincennes with a small garrison. Here was Hamilton's chance to get away from Detroit and the warrant for his arrest. He had not succeeded in getting a permit to attack Fort Pitt, but this time he would not give Haldimand an opportunity to forbid his going. On the 14th and 29th days of June he had prolonged councils with the Indians at Detroit and knew that, for a time at least, they would be faithful to his interests. On the 8th of August he wrote to Carleton that Rocheblave, the commandant at Kaskaskia, had been taken prisoner by the rebels and he had no doubt that Vincennes had fallen into their hands also. On the 11th of August he again wrote to Carleton that a party of marauders, consisting of 300 men, that had left Fort Pitt the preceding January, had taken Kaskaskia, imprisoned the commandant and were on their way to Vincennes. On the 5th of September he informed Governor Haldimand, who had taken Carleton's place, that "a prisoner brought here by the Shawnese lately, who was taken near one of the forts on the river Kentucke, tells me the rebels were lately reinforced with three companies, each of seventy men" and he would not be surprised to hear that the rebels were driven away, nor would he be surprised to hear that they were well received at Vincennes. (Accompanying this letter was a statement of the settlement of Detroit, that on April 26, 1778, there were 2,144 people, including 127 slaves.) On the 17th of September, Hamilton notified Haldimand that several parties of Indians had set off towards the Ohio and that "Captain Lernoult has promised me every aid in his power, and, as I propose going with the Indians, I hope to be able to keep up their good disposition." He notified Major De Peyster, commandant at Michilimackinac, that he would set off in about twelve days. When these letters reached Haldimand it was too late for him to give any directions in the matter, and, indeed, Hamilton made no mention of his proposed departure until the last letter was written, and that was, as he said, twelve days before he left Detroit. This is the note made by Governor Haldimand on these letters: "As he (Hamilton) sees that the Indians do not look upon the Virginians with pleasure, but that the French appear to favor them, there is no time to lose, he will try to anticipate my views in preventing the rebels from setting themselves solidly at the Illinois." Maj. Jehu Hay (of the Indian Department, who was a lieutenant in the service) and Lieutenant Du Vernet were to go with Hamilton and commit to paper remarks they might deem necessary on the journey, and send them to Haldimand. Captain Lernoult was left in charge of the post at Detroit. The garrison at Detroit was very weak, and Lernoult hesitated to let any of them accompany Hamilton, but at the last moment, October 7, he permitted Lieutenant Shroud with thirty men to go, and the force thus made up consisted of one lieutenant of artillery, two gunners, one lieutenant of the King's (Eighth) Regiment, two sergeants, thirty rank and file of irregulars, one captain, one lieutenant, two sergeants, four rank and file, seventy volunteers and sixty Indians. It took this party seventy-one days to reach Vincennes, a distance of about fou'r hundred miles. Vol. II-5

Page  920 920 CITY OF DETROIT There is a ludicrous picture in Bryant's History of the United States, of the taking of Vincennes by Hamilton. The garrison consisted of Captain Helm and one "rank and file," named Moses Henry. Upon the approach of Hamilton's party, the "garrison" trained their cannon upon the approaching foe and awaited developments. Being called upon to surrender, they refused unless granted the honors of war. Hamilton, not knowing how large, or how small, the garrison was, accepted the surrender on those terms. The picture represents Hamilton's forces drawn up in two lines, soldiers on one side and Indians on the other, and the conquered garrison of two men marching out between the lines, heads erect, "with all the honors of war." The facts of the case, as related by Hamilton himself, are still less to his honor. When they neared Fort Sackville (the fort at Vincennes bore that name) Hamilton wished to submit some one else's body to the danger of being killed, and did not personally go near the fort, but he says,"Major Hay was detached with orders to fall down the river and send to the principal inhabitants of St. Vincennes acquainting them that unless they quitted the rebels and laid down their arms there was no mercy for them. Major Hay secured the arms, ammunition and spiritous liquors as soon as the inhabitants laid down their arms, arms, and the officer who commanded in the fort, being deserted by the officers and the officer who commanded in the fort, being deserted by the officers of the congress, surrendered his wretched fort on the very day of our arrival being the 17th of December, 1778." CLARK RETAKES VINCENNES When Colonel Clark received news of the surrender of Vincennes, he started for that place to retake it from Hamilton, and arrived a short distance from it on the 23rd of February, 1779, when he sent off a note to the inhabitants, in which he notified those who were true citizens and willing to enjoy liberty, to remain in their houses, "and those, if any there are, that are friends to the king, will instantly repair to the fort and join the Hair Buyer General and fight like men." After exchanging some shots, by which several soldiers were wounded, but none killed, Hamilton surrendered at discretion on the 24th of February. Dejean, who had been left behind in Detroit, was as anxious to avoid service of the warrant as was Hamilton, and at the earliest opportunity set off for Vincennes and was captured by a party sent out by Clark on March 5th. Dejean had obtained leave of Lernoult (who was then in charge of Detroit) to pass to Vincennes to carry letters to Hamilton, and at the time of his capture was with one Adhemar, whom Hamilton had sent to the Miamis for provisions. As we look back on these skirmishes, battles and captures, where only a very few soldiers were engaged on either side, and where there was very little bloodshed, and possibly no serious wounds, it seems as if they were only "playing war," and yet we know now that this capture of Vincennes was one of the most important events of the Revolution. 'It for a time put an end to concerted Indian war in the West and gave us the right to claim all of that vast extent of territory called the Northwest Territory, as our land by right of conquest, when the treaty of 1783 was executed. Alexander McKee, one of the most enterprising royalists in the West, informed Haldimand that there was a prospect "at this time of uniting the western and southern Indians and engaging them in his majesty's service, which would have been undoubtedly effected,

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Page  923 CITY OF DETROIT 923 had not his (Hamilton's) unfortunate fate prevented it. This unlucky event has not only discouraged many tribes well disposed, but inclined others who were wavering to stand neuter." HAMILTON AND DEJEAN AS PRISONERS The Virginia Legislature considered Americans who had been captured by the British unfairly treated as prisoners of war and had threatened, unless better treatment was granted, to retaliate upon British soldiers taken by the Virginians. Thus it happened that Hamilton and Dejean, and William La Mothe, a captain of volunteers from Detroit, who had been taken prisoner with them, were chosen as the proper persons on whom to begin the process of retaliation. It was not alone that they were prisoners of war that they were thus chosen, but because of the infamous character of the men themselves. The council of Virginia, on June 18, 1879, found that Hamilton excited the Indians to perpetrate cruelties upon citizens of the United States; that he gave standing rewards for scalps, but not for prisoners, and that Dejean was "on all occasions the willing and cordial instrument of Governor Hamilton, acting both as judge and keeper of the jails and instigating and urging him by malicious insinuations and untruths to increase rather than relax his severities, heightening the cruelty of his orders by his manner of executing them, offering at one time a reward for one man to be hangman of another, threatening his life on refusal, and taking from his prisoners the little property their opportunities enabled them to acquire," and "that the prisoner, La Mothe, was a captain of volunteer scalping parties of Indians and whites, who went from time to time under general orders to spare neither men, women or children." They therefore advised the governor that Henry Hamilton and Philippe Dejean and William La Mothe were fit subjects to begin the work of retaliation and that they should be "put in irons, confined in a dungeon of the public jail, debarred the use of pen, ink and paper, and excluded all converse, except with their keeper." While at Detroit, Dejean had held all the civil offices worth holding, recorder, notary, justice, auctioneer, receiver of public monies, and judge, and Judge Campbell says the man must have been very virtuous, or very subservient, to get control of all of these offices. It seems very probable that it was subserviency and not virtue that kept Dejean in office, for even Hamilton, who was mixed up with him in so many questionable transactions, despised him, and in one of his official reports says that Dejean was on his way to Vincennes with letters and papers for him (Hamilton) when he was captured by Colonel Clark and that "Mr. Dejean heard that he had fallen into the hands of the rebels, but he had not sufficient presence of mind to destroy the papers." The prisoners were kept in close confinement for some months, when a form of oath was submitted to them, on the taking of which they were to be released on parole. Dejean and La Mothe took the oath and were set at liberty, but Hamilton refused and was kept a close prisoner until General Washington wrote a letter to Thomas Jefferson, suggesting that it was not a proper mode of warfare to manacle and confine prisoners of war. Hamilton was exchanged in 1781 and went to New York. Meanwhile copies of the indictments of the grand jury had been forwarded by General Haldimand to Lord George Germain in October, 1778, with the explanation that although Hamilton had been irregular in some of the pro

Page  924 924 CITY OF DETROIT ceedings alluded to in the presentments, still "I am well convinced he acted with the best intentions for the king's service, and the security of that part of the province committed to his immediate charge." This explanation seemed sufficient for Lord George; all he could ask was that officials should look out for the interests of the government, and a little thing like the hanging of two or three persons without any warrant was of no great consequence, so he wrote back to Haldimand April 16, 1779: "The presentments of the grand jury at Montreal against Lieut.-Gov. Hamilton and Mr. Dejean are expressive of a greater degree of jealousy than the transaction complained of, in the then circumstances of the province, appeared to warrant; such stretches of authority are, however, only to be excused by unavoidable necessity and the justness and fitness of the occasion." Hamilton and Dejean were so unpopular that the news of their capture was received with great rejoicing at Detroit, and Colonel Clark desired to push on and capture the place and probably would have undertaken it if he had had more troops. He wrote April 29, 1779, that if he had 300 good men he would attempt to take Detroit and as he had learned that there "could have been no doubt of success, as by some gentlemen, lately from that post, we are informed that the town and country kept three days in feasting and diversions on hearing of my success against Mr. Hamilton." The news of Hamilton's disaster spread rapidly through the province and was as disheartening to the British as it was encouraging to the Americans. Haldimand accused Hamilton of going off without receiving either his orders or permission, and termed his expedition a second tour de Burgoyne, which had the most vexatious consequences. "There seems to be a fatality accompanying the enterprise." From all the Canadian posts and from London came letters of complaint and regret, filled with expressions of fear as to the ultimate result of the disaster. The Indians were disheartened and were seeking to make peace with the Americans, and it was even published as an item of news in London that Colonel Crockett reported "that Colonel Clark had taken Fort Detroit, made 250 prisoners, and reduced that country. His informant saw some of the prisoners." The anxiety of the garrison at Detroit was not diminished by a very cordial letter received by Captain Lernoult from Colonel Clark, which Clark sent up by some of the paroled prisoners, in which he desired Lernoult to present the compliments of his officers to those in the Detroit garrison, and expressed himself well satisfied with the new works then going on at the new fort, "as it will save the Americans some expenses in building." DETROIT UNDER LERNOULT Hamilton still remained governor of Detroit, notwithstanding his absence, and so continued until Jehu Hay was appointed his successor after the close of the war. The military command remained with Capt. Richard B. Lernoult, who seems to have been an efficient and able commandant. Haldimand directed Bolton, who was in command of Niagara, to send reinforcements to Detroit, and in April, 1779, he dispatched 100 men for that purpose. There were then in the garrison 120 persons, including officers. Fears were entertained for the safety of the post, and as the Indians could not be depended

Page  925 CITY OF DETROIT 925 upon, small parties were sent out from all the Canadian forts to harass the Americans and prevent, if possible, concerted action on their part. The defenses at Detroit had long been considered inadequate, and when it was found that the Americans were coming westward, when Clark had taken Vincennes and Kaskaskia, and Hamilton had gone down to meet him, Lernoult concluded it was about time some preparations were being made to receive him. We will let Capt. Henry Bird tell the story of the new fort, in his own language, merely mentioning that the fort, called Lernoult after the commandant, was located on the site of the present Detroit postoffice. "Late in the fall of 1778 we were alarmed by the approach of the enemy under Brodhead, who with 2,000 or 3,000 men had actually advanced as far as Tuscarawas, about ninety miles from the lake at lower Sandusky, and were employed in building a large picketed fort. Major Lernoult at a conversation with the officers at Detroit on the above alarm, concluded Detroit incapable of making a defense that might reflect honor on the defendants, it being of great extent only picketed, and in a manner under a hill. By his orders, on the same evening, I traced a redoubt on the hill; the plan was left to me. I at first intended only a square (our time as we imagined being but short for fortifying ourselves), but when the square was marked out it appeared to me so naked and insufficient that I added the half bastions, imagining if the enemy approached before the curtains were completed we might make tolerable defense by closing the bastions at the gorge. So perfect a work as one with entire bastions for so small a number of defendants, four or five six-pounders very ill furnished and no artillery officers and an attack expected in a few weeks, was what I never would have engaged to have undertaken. We began, I think early in November and worked without intermission until February, at which time the Indians declaring an intention of attacking Colonel Brodhead's post of 400, then at Tuscarawas, I joined them. In the meantime, Lieutenant Duvernett returned from Post Vincent and was appointed engineer." The enterprise and activity of Lernoult was appreciated by Haldimand, who wrote in April that he was happy that so important a post as Detroit had been intrusted to so careful and diligent an officer, and that he would send his aide-de-camp, Captain Brehm, on a tour of inspection to all the posts of the upper country. Bird had started off southward, as he said in his report, but poor success attended him. The Indians could not be depended on. He had collected about two hundred savages at Mingo Town, mostly Shawnee, when a runner arrived with information that rebels had attacked and beaten back another band of Shawnee and thereupon news flew "that all the towns were to be attacked, and our little body separated in an instant, past reassembling; confusion still prevails; much counseling; no resolves; many are for moving, more for peace. The Indians are always cooking or counseling." Bird's reports were only of the experiences of every man of the time. CONDITION OF DETROIT Detroit was capable of supplying the garrison with provisions in times of peace, but Hamilton had carried off so much with him on his expedition that everything in the line of provisions was very scarce and very high; a pair of oxen was worth 1,000 livres, and flour was 60 livres a hundred pounds. The only justice of the peace that Detroit had was Dejean, and he had unnecessarily departed for Vincennes, had been captured by Clark, and left

Page  926 926 CITY OF DETROIT poor Detroit without anyone to look after her records. Lernoult had given a qualified appointment to Thomas Williams, to act as justice and notary, and placed the public records in his keeping. It was certainly beyond the province of a military commandant to appoint a judicial officer, but something had to be done, and Williams was appointed to fill the place, with the expectation that a proper commission would be issued from Quebec. This Thomas Williams was the father of the late Gen. John R. Williams, first mayor of Detroit. One of the first acts of the new justice was to take a survey of the settlement of Detroit. There were 2,653 persons all told, of whom 275 were of the garrison and navy, and 500 "extras, prisoners," etc. The census takers were quite minute in their searches, requiring each inhabitant to disclose on oath the number of persons in each family, and the number of pounds of flour, bushels of grain, number of cattle, hogs and horses owned by each. We find many names in this list that are familiar to us throughout the entire subsequent history of the city: Tremble, Moran, St. Aubin, Campau, Guion, Navarre, Beaubien, Williams; here also we find two names of people whose descendants have made them famous, Alexander Macomb and George Anthon. Alexander Macomb was a trader here in an early day and a member of the firms of Alexander and William Macomb and of Macomb, Edgar & Macomb. Both of the Macombs were very wealthy, for the time, and both have, in their descendants, contributed largely to the composition of the United States Army. Although we are not informed that this Alexander Macomb took any active part in military affairs, either for or against the government, it would not seem surprising that at heart he was a British sympathizer, as he was a British sub ject, but his son, who bore the same name, and who was born in Detroit in 1782, held various military offices during the War of 1812 and received the thanks of Congress, a gold medal and a commission as major-general for his firmness and courage at the battle of Plattsburgh in September, 1814, and after the decease of Major-General Brown in 1835 he succeeded to the office of commanderin-chief of the army. George Christian Anthon was a surgeon in the British Army, stationed at Detroit, where he came in 1760 and remained until 1786. He was not only surgeon to the garrison, but he was also physician to the inhabitants of the village. He was twice married. His first wife was Marianne Navarre, daughter of Robert Navarre, "l'Ecrivain," and widow of Jacques St. Martin. His second wife was Genevieve Jadot (a niece of his first wife), to whom he was married in July, 1778, by Governor Hamilton, for the governors exercised the right of marrying people, whether regularly so or not. There were several children, the issue of this marriage, and three of them have their names placed with the noted men of America: John Anthon, an eminent lawyer of New York; Henry Anthon, who for a quarter century was rector of the parish known as "St. Mark's in the Bowery;" and Charles Anthon, the well known editor of the classics, whose name is familiar to every college student. It was on the 24th of April, 1779, that Captain Lernoult informed Major De Peyster, then commandant at Michilimackinac, that Hamilton had fallen into the hands of the enemy. For some time De Peyster had been complaining that his post was not important enough for a person of his ability and requesting that some more important place be given him; he therefore at once wrote to Haldimand, informing him of Hamilton's misfortune and that he had come

Page  927 CITY OF DETROIT 927 to the conclusion to send down and inquire what was going on at Detroit, and said, "I flatter myself that there are orders for me to go and take the command there, for which purpose I hold myself ready at a moment's warning." There were rumors that the Virginians were building boats at Milwaukee to cross the lake; should they come his way, they would repent their voyage, but should Detroit fall, the friendship of the Indian would fall with it. Haldimand could not see his way clear to remove De Peyster from the place he held where he was serving the government a useful purpose, nor did he wish to supersede Lernoult, whom he liked and who was doing well at Detroit. LieutenantGovernor Sinclair had arrived in Quebec, but Haldimand had not yet permitted him to go to Michilimackinac. We have seen that Captain Brehm had been sent to the upper posts to make report of their condition. From his various letters, we find that 200 reinforcements had come to Detroit before May 28, 1779, and their arrival had a good effect on the Indians, who were getting insolent and almost daring in their behavior, because Lernoult could not carry out with them the promises made by Hamilton. The French could not be depended upon and needed watching as much as the Indians. The French, Spaniards, Germans and Americans had all joined together and were sending messages among the Indians, asking them to join them and drive the English out of the country. The new fort was much advanced towards its completion, and for it Captain Lernoult wanted an iron eighteen-pounder for a long range, as the new fort commanded the grounds about it for a great distance. "Affairs are very critical and the place may be attacked at any time. Captain Bird of the Eighth Regiment is at Upper Sandusky and 200 Chances (Shawnees) have gone to join him. Captain Lernoult is engaged in building a covered way around the works, has finished a bomb-proof magazine and storehouse, and is now making barracks for officers and men. The daily consumption of rum has been forty gallons per day, but the number of Indians has increased so that it is necessary to have sixty gallons per day." The last of these reports is dated July 27, 1779, and is written from Niagara, where Captain Brehm had arrived on his return trip. He said: "Lernoult wishes 100 more men and with them he will undertake to defend the town or old fort, and not abandon and burn it in case of an attack." The rumor of disaffection among the French at Detroit had so excited Haldimand that he directed Lernoult to arrest all the guilty persons and send them down to Niagara at once. Acting under this warrant, depositions were at once collected concerning several of those living in the vicinity of Detroit. They were sent down to Niagara. APPOINTMENT OF DE PEYSTER On the 28th of August, 1779, Lernoult was informed that he had been promoted to the rank of major and on the same day was directed to surrender to De Peyster the command of the post and repair at once to Niagara upon De Peyster's arrival. De Peyster, in turn, was directed to give to Governor Sinclair all information he could, respecting Michilimackinac and then to leave that post in his charge and take command of Detroit. On the 11th of November following, Lernoult was again promoted, this time to the rank of adjutant-general. Accompanying the letter to De Peyster, notifying him of his removal to

Page  928 928 CITY OF DETROIT Detroit, is another letter from Haldimand, which gives us some idea of what the powers of a lieutenant-governor really were. Patrick Sinclair held the rank of captain in the army and had been appointed lieutenant-governor and superintendent of the post at Michilimackinac. Haldimand wrote: "From a letter of Lord George Germain to Captain Sinclair, wherein he styles him commandant of the post, he conceives he is entitled to military command, which is not expressed in his commission, it being exactly similar to that of Lieut.-Gov. Hamilton; he therefore goes to his government vested with the same powers." We know that Hamilton exercised the power of marrying Doctor Anthon and perhaps others, but we also know that De Peyster, while military commandant at Detroit, without any claim to civil command, exercised the same powers by marrying Thomas Williams and Cecile Campau (sister of the late Joseph Campau), according to the forms of the Established Church. We know, also, that Hamilton was not permitted to do as he pleased in the citadel of Detroit, though at the time it was under the command of a lieutenant, and we have seen that on his expedition to Vincennes he was willing to serve under any officer that might be selected to head the expedition, showing that he did not claim the right of leadership by virtue of his office. Sinclair complained that the commission limited his charge to the civil business of the post and supervision of the Indian department, but Haldimand remarked that the commission was similar to Hamilton's, and did not savor in the least of a military appointment, and he could not enlarge its terms. THE POST UNDER DE PEYSTER Arent Schuyler De Peyster, who came to take command of Detroit in October, 1779, was born in New York in 1736 and was now forty-three years of age. He had entered the army when nineteen years old, and when transferred to Detroit bore the rank of colonel. He found the new fort in good condition, though not yet. completed. The first dispatch which De Peyster made, which he sent down with the departing Lernoult, gave Haldimand the encouraging information that Simon Girty and his Indiahs had defeated Colonel Rogers on the Ohio. The second official dispatch of De Peyster was to Captain McKee, of "Shawanese Towns," requesting him to procure from the Indians a woman, Peggy West, and her daughter, Nancy, a girl of twelve, who had been for some time captives of the Monsey Indians. The instance shows that while he was a rough soldier, accustomed to rough treatment, in constant association with the Indians and frontier soldiers of a similar disposition, he had a heart, and it was found to be in its proper place. "If, sir," he wrote to McKee, "if it is possible to find the mother and the other sister, I will not spare expense. Please, therefore, to employ some active people to go in search of them, assuring the Indians of a good price, and my grateful acknowledgement." Thomas Williams had been acting as justice of the peace under an appointment from Lernoult, and had awaited a proper commission from Haldimand; the commission arrived a few days after De Peyster came, but no one here was authorized to qualify the new officer as the dedimus had been directed to Lernoult, and he had gone to Montreal, and both Williams and De Peyster were compelled to act in an informal way till the proper papers came. Early in the spring of 1779, Washington had directed Col. Daniel Brod

Page  929 CITY OF DETROIT 929 head to detach 100 men and proceed northward from Fort Pitt, through the Indian country, but in April he changed the plans and directed Brodhead to chastise the western Indians by an expedition into their country, and directed him to "ascertain the most favorable season for the enterprise against Detroit. The frozen season, in the opinion of most persons, is the only one in which any capital stroke can be given, as the enemy can derive no benefit from their shipping, which must either be destroyed or fall into our hands." Either the last mentioned order did not reach Brodhead or else the original order was again given to him, as he marched northward and chastised the Mingo and Monsey tribes on the Allegheny and did not come near Detroit. The situation of affairs in the West was discouraging to Haldimand, who had spent a vast quantity of money on Indian presents and given the affairs of this post unusual attention on account of its importance, and of the Canadian defection already mentioned. On September 13, 1779, the situation, as it appeared to him, is expressed in a letter to Lord Germain, as follows: "It is much to be apprehended that our Indian allies have it in contemplation to desert us, those of the western nations in the neighborhood of Detroit particularly, their former attachment to the French, the pains that have been taken by their emissaries to reclaim them, together with the unfortunate miscarriage of Lieut.-Gov. Hamilton, have strongly seemed to alienate their affections, and although they continue to profess their attachment to the king, they frame excuses for not going to war, and discover upon all occasions an indifference which indicates their intention to forsake us. "Detroit is likewise menaced by the Virginians; they have made great advances and have established posts of communication in that country. From every information that has been received it would appear that an expedition against Detroit is certainly intended under the command of a Col. Clarke, who retook Vincennes." Count D'Estaing had in October, 1778, issued a proclamation in the name of the king of France, to "all the ancient French of North America," calling upon them to assist the United States in its contest with Great Britain, and promising, in the name of his king, "who has authorized and so commanded me, that all his former subjects in North America, who will not acknowledge any longer the supremacy of Great Britain, may depend upon his protection and support." The proclamation was printed and copies of it in great numbers were scattered everywhere among the Canadians in the West; one of the copies fell into the hands of Lernoult and was sent by him to Haldimand in the fall of 1779, and by Haldimand was forwarded to Germain, with the remark that it had "had a very marked effect among the French Indians there." A few days later Haldimand urged upon Germain the necessity of employing 1,000 to 1,50C men for the preservation of the upper country and fur trade, and regretted that some steps had not been taken, before then, to make Detroit self-sustaining, by raising his own stock and provisions. Ile aux Cochons, the present Belle Isle, had for some years been in possession of Captain McDougall under a claim of ownership, partly by grant from the Indians and partly by confirmation of the privy council of Great Britain, and this suggestion of Haldimand that Detroit raise its own provisions had direct reference to the island. The village claimed that the island was a commons, and that neither McDougall nor any other private individual could obtain a right there. McDougall had

Page  930 930 CITY OF DETROIT recently died, leaving a widow and two sons. Efforts were made by the family to retain the property, but they were not for the present successful, and although ultimately the complete title to the property became vested in McDougall's descendants, and so remained until the sale to the city for a park, its possession was then taken from them and the buildings and improvements were appraised and their value offered to the family of Captain McDougall, but the tender was refused. The winter of 1779 was very severe, one of unexampled rigor over all of North America, and it seems that nothing was done at Detroit in the way of warlike preparations, but the old scheme of Washington to capture the place had not passed from his mind and on January 4, 1780, he wrote to Brodhead that he was "persuaded that a winter expedition against Detroit would have a great advantage over a summer one and be much more certain of success," and regretted that the situation of affairs would not permit him to undertake it. A great number of Indians, driven by the Americans from their villages in the Ohio and Illinois country, came to Detroit and Niagara and remained during the winter. It is estimated that between 3,000 and 5,000 lived at Niagara and while we do not know the number that stopped at Detroit, it must have been very large, as the expense of maintaining them was ~18,000 for provisions alone. Early in the spring, March 8, 1780, before the ice had cleared from the river, De Peyster sent overland a dispatch to Haldimand, acquainting him that the rebels threatened to cross the Ohio and had built a fort near the Indian village on the Little Miami, and that the Indians had come in great numbers to request that assistance be given them to oppose the rebels, as Hamilton had promised when he was the acting governor. The Indians declared that if they could be aided by a few soldiers, they would assist in the undertaking and would thereafter always work in the king's interest. De Peyster proposed to send one captain, one lieutenant, fifty men and two small pieces of ordnance, "to help them knock down the pickets of the first fort," but could not give them further assistance until Haldimand's pleasure was known. Captain Bird was selected to lead the party southward. Preparations for the departure consumed the time until after the 1st of May and the commandant was then so hurried there was no time to hold a final Indian council, as was usual on the eve of departure. De Peyster wrote to Alexander McKee, agent for Indian affairs at Shawanese Town, that in case any accident happened to Bird, so as to prevent his commanding the expedition, McKee should direct the enterprise; and added that "as there is no time for counseling, I have no speech made to my friends and children, the Indians, other than to assure them of my friendship and to desire that they will lose no time in showing the way to some of the forts, in order to give my cannon the opportunity of leveling the pickets." The misfortune that met Captain Bird at the very outset cannot be better related than by quoting the official letter of De Peyster. De Peyster states that the expedition under Bird was expected to pass the carrying place early in May, and could then go down the stream all the way to the Ohio. "My intentions, however, to amuse the rebels at the rapids, have in some measure been baffled by a ridiculous circumstance. A Canadian trader meeting with the Pottawatomies and Grand River Indians near Post Vincennes, asked them if they were mad to go against their old friends, the French, of

Page  931 CITY OF DETROIT 931 whom there were 4,000 il garrison at Post Vincennes, with all the artillery Count D'Estaing had taken at Jamaica and the governor of New Orleans upon the banks of the Mississippi who, he said, had taken the Natchez, etc., and was actually laying siege to Pensacola. They unfortunately listened to these extravagances and returned to their homes, except a few who proceeded to satisfy their curiosity, when to their great mortification they found only 23 Virginians in the place, too late to recall their friends. Such is the dependence on Indians, with no troops to lead them on." The Indians referred to had returned to Detroit, but De Peyster persuaded them to go again to Bird's assistance and on the 1st of June sent down 2,000 more Indian warriors to reconnoitre the Ohio and Wabash. De Peyster's plan had been to offer rewards for prisoners, rather than for scalps, and the result was telling now in the great number of prisoners continually being brought in. The people from the East who did not belong to either army and were not active partisans in either cause were forcing their way westward and settling with their families on the Indian land in the Ohio and Illinois countries. A year earlier than this, Colonel Clark had complained of the work connected with looking after and granting lands to these settlers. He said that this took nearly all of his time and Col. John Todd was appointed to relieve him of this civil work. Whenever a descent of Indians was made on the settlement the prisoners were sent to either Niagara or Detroit. De Peyster asked what he should do with the prisoners. Haldimand told him to send them down to Quebec. De Peyster obeyed orders, but new supplies of prisoners kept coming in, and again he asked for directions. Haldimand said, "a part of them must be sent to this part of the province, although we are equally at a loss to find room for them," and the remainder De Peyster was to employ on the works and the new fort, giving each prisoner a ration of provisions and the same pay as other laborers, the pay to be retained to be applied to clothe them. Captain Bird and the troops and Indians under his command were successful in destroying the forts and blockhouses on Licking Creek, and returned to Detroit on the 4th of August, with Mr. McKee, but left again on the 16th, when he heard that the American troops were again advancing into the Indian country. The Indians assembled at the upper Shawnee village on the 22d of August, sent a message to De Peyster, informing him that 2,000 men were coming from Fort Pitt to attack Detroit, and that they had already destroyed four Indian villages. They asked for food, ammunition, clothing and assistance. Captain Bird had already gone when this message was received, and now De Peyster sent down Captain Hare, with the Rangers and Canadian volunteers, though he placed no confidence in the latter. He could send no troops from his garrison, as the detachments already sent off had greatly reduced its efficiency, and he had thirty-six on the sick list. The long and severe winter had been followed by an exceedingly rainy and stormy summer. The wheat and other crops grown around the settlement had been nearly ruined by continual rains. But what was of more importance to the garrison, the rains washed out the portions of the new fort, so that "the whole exterior face, to the thickness of four or five feet, was washed into the ditch." The sides of the fort had been composed of sods to a depth of five or six feet, and in the rebuilding, which commenced at once, an embankment "a

Page  932 932 CITY OF DETROIT thickness of ten feet entirely of clay, well beat, and united every three feet by layers of birch and cedar stakes," was first made and then covered by sod, six inches in depth, by way of coat. This work was not completed that year, but all the spare time of the garrison and of such of the prisoners as could work was spent at it. THE STORY OF COLONEL LA BALME Colonel La Balme, a Frenchman, had started northward from the Ohio to take Detroit. His forces consisted of 103 Canadians and some Indians, but it was expected that a greater number would soon join him from Vincennes. In this he was disappointed, and meeting the Miami Indians near their village, La Balme's followers were defeated and himself and thirty or forty of his men killed on the 5th of November. The rapidity with which the company had marched from the Ohio (only four days had been occupied on the trip) startled De Peyster and he wrote to Haldimand that "if this little army had arrived here complete and joined by so many more, they would, under such an enterprising officer, have given us a deal of trouble." De Peyster suspected that the Indians did not give him notice of La Balme's coming when they learned of it, but he was afraid to do anything to offend them and, instead of undertaking to punish them, sent off a body of Rangers to take post at that town and act in concert with them. Clark had only temporarily given up his idea of attacking Detroit. He had, with a small detachment, proceeded east under the orders of Baron Steuben and had undertaken to resist the landing of Benedict Arnold on the James River, but the kind of warfare he was engaged in there was not suited to his taste and he left for the West as soon as possible. It is presumed that there was no connection between La Balme and the Virginians. The history of this 'man is somewhat shrouded in mystery, as he has not been considered of enough importance to have his name mentioned in the histories of the Revolution or in the dictionaries of biography. The name of Augustin Mottin de la Balme should be known by every person who has an interest in the history of the Northwest Territory, as that of a valiant soldier, who lost his life in attempting to capture Detroit from the British. La Balme's name sufficiently indicates his French extraction. We do not know where he was born or when or whether he had taken any part in that war between France and England which resulted in the fall of New France in 1760. His commission as quartermaster of gendarmerie is dated at Versailles, February 23, 1766. He had arrived in this country as early as 1777, very likely coming from Paris, as he was recommended by Silas Deane, October 17, 1776, who was in Paris, to John Hancock, as one who would be of service to the Americans in training cavalry. He also bore a recommendation from Franklin, who was likewise in Paris, dated January 20, 1777. He was then commissioned by Congress as inspector-general of cavalry in July of that year, and the following year was, by General Gates, granted permission to go to Albany. In 1778 he established a workshop twenty-eight miles from Philadelphia and issued a public notice in English, French and German, requesting all persons who had deserted from the army or navy of any other powers than the United States or France to find shelter and employment at his workshop. With the proclamation of D'Estaing already spoken of, La Balme hoped to arouse the French at Vincennes and Kaskaskia to join him in an attack on Detroit, and

Page  933 CITY OF DETROIT 933 he came west in 1780 with that object in view. He was not entirely successful in getting the troops he needed for the expedition. La Balme started for Detroit with 300 French and Indians, but was defeated by the hostile Indians at Miami Town on the fifth of November, 1780. La Balme and thirty of his followers were killed and many others were taken prisoners and sent to Montreal. Thus ended the life and labors of one, who, if fortune had turned toward him instead of from him, might have been looked upon as the deliverer of our country, and a hero. The military orders and journal of La Balme fell into the hands of the British and are now deposited in the British Museum, where I obtained a complete copy some time since. The address of the colonel "Aux amis de la libertez" precedes the proclamation of Napoleon in Egypt, and almost equals it in enthusiasm. In the calendar of Virginia State Papers (Vol. I, p. 379) is a letter dated "Cascaskia, October 14, 1780," from Richard McCarty to John Todd, referring to La Balme, from which I make the following extracts: "I have sent to Colonel Clarke in an extract from my journal the proceedings so far as I know of one Colonel de la Balme and his raising a party to go against Detroit. Not being a commander, I cannot say whether he has proper authority to do so o not. The people have sent by him memorials to Congress or the French envoy at Philadelphia, setting forth all the evils we have done. I think government should be informed of this, as the people are not entirely alienated against us; he has told the Indians that the French troops will be near in the spring." A few days later Richard Winston writes from Kaskaskia: "There Passed this way a Frenchman, called himself Colonel de la Balme, he says in the American service-I look upon him as a Mal Content, much disgusted at the Virginians, yet I must say he done some good-he pacified the Indians, he was received by the Inhabitants Just as the Hebrews would receive the Masiah-was Conducted from the Post here by a large detachh't of the Inhabitants as well as different Tribes of Indian —he went from here against Detroit Being well assured that the Indians were on his Side-Gott at this Plase and the Kahos about fifty Volunteers-are to rendezvous at Ouia -Captain Duplasi from here went along with him to Philad'a there to Lay before the French Ambassador all the grievance this Country labours under by the Virginians which is to be strongly Backed by a Monsieur de la Balmethe general Opinion that he will take Baubin the Great Partisan at Miamis and from thence to Fort Pitt." Jefferson wrote to Washington on the 26th of September urging the necessity of reducing and retaining Detroit, and stating that Virginia had long meditated the attempt under Clark, but that the expense would be so great they had been obliged to decline it. By the middle of December it was fully determined by Jefferson to attempt the capture, by means of Colonel Clark, and Washington was notified of the undertaking and requested to furnish certain necessaries from Fort Pitt. Washington replied that he had long been of the opinion that the reduction of the post of Detroit was the only certain means of giving peace and security to the whole western frontier. He would be very happy to aid Virginia in the undertaking and gave directions to the commandant at Fort Pitt to furnish Clark the desired articles and also a detachment of troops, to be placed under Clark's command. The orders to Colonel Brodhead (command

Page  934 934 CITY OF DETROIT ant at Fort Pitt) conform to Washington's letters and contain the statement that "the inability of the continent to undertake the reduction of Fort Detroit which, while it continues in the possession of the enemy, will be a constant source of trouble to the whole western frontier, has of necessity imposed the task on the state of Virginia and in consequence makes it expedient to confer the command upon an officer of that state." It seemed now that Detroit must soon fall into the hands of the Americans; but the treason of Arnold drew all available forces to the East and South, and Clark took a command under Baron Steuben for the occasion, and the capture of Detroit was lost. INDIAN CLAIMS AND LEGAL PROCEDURE At Detroit, affairs had not been entirely idle during the year. The inability of the British government to supply all of the requirements of the Indians and the persistence of the Americans in refusing to accept terms of peace unless their independence was recognized had alike disheartened the British soldiers and Indians. It is possible that the inhabitants, soldiers and civilians, saw the coming peace and resolved to make the most of their opportunities. The British government had never recognized a general right, either on the part of individuals or the government itself, to purchase lands from the Indians and we find very few transfers made by the Indians before the year 1780. In some instances, as in the case mentioned of the purchase of Hog Island, a special permit had been granted by the British authorities, either at Quebec or Whitehall; when the Indians gave up the Jones Farm to Isidore Chene as a mark of friendship to him, who had so long been a chief among them, the consent of the commandant of the post was deemed necessary to the validity of the transaction, and many other cases of like nature can be found of record; but this year the commandant, De Peyster, permitted the Indians to trade their lands off to settlers and speculators in large tracts; not only permitted it, but took a decided interest in it and obtained for himself a grant of 5,000 acres. Great numbers of Indians, claiming lands in the neighborhood, would come about the post to attend the councils or to receive the trinkets and rum given to them, and the chiefs would make deeds to applicants of farms of from 150 to 2,000 acres, all situated near Detroit and all now of great value. These deeds were drawn up and witnessed by Thomas Williams, notary and justice, and were witnessed by his clerk, John Cassety. As the signing and witnessing was all that was necessary to make the deed valid, Mr. Williams wrote them out at full length in the books kept by him, which we now have. Detroit was without laws or rather was a law unto itself. It was a civil settlement at present under military rule, but engaged in commercial transactions. At some period earlier than this in its history, Dejean had been appointed justice of the peace, but his authority as justice was not clearly defined. In case of disagreement between traders or others of a commercial nature, he could not issue summons to commence suit before himself, nor could he award judgments, as he had no power to enforce his findings, but the very nature of the situation created a new form of procedure, which was unknown elsewhere. Where controversies arose, the persons jointly called upon the justice and requested him to take charge of the matter, and each contestant and the justice

Page  935 CITY OF DETROIT 935 chose an arbitrator, the contestants entering into bond to abide by the result of the arbitration. When the award was made, it was submitted to the commandant for his approval, and if he approved of it, it was made effectual and was enforced by his military authority, if necessary. The person who would not abide by the decision of the arbitrators was not permitted to trade with the Indians; his furs could not be disposed of; he was an outlaw and we have at least one case (Gerrit Graverat) where the person gave up nearly all of his possessions, amounting to a large sum of several thousand pounds, under the immediate direction of the commandant and under the threat of De Peyster that if he did not give up his property, he would be expelled from the country. In this year, it had for the first time been ascertained that this manner of proceeding by arbitrators, with the assistance of the justice and commandant, was not legal, and was not looked upon with favor by the courts at Montreal and Quebec. The consternation of the traders and citizens was great; it seemed impossible to carry on the business without some manner of courts in which to settle their difficulties. They stood the matter as long as they could and in March, 1781, they petitioned De Peyster for some plan for the administration of justice. "We beg," they said, "to lay before you the unhappy situation of ourselves and others residing at this place, for want of some mode to oblige those who are able and yet unwilling to pay their lawful debts." De Peyster forwarded the petition to Haldimand, with an earnest request "that sorre method might be fallen upon to make them pay their just debts." The question was agitated, both at Quebec and in England, but nothing definite was done for several years, not until 1788, in fact, and in the meantime all the larger and more important cases were taken to Montreal for trial before the courts there, and the smaller cases were dropped. MEANING OF THE TERM CFORTR Frequent reference has been made to Fort Detroit and to forts in the Ohio and Illinois country, without attempting to illustrate what was meant by the term "fort." In Doddridge's Notes of the settlement and Indian wars of Virginia, the author describes a fort, as these western posts were called, and his description will fit any fort of the West, as then existing. He says: "A fort consisted of cabins, blockhouses and stockades. A range of cabins commonly formed one side at least of the fort. Divisions or partitions of logs separated the cabins from each other. The walls on the outside were ten or twelve feet high, the slope of the roof being turned wholly inward. The blockhouses were built at the angles of the fort. They projected about two feet beyond the outer walls of the cabins and stockades. Their upper stories were eighteen inches every way larger in dimensions than the under one, leaving an opening at the commencement of the second story to prevent the enemy from making a lodgement under their walls. In some places less exposed, a single block house, with a cabin or two, constituted the whole fort." The enclosed post of Detroit up to the time of building the new fort was about three hundred feet on the side by fifteen hundred feet wide. The streets were very narrow and the lots consequently shallow. While the name of the village has always been Detroit, the name of the fort was Pontchartrain. When the new fort came to be made, that was a fort in reality, and had nothing in common with the description as given by Doddridge. It stood by itself. It was composed of heavy earthworks, commanded by cannon, surrounded by Vol. II-6

Page  936 936 CITY OF DETROIT a deep ditch, or fosse, and inhabited by the garrison only. Between it and the village there ran a small brook, which in more recent days bore the name of Savoy, or Savoyard, though probably it bore no name in 1780; indeed, in the records it is commonly referred to as "ditch." There was a great fence or stockade built around the village and including the fort, and quite a tract of land on the northern side of the fort, which was used as a burial ground for soldiers, parade ground and garden. There was a long covered way leading from the fort to the village and about half way down the incline and a little to the west was the powder-magazine. There is no recorded evidence to show that there were any houses built outside of the stockade, unless there were some in what was termed the "shipyard," at the foot of Woodward Avenue. The farm lands in the neighborhood of the fort frequently changed ownership, and real estate business in the stockade was lively and the prices were good. A little village lot, with small house (and all the houses were small), sold for as much as a large farm in the immediate neighborhood. In 1767 Philip Dejean had sold four feet of ground on St. Joseph Street by twelve and one-half feet deep for ~6, 10s., and in the following year this parcel, with the adjoining lot, making fifty feet square, sold for ~266, 13s., 4d., including the house. The same parcel was sold in 1776 for ~300. In 1777 Thomas Williams bought a lot forty-six feet front by sixty-three feet deep "on the street leading to the water gate, formerly called la port a la Boix" for ~366, 13s., 4d. As time went on the property became more valuable, and we find the same parcels changing ownership at an increased price. In 1781 we have a deed from Catherine Tucker, who "for and in consideration of the one-half of a negro wench, to me delivered by William Tucker," conveying to said William one-half of a lot in the fort on St. Anthony Street, which shows that slaves were worth something. The erection of the new fort off to the northward left a large tract of unoccupied land between the old town and new fort, which was surrounded by the pickets, but mostly low ground near the brook or creek mentioned. A large portion of this tract of land was granted to Captain Henry Bird by De Peyster, and De Peyster's grant was confirmed by the Quebec authorities. The grant itself expresses no consideration and it is difficult, if not impossible, to determine the reason that actuated the commandant. Bird was undoubtedly a valuable man to the governor. He had repeatedly led the Indians on their incursions into the Ohio country, and it has been maintained that he, and not Brant, was the leader of the savages at the massacre of Wyoming. It was probable therefore that the grant was made in recognition of important services. It was rumored that Bird had been disappointed in a love affair at Detroit and preferred to spend his time on the Indian incursions as their leader, rather than to be hectored by his mates here. He was a captain in the Eighth Regiment, very ugly in personal appearance and had a hare-lip. RELIGION IN DETROIT There was no Protestant Church in Detroit, nor any Ptotestant minister, and marriages were performed, as we have seen, by the lieutenant-governor and commandant. Baptisms were sometimes performed by the justice of the peace. There was one Catholic Church, Ste. Anne's, in the village, located near the northwest corner of Jefferson Avenue and Griswold Street. There

Page  937 CITY OF DETROIT 937 was another Catholic Church on the south side of the river, the Church of the Assumption, under Jesuit supervision, and as our records were not limited to the Detroit side of the river, we have some little knowledge concerning this church. Pere Pierre Potier, the priest in charge of the Church of the Assumption had grown old in the service of the church, and as his death had been expected for some time, De Peyster had asked permission to seize the Jesuit's papers whenever his death should be announced. His death occurred from a fractured skull, received in a fall, some time in July, 1781, and his papers were at once seized and searched by De Peyster, but nothing of importance was discovered. Some time before his death, the Ouendotte, or Ottawa, Indians had given the priest a farm adjoining their village, on which was already erected the church and parsonage, and on which was situated the graveyard. It is probably the deed to Father Potier was merely a confirmation of title for which a verbal grant had been made years before. A few days after Potier obtained his deed he sold the property to one Frangois Pratt, retaining only the parsonage, a lane leading to the parsonage, and the burying grounds. By some mistake in drawing the papers, the church was conveyed to Pratt, and this mistake was not discovered until after the death of the priest. There was at once a meeting of the marguilliers called, and two of them, Messrs. Pouget and Belaire, chosen to proceed to Quebec and procure from the bishop a successor to the dead priest. Before the delegates left, they had prevailed upon Pratt to give them a renunciation of all claim to the church property, but the title stood in his name, and it was necessary that there should be someone to deed it to, and the two marguilliers were to see the father of the Company of Jesus and obtain proper instructions from him. When Pratt purchased the farm he had given a mortgage to Potier, which, when it became due, was paid to and discharged by the Rev. Francis Xavier Hubert, grand vicar of Detroit (afterward bishop of Quebec). Father Simplicimus Bocquet remained in charge of the parish of Ste. Anne until 1781, when he was replaced by Francis Xavier Hubert, or, as he was generally called, John Francis Hubert. It was the custom among the French people of Detroit, whenever any of their young people proposed to marry, to enter into a marriage contract under the Coutume de Paris. The terms of the contracts were generally uniform, as follows: Whatever property was accumulated by the persons jointly, after marriage, should go to the survivor on the death of either; a provision or dowry was provided for the wife, and if she survived the husband and did not wish to take the entire property and pay the debts, she was at liberty to renounce the joint estate and take only the dowry. The priest had nothing to do with the execution of the contract, except perhaps that his advice might have been asked, but every relative, and all of the more intimate friends of both persons were included in the contract, probably to show that it was entered into in good faith. The contract usually provided also, that in the event of the death of one, the survivor would pay for the saying of a stipulated number of masses for the repose of the soul of the deceased. All marriages, among the Catholics of the community, were celebrated at Ste. Anne's. At the door of Ste. Anne's public sales of real estate were held, for that mysterious power that permitted our justice to hang Contencineau, allowed Dejean and his successor, Williams, to forcibly sell the real estate of debtors,

Page  938 938 CITY OF DETROIT and to foreclose mortgages by forced sale. They proceeded without law, but from the necessity of the case. When it had been determined that it was necessary to sell the property of some debtor or mortgagor, the justice caused a crier to proceed through the principal street with drum, and with a loud and distinct voice, giving notice of the day of sale. This was repeated three times at intervals, and finally the sale took place on Sunday at the front door of the church. The official notice was usually, though not always, given on Sunday, but when not given on Sunday, the sale was cried on some church holiday. FINANCES OF THE TIME There was no bank at Detroit and, indeed, banking as a modern institution was unknown, but the firm of Macomb, Edgar & Macomb took such drafts as were payable in Montreal and Quebec, and paid for them in cash or trade, much after the form of modern banks, and transmitted the drafts eastward for collection, where another supply of goods and rum-mostly rum-was sent in return. The firm had become so wealthy and so large that in 1780 they proposed to supply all the goods for the Indian Department at Detroit at a uniform advance of twenty-five percent on merchandise, and rum at eighteen percent, New York currency, and they further agreed that they would advance money "as usual for the payment of the other departments." This was no small undertaking for one firm. The problem of providing means for the purchase of goods for the Indians was a constantly recurring one, difficult to solve. The Indians could not be kept in any sort of good humor without making them presents all the time. The presents were not of an expensive kind-cheap blankets with bright colors, fancy knives, scarlet cloth, ruffled shirts, laced hats, and other things of like nature to catch the eye of the natives. But the demand was so great that the expense startled both De Peyster and Haldimand. Whenever the Indians came to the councils the squaws would strip the entire clothing from the Indians, that they might appear in destitute condition, so as to be able to demand new outfits. To show the enormous amount of money squandered each year on these worthless Indians, we find the account of drafts drawn in one year by De Peyster to be as follows: September 8, 1780, ~42,714, 7s., lid.; January 8, 1781, ~44,962, 6s., 11d.; September 12, 1781, ~55,225, 13s., 614d.; making a total of ~142,902, 6s., 184d., to which is to be added the vast quantity of goods sent up from Montreal, probably as much more in value. Haldimand said, "The frequency of these amazing demands is a matter of serious concern to me. knowing how ill they are received at home and how very trifling the services can be urged in support of them." And De Peyster, with his last draft, said, "the goods in the store at Detroit cannot last longer than till December." CURSE OF RUM There was one thing the Indians demanded as a necessity. They could do without clothing, food or trinkets, but they must have rum. The immense quantities distributed by the government we have already spoken of, but of the quantities sold by the traders it is impossible to judge. About the time of the breaking out of the war, the leading merchants of Detroit had formed what might be termed a rum trust. They agreed to place

Page  939 CITY OF DETROIT 939 all of their rum in one store and employ one or more clerks to see that it was properly disposed of, and the avails divided pro rata among the members of the trust. If any other person should undertake to sell rum any place in the district, they would at once ship a sufficient quantity to that place and undersell the intruder until he was compelled to leave. Both in England and America the curse of rum was the frequent topic of discussion in official and private correspondence, but the demand grew; it could only die with the death of the Indians. "I have dried up their tears with a barrel of rum and six fathoms of tobacco," writes a messenger who came from a meeting of discontented Indians. "I hope you will pardon the incorrectness of my letters, as I write them with Indians on every hand, and whispering in each ear 'rum or bread,' writes Pat Sinclair, governor of Michilimackinaw. 1781 Early in January, 1781, Lieutenant Dagneau, of the Canadian militia, had taken the Petite Fort, with seven prisoners, one of whom was Brady, superintendent of Indian affairs, and Brady gave some information regarding Clark. He said Clark had gone to Williamsburg to obtain troops, to assist in an expedition against Detroit. De Peyster was in expectation of cannon and ammunition and thought that he would be able to withstand Clark, though the works "are in a shattered state." The French at Vincennes were urging the Miamis to join them in an attack upon Detroit. They were unsuccessful in the negotiations, but it corroborates the distrust of the Canadians which was held by the English, and justifies Haldimand in writing to De Peyster, "As these (Frenchmen) are the most dangerous enemies we can have, do not hesitate, where you have well-founded suspicion, to seize them and send them here in irons, giving me your reasons in writing. I hope those of that description at Post Vincennes will be taken proper notice of." On the 11th of March the Pottawatomi held a council at Detroit, at which they begged De Peyster not to abandon them to the rebels. De Peyster told them that they would be protected as long as they adhered to the King of Great Britain; he also told them that they must not expect ornaments or conveniences until they could show themselves deserving of them. Thus on both sides we find good reasons for the friendship existing between the British and the Indians. The soldiers needed the assistance of the savages to aid in their war against the rebels, and the Indians needed the soldiers to prevent the families of Americans from taking up and cultivating the lands of the Indians and driving them from their hunting grounds. De Peyster told them, "The English have treated you well, and the Indians on the other side of the Mississippi are so sensible of the goodness of an English father, that they have invited him to send his troops to drive the Spaniards out of the country." On the 15th of April, another Indian council was held by De Peyster with the Shawnees. They said that in the fall of the preceding year their village was destroyed by the enemy, and since that time their nations had been in constant councils, and that Simon Girty, with some Huron Indians, had taken one Richard Rue prisoner. Rue informed them of the danger which menaced them. He asked De Peyster to collect his warriors as speedily as possible and meet them at their village at the end of the month. Haldimand assured De Peyster that Clark could not collect sufficient force at Williamsburg to warrant

Page  940 940 CITY OF DETROIT him in making a western progress, as the soldiers were in constant employment where they were, and could not be spared. On the 26th of April, De Peyster held another Indian council with the Six Nations, Huron, Ottawa, Chippewa and Pottawatomi. They asked immediate assistance to repel the rebel forces in the Ohio country. De Peyster told them that he would furnish them with ammunition and clothing, but that he had no soldiers to spare. He advised them not to leave in small parties, but to collect in one body and meet the enemy in a general engagement. He said the enemy had taken Kaskaskia and were inclined to go to St. Dusky (Sandusky). Brant, who was present, advised all the Indians to collect at St. Dusky and hold a council there, and promised to be present. Some of the Indians complained because De Peyster did not go out to assist them, and he closed the council with the following promise: "You seem to hint that I should go with you to war. My reasons are already assigned, which prevent my going out with you, and I hope that when you reflect on them that it will appear to your satisfaction. You say I sit still, but don't you see that I am not idle? Have I not raised the ground and made this place strongly fortified against any attempt whatever, that I may be able to protect my children and supply them with necessaries? I now conclude with assuring you that the officers belonging to your department shall be ordered to be in readiness to attend you." Simon Girty wrote from Upper Sandusky on May 4th that on the 20th of the preceding month Colonel Brodhead, with 500 men, had burned the town of Cushoking; that Brodhead had set off for Sandusky with 1,000 men, and Clark had gone down the Ohio River with another thousand. Girty was ready to start off on an expedition of his own with 120 Wyandottes, but when the Indians got this news, they concluded to wait for news from De Peyster. De Peyster had no troops to send, but contributed more largely than either he or Haldimand desired, to supplying the Indians with trinkets and other things to keep them firm in the king's cause. He told Haldimand that he hoped in a month to have the fort in readiness to resist "any force they can possibly bring, notwithstanding that our other works accumulate fast." He did not credit the reports of a thousand men, but knew that the militia of Kentucky, exclusive of 200 soldiers at the Falls, amounted to 1,100 men. Haldimand replied that De Peyster need not feel alarmed. "Virginia troops cannot be spared to act in conjunction with the settlers upon the frontiers, who alone are the enemies to be apprehended in that quarter." As long as the Indians at Sandusky were supplied with provisions from Detroit, they would not leave their camp. The enormous expense attending the purchase of Indian goods at the posts had caused Haldimand to determine to purchase the goods in England, and he directed his orders to be published at each post, forbidding the purchase of rum or Indian goods for the government. "In the consumption of this essential article (rum)," he wrote, "I think it will be much in your power, by means of the most prudent of the sachems, to make a diminution essential at the same time to the object of expense, to the punctual execution of service, *and to the health and well being of the people." De Peyster, however, was to "inform them that it is not for the paltry consideration of its value that he withholds it from them," but for the pernicious effects it had on their warriors and young men, and the poverty and disease it brought upon their families. "'It is because I wish to preserve to the former the character of a brave and

Page  941 CITY OF DETROIT 941 warlike people so long enjoyed by their ancestors, and to the latter the happiness resulting from sobriety and industry. This is the duty of a father who loves his children, and consequently mine, to the king's faithful allies." We have seen that Pere Pierre Potier, the missionary in charge of the Church of the Assumption, on the south side of the Detroit River, had been killed by falling on July 16th, and that two of the church trustees had been appointed to go to Haldimand to obtain a successor. The Indians also took the matter in hand, called a council at Detroit, at which De Peyster presided on the 29th of July, and delivered some speeches which were to be conveyed to Haldimand and to Monseigneur Briant, bishop of Quebec. It is possible the Indians were more truthful in their utterances than Haldimand was in the reasons he gave for withholding rum from them. Some of their petitions were certainly very earnest and perhaps eloquent It will be remembered that they were reported by De Peyster, or under his direction, and that he was not a Catholic and consequently would not over-exert himself to make a favorable impression on the Catholic bishop. If the Indians meant all they said in their speeches, it was probably because the greater the rogue the greater the need he had of religion. One of the Indians, addressing De Peyster, said, "The death of our pious missionary, Pere Potier, has thrown an inconceivable trouble on our minds, since then the ignorance with which we are surrounded has darkened and holds us in a pitiful state, which solicits your fatherly compassion in our favor." He asked De Peyster to say to Haldimand for him, "My father, deign, if you please, to consider the sad state of our nation since the loss of our missionary. We lamented our unhappy state and have come, without knowing to whom to apply," and to the bishop he made known his wants as follows: "My father, in the name of God and of all the Huron nations, help us in our present need of a missionary. The loss of Pere Potier has left a general desolation in our villages, which will only cease when he is replaced by another. Instructed from infancy in the principles of the Christian religion, we follow them faithfully under the direction of our spiritual leaders; but today what have we become? The souls of our warriors will tremble henceforth at the thought of death which follows them every moment. The blood of our old men and women will freeze at the approach of the last moment of their lingering lives. The mothers are distressed at the state of their children." De Peyster took pains to report that at this conference the principal women of the Huron nation were present. Brant's success over Clark's detachment was reported to De Peyster on September 7th, but he was afraid the success would have the effect to disperse the Indians, and urged McKee, who was at Sandusky, to do his utmost to keep them together "lest Clark should attempt to revenge the blow when he can assemble the militia." He reported to Haldimand that Clark's second division had fallen into his hands, and on the following day he drew on Haldimand for ~35,225, 13s. 61d. "for sundry expenses incurred in the different departments at this post." He was thus following out the advice he gave to McKee: "Please to tell my children that there is nothing like striking the iron whilst hot." In the action which occurred on the 29th of August, near the Ohio, Brant, with about 100 whites and Indians, intercepted Clark's army on their march from Fort Pitt to Sandusky, and the whole party were either killed or taken prisoners. Colonel Lockey, commandant of the party, six officers and thirty privates were killed. Major Craigenafts and eleven other officers and fifty-two privates were

Page  942 942 CITY OF DETROIT taken as prisoners. De Peyster did not believe that Clark was permanently disabled. He was afraid Clark might collect sufficient reinforcements to lead a party, in person, against Detroit. He was afraid, also, that the Indians, elated by their victory, would disperse, and that he would be unable to collect them to aid in resisting Clark. He wrote to McKee to keep the Indians a little longer, in order to see what Clark would do. He sent presents to the Shawnee and Delaware at Sandusky to prevent them from coming to Detroit. He threatened them with the most awful punishment that could be inflicted upon an Indian. "Tell them I have stopped the rum, nor will give further or suffer one drop to leave Detroit till I am convinced that Clark has given over all thoughts of entering their country. This I shall do out of regard for the Indians, for whom only I can fear." McKee thought that the Moravians were friends to the rebels, and he urged De Peyster to remove them, and De Peyster sent word to the Hurons to bring to Detroit the six teachers and a few of the principal chiefs of the Moravians. He did not want the Moravian, or Christian, Indians to come to Detroit to settle, as he would be compelled to sustain them. M(Kee reported on October 10th that his scouts brought him information that Clark would not undertake an expedition to the north of the Kentucky and Salt Creek, in order to cover the small forts in that neighborhood. DE PEYSTER'S INDIAN DIPLOMACY A contingent from the Six Nations had aided the western Indians throughout the summer, and when they were on the point of leaving, a council was called at the Upper Shawanese, and the western Indians thanked them publicly for the assistance rendered, and at the same time told them that "nothing would be more satisfactory than to see the Six Nations turn their attention towards Fort Pitt as the source of all the enemy's capability to distress their country, and that while the enemy are in possession of this door into it, they live in neither ease nor safety." Captains Pipe and Wingineun (both Indians) were sent by McKee to take the Moravian teachers to Detroit. Notwithstanding the desires and orders of De Peyster that the Indians should remain at Sandusky and not crowd around Detroit, numbers of them came up and a conference with them was held here on the 21st of October. Half King, an Indian chief of the Hurons, stated that he had taken the Moravian Delaware from their village, as he found they were inclined to assist the rebels, and had settled them in his village, where they were under his eyes. On the 29th of October another conference was held with a party of the Miami Indians, who were sent in all haste for powder and ball. They reported that a detachment of the enemy was advancing from St. Vincennes, consisting of French, Indians and rebels, and they asked for assistance. De Peyster told them that he had already sent officers to the St. Joseph Indians with instructions to go to their aid, and that if the report they brought was true he would assist them in all things as he might be able. The Miamis evidently wanted something more than "powder and ball," and continued their entreaty for other supplies. "Our chiefs," they said, "have recommended to us so strongly to pray to you not to think anything too precious for the young warriors, but give them freely, which you will do to us as deputies and warriors who have been this summer for the king's cause against the enemy, and after you have furnished us all with

Page  943 CITY OF DETROIT 943 arms and precious clothing we hope you will be good enough to give us in profusion of that shining metal, an ornament which draws the attention of the warriors, which is the true way of engaging them, their lives and their blood to the king." With such demands as this coming from all sides, it is not surprising that the Indian accounts for the post were large, or that new taxes had to be laid in England to pay them. At the very time this demand was being made by the Miami, Haldimand was writing to De Peyster that, owing to the caprice of the Indians in dispersing at the time their assistance was most wanted, Brant's success against Clark could not be followed up, "but this conduct (on the part of the Indians) has been uniformly their system and notwithstanding the treasure which has been, I must say from their conduct, thrown away upon them this year, it appears that no more than one hundred could be brought into action, and those from the influence and under the direction of Joseph [Brant], a Six Nation chief. If even as many more, and the company of rangers had joined the party, Mr. Clarke's fate would have been decided." Every effort was made by De Peyster to prevent the Indians from coming to Detroit, as he was unable to supply their demands, and their presents being discontinued they became troublesome. He sent an invoice of goods to McKee, a portion of which McKee forwarded to Elliott at the Indian villages, to be distributed there, so as to prevent the Indians coming to Detroit after their goods. He wrote to Haldimand in November that a large body of Miami were on their way to visit Detroit when they received the information that the Creoles, joined by some Virginians, were on the march toward their villages to avenge the death of La Balme, and they returned at once, sending only a detachment to demand ammunition. De Peyster had no ammunition. The supplies of goods that came earlier in the year did not contain any, but he expected some by the winter express, and proceeded to equip the Indians and volunteers, so that they could set out on their expedition before the ice should clear out of Lake Erie in the spring. Haldimand thought the expenses of the Indian department were too great and that De Peyster was lavish in supplying the demands of the Indians. De Peyster wrote to him: "You may rest assured that I am not in the least over delicate with, or afraid of giving offense to the generality of Indians, but their necessary wants must nevertheless be supplied, or we must give them a prey to the enemy. They cannot hunt while the war lasts; they are all provided with horses, and, having been accustomed to saddles, they cannot do without them. The enemy use rifles; they must, therefore, have rifles. It would be tiresome to repeat all their impertinences, but I must give your excellency some insight into the temper of these people." An Indian named Morgan had been useful to the British. De Peyster resolved to reward him. He was fitted out handsomely and was then asked if he was contented. "Yes, father, but won't you give me a rifle: it will be well bestowed: I know how to use it." De Peyster gave him a rifle. "Father, you have only given milk at one breast: I would willingly have a keg to speak to the young men when I get home, in order to rouse their spirits to martial deeds." De Peyster gave him a keg. "Father, my saddle was stolen last night. You will surely give me a saddle." There were no saddles to be had, so an order was given to Morgan that he might obtain a saddle when the next supply of goods came up. But angered by the postponement of the gift of the saddle,

Page  944 944 CITY OF DETROIT Morgan threw his load in the street, mounted his horse bareback, and rode off to his village. These, or similar circumstances, were happening all the time and the commandant needed a great deal of patience and diplomacy to get on with the savages at all. Whenever a body started into the Ohio country, and as soon as they had passed by the lake villages, small detachments began to break off from the main body, and soon the number left was so small that it was incapable of meeting any force and was compelled to return. The most successful leader was Joseph Brant, himself an Indian, but well educated, enterprising and faithful to the British. Then there were Bird, McKee, Elliott, the three Girtys, Dequindre, Chene and perhaps a dozen others, all white, but by association allied to the Indians. They were all good Indian leaders, but their success always depended upon their ability to keep the Indians in a body and in preventing them from separating at the first approach to actual war. The Moravian teachers were brought to Detroit in the early part of November by the Delaware and Mohawk Indians, and interrogated by De Peyster in the presence of the chiefs of those nations. There were six teachers, sent by their bishop from Bethlehem, in Pennsylvania, to each Indian town. There were 350 Indians in their mission. The teachers denied taking any part in the war or carrying on any correspondence with either side. De Peyster had contemplated keeping the teachers in Detroit, but at the request of the Delaware he permitted them to return with that tribe. De Peyster promised these Indians to give them such things as they might need during the coming winter, and said that Haldimand would provide for them as long as they were engaged in the war, but that he would not give them liquor except under proper restraints. It seemed to be the prevailing custom among the Indians to introduce themselves to the commandant at their councils by the presentation of one or more scalps. If the scalps were fresh they were called "fresh meat," and if old they were termed "dry meat." On the 8th of December 240 Delaware warriors, with seventy of their women and ninety children, called on De Peyster, and one of the chiefs, Buckaginitas, introduced the subject of his visit by producing sixteen scalps, explaining that they came at a time when there was nothing to apprehend from the enemy, and presented to De Peyster some dried meat, "as wescould not have the face to appear before our father empty-handed." They complained that they were fatigued and hungry, and desired to speak with the commandant after they were refreshed. The council was postponed until the 10th, and the chiefs of the Huron nation were summoned to be present on that day. The burden of the Indians' complaint on this occasion, as on others, was that they were not properly supplied with clothing, food, firearms and ammunition, and in addition they complained because the Moravian teachers had been returned to Sandusky. De Peyster promised that everything should be done for them that he was able to do, and agreed to send for the Moravian teachers again in the spring and have them taken to Quebec. In behalf of Haldimand he told them that the war had been of long duration and might continue longer, but that he would never abandon his children, but would send them up such things as might be really necessary for them. He refused to furnish them liquor because they drank to excess, but he added, "The weather being severe, I shall order a sufficiency for your journey." We can imgaine that the major was better pleased to speed the parting than to welcome the coming guest. In the year that was about drawing to a close, a vast sum of money had been

Page  945 CITY OF DETROIT 945 spent on these worthless vagabonds. The trinkets and articles that were sent were typical of the children who were the recipients. In examining the list of Indian presents that were in store at Detroit in 1781, we find there were 843 plain shirts, 503 fine ruffled shirts, 33 scarlet coats, laced, 525 yards tinsel lace, 18 gross finger rings, 5 gross jewsharps, seven and one-half dozen watch chains, and many other similar articles that were utterly useless to these wild Indians, whose most useful occupation was to die young. UNPOPULARITY OF WAR IN ENGLAND England felt the strain of procuring these articles. It became necessary to levy new duties to obtain the moneys necessary to carry on the expensive American war. Lord North proposed duties, dues and impositions in parliament that had never been heard of before in England; duties that were so unknown that he could not foretell the amount that would be raised by them. There was to be annual duty on all sums of money insured on houses and goods from fire; a duty on inland bills of exchange; a tax on admissions to places of entertainment; and a tax on carriage of all kinds of goods. These taxes were to be raised in addition to all that had in times past been collected from the already tax-ridden people. There had always been a class of Englishmen who were opposed to the prosecution of the war, and this class grew in number as the tax burdens increased. In the debate in the House of Commons in December, 1781, on Sir James Lowther's motion for putting an end to the American war, Viscount Maitland said that the ministers then in power began the war, and he called upon them to abandon it. "It is now universally unpopular. From one end of the kingdom to the other people are impoverished and clamorous. To that war and to your measures they ascribe all their calamities," and the viscount was only uttering the sentiments of the whole House. So unpopular had the war become that, although the motion to censure the ministry and the motion to withdraw confidence from them were both lost by a close vote, the ministry resigned in March, 1782, and the administration of Lord North came to an end. DETROIT NOT AN ACTIVE PARTICIPANT IN WAR Detroit was not a witness to the war. The British soldiers and the Indians passed through the village to the battle grounds, the scenes of murder and of pillage in the south, and on their return bore with them the trophies of their incursions, the scalps of their murdered victims or prisoners half dead from fatigue in being driven by their savage captors through the marshes and across the rivers, but at Detroit there was no fighting, no Indians or white men came here to contend for the independence of our country or the supremacy of Great Britain. Many of the prisoners taken by the Indians in their Ohio incursions and brought by them to Detroit for rewards from the commandant, remained here as citizens, made their homes here and have left to posterity many who are still with us. In spite of the horrors of an Indian warfare, with its base of operations here, Detroit continued to grow rapidly. A census of the district had been taken in 1773, a short time before the breaking out of the war, which showed an aggregate population of 1,357 people, white and black. Five years later there were 2,144 people in the district. A census taken the following year showed a population of 2,653, including garrison and prisoners. In 1780 there were 2,207

Page  946 946 CITY OF DETROIT exclusive of prisoners and soldiers, and after peace was declared in 1783 there were 2,291 civilians, showing a net increase during'the decade of 70%. The Indians needed the assistance of the British at all times, and if they could have been informed of the situation would have been very urgent that peace should not be declared. The whole theory of British occupation was to keep the Indians in their proper places as hunters, and to preserve the continent for its furs. Only such parcels of land were disposed of by the government as were within or contiguous to the fortified enclosures. When the war broke out, the people in the thirteen colonies began to leave them and proceed westward into Kentucky, Ohio, and Illinois; they took possession of the Indian hunting grounds, and it was only by the aid of the British soldiers that they could even hope to be successful in driving them back. Unfortunately for their cause, the Indians did not, possibly could not, understand the situation. They could not be kept constant to their only friends, the British. Early in the year 1782 we have a letter from De Peyster, in which he said: "With regard to the Indians in general, I am very sorry that they are not under better discipline. I have wrought hard to endeavor to bring them to it, but find it impossible altogether to change their natures. I assemble them, get fair promises and send them out, but when once out of sight, the turning of a straw may divert them from the original plan. If too severe with them upon such occasions, they tell us that we are well off, that there are no Virginians in this quarter, but such as they bring here against their inclinations. The treasure given to them, I must own, is immense. I cannot, however, think it altogether thrown away in the last campaign. The Indians in this country must be looked upon as a large body of irregulars, fed and clothed to prevent the inroads of the Virginians into this country, and who must be delicately managed to prevent their favoring these rebels." MASSACRE OF MORAVIAN INDIANS We look upon the warfare as carried on by the Indians as cruel. And so it was, but considering the provocations and the uncivilized condition of the savages, it was not more cruel than one would expect. Nor was the cruelty alone on the side of the Indians. In June, 1782, Crawford was taken by the Indians and burned at the stake and we cannot find words adequate to express our idea'of the horrible act, but what shall we say of the massacre of the Moravian, or Christian, Indians by our own countrymen that immediately preceded the burning of Crawford? These Moravian Indians were not fighters; they had not been engaged with either party in the war. A band of them had gone to Guadenhutten to obtain food for their starving families at Sandusky and while engaged in collecting the corn which they had left there the preceding fall, they were taken prisoners by a party of borderers (Americans). They agreed to go to Fort Pitt with their captors and sent off messengers to their families to come to Gaudenhutten to accompany them to the fort. When they had all collected together, they were told they must die. They begged for mercy. They fell upon their knees in prayer and while thus engaged one of their captors picked up a cooper's mallet and "with a hasty stride forward he dashed out the brains of the nearest Indian, whose eyes were closed and hands uplifted as he still knelt in prayer. Not an Indian stirred as the murderer proceeded down the line. Again and again he performed the act of murder until a row of fourteen ghastly corpses marked his bloody path. Breathless with the awful work, he

Page  947 CITY OF DETROIT 947 tossed the mallet to a companion, saying, 'Go on with the glorious work. I have done pretty well.' This was but the opening scene of the tragedy. The flood gates of murder were open. The tide would have its way. Old men and young men, loving mothers, gentle maidens, and unconscious babes, innocent in the sight of earth and heaven, meek and unresisting as lambs led to the slaughter, were massacred outright. Ninety persons were put to death within half an hour." After reading this horrible thing, do we blame these ignorant and wild savages for retaliating? De Peyster wrote in May regarding the affair that, "The nations in general as yet take it patiently. How it will operate when they overcome the consternation this unparalleled cruelty has thrown them in, I cannot pretend to say." The remaining Moravians desired to come to Detroit to live, where their teachers, six in number, with four women and two children, were already collected. The Chippewa Indians consented to allow them to cultivate a tract of land on the river, which was then known as the River Huron of Lake St. Clair, but is known now as the Clinton River, and De Peyster gave them permission to move to that section. "Being sensible that those people must soon fall upon our hands for succor, it is therefore most prudent to put them in a way of raising stock to support themselves and it is evident that by showing them kind treatment it will insure us the confidence of the other nations." The Indians from the neighborhood of Vincennes came to Detroit in the latter part of February, 1782, to give notice that the rebels had vacated Vincennes and to complain that the usual quantity of Indian goods had not been sent down to them the previous autumn. De Peyster told them that he had not sent down the presents because the Indians had not aided the British, and advised them to return home and prevent the rebels from coming back to Vincennes. He gave them such necessaries as thought best for them, but would not permit them to take anything for those whom they left at home. He told them that whenever he heard that they were engaged in war and had shown themselves in number he would give such ammunition and clothing as might be necessary. He told them not to kill their prisoners, but to bring them in alive. They agreed not to listen any more to the rebels, but return home and do as the commandant requested. SURRENDER OF CORNWALLIS The news of the surrender of Cornwallis at Yorktown did not reach Detroit until April and reports were not at first credited. The Indians under McKee at Sandusky were preparing for an incursion into the lands along the Ohio. De Peyster notified McKee of the rumor and added, "If the accounts from Fort Pitt concerning Lord Cornwallis be true, it may make them (the Indians) alter their plans. You will be the best judge whether to communicate the resolutions to the Shawanese or not. I have thought best not to say anything to the Indians here till I hear further, lest we give the alarm to the enemy." De Peyster at the same time undertook to persuade the Indians to a different mode of warfare and at a council held in Detroit on the 22nd of April he told them, "to take as many prisoners as possible and avoid spilling blood of women and children. When warriors meet you and they fall in action, it is what they must expect." But the Indians were thoroughly exasperated and filled with a desire for revenge; on June 8th they met the enemy at Sandusky and repulsed them with a heavy loss. A few prisoners only were taken, but 250 were killed and wounded. Among the prisoners was Colonel Crawford,

Page  948 948 CITY OF DETROIT who had been the leader of the Virginians. The burning of Crawford, which immediately followed his capture, was one of the most horrible events of this Indian war and cannot help being considered as the sequel of the bloody massacre of the Christian Indians. APPOINTMENT OF HAY AS LIEUTENANT-GOVERNOR Hamilton, who had not ceased to be titular governor of Detroit, though in fact an absentee, in prison or in England, was on April 27th appointed lieutenan tgovernor of Quebec, to supersede Cramache, and Jehu Hay was appointed lieutenant-governor of Detroit. Hay had been at Detroit in the Indian Department and held the rank of lieutenant in the Eighth Regiment. He had accompanied Hamilton on his unfortunate expedition to Vincennes and had been taken prisoner by Clark. His imprisonment was not as rigid as Hamilton's, but was sufficiently wellpublished to mark him for promotion. The first protest against the appointment of Hay is from Brig.-Gen. H. Watson Powell, who wrote from Detroit under date of August 7, that he had recently learned of the appointment of Hay, who had only the rank of lieutenant in the army; he was convinced "it will be very disagreeable to Major De Peyster (who has commanded here a long time with great credit to himself and to the satisfaction of the inhabitants in general) to serve under an officer of that inferior rank. I therefore beg to know if it will meet with your excellency's approbation should I give him leave to go down to Canada, if he applies for it." De Peyster's services were too valuable to permit him to leave Detroit at this time. It is probable that there were other protests made and it is also probable that Haldimand did not need to be persuaded in the matter. De Peyster asked permission to leave Detroit either before or immediately after the arrival of Hay. He said he was willing to serve in any capacity, "under Mr. Hay excepted, for various reasons." Haldimand wrote to Townshend in October that Hay was only a lieutenant, and added, "Though I have no objection to Mr. Hay, yet that circumstance has put me under the necessity to detain him this winter in Montreal, as his taking the command from Major De Peyster at the time when the enemy, though repulsed in two actions, persist in their attempts against the Indian country, might be attended with great inconvenience to the service." Though De Peyster might have been persuaded to remain under Hay, "yet that is a mortification which in the present state of things I think improper in me to impose upon so deserving an officer. " Hay protested against being kept away from his command, but his protest was not listened to, and he was not permitted to come to Detroit until after the treaty of peace was signed and De Peyster was removed to a more favorable station. As Hay was not permitted to displace De Peyster, and as the latter could not be permitted to leave Detroit, the command of this post and of all its southern and western dependencies remained in his hands. The labor of managing Canadian civilians, whose hearts were with the enemy, and Indians who were as much too aggressive as the Canadians were too sluggish, required much more than ordinary abilities, and De Peyster showed that he possessed what was required to a remarkable degree. Under his directions the Canadians formed companies of volunteers that worked heartily with the Indians; not

Page  949 CITY OF DETROIT 949 only worked with them in leading incursions, but worked to the satisfaction of De Peyster in restraining their horrible massacres when once victorious. The threatened approach of the Virginians kept the garrison in constant turmoil. Haldimand appreciated the situation of the Americans better than could De Peyster. He saw that it was unlikely that Congress would send the soldiers to the west when there was such an urgent call for them in the east. He wrote that he was unable to send such assistance as De Peyster wanted, and he thought there would be no occasion for it. The Indians seemed to support their own rights and the rights of the crown "and if they are firm in the resolution, and will take the field and stick together, Mr. Clark's attempt must prove as fruitless as the former. He may alarm the Indians, but to penetrate to Detroit with such a force and preparation as to insure success is hardly probable unless the rebels were in a situation to abandon other objects of infinitely greater consequence." Haldimand also advised the Six Nations and Delawares not to undertake the destruction of Fort Pitt. On all sides the British were to urge the Indians to participate in the war against the Virginians by making use of the massacre of the Christian Indians; they were to dislodge the settlers at Chicago; to sweep the Illinois country and the Ohio Valley free from settlers, and were to stick together, but they were not to attack any fortified place nor any organized force, if it were possible to avoid it. McKee was stationed at Sandusky and at this place gathered together the bands of Indians and started southward; after an absence of a few days or a few weeks, according to circumstances, he would return, collect a new force and start off again. McKee was quite urgent that he might be permitted to do more. He wanted a large force and some cannon. De Peyster told him that the year's campaign had not been begun on the offensive plan and McKee was to inform the Indians that if they were "capable of defeating the enemy in the field, they must content themselves to let their posts alone till a more favorable opportunity." The change in the ministry had an immediate effect, even as far as Detroit. It was rumored here that "there is the greatest reason to believe that a peace will succeed the cessation of arms." Information came from Sandusky on August 16th that General Irwin was mustering men at Fort Pitt, to start for Sandusky in the beginning of September and kill and burn all before them, thus to avenge the death of Crawford, but apparently De Peyster did not credit the information, as two days later he wrote to Haldimand, "We have been alarmed here lately with the accounts of a formidable body of the enemy (under command of Gen. Hands) advancing this way, which occasioned my reinforcing Captain Caldwell, and sending Captain Grant to the south of the Miami with the armed vessels and gunboat. Our scouts now report the enemy retired. Captain Caldwell remains encamped on the banks of the Ohio and Captain Grant arrived here yesterday." Captain Caldwell, with a few rangers and a body of Lake Indians, successfully attacked a detachment of troops on the Ohio on the 21st of August, and then, conformable to De Peyster's orders, at once set out for Sandusky to await the expected advance of Colonel Williamson from Fort Pitt. The scouts that McKee and Caldwell sent out returned with certain news of the approaching 1,200 rebels from Fort Pitt, and in the latter part of September Caldwell applied to De Peyster for assistance, as thirty-eight of his small army

Page  950 950 CITY OF DETROIT were sick. De Peyster sent fifty soldiers to the Roche de Bout in order to support McKee at the blockhouse at the mouth of the Miami, and at the same time gave orders that if McKee could not resist successfully, to retreat, and give time for the Indians to assemble. Captain Brant was sent out to stir up the Six Nations, and the Ottawas were assembled and informed of the enemy's approach. But the enemy did not come, and in November Brant was sent off to Niagara for the winter, as no new advances were anticipated from the Virginians. There were still rumors enough to keep all in a state of readiness, but the season was too far advanced and the negotiations for peace lulled everyone to sleep. Caldwell was at Sandusky with seventy men, half of them unfit for service. McKee was at the blockhouse, at the mouth of the Miami, calling upon De Peyster for assistance, but now calling in vain. De Peyster, at Detroit, wrote McKee that it was not within his power to send a sufficient force at that season to aid the Indians, and advised them to avoid the enemy if the latter was too strong in numbers to cope with, and added, "It would therefore be imprudent in me to sacrifice those few troops which may be of use to them in the spring." DE PEYSTER S IMPROVEMENTS IN DETROIT POST The year just drawing to a close had not been without important events affecting the little village of Detroit and its surroundings. The season which had started out full of promise for the farmer and for the laborers at work on the new fort, turned out to be wet and rainy as that of the preceding year. Crops rotted in the ground, and the continued rains washed the new fort into the ditch. De Peyster wrote on the 21st of June to Brigadier-General Powell, "You will see that they (the Indians and rangers) push me for more assistance, which it is not in my power to grant in the ruinous state of the new fort at present. If this weather continues, I fear it will level our works. The oldest people here do not remember such a rainy season." The pickets of the old enclosure, which stopped at the northeast and northwest corners of the ancient village, were extended so as to strike the corners of the new fort and thereby greatly enlarge the size of the enclosure. Other improvements made by De Peyster this year can as well be related by giving a copy of one of his hitherto unpublished letters. There seems to have been a great deal of hard feeling existing between De Peyster and Jehu Hay, and this letter is in answer to charges made by Hay that De Peyster had left both the rear and front of the village exposed to the Indians by removing the pickets. He said: "I have to observe that it astonishes me how Mr. Hay can be so ignorant with respect to his own situation as to suppose the town of Detroit lies exposed to the rear. The plan which accompanies this letter will at first view evince the contrary. The pickets which formerly ran parallel with the town, and almost touched the houses, were by my order run in a line from the angle blockhouse up to the glacis of Fort Lernoult, flanked by the half portion of that fort, whereby a safe communication is kept up with the town; the streets laid open to the guns of the fort; a grand parade gained and the general powder magazine inclosed. On the flank of the town the continuation of the pickets are brought down from the above said blockhouses to the water's edge in which position I nearly found them. The front of the town, I acknowledge, is open to the river, but had Lieut.-Gov. Hay given himself the trouble to have inquired of the first person he met before he made his report to your excellency,

Page  951 CITY OF DETROIT 951 he would have been informed that the greatest part of the pickets illy supported (as I am informed under his own inspection) were blown down and floated off by a sudden rise of the river, which carried them into Lake Erie. The few remaining pickets were employed to complete the continuation of the line up to the glacis and some few were employed to inclose waste ground which left an ugly looking place near the old powder magazine." De Peyster gave public notice to the owners of lots on the river front of the village that if they would fill up the space between their lots and the water, they might have the land so made, and if they did not care to go to the expense and trouble, he would give the land to other persons who would do the work. For this act also, Governor Hay complained to Haldimand, and in explanation of it, De Peyster stated that the parcel of land thus given away "consisted of a small space of a ragged hill which was a public nuisance, being a receptacle for all manner of filth and a retreat for drunken Indians, who frequently made fires and were very troublesome when dislodged. I therefore requested the proprietors to enclose the ground back of their several lots, which some of them did, more to oblige me than from any real advantage to themselves, leaving a road of communication from the front of the town to the king's wharf, which was much wanted and which I had not the leisure to make. When the lines of pickets stood upon the water's edge, Indians used frequently to fasten their canoes to them and have sometimes passed through vacancies, as seldom a night passed without some pickets falling down." Before the lots were filled up in front, the space between the water's edge and the foot of the hill was used to store wood for the village. After the pickets were removed and the hill graded down to fill the quagmire, the commandant directed the wood to be stored "in a spacious, dry place adjoining the east gate and immediately in front of the sentry and protected by him more than ever in its former position." FURTHER NEGOTIATIONS BETWEEN DE PEYSTER AND INDIANS We have seen that the Moravian teachers were at Detroit, and that the remaining Indians were directed to come here also. The Chippewa Indians had granted them a tract of land on the Huron (now Clinton) River and thither they removed, built for themselves a little village, and lived by fishing, hunting, making woodenware, picking berries and making maple sugar. They took no part in the war. Whatever things they got or produced found a ready market in Detroit. The steps taken by De Peyster in behalf of the Moravians met with the hearty approval of Haldimand. It also must have had a great effect on the other Indian tribes. De Peyster was constantly, through these years of trouble, urging the Indians to be merciful in their warfare; to kill in battle, but to spare the lives of the prisoners. At nearly every council held with the Indians we find these injunctions issued by him. His letters to McKee, Elliott, Caldwell and others all breathe the same principle. The massacre of the Christian Indians by Williamson and his company was so horribly inhuman that even the Indians were startled. De Peyster thought that he would no longer be capable of controlling them. He wrote to McKee on the 19th of August: "You are sensible that I have lost no opportunity to request that you would recommend humanity to the Indians. It has ever been the principle that I have acted upon and I am convinced that no task is more agreeable to Vol. II-7

Page  952 952 CITY OF DETROIT my wishes. Upon my arrival here, I found the Indians greatly civilized from the good advice they received from you and my predecessors, in which disposition by my earnest endeavors, we continued them, till the imprudent step of the enemy at Muskingum called up their savage ferocity. I see they still hold their prisoners, formerly taken, in mild captivity, while their resentment only shows itself upon those newly taken, looking upon them as a part of the people who imprudently declared by words and signs that they were come to exterminate the Wyandotte tribe." He requested McKee to convince the Indians that the cruelty committed by them upon Colonel Crawford and the two captains was the sole ground for the late invasion of their country by the whites. De Peyster's task in undertaking to keep the Indians within proper bounds was a difficult one. Not only were the Indians cowardly, treacherous, ungrateful, not to be depended upon in case of emergency, not to be depended upon even when alone and apparently their own masters, but they were upon occasions, when they thought they could be with safety to themselves, haughty, overbearing and almost rebellious in their actions with the commandant. This spirit De Peyster was continually forced to meet, and he stemmed the current or turned it aside with considerable skill. Towards the end of 1782, when there were rumors of the approaching suspension of arms, originating in the change of ministry, Haldimand was greatly in fear of the effect of a peace on the Indians. He wrote to Townshend regarding the Indians that: "An unremitting attention to a very nice management of that people is inseparable from the safety of this province, which has been indisputably preserved hitherto in a great measure by their attachment. They must not be considered subject to order or easily influenced, where their interests or resentment are concerned. Great pains and treasures were bestowed to bring them to act. They have suffered much in the cause of the war in their lives and possessions, so much that the Mohawks, who were settled in ease and affluence, have entirely lost their country; the rest of the Six Nations (the Oneidas excepted) have been invaded and driven off their settlements. They have so perpetually harassed the enemy that they cannot look for reconciliation upon any other terms than abandoning the royal cause. They are thunderstruck at the appearance of an accommodation so far short of their expectations from the language that has been held out to them, and dread the idea of being forsaken by us and becoming a sacrifice to the vengeance which has already in many instances been wrecked upon them. Foreseeing the possibility of the Americans becoming an independent, powerful people and retaliating severely upon them, they reproach us with their ruin, and while their fears are thus alive, if the Americans are disposed to take advantage of them and are in a situation to supply their wants liberally, the consequences may be very fatal." A short time after this letter was written, De Peyster held a council in Detroit with a band of Seneca Indians, which displays the impudence occasionally possessed by these untutored savages. The record shows that the leader's name was Ay-on-wi-ainsh, and this may in part excuse his assurance. He reminded De Peyster that when the Indians first espoused the king's cause they were promised that not only their own wants, but the wants of their families, should be supplied in great profusion. Last summer, he continued, the commander-in-chief forbade him to treat prisoners cruelly, assuring the Indians

Page  953 CITY OF DETROIT 953 that it was contrary to the laws of God and the custom of nations. "You will, however, recollect that we have injuries to revenge and, although you protect the enemy from the stake, you shall not from their death, for the warriors are determined not to spare them in battle; therefore, be not surprised at seeing in the future more scalps than prisoners." He reminded the commandant that his people returned home from Detroit unprovided for, "owing to the want of wherewith to supply them, as you told them you had not the things which they wanted. I beg of you not to use the same discourse to us, that you want certain things; but that you will provide, not only for those who have accompanied me hither, but for those also whom we have left behind to guard our village." He expected not only necessaries in abundance, but also "such ornaments which are acceptable and pleasing to young men." He said that the last time he was there he lost a prisoner, whom De Peyster promised to return to him, and added, "I am therefore surprised that you have not yet satisfied me on that subject, as it does not correspond to your promise. I find by experience from my knowledge of mankind, that from the late altercation, you only speak from the mouth." It was to such demands as this that the skill of De Peyster was shown, either in dealing harshly with the savage and by punishing him make an example for his nation, or by turning aside his impudent demands and by supplying them in part, retained the good will and assistance of the tribe. He told the Indians that the vessel bringing their presents from England had been taken by the enemy and again retaken, but it had finally arrived too late to permit the presents to be brought to Detroit that year, and if the Indians were too impatient to wait, they must go home with only such presents as he could give them. He said he had always urged them to treat prisoners with humanity and it was to their interests that they should do so. "If Captain Pipe had not put that colonel (Crawford) to death after he had made him prisoner, the enemy would not have made an attack upon the Indian country this year, for, from every intelligence which I receive, they intimate it was only to avenge his death." He said he had promised to return the escaped prisoner if he found him, but he had not found him yet. Then Mr. Baby was instructed to treat the Indians as well as he could from the stores on hand, and they left the village contented. HARVESTS IN 1782 We have seen that the king's commons was considered as the property of the village and not subject to be enclosed or cultivated for the benefit, either of the garrison or of any of the officers, and that the inhabitants looked with distrust upon even a trifling violation of their common rights in this land. The village also claimed the exclusive right and title to Hog Island, but their claim here was not that of exclusion, but of the right of cultivation for the support of the garrison. Their rights were maintained by the higher authority at Quebec and Whitehall, and actual possession of the property was taken by the commandant for that purpose. In 1780 De Peyster was instructed to take possession of the island and put expert farmers on it and cultivate it for the garrison. Two families only were placed on the island, as it contained only 783 acres and much of it was reserved as a run for the king's cattle. One of the farmers was Capt. Isaac Ruddle, who had been taken prisoner by Captain Bird on one of his incur

Page  954 954 CITY OF DETROIT sions into the Ohio country, and had been placed on the island by De Peyster on the recommendation of Bird. Ruddle remained quietly on the island till the fall of 1782, when he heard of an expected exchange of prisoners and obtained the permission of De Peyster to go to Quebec in hope of being exchanged. De Peyster thought it best for the maintenance of the garrison that a mill should be erected on the island for the purpose of grinding wheat and corn, but the artificers and laborers were so constantly employed in putting the post in security, that he was unable to do the necessary work on the island. Michilimackinac was in need of provisions, and Haldimand requested De Peyster to send all the corn he could spare to that place. The bad weather during the summer months had greatly injured all the crops and an order had been issued at Detroit forbidding the exportation of any produce, but at this request of Haldimand, the commandant undertook to send whatever he could spare, remarking at the same time that he had an expedition on foot in the Indian country and that the settlement barely produced what was necessary. The wheat raised in this year did "not require much grinding, owing to the violent falls of rain." He raised 800 bushels of corn on the island, that needed no grinding, and the Indian horses swam around the fences and destroyed nearly all of the wheat. He gave up expectation of erecting a mill, remarking that it would be more expensive than useful. The census taken in July showed that there were 29,250 pounds of flour, 1,804 bushels of wheat and 355 bushels of Indian corn in the district, and De Peyster calculated that the island would produce 100 bushels of wheat and 700 or 800 bushels of corn in addition. The time of the year at which the census was taken indicates that it was nearly correct. There were in the district 13,770 acres of land under cultivation, an increase of 1,700 acres over the quantity in 1780. EXPECTATION OF PEACE Thus closed the year 1782. The provisional treaty of peace had already been signed in Paris, but its existence was unknown here at the opening of the new year, and while it cannot be said that preparations for war were actively carried on, affairs were still kept upon a war footing. The Indian presents expected in the fall had not arrived and the Indians were disposed to be afraid that De Peyster had concluded to abandon them to the enemy. In expectation of a coming peace, large reductions had been made in the forces kept under pay. The regular soldiers were still kept, but the militia and rangers were dismissed from service wherever it was thought they could be spared. Thrown out of employment and discontented on account of their dismissal, they tended to increase rather than allay the fear the Indians already had of a permanent peace among the whites. The militia and rangers were of the class more nearly allied to the Indians by their manner of life and association for years as equals and almost as brothers. The discontent thus aroused among the Indians made the situation harder for De Peyster to control, and while he complained to Haldimand, he exerted more than ordinary diplomacy in allaying the fears of the savages. In January, he called together the Shawnee, Delaware and Six Nations in council at Detroit; told them he was always ready to assist them in time of need; told them that an abundance of presents was on the way to them, but the season would not admit of their crossing Lake Erie and urged them to do as the great man advised them, "keep close together and be strong, for by dividing we lessen our strength." Two companies

Page  955 CITY OF DETROIT 955 of the Thirty-fourth Regiment were expected to come to Detroit upon the opening of navigation with the Indian presents. The Indians were requested not to commit depredations, but to be ready for war at call. An incursion of the Virginians in the fall of 1782, resulting in the destruction of two Indian villages and the killing of ten Indians, had so excited the Six Nations that they determined to retaliate, and Haldimand not only used his own best efforts to persuade them to retire, but also instructed De Peyster to do all that lay in his power in that direction. He wrote to De Peyster in February: "Under the express orders that I have received and communicated to the different posts, it is impossible I can comply with their request (to aid them); on the contrary, it becomes our duty to use every possible means to dissuade them from their purpose. Assure them that I shall afford them every aid in my power to secure and defend their own against any incursions of the enemy." In order to systematize and regulate the affairs of the Indian Department, Sir John Johnston was appointed superintendent general and he at once, in February, issued instructions to the commandant at Detroit to regulate the transactions of that department so as to keep them within the proper limits of expense and yet to provide for the Indians all that might be necessary for their needs. Complete records of all transactions were to be kept and return made to Montreal monthly and quarterly. One of the instructions given by the superintendent displays a curious phase of dealing with these Indian wards, that might be recited in full. "Should the Indians," the superintendent said, "as is customary at some posts, lay down presents of any kind, they are to be taken up with thanks and in return presents exceeding the value of theirs are to be given them, in which cases the chiefs and head warriors, etc., are to be distinguished." It is needless to add that Sir John was a successful manager in his department. As the prospects of a permanent peace between the whites began to be understood by the Indians, they desired to be recognized in the matter and to receive the protection of neutrality. A meeting of Indians was called at Sandusky in April with this end in view, and a communication sent to De Peyster, requesting him, among other things, to remember them in the treaty of peace, if any should be going on. The matter of the peace at this time was not of so much importance to Indians other than those in the Ohio region and New York. Those farther west were not disturbed by the encroachments of the settlers, and it was not believed that any lands on the north of the lakes would be included in the new government of the United States. The preliminary treaty of peace, which was signed at Paris, November 30, 1782, contained a sufficiently definite description of the boundaries of our new government. Our country was to include all the land south of the Great Lakes, extending westwardly to the Mississippi and southerly to the northerly line of West Florida. It is probable that the contents of the treaty were not known to Haldimand, for as late as the 12th of March, 1783, he instructed De Peyster to keep watch of the rebels, as "there is every reason to suppose they will employ every effort to extend as far as possible their frontiers in the upper country, to secure in a case of peace some valuable settlements and to get the fur trade into their hands. These exertions will naturally be made as early as possible and will require the utmost vigilance on our parts to discover and counteract." He also, in the same letter, said that the rebels had

Page  956 956 CITY OF DETROIT lately attempted to take Oswego with the intention of claiming it as a part of the United States, as being in their possession at the time the treaty was signed. If Haldimand had been permitted to see the treaty already made, he would have found the boundaries of the conceded territory well defined and would have ceased to annoy the settlers on the frontier. The treaty itself, in its preamble, contained a few words that caused a great deal of annoyance to Washington, Franklin, Adams, Jay, and in fact to every American citizen who understood the situation of affairs. The treaty of 1782 was termed "provisional" because in its preamble it set forth that it was to be inserted in and constitute the final treaty, which was not to be concluded until a treaty of peace should be agreed upon between Great Britain and France; so that, until the French treaty was actually signed, the United States did not know whether peace or war awaited them. The country was exhausted and in straitened circumstances. England was in a similar condition, but we were required to maintain our army and be always prepared for war. The preliminary treaty of peace between Great Britain and France was signed at Versailles on the 20th of January, 1783, and thus another step was taken towards the final settlement of our trouble. In anticipation of the final cessation of war, all efforts of De Peyster were turned to restraining the Indians. He wrote to McKee at Sandusky in April: "It behooves us to do our utmost endeavors to restrain the Indians by assuring them that should they persist to act contrary to the intentions of their British father, we cannot support them, but on the contrary, if they remain quiet, should the enemy in the meantime enter their country, we will give them every assistance in our power." On the 25th of April, Haldimand received the king's proclamation for a cessation of arms and lost no time in sending word to the upper posts, accompanied with instructions to totally cease work on all fortifications and all public work whatever. In acknowledging the receipt of instructions, De Peyster wrote to Haldimand that "in general the Indians are well disposed to follow such instructions as they may, from time to time, receive, and your excellency may be assured that the Virginians will be the first to break the truce." De Peyster also wrote to McKee that he had received a proclamation of peace and advised him of the necessity of restraining the Indians more than ever. He said he had sent off word to the Wyandotte, Miami and Wabash, and as the terms of peace were not known to him, he wrote: "It is to be hoped that a short time will bring accounts from General Haldimand, signifying what the terms of peace are. In the meantime, we must sit upon our mats and smoke, or, at most, do no more than keep a lookout for our own security." In the summer of 1782, when both England and America were exhausted, and the questions of peace and the independence of the United States were questions of time only, those persons who had throughout the entire trouble been firm friends and adherents of the mother country, began to look around and make arrangements for their own protection. Many of them had suffered the loss of all their possessions; had been driven from home and had their property confiscated for their faithfulness. It would not do for England to desert these friends. There were many of these persons in New York. Many such in the West had already been driven out and some had settled

Page  957 CITY OF DETROIT 957 in Detroit. When the peace should be finally declared, there would undoubtedly be many more compelled to leave the limits of our government. In October, 1782, Haldimand wrote to Thomas Townshend, afterwards Lord Sydney, then secretary of state, that when the posts were evacuated, "Some loyalists will seek an asylum in this country. I am assured by the loyalists that in case New York is evacuated, a very great number of families who have taken refuge there at different periods of the war, will be obliged to seek an asylum in Nova Scotia or Canada. The situation of these people excites compassion and requires every assistance which the government can afford them. There are already in this province many loyalists and no doubt many more will soon arrive from the frontiers of New England and New York; perhaps an establishment may be procured for them at or near Detroit. The lands there are fertile and can be cultivated with ease. The climate is in every respect advantageous. A settlement of men at that place who, by principle and a sense of sufferings, are attached to Great Britain, will be a support to our Indian allies, who have everything to fear from the encroachments of the Americans. Besides such a settlement would in a few years raise a quantity of provisions sufficient for the garrison, which it will be necessary to keep in the upper country and might prove an essential resource in case at any future period the communication between the upper and lower Canada should be so far interrupted as the supplies of provisions could not be sent from the latter." The communication of Haldimand was answered by Lord North. It was pleasing to Haldimand to have North enter so willingly into the scheme, but he observed that Detroit was already very well settled and, moreover, it was within the limits of the United States. On the opposite side of the river the land was owned by the Hurons and it was doubtful whether they would allow the white people to settle there. He would do all he could "in alleviating the distresses and in procuring the means of subsistence for men who had been deprived of everything on account of their loyalty to the king and adherents to the constitution of their country." Many loyalists eventually settled upon the opposite side of the river near Amherstburg and many left Detroit to take up their residence on Canadian soil, but the story of their home-seeking is beyond the limits of our subject. CASE OF GERRIT GRAVERAT An illustration of the manner in which debts were sometimes collected is furnished by the statement of Gerrit Graverat. Graverat had, some years before 1783, become indebted to one Abraham Cuyler, formerly mayor of Albany, a loyalist, but the debt had been so long unpaid that he considered it barred by limitations of time, or outlawed. Graverat had, for some years, lived in Detroit and had there formed a copartnership with Colin Andrews and John Visger under the name of Andrews, Graverat & Visger, but the copartnership had been terminated by the purchase of Andrews' interest by the other members of the firm, and the formation of a new copartnership of Graverat & Visger, Mr. Graverat still living in Detroit and Mr. Visger living in Michilimackinac. The new firm was indebted to Andrews for the purchase price of his share in the old firm and it was likewise indebted to Robert Ellice, Taylour and Forsyth, and Angus McIntosh; in all, their debts amounted to ~20,000. The closing of the war had greatly injured

Page  958 958 CITY OF DETROIT their trade, that of general merchandise, and they were forced to make an assignment of all of their property in May, 1783, to the creditors above named, (but not including Cuyler). When the loyalists had begun to leave the United States and pass over into the British possessions, Cuyler obtained the appointment of "inspector of refugee loyalists" and was sent up, or obtained permission to go up, to Detroit. He bore a letter of introduction from Haldimand to De Peyster, informing the latter that he (Cuyler) was there to transact private business and requesting De Peyster to afford him all the assistance in his power consistent with his duty as a commanding officer, to facilitate his business and expedite his return to his duty at Montreal. Cuyler made a demand on Graverat for payment of the amount due him, but the latter said he had no individual property from which to pay the claim and he could not justly pay it from the copartnership capital, until the copartnership debts were paid: and indeed he owned no property whatever, because he had assigned everything to his creditors about a month before this date. Cuyler laid the matter before the commandant, and on June 17th De Peyster summoned Graverat before him. There seems to have been no trial, nor any attempt to ascertain the validity of the claims presented. There were present at the meeting, besides De Peyster, Cuyler and Graverat, Alexander Macomb, William Edgar and John Askin, and possibly Jacob Harson (Graverat's father-in-law). A demand was made on Graverat for the payment of Cuyler's claim and when payment was refused, De Peyster declared, and confirmed the same with an oath of seeming resolution, that if the account was not settled and paid at once, he would send Graverat "down the country" on a vessel that was just ready to sail. Graverat was in real dread lest the threat should be carried into execution and that he would thus be ruined, and he put into Cuyler's hands what properties he then had and a draft on Visger, amounting in all to ~4,154, 9s. 4d. Graverat entered a formal protest against this method of collecting debts. Ellice also felt that he and the other creditors of Graverat were injured by De Peyster's action and wrote to Haldimand regarding the affair. De Peyster wrote to Haldimand that he only followed out the orders contained in the latter's letter, to afford Cuyler all the assistance in his power. He did not deny acting as Graverat alleged, but said the threat to send Graverat "down the country" was only made after Graverat had submitted the entire matter to arbitrators and had refused to carry out the award. Haldimand did not interfere with the matter further and Cuyler took the property received from extortion. CONDITION OF AFFAIRS AFTER PEACE The long delay necessarily incident to their mode of navigation prevented Haldimand from knowing what was going on in New York. The war had been transferred from America to Paris, and there the final battles were fought, with Franklin, Jay, Adams and Laurens on one side and Oswald and the British Parliament on the other. Hostilities had ceased here between the whites, but much difficulty was met in attempting to keep the Indians quiet. The prisoners at Detroit, some four hundred in number, were anxious to be exchanged so as to return home, and ninety-two of them went to Montreal for that purpose, but De Peyster had no authority to permit any to return directly home, and those who did not wish to go to Montreal were forced to remain here. De Peyster wrote in June that nothing would be wanting on his part to stop the Indians from committing depredations on the frontier. He had received no

Page  959 VIEW OF DETROIT IN 1796, FROM THE ORIGINAL PAINTING IN PARIS Brig "Gen. Gage" lying in river. Buildings shown were located between Wayne and Griswold streets as now laid out

Page  960 I

Page  961 CITY OF DETROIT 961 accounts concerning the peace other than the king's proclamation and an injunction to restrain the Indians, but he hoped soon to hear from England conclusively, "and then you and I may sit ourselves upon our mat, with the pleasing reflection of having redeemed many of the unfortunate from slavery and saved the lives of those who (if they have the least spark of gratitude) will hereafter bless us." Nearly at the foot of Woodward Avenue was the workyard of the fort, called the "shipyard," which was under the control of the commandant, but was occupied and used for the purposes of the navy. In this place, also, it is probable that all the timber for the houses within the fortifications was prepared and the lumber squared. This shipyard was on that part of the cleared ground, unenclosed, called the King's Commons. A little to the east of this were several small tracts of land, containing about an arpent each, which had been occupied for many years, and which formed a border to the eastern side of the commons. This line of lots extended from the river to about Fort Street, as now located, and were of a uniform depth of 192 feet. At how early a period these lots were first occupied it is now impossible to ascertain. The entire series of lots would form a portion of what was later called the Brush Farm, if their original conveyance had not antedated the conveyance of the farm. On the lot nearest the river a hut had been built and the occupation had been granted to one Pike, to oversee the timberyard, or shipyard, already mentioned. Pike misbehaved himself and was turned out of the hut by De Peyster, and Capt. Guillaume La Mothe was installed in his place on condition that he should "keep and eye on" the shipyard. On the next lot north of the one occupied by La Mothe, Alexander McKee obtained permission to settle. When the treaty of peace was a matter of time only, both La Mothe and McKee sought to obtain valid titles to the lots they occupied, and De Peyster requested Haldimand to make the necessary grants. Both men had served the British well and the small recompense asked for would have been a trifling reward for services rendered. De Peyster said that La Mothe had moved into the hut "which he, at his own expense, has converted in a snug little dwelling, and improved the inhospitable beach to a pretty little garden by bringing soil to it, all of which, however, was done at his own cost." McKee had applied for a grant of his lot in June, 1782, and his request was forwarded by De Peyster to Haldimand at that time, with an offer to pay him one hundred and fifty pounds for the lot, but Haldimand replied that he preferred to make a gift of the lot, and wrote: "I shall, as a mark of my approbation of Mr. McKee's conduct, possess him of it without the consideration proposed." DIFFICULTIES WITH INDIANS De Peyster was in a worse condition than ever with the Indians. The uncertainty of the preliminary articles of peace gave him uneasiness and he resolved "to evade answering impertinent questions." The Indians flocked into the village to request him to supply the wants of their women and children, who were almost naked; but the supplies had not come at the last of June. "Heavens," De Peyster wrote, "if goods do not arrive soon, what will become of me? I have lost several stone weight of flesh within these twenty days." The Indians complained that they were always ready to fight for the English, and now they said,."We are informed that instead of prosecuting the war, we are to give our lands to the enemy, which gives us great uneasiness; in en

Page  962 962 CITY OF DETROIT deavoring to assist you it seems we have wrought our own ruin." De Peyster could only thank them for their past services, inform them that peace had been declared, but that he did not know on what terms, and promised to give them whatever goods came up from below. The commandant wrote on the last of June that the Indians came in from all quarters. "To avoid a too numerous council I invited four of each nation to meet me about the beginning of July, but it seems that whole villages had set out on their journey for that purpose before my strings could reach them; impatient to know what is to become of them and their lands and to request a supply of goods so long promised them." The Wabash Indians, he said, were very impertinent, "using expressions not proper to be committed to paper." On the 1st day of May, 1783, Congress requested the secretary of war to take the most effective measures to inform the Indians that preliminary articles of peace had been agreed upon and hostilities had ceased with Great Britain, and the secretary sent Maj. Ephraim Douglass to carry out the instructions of Congress. It was generally understood that as soon as peace was declared the posts of Detroit and Niagara would at once be surrendered to the United States, and consequently that any delegate from Congress might properly, at this time, go among the Indians for any peaceful purpose; but the English did not propose to surrender the posts at all, if they could help it, and certainly not now. British interests were not favorable to treaties of peace between the Indians and the Americans. Douglass proceeded westward as far as Sandusky without meeting the Indians in general council. At the invitation of Captain Pipe, an Indian chief, he accompanied him to Detroit, expecting there to meet several tribes of Indians in council, to whom he could explain his errand. A further invitation was extended to him by De Peyster, but De Peyster requested him not to enter into any negotiations with the Indians until after his arrival in Detroit. FIRST AMERICAN REPRESENTATIVE ENTERS DETROIT On the fourth of July, 1783, the first representative of the United States Government, in the person of Maj. Ephraim Douglass, entered Detroit. He was cordially received by Major De Peyster, but while the latter professed the strongest desire to bring about terms of peace between the new government and the Indians, he would not permit Douglass to address them nor to inform them that the boundary lines of the United States would include this district. At the Indian council, held here on the sixth of July, there were present chiefs of eleven nations, extending as far south as the Wabash, the Chippewa, Ottawa, Wyandotte, Huron, Shawnee, Delaware, Kickapoo, Oweochtanoo, Miami, Pottawatomi, Pienkisha and Seneca. The Indians knew of the presence of Douglass and of his errand. They were greatly pleased that peace was declared and surrounded his lodging all day when he was at home and lined the streets to attend him when he was going abroad, "that they might have," he wrote, "an opportunity of seeing and saluting me, which they did not fail to do in their best manner, with every demonstration of joy." In the absence of instructions from higher authority, De Peyster refused to permit Douglass to negotiate with the Indians, and on the 7th at, the request of De Peyster, Douglass set out for Niagara, where he was accorded the same treatment as at Detroit and was compelled to return home without having accomplished anything of importance. Thus the Indians were left in almost total ignorance

Page  963 CITY OF DETROIT 963 of the intention of the new government to them. They could not know whether they were recognized in the treaty or whether they might consider the United States as a friend or foe. The summer passed away without further matters of interest on the frontier other than the dissatisfaction of the Indians regarding the treaty. They agreed at the urgent and repeated requests of McKee, who was at Sandusky, to abstain from further incursions and to set their prisoners at liberty. They claimed that it was understood they were to keep their prisoners "to strengthen their nation." They were apprehensive of the designs of the Americans on their lands north of the Ohio, but McKee was able to keep them in very good humor, and the summer wore away; the fall came and on the 3d of September, 1783, the final treaty of peace was signed; the United States was a nation in the eyes of the world; the Revolution was at an end.

Page  964 CHAPTER XXXVIII INDIAN WARS: 1783-1811 FIRST AMERICAN REPRESENTATIVE AT DETROIT-AMERICAN EFFORTS TO ACQUIRE DETROIT-ENGLISH AGENTS AT WORK-GENERAL HARMAR S DEFEAT-GENERAL ST. CLAIR S CAMPAIGN-GEN. ANTHONY WAYNE-CAMPAIGN OF 1794-BATTLE OF FALLEN TIMBERS-RESULTS OF THE INDIAN DEFEAT-COL. JOHN F. HAMTRAMCK-DETROIT AFTER AMERICAN OCCUPATION-TECUMSEH S CONSPIRACYBATTLE OF TIPPECANOE-ALARM IN DETROIT. The Revolutionary war was technically ended by the treaty of 1783. However, the British not only retained possession of the post of Detroit and other territory conceded to the United States, but they also endeavored to keep the Indians on the war-path against the infant settlements in the Ohio country. Lanman states that, in the negotiation of the treaty, the British commissioners demanded the complete independence of the Indian tribes in the Ohio country, with power to sell their lands to whom they pleased, but the United States commissioners would not consent to such an arrangement. One of the first aims of the United States was to establish friendly relations with the natives. To this end Maj. Ephraim Douglass was sent to Detroit in the spring of 1783, with instructions to hold councils with the Indians and attempt to gain their confidence and good will. We have seen in the preceding chapter the result of Douglass's visit, the cordiality of De Peyster's reception to him, the enthusiasm and curiosity of the Indians, but the utter failure of Douglass to secure a council with the Indians owing to the interference of the British. Notwithstanding this difficulty, Douglass was ordered to remain in the country for the purpose of observing the movements of the British and, if possible, ascertain their real intentions. Under date of February 2, 1784, he wrote from Uniontown to Governor Dickenson of Pennsylvania: "Early in the fall Sir John Johnson assembled the different western tribes at Sandusky, and, having prepared them with presents distributed with lavish profusion, addressed them in a speech to this purport: That the King, his and their common father, had made peace with the Americans and had given them the country they possessed on this continent; but that the report of his having given them any part of the Indian lands was false, and fabricated by the Americans for the purpose of provoking the Indians against their father-that they should therefore shut their ears against such reports. So far the contrary was proved that the great River Ohio was to be the line between the Indians in this quarter and the Americans; over which line the latter ought not to pass and return in safety. That, however, as the war between Britain and America was now at an end, and as the Indians had engaged in it from their attachment to the crown and not from any quarrel of their own, he would, as was usual at the end of a war, take the tomahawk out of their hand; though he would not remove it out of sight or far from them, but lay it down carefully at their side that they might 964

Page  965 CITY OF DETROIT 965 have it convenient to use in defense of their rights and property, if they were invaded or molested by the Americans." AMERICAN EFFORTS TO ACQUIRE DETROIT On July 12, 1783, President Washington ordered Baron Steuben to proceed to Canada, secure the necessary permits for the evacuation of Detroit, then to proceed here and, if advisable, to organize the French inhabitants of Michigan into a militia body and place the post in their hands. The baron notified Haldimand of his approaching arrival and Haldimand met him with all the courtesy due his rank and mission, but flatly refused to give him the required papers. In fact, Haldimand sent a letter to Washington by Steuben, dated August 11th, in which he informed the president that he considered the treaty only provisional and had received no orders to deliver the posts along the Great Lakes. A second effort was made in 1784 to induce Haldimand to issue the necessary orders, but failure again attended the efforts of the Americans. This second attempt was initiated by Congress, under the suggestion of General Knox, and was headed by Lieut.-Col. William Hull, afterwards the unfortunate governor of Detroit. Hull arrived at Quebec July 12, 1784, and met Haldimand, but had no better success than Baron Steuben. Diplomatic correspondence and negotiations then continued with the object of compelling the British to surrender Detroit and other posts. The English informed the United States minister, John Adams, in 1786, that many of the states had failed to live up to the provision of the treaty relative to the payment of debts, consequently they did not feel as if they should give up the western posts. John Connolly, the notorious Virginian, whose activities in behalf of the British are described in another chapter, became a prominent figure in the endeavor to influence the settlers and Indians. Many rumors were circulated about the British actions in keeping hold of the territory. The Montreal merchants had grown wealthy and powerful through the fur trade from the western country and naturally they used every means in their power to compel the officials to hold to the western posts. ENGLISH AGENTS AT WORK During the year 1784 there were frequent depredations committed by Indians in the neighborhood of Pittsburg and upon the settlements along the Ohio River. Evidence was not wanting that some of these raids were planned in Detroit. Col. Josiah Harmar was ordered to collect a strong force of militia at Fort Pitt and call a council of the Indians. Congress appointed Richard Butler, Gen. George Rogers Clark and Arthur Lee as commissioners to negotiate a treaty of peace. Major Ancrum, the commandant of Detroit, was warned by Major Elliott that, if a treaty was concluded, it would be followed by an influx of settlers. Matthew Elliott, Alexander McKee and Simon Girty were sent among the Indians to influence them not to attend the council. They succeeded in holding back the Cherokee, Miami, Shawnee and a few minor tribes, but a peace was made with the Chippewa, Delaware, Ottawa and Wyandot Indians. Incited by the English agents, the Cherokee made a raid in September, 1785, through the Scioto, Hocking, Muskingum and Tuscarawas valleys, where a few white settlements had been started. About this time Maj. John Doughty built Fort Harmar at the mouth of the Muskingum River, on the point of land

Page  966 966 CITY OF DETROIT opposite the present city of Marietta, Ohio. This was the first American fort northwest of the Ohio River. In November a council was held at the mouth of the Miami River, although Simon Girty and Capt. William Caldwell of Detroit did all they could to keep the Indians from attending. The Americans there built Fort Finney and on February 1, 1786, the Shawnee were given all the territory between the Miami and Wabash rivers, south of the country claimed by the Miami and Wyandot nations. Two months later, at the instigation of Elliott, Girty and McKee, the Shawnee were on the war-path in the Scioto and Hocking valleys. In June, 1786, British agents induced forty chiefs to attend a council at Niagara, to see Sir John Johnson, who warned them that they would be exterminated unless they united as one nation to drive back the Americans. At this council was Joseph Brant, the Mohawk chief who had been educated by Sir William Johnson, and after its adjournment he went among the different tribes, showing his commission as a captain in the British Army and telling them that the British were their best friends. (Brant was at one time a student in Dartmouth; his sister, Mollie, lived with Sir William Johnson and bore the latter ten children). For their services, McKee, Girty, Elliott and Caldwell were all given land in the vicinity of Amherstburg at the mouth of the Detroit River. On December 18, 1786, another council was held, this time at Sandwich. It was attended by representatives of the Six Nations, Cherokee, Chippewa, Miami, Ottawa, Pot. tawatomi, Shawnee, Wyandot and some of the Wabash tribes. At this council the British agents presented the Detroit Indians with a memorial to Congress, pledging themselves to keep the peace if the whites would stay out of the Ohio country. The next year the Northwest Territory was organized and inducements offered to settlers to locate within its bounds. Early in the summer of 1787 the British garrison at Detroit was reinforced by a full regiment and two companies. The following year Gen. Guy Carleton (Lord Dorchester), ordered the town to be protected by new pickets and the defensive works strengthened. Between the years 1783 and 1788 it is estimated that over one thousand white persons were killed by the Indians, many of the scalps having been taken to Detroit to show to the "English father." GENERAL HARMAR'S DEFEAT All efforts to make treaties with the Indians having failed, President Washington decided to adopt more vigorous measures for putting a stop to the savage raids on the settlements. Early in the summer of 1789, Col. Josiah Harmar, who had been appointed Indian agent for the Northwest Territory in 1787, was ordered to collect a force and march into the Indian country. Gen. Henry Knox, secretary of war, for some inexplicable reason, sent word to the commandant at Detroit that the expedition was against the Indians only. This action on the part of the secretary was undoubtedly the main contributing factor to the failure of Colonel Harmar's expedition, as the Indians were supplied with arms and ammunition by the Detroit commandant. Colonel Harmar mobilized his troops at Fort Washington (now Cincinnati), where in September, 1790, he had a force of over fourteen hundred men. Just before starting on his march, he was brevetted brigadier-general. On the 23d of^October he reached the head of the Maumee River, where Fort Wayne, Indiana, now stands, and his scouts brought word that a large force of Indians

Page  967 CITY OF DETROIT 967 was only a short distance in advance. Major Wyllys was assigned to make an attack with four hundred men, while Major Hall was directed to gain the rear of the Indian camp. Hall started to cross the Maumee at a ford, but before all his men were over the Indians fled. Those who had already crossed the stream pursued without orders, leaving sixty regulars to the mercy of the savages under Little Turtle. The pursuers followed the Indians up the St. Joseph River and soon came upon a formidable body of Indians. They then began a retreat and fortunately for them the savages did not follow. The regulars suffered the heaviest casualties. As soon as Harmar could extricate his men, he ordered a retreat to Fort Washington. He was severely criticized for his management of the campaign and in January, 1792, resigned his commission. General Harmar's defeat elated the Indians, who marched to Detroit and paraded the streets, and, according to one account, carried long poles strung with the scalps of the American soldiers killed in the engagement. GENERAL ST. CLAIR'S CAMPAIGN Early in the year 1791, President Washington sent for Gen. Arthur St. Clair, governor of the Northwest Territory, to confer with him in regard to another invasion of the Indian country. The result of the conference was that St. Clair was commissioned commander-in-chief of the army on March 4, 1791, promised 2,500 men, most of them Revolutionary veterans, and instructed to build a line of forts from the mouth of the Miami to the mouth of the Maumee. Gen. Arthur St. Clair was born at Caithness, Scotland, in 1734; was educated at the University of Edinburg; studied medicine, but purchased an ensign's commission in the army and in 1758 came to America. He was with General Amherst at the capture of Louisburg; was made a lieutenant in 1759; distinguished himself with Wolfe at Quebec; settled in Pennsylvania at the close of the French and Indian war, and commanded the Second Pennsylvania Regiment in the Revolution. When the Northwest Territory was created in 1787 he was appointed governor. In May, 1791, while St. Clair was making preparations for his campaign, Gen. Charles Scott, of Kentucky, led eight hundred men up the Wabash valley almost to where Lafayette, Indiana, now stands and destroyed a number of Indian villages. Gen. James Wilkinson, with five hundred men, made a raid in the same territory in August and destroyed the Kickapoo villages. Some of the Indians driven out by Scott and Wilkinson sought a refuge at Detroit, where they were encouraged by the British to make more desperate efforts to hold the country. With two thousand troops, General St. Clair left Fort Washington in September. Twenty miles up the Miami River he built Fort Hamilton (now Hamilton, Ohio) and forty-two miles farther north he built Fort Jefferson. Leaving the latter fort late in October, he established a camp on a small tributary of the Wabash River, in what is now Darke County, Ohio. Just before daylight on November 4, 1791, while the men were preparing their breakfast, the war-whoop resounded through the forest on all sides. During the night Little Turtle, the head chief of the Miami Nation, had planted his warriors around the camp and as soon as it was light enough to see the attack commenced. The onslaught was so sudden and unexpected that the camp was thrown into confusion. Several of the American officers were killed or wounded by the first volley. Colonels Butler and Darke and Major Clark Vol. 11-8

Page  968 968 CITY OF DETROIT tried to rally the men, but they were too badly panic stricken. r Out of 1,400 men in the camp, 593 were reported killed or missing, while 38 officers and 242 men were wounded. The survivors managed to reach Fort Jefferson, General St. Clair having made his escape on a pack horse. He was vindicated by Congress and continued as governor until the state of Ohio was formed in 1802. Alexander McKee, Matthew Elliott and Simon Girty were among the Indians, though the fact was not known until after the Treaty of Greenville, nearly four years later. (A copy of Alexander McKee's will, dated August 19, 1794, is preserved in the Burton Historical Collection.) At the suggestion of Secretary Knox, Washington consented to make one more effort to treat with the Indians. On March 1, 1793, he appointed Benjamin Lincoln, Timothy Pickering and Beverly Randolph commissioners to meet the chiefs of the hostile tribes at Sandusky. Again the English agents frustrated the design. A number of chiefs attended the council, but they had been previously advised by the British to accept no boundary other than the Ohio River. The council came to an end on the 16th of August without accomplishing anything. GEN. ANTHONY WAYNE In the meantime preparations for sending another military expedition against the Indians were going forward. The president had little faith in General Knox's theory that a peace treaty could be made, and had called Gen. Anthony Wayne to the command of the army upon the resignation of General St. Clair. Wayne's instructions were to assemble at Fort Washington a force large enough to insure the effectual chastisement of the Indians. General Wayne was born at Waynesboro, Pennsylvania, January 1, 1745. While a school boy he developed a taste for military matters, designing forts, drilling his classmates, etc., until his teachers pronounced him incorrigible. He finally acquired sufficient education to enable him to become a surveyor, though his interest in military affairs was never abated. When the Revolutionary war began in 1775 he already had a regiment organized, of which he was commissioned colonel. In the spring of 1777 he was made brigadier-general. On July 15, 1779, when Washington asked him if he could storm Stony Point, Wayne saluted and replied, "General, I'll storm hell if you will plan the attack." He did storm Stony Point and although wounded insisted upon being carried in at the head of his men. This and similar exploits gave him the sobriquet of "Mad Anthony." Such was the character of the man whom Washington selected to lead the new expedition. In May, 1793, Wayne began mobilizing his forces at Fort Washington, but undertook no aggressive movement until after the Sandusky council. The summer was spent in organizing and drilling his army. Early in the fall he was joined by the "Kentucky Rangers" and soon afterward began his march up the Miami. On the 6th of October he reached Fort Jefferson. About a week later the army arrived at the scene of St. Clair's defeat, where Wayne built Fort Recovery and went into winter quarters. General Knox, who still clung to the idea that treaties of peace could be made, was fearful that Wayne would meet the same fate as Harmar and St. Clair. Before the army moved from Fort Washington he begged Wayne not to invade the Indian country, and early in the spring of 1794 he sent a messenger to Fort Recovery urging Wayne to use caution. Harmar's army consisted mainly of militia and raw recruits; St. Clair

Page  969 CITY OF DETROIT 969 was defeated because he failed to take the necessary precautions to guard against a surprise; but now a different story was to be told. Wayne's men were well drilled and equipped; now, many of them were experienced Indian fighters; and, what was of the utmost importance, they all had confidence in their commander. Wayne was always on the alert. Because of his cunning and swiftness the Indians gave him the name of the "Black Snake." Attempts to surprise him failed and Little Turtle called him "The man who never sleeps." Although Harmar and St. Clair were defeated, their expeditions made an impression upon the Indians. When they learned that Wayne was preparing to move against them, several of the tribes began to realize the power of the United States and correspondingly to lose faith in English promises. Renewed efforts were therefore made to regain their good will and hold their allegiance by the distribution of presents, and otherwise convince them that they should not yield to the demands of the United States. CAMPAIGN OF 1794 On June 30, 1794, a large party of Indians and British disguised as Indians made an attack upon a detachment of dragoons escorting a pack train to Fort Recovery, but were repulsed with considerable loss. A slightly different version of this incident, from the British viewpoint, is presented in the letter from Alexander McKee to Colonel England, commandant at Detroit, under date of July 5, 1794. This letter follows: "I send this by a party of Saganas who returned yesterday from Fort Recovery where the whole body of Indians except the Delawares, who had gone another route, imprudently attacked the fort on Monday, the 30th of last month, and lost 16 or 17 men, besides a good many wounded. "Everything had been settled prior to their leaving the fallen timber (where Wayne's battle was afterward fought) and it had been agreed upon to confine themselves to taking convoys and attacking at a distance from the forts, if they should have the address to entice the enemy out; but the impetuosity of the Mackina Indians and their eagerness to begin with the nearest, prevailed with the others to alter their system, the consequences of which, from the present appearance of things, may most materially injure the interests of these people, both the Mackina and Lake Indians seeming resolved on going home again, having completed the belts they carried, with scalps and prisoners, and having no provisions there at the Glaze to subsist upon, so that His Majesty's posts will derive no security from the late great influx of Indians into this part of the country, should they persist in their resolution of returning so soon. "The immediate object of the attack was 300 pack horses going from this fort to Fort Greenville, in which the Indians completely succeeded, taking and killing all of them. But the commanding officer, Captain Gibson, sending out a troop of cavalry, and bringing his infantry out in front of the post, the Indians attacked them, and killed about 50, among whom is Captain Gibson and two other officers. On the near approach of the Indians to the fort, the remains of his garrison retired into it, and from their loopholes killed and wounded as already mentioned. Captain Elliott writes that they are immediately to hold a council at the Glaze, in order to try if they can prevail upon the Lake Indians to remain; but without provisions, ammunition, etc., being sent to that place, I conceive it will be extremely difficult to keep them together." McKee's letter was written for British consumption. The fact of the matter

Page  970 970 CITY OF DETROIT is that soon after this engagement, if it could be so called, the Indians went to Wayne with overtures of peace. The general told them first to surrender all American prisoners, after which he would talk to them. This ended the negotiations. Again the British were reduced to the necessity of bracing up the Indians by specious promises and a plentiful supply of rum, and for the time all peace talk was ended. Wayne began his march into the Indian country on the 4th of July. At the mouth of Auglaize River he found a deserted Indian village and here he built a strong stockade, to which he gave the name of Fort Defiance. Here he was joined by Gen. Charles Scott with sixteen hundred mounted Kentucky Rangers, "as tough a lot as ever drew bead on a redskin." This reinforcement gave Wayne's army a strength of over three thousand men. At Fort Defiance Wayne perfected his plans for the remainder of the campaign. In this he was greatly aided by William Henry Harrison, then a lieutenant, who afterward won distinction as commander-in-chief of the United States forces in the War of 1812. Leaving a detachment to garrison Fort Defiance, Wayne moved with the main body of his army down the Maumee River. Early in August, near the head of the rapids and within a few miles of Fort Miami, he built Fort Deposit as a depot for his supplies. He then sent messengers to the Indian chiefs, offering them peace and security and counseling them against listening to the advice of the bad white men at the foot of the Rapids. Little Turtle, the great Miami chief, was in favor of accepting Wayne's terms. "We have beaten the enemy twice," he said, "under different commanders. We cannot expect the same good fortune always to attend us. The Americans are now led by a chief who never sleeps. The night and the day are alike to him. During the time he has been marching on our villages, in spite of the watchfulness of our young men, we have never been able to surprise him. Think well of this. There is something whispers to me it would be prudent to listen to offers of peace." Fortunate for the savages it would have been had they heeded the advice of the canny old chief. A majority of the chiefs, however, voted to reject all peace proposals and urged an immediate attack upon the American forces. Wayne was aware of all this and was resolved to act upon the offensive. BATTLE OF FALLEN TIMBERS Early on the morning of August 20, 1794, the army advanced from Camp Roche de Bout, at the head of the Rapids, toward Fort Miami, where the Indians were gathered. Major Price's command was deployed in front as a skirmish line, closely followed by a battalion of mounted riflemen with instructions that if fired upon to retreat in confusion, in order to draw the enemy from cover. The morning was cloudy and dark and a misty rain was falling. No drums were heard and the army marched as silently as possible for about five miles, when the skirmish line was driven back by a heavy volley from a foe concealed in a dense wood on the borders of a wet prairie. A tornado had uprooted so many of the trees in the wood that the mounted riflemen were unable to carry out their part of the program and the plan of battle had to be altered. The enemy's left rested on the bank of the Maumee, their line extending into the fallen timber, which formed an ideal cover for the Indians. Wayne sent Maj. Robert Campbell to turn the left flank, while the dismounted Ken

Page  971 040 PORfi PoCqRfj 8. FOrT WL~ C. C~rh'OL/C HUaRCH.' D.o~r4. G67-a.

Page  972

Page  973 CITY OF DETROIT 973 tucky Rangers and the famous Wayne Legion advanced on the center and right. The orders were: "Let them shoot once, then advance on the double-quick, fire at short range, and before they can reload give them the bayonet." Major Campbell was severely wounded early in the action and Maj. John F. Hamtramck took command, receiving honorable mention in Wayne's report for the skillful manner in which he conducted the flank movement. As soon as the American right was actively engaged, Wayne advanced according to the revised plan and the Indians, unable to withstand the bayonet charge, fled toward Fort Miami. Then it was discovered that the Indians and British had been posted in three lines, within supporting distance of each other, but after the first line broke the others could not be rallied and the rout was complete. The fight lasted about an hour. Wayne's loss in killed and wounded was 133 men. An American soldier who took part in the battle wrote to a friend in Kentucky: "We drove them nearly three miles and the woods were full of dead Indians, and by the side of each one was a British musket and bayonet." Near the bank of the Maumee, at the scene of the battle, may still be seen a large stone on which are rude carvings resembling bird tracks. When the Indians began to waver, the renowned Ottawa chief, Me-sa-sa (Turkey-foot), mounted this stone to exhort his warriors to stand firm, when a well-aimed shot from the rifle of a Kentucky Ranger ended his earthly career. For years after this, members of his tribe would come to the stone, bringing offerings of dried meat, parched corn and other edibles. Sometimes these parties would linger for days, weeping and calling the name of Me-sa-sa, and some of them carved the crude images of turkey tracks upon the stone as a monument to their departed chieftain. After the battle Wayne destroyed the Indian villages, laid waste their cornfields, and burned the house occupied by Alexander McKee, the British Indian agent. On the 21st he paraded his army in front of Fort Miami and rode up almost to the walls. He had orders from President Washington to attack the fort if he considered it necessary and dislodge the garrison, as it was clearly in American territory, built there at a time when England and the United States were supposed to be at peace. Wayne's conduct on this occasion was something like that of a boy "with a chip on his shoulder," hoping the other boy would muster up enough courage to knock it off. He saw the gunners standing with lighted matches awaiting the order to fire, but that order was not given. Hearing that reinforcements were coming from Niagara to Fort Miami, Wayne remained in the vicinity for three days, hoping to bring on an engagement that would utterly crush the British influence among the Indians of the Maumee Valley. On the 25th he began his march back to Fort Defiance and later in the year built Fort Wayne at the head of the Maumee, where the city of Fort Wayne, Indiana, now stands. In his report of the campaign, Wayne stated that he met "a combined force of hostile Indians and a number of volunteers and militia of Detroit and defeated them on the 20th of August." His sweeping victory broke the hostile spirit of the savages. The British at Detroit, under the commandant, Major William Campbell, were alarmed at the proximity of the American troops and some correspondence passed between Campbell and Wayne. Ten days after the battle of Fallen Timbers there were in Detroit about thirteen hundred Indians, who had fled there to place themselves under British protection. An extra hospital and another

Page  974 974 CITY OF DETROIT surgeon were provided to care for the large number of wounded among them. Lieutenant-Governor Simcoe endeavored to bolster up the Indian courage by telling them that the Ohio country belonged to them, and that he had given orders to the commandant at Fort Miami to fire on the Americans if they again appeared. But the chiefs had lost confidence in British promises. They asked themselves why the commandant had not fired on the Americans when he had such a favorable opportunity, and the answer was unsatisfactory. They were tired of warring against Wayne, who was building forts in their country in spite of their opposition, and in August, 1795, all of the leading tribes entered into a treaty of peace at Greenville, Ohio. General Wayne arrived in Detroit about the middle of August 1796, and remained in the town about three months. He then went to Presque Ile (now Erie), Pennsylvania, and died there on December 14, 1796. Wayne County and Wayne Street in Detroit were named in his honor. The surrender of the post of Detroit is described in Chapter IX of this work, but there are a few details of the event which are interesting as a part of the military history of the time. Col. John F. Hamtramck's letters give a few intimate glimpses of the preparations of the American troops for the occupation of Detroit. Two of these, written to General Wilkinson, follow: "Fort Miamis, July 11, 1796. "On the 7th instant two small vessels arrived from Detroit, in which I sent a detachment of artillery and infantry consisting of sixty-five men, together with a number of cannon with ammunition, etc. The whole under the command of Captain Porter. "On the 9th, a sloop arrived from Detroit, at Swan Creek, purchased by Captain De Butts, which carried fifty tons and which is now loaded with flour, quartermaster's stores and troops. That, together with eleven bateaux which I have, will be sufficient to take all the troops I have with me, leaving the remainder of our stores deposited at this place, which was evacuated this day, and where I have left Captain Marschalk and Lieutenant Shanklin with fifty-two men, infantry, and a Corporal and six of artillery; that is, including the garrison at the head of the Rapids. * * * I shall embark within two hours with all the troops for Detroit." "Detroit, July 17, 1796. "I have the pleasure to inform you of the safe arrival of the troops under my command at this place, which was evacuated on the 11th instant and taken possession of by a detachment of sixty-five men, commanded by Captain Moses Porter, whom I had detached from the foot of the Rapids for that purpose. Myself and the troops arrived on the 13th instant." The coming of the Americans to Detroit wrought a great change in the character of the post. The red and white uniform of the British officer was replaced by the blue and white of the American. The hardy, adventurous fighting man known as the Kentucky Ranger possessed very few drawing-room qualities; he knew little of etiquette. He had spent his life campaigning, living with and fighting savages, enduring hardships, subsisting on rough food and governing his actions by his desires. The belles of the post found him a much different man from the powdered and perfumed officer of the crown with whom they had associated, and in general treated him with cold contempt. Letters of that day narrate of the picnics and other celebrations enjoyed by the American soldiers, which generally ended in a free-for-all fight. But they were tried and

Page  975 CITY OF DETROIT 975 true, tempered in the flame of battle, and to their valor we are indebted for the acquisition of the last bit of territory in this western country which belonged to the United States. Of Col. John Francis (or Jean Francois) Hamtramck a great deal could be written. He was born at Quebec, August 16,1756, a son of Charles David and Marie Ann (Bertin) Hamtramck, or Hamtrenck. His father was a barber and a son of David and Adele (Garnik) Hamtramck, of Luxembourg, diocese of Treves, Germany, and married Marie Ann Bertin at Quebec, November 26, 1753. The Hamtramcks belonged to the Canadian and Nova Scotian refugees, but John F. joined Washington when eighteen years old and in 1776 became a captain of the Fifth New York Infantry. In 1786 he was advanced to the rank of major. When Congress organized the first regiment of infantry by special act, April 30, 1790, Hamtramck was made lieutenant-colonel and later colonel. Colonel Hamtramck's meritorious service with Wayne at Fallen Timbers has been mentioned and he was the one chosen to become the first American commandant at Detroit. Colonel Hamtramck died at Detroit in his forty-sixth year and was first buried in the graveyard of Ste. Anne's. In July, 1866, the remains were removed, placed in an oaken casket, and laid to rest in Mount Elliott Cemetery, where they are today, above them reclining the stone slab upon which is inscribed: "Sacred to the Memory of John Francis Hamtramck, Esq., Colonel of the 1st United States Regiment of Infantry and Commandant of Detroit and its Dependencies He departed this life on the 11th of April, 1803, Aged 45 years, 7 months & 28 days. True Patriotism, And a zealous attachment to National liberty Joined to a laudable ambition led him into Military service at an early period of his life. He was a soldier even before he was a man. He was an active participator in all the Dangers, Difficulties and honors of the Revolutionary War; And his heroism and uniform good conduct procured him the attention and personal thanks of the immortal Washington. The United States in him have lost A valuable officer and a good citizen, And Society an Useful and Pleasant Member; to his family the loss is incalculable, and his friends will never forget the Memory of Hamtramck. This humble monument is placed over his Remains

Page  976 976 CITY OF DETROIT by the officers who had the Honor to serve under his commandA small but grateful tribute to his merit and his worth." For more than ten years after the Treaty of Greenville, Detroit and the Ohio settlements enjoyed comparative peace. A few depredations were committed by roving Indian bands, but there was no attempt at a general uprising. The English, however, continued their efforts to keep the savages attached to their interests and were liberal in the distribution of presents. Never had the red-coats given up the idea of regaining possession of the western posts and his majesty's officers continually usurped authority upon American soil. Many of the Indians yet exhibited signs of hostility toward the Americans and on this account, in the spring of 1807, a new stockade was constructed at Detroit. Large bodies of Indians continually passing to and fro on their visits to the British post at Amherstburg also kept the people of Detroit in a state of suspense. On August 6, 1807, James May, adjutant general of the territory, ordered a patrol guard of militia to be kept at the Indian council house, the guard to consist of three officers and twelve privates. On the 11th following he issued his "General Orders," assigning the several companies to their respective positions in case of attack. This document is interesting in showing the personnel of the guard and the character of the defense. "After this night the Guards will be kept in the following manner: Visgers' and L'Ecuyers' companies will alternately furnish a guard of a Sergeant and six privates, to be stationed at the old Blockhouse. The rifle company, the artillery and cavalry will furnish a sergeant and eight privates every night to be kept at the north Blockhouse. "Hickman's light infantry-Campeau's and Anderson's companies of the first Regiment will alternately furnish a Subaltern Sergeant and twelve privates as a guard to be kept in the East Blockhouse. "The Adjutant-General will detail a Captain of the day, who will visit all the Guards by night and give them their instructions. In case of an alarm or attack on the place, the following disposition will be made of the Troops: Scott's company of Riflemen at the north blockhouse, Anderson's company at the east blockhouse, and L'Ecuyer's company at the old Blockhouse. Hickman's company will defend the Pickets between the two Blockhouses; Visger's, the Pickets between the fort and the north Blockhouse; and Campeau's company, the pickets between the east Blockhouse and the river; all the other companies will form at Curry's Corner and wait for orders. "Colonel Woodward will command from the West Blockhouse to the fort and so on from the fort to the river, and on the river as far east as Abbott's store, but in such manner as not to interfere with Captain Dyson's command. "Colonel Brush will command from Abbott's store on the river to the east gate; and north to the Blockhouse, including said blockhouse. "In case the Enemy should break through the Pickets and get into the town Hickman's company will immediately take possession of the Stone Council House, Campeau's of the Bank, and Visger's of the Old Blockhouse and May's stone house. Captain Dodemead's and Smith's companies will parade at the stone council house, where they will receive their orders.

Page  977 CITY OF DETROIT 977 "Doctor McCoskry will attend at May's stone house and Doctor Brown at the Council House, where the wounded will be sent." TECUMSEH'S CONSPIRACY The unrest among the Indians at this time was due to the propaganda of the Shawnee chief, Tecumseh, and his brother, Tenkswatawa. Encouraged by the English, these two Indians undertook to organize the western tribes into one grand confederacy for the purpose of driving the American settlers out of the country. The plan of this conspiracy was similar to that of Pontiac in 1763. As soon as the Indians were organized they were to surprise the posts at Chicago, Detroit, Fort Wayne, St. Louis and Vincennes, massacre the garrisons and then raid the settlements. Tenkswatawa (the Prophet) began his work in 1806. He told the people of his tribe that the Great Spirit had appeared to him in a vision and had told him the white man must be driven back to the ocean whence he came; that the Shawnee, being the oldest of the western tribes, must be the leader in a movement to regain possession of the hunting grounds taken from them by the palefaces; that it was the Manitou's will for them to renounce all intoxicating liquors, throw aside everything they had received or learned from the white race, and return to the customs and weapons of their ancestors; that when they did all these things the Great Spirit would cease to be angry with them and help them to exterminate their enemies. In his addresses to the savages he worked himself into a frenzy and it was not long until many of his hearers were almost as frantic as he. Tenkswatawa was a successful agitator and kept alive the spirit of revolt, while his brother proceeded along more quiet and practical lines to organize the conspiracy. Early in the year 1807 the two brothers sent their emissaries to the tribes about the Great Lakes to distribute war-belts and induce them to join the confederacy. But the Indians had not forgotten Wayne and Fallen Timbers and were slow to respond to the invitation. Thus the work went on for four years. When a comet appeared in 1811, Tenkswatawa declared it to be a messenger sent by the Great Spirit to express his displeasure at the delay of his red children in driving out the Americans, who were growing every day. The British aided and abetted the conspirators by a liberal distribution of presents to those who appeared to be favorable to the movement. On September 17, 1811, Governor Harrison wrote to the secretary of war as follows: "All the Indians of.the Wabash have been, or are now, on a visit to the British agent at Malden. My informant has never known more than one-fourth as many goods given to the Indians as they are now distributing. He examined the share of one man (not a chief) and found that he had received an elegant rifle, ninety-five pounds of powder, fifty pounds of lead, three blankets, three pieces of strouds, ten shirts and several other articles. A trader of this country was lately in the King's store at Malden and was told that the quantity of goods for the Indian department, which had been sent out this year, exceeded that of common years by ~20,000 sterling. It is impossible to ascribe this profusion to any other motive than that of instigating the Indians to take up the tomahawk. It cannot be to secure their trade, for all the peltries collected on the Wabash in one year, if sold in the London markets, would not pay the freight of the goods which have been given to the Indians."

Page  978 978 CITY OF DETROIT BATTLE OF TIPPECANOE Upon receipt of the above letter, the secretary of war ordered Colonel Boyd, commanding the Fourth Regiment of Infantry, composed mainly of Massachusetts and New Hampshire men, to "report to Gen. William Henry Harrison, Governor of Indiana Territory, at Vincennes." At the same time Kentucky was called upon to furnish three regiments of volunteer mounted riflemen. As soon as these troops arrived at Vincennes, General Harrison moved up the Wabash River towards Prophets Town, where a large body of Indians was assembled. Prophets Town, the home of Tenkswatawa, was situated on the Tippecanoe River, near the point where it empties into the Wabash about six miles above the present city of Lafayette, Indiana. On the evening of November 6, 1811, Harrison went into camp on the high ground near the Indian village, hoping the presence of the troops would overawe the Indians and they would return to their villages. A strong guard was set and the men slept on their arms. About 4 A. M. on the 7th, the camp was aroused by the war-whoop and the firing of the pickets. Most of Harrison's men had been engaged in Indian fights before and knew what was going on. Although the camp was nearly surrounded, they formed with the coolness of veterans and poured a heavy fire into the ranks of savages. As it grew lighter Harrison turned the defense into an attack and in a short time the Indians were flying in all directions, pursued by the Kentuckians until their officers ordered them to desist. Harrison's loss in killed and wounded was 188 men. The Indian losses were not ascertained, but they were much heavier. At the time this battle was fought, Tecumseh was absent, trying to enlist the cooperation of other tribes in his project. When he learned what had occurred, he hurried to Prophets Town, cursed his brother for his fanaticism, and even threatened to kill him for precipitating a battle when their plans were nearly ripe for action. But his wrath could not undo his brother's mischief. Harrison's victory broke the backbone of Tecumseh's conspiracy, though the peace that followed was of short duration, for before another year had passed Congress declared war against Great Britain and many of the tribes allied themselves with the English. ALARM IN DETROIT The hostility of the Indians created an alarm in Detroit which was not even calmed by the defeat of Tecumseh's men at Tippecanoe. A town meeting was held December 8, 1811, which was sort of a home defense meeting. Solomon Sibley was chairman of the meeting and Judge Woodward secretary and the result was the appointment of a committee of five-Sibley, Woodward, James Witherell, George McDougall and Col. Daniel Baker-to collect money and ammunition. A thirty-day night watch was also organized. Witherell and Baker declined to act and H. H. Hickman and Richard Smythe were appointed in their place. Two days later another meeting was held and a memorial to Congress was adopted, appealing to the national body for additional posts in the western country and military reinforcement for Detroit. The memorial went to Congress on the 27th, but no action was taken.

Page  979 CHAPTER XXXIX THE WAR OF 1812 CAUSES OF WAR-RIGHT OF SEARCH-THE EMBARGO ACT-WAR DECLAREDLOCAL CONDITIONS-MILITARY PREPARATIONS-ARRIVAL OF GENERAL HULLCAPTURE OF THE CUYAHOGA-HULL CROSSES INTO CANADA-HULL'S PROCLAMATION TO CANADIANS —JOHN ASKIN-OPERATIONS IN CANADA-CAPTURE OF MACKINAC-FIRST AMERICAN BLOODSHED —SITUATION AT FORT MALDENFURTHER CANADIAN OPERATIONS-THE FIGHT AT BROWNSTOWN-HULL LEAVES CANADA-BATTLE OF MONGUAGON-MOVEMENTS OF THE CASS-MCARTHUR DETACHMENT-BROCK ARRIVES AT AMHERSTBURG-BOMBARDMENT OF DETROIT-THE DAY OF THE SURRENDER-BROCK'S PROCLAMATION-SUMMARY OF TROOPS ENGAGED-HULL'S GUILT OR INNOCENCE-HULL'S TRIAL-DEARBORN'S CAREER: HIS MISTAKES-BEGINNING OF THE TRIAL-HULL'S CAREER AFTER THE TRIAL-INSUBORDINATION OF HULL'S OFFICERS —DETROIT UNDER BRITISH RULE —TIIE ARMY REORGANIZED-MASSACRE AT THE RAISIN-CONDITIONS IN DETROIT IN 1813-PROCTOR'S UNSUCCESSFUL OFFENSIVEAMERICAN COUNTER OFFENSIVE AND PERRY'S VICTORY-BRITISH EVACUATION AND BATTLE OF THE THAMES-DEATH OF TECUMSEH-CONCLUDING EVENTS OF THE WAR-PRIVATIONS IN DETROIT. During the quarter century following the Revolution, the people of the United States were socially and commercially dependent upon Europe, particularly England. No one was more aware of this fact than the British statesmen and diplomats, who questioned the ability of the Americans to maintain a republican form of government. They not only doubted, but they also committed many overt acts to break down that which President Lincoln, many years later, aptly termed a "government of the people, by the people, for the people". British men-of-war, without so much as a "by your leave", made free use of American bays and harbors and patrolled the United States coast. They followed French ships and captured them within the three-mile limit, regardless of treaty stipulations; connonaded and burned a French man-of-war off the coast of Carolina; anchored inside the entrance of Chesapeake Bay while lying in wait for French vessels farther up the bay, and treated with contumely all American protests against such a course. For weeks at a time, singly or in groups, these armed vessels would anchor off the bar at Sandy Hook, at the request of Thomas Barclay, for several years the British consul-general at New York, under the flimsy pretext of protecting American shipping. Says Channing: "Thomas Barclay was an American loyalist, a man of ability, and, from the language of his letters, appears to have thought that the British had been successful in the Revolutionary war. The captains of-the British war vessels likewise looked upon America as under their protection, or as helpless". 979

Page  980 980 CITY OF DETROIT The Americans were helpless to the extent that they were not in a position to resent the insult offered by the presence of armed vessels in their harbors in time of peace. RIGHT OF SEARCH British naval officers of that period were often brutal, the food furnished seamen was of poor quality, little attention was given to the sanitary condition of quarters and desertions were frequent. Conscription was resorted to in order to maintain the navy, and commanders of vessels were authorized to board ships upon the high seas, to search for British deserters-every seaman born in the British Empire and serving under the flag of another power was regarded as a deserter. One of the aggravating results of this "right of search" was the abduction of persons whom they claimed to be British subjects, but who had renounced that citizenship by taking the oath of allegiance to the United States. However, the English adhered to the rule that "once a British citizen, always a British citizen" and in this way many American sailors were impressed into the British naval service. In 1798 Timothy Pickering, then secretary of state, made a report to Congress, in which page after page was filled with the names of American seamen then in the English navy through the activities of the "press gang". This custom was highly distasteful to the American people, but Congress was powerless to obtain redress. THE EMBARGO ACT The capture of the Chesapeake by the British frigate Leopard on June 22, 1807, the latter's captain claiming that the American boat harbored deserters from the British navy, further aggravated conditions. The English Government disclaimed the act, but showed no disposition to make reparation, and the relations between the two nations became more and more strained. President Jefferson's message of December 18, 1807 "set fire to Congress". Provisions were made for arming American vessels and the Embargo Act, prohibiting commercial intercourse with Great Britain, was passed. The act was unpopular with the merchants of New England and it was repealed, to be followed by the Non-Intercourse Act, slightly less rigid in character. A precedent for these acts was found in the administration of President Washington, more than a decade earlier. In 1793, when war with England was threatened, Jefferson, then secretary of state, and James Madison, leader of the house of representatives, sought to put pressure on England by commercial restriction. A bill to that effect, introduced by Madison, passed the house, but was defeated in the senate by the vote of Vice President Adams. WAR DECLARED England well knew that restrictive measures were unpopular with a great many Americans and at every opportunity added fuel to the flames, hoping to cause a division serious enough to disrupt the union of states. In the political campaign of 1808, English influence was exerted secretly in favor of George Clinton, the son of a former tory governor of New York, but James Madison was elected by an overwhelming majority. Thus matters stood until the early part of the year 1812, when President Madison issued a proclamation ordering British vessels away from American waters. English sea captains paid no attention to the President's proclamation and


Page  982 6

Page  983 CITY OF DETROIT 983 on April 1, 1812, Mr. Madison, in a special message to Congress, recommended an embargo for sixty days, in the belief that such a measure would result in the withdrawal of the British ships. Congress made the embargo for ninety days, instead of sixty, but again the embargo met with opposition from New England trade circles and on June 1, 1812 the President sent another special message to Congress recommending a declaration of war. The act declaring war was approved by President Madison on June 18, 1812. There are students of American history who will claim that on the 18th of June, when hostilities were authorized, there was less cause for war between England and America than had existed at intervals during the previous period of'ten years; that there was almost a certainty that the next ship from England would carry the news of the repeal of the orders of council and this would have removed the only difference between the countries, as England had previously made full amends for that affair of the Chesapeake and Leopard and also had given assurances against impressment. However, England's promises meant nothing; history had proved that Great Britain was not sincere. CONDITIONS LOCALLY AT BEGINNING OF WAR The list of grievances had been accumulating for ten years and, although it was well understood for several years before the declaration that war must, sooner or later, follow, the country was not prepared for the event. Within the limits of the present State of Michigan there were two fortified posts of importance, Detroit and Michilimackinac (or Mackinac). The post of Mackinac was located on the island of that name, situated in the straits between the two peninsulas of Michigan, and was under the command of Lieut. Porter Hanks, with a force of fifty-seven effective men, including officers. Fort Lernoult was within the limits of Detroit post and at the time of the declaration of war contained Major Whistler's company of infantry and Capt. Samuel Dyson's company of artillery. The Territory of Michigan had been organized and set off from the Territory of Indiana in 1805 and its first officers were: William Hull, governor; Augustus Brevoort Woodward, John Griffin and Frederick Bates, judges, the governor and judges also constituting the legislative body of the territory. Some changes had occurred before the year 1812, but at that time the officers were: Hull, governor; Woodward, Griffin and James Witherell, judges. There had been constant contention for some years prior to 1812 between the governor and chief justice Woodward. Griffin usually agreed with Woodward and, to some extent, was considered his tool. Witherell refused to agree with either person, but took alternate sides in their controversies, as his judgment dictated to be proper. Woodwaid was educated, pedantic, overbearing and exceedingly careless in his personal habits. He abused, scolded and domineered Hull and Griffin, but he could not succeed with Witherell. William Hull was born in Connecticut June 24, 1753 and was, consequently, fifty-nine years of age at the beginning of the war. He had sustained an honorable part in the Revolutionary war and later in Shay's Rebellion in 1786. In 1784 he had been sent by our government to Quebec to demand that the British forces be withdrawn from all posts held by them within the limits of the new government. That he was unsuccessful was not in any manner the fault of Mr. Hull. When he became governor of Michigan Territory; he sought to organize the militia and put it into shape for defending the frontier, but there Vol. II-9

Page  984 984 CITY OF DETROIT were various causes that prevented the organization as he wished, such as the quarrels between members of the legislative body, the poverty of the citizens and their inability or unwillingness to procure proper clothing and arms, the feeling that there would never be another war with England and the fancied security of the citizens against all other foes than the Indians. MILITARY PREPARATIONS The fort at Detroit was planned by Henry Bird, a captain in the British army, and erected under his supervision in the year 1778. Very little attention had been given to the maintenance of the fortification from the date of its completion by the British and it had fallen into decay. When it became appareft that war between the United States and Great Britain would ensue, some repairs were made on the fort and a new picket line was established around the village, or the old picket line was extended and repaired. Capt. James Daliba, who had command of one of the batteries at Detroit, gave the following description of the post: "The fort lies on the highest ground in the circumference of three miles, was a regular bastion fort, composed of four curtains and four half bastions about 100 yards on each face, not including the half bastions, about seventyfive yards being the extreme length of the curtain; the fort was made partly of earth; and the parapet eleven feet in elevation, the thickness of the top of the parapet about twelve feet, the banquet (banquette) for infantry six feet from the foundation or the level of the fort and five feet from the parapet, the whole width of the rampart at its base 26 feet; at the bottom of the exterior or slope of the parapet, there was a horizontal space of ground about two or three feet in width, extending around the whole circumference of the work, the ditch upon an average was from five to six feet deep, and at the bottom twelve feet wide, beyond the exterior or slope of the ditch a scope or glacis or esplanade. "There was formerly a covert way, of which traces were remaining unhurt. In the bottom of the ditch round the fort, there was a row of pickets of cedar, nearly new, about eleven or twelve feet high. These pickets were fastened together by a rib. The gate was strongly made of plank with spikes. Over the gate was a lookout house, also strongly built in the fall of 1811. "Cannons were mounted in the embrazures, most of which were repaired and put in good order in 1811, and the fort was generally in good order and in good repair." The same witness stated that there were thirty-five cannon in the fort and batteries at this time, as follows: eight twenty-four pounders, eight twelve pounders, five nine-pounders, three six-pounders, two four-pounders, one threepounder, one eight and a half inch howitzer, one five and a half inch howitzer, two three and a quarter inch howitzers, three six-inch howitzers, all of brass. On December 27, 1811 the people of Michigan, fearing an Indian outbreak, sent a petition to Congress asking that some measures be taken for their protection. No definite action was taken and when, in the spring of 1812, Governor Hull was called to Washington, he urged that something be done to strengthen the frontier. He explained that Fort Wayne, Fort Mackinaw (Michilimackinac), and the posts at Chicago and Detroit were all poorly fortified, with weak garrisons; that the entire military force of Michigan Territory was but five thousand men, whereas the Canadian militia numbered more than ten times as many; and that the forests around Detroit were filled with Indians

Page  985 CITY OF DETROIT 985 ready to begin hostilities at Tecumseh's signal. He especially dwelt upon the importance of Detroit as a base of operations in the event of war, and recommended a strong naval force on Lake Erie to cooperate with the land forces. His representations may have had some weight, as prior to the formal declaration of war Congress authorized the President to call for militia-from the several states. As soon as this fact became known at Detroit, the citizens held a meeting and requested the secretary (the governor being absent) to call out the militia. The territorial secretary, Reuben Attwater, not being certain of the governor's whereabouts and thinking it possible he might be within the territory, refused. The detention of citizens of Detroit by the Canadian authorities, the erection of fortifications at Amherstburg and the planting of batteries where they would command the Detroit River indicated that the English were preparing for war. In the absence of the governor and the refusal of the secretary to act, John R. Williams, George McDougall, Solomon Sibley and Elijah Brush took it upon themselves to order out the militia and within twenty-four hours some six hundred men from the city and the adjacent farms were assembled at Detroit and placed under the command of Maj. James Witherell, one of the territorial judges. A troop of cavalry was also organized and a three-gun battery was planted near the present intersection of Jefferson Avenue and Wayne Street, on the bluff overlooking the river. On June 27, 1812, Major Witherell issued a general order to the effect that "The signal of an alarm on the north bank of the river will be three rounds fired from a field piece near the south gate of the Town of Detroit, and the militia will then and there assemble." ARRIVAL OF GENERAL HULL While in Washington, Hull was called into frequent consultation with the President. The subject of the expected war was uppermost in these interviews and plans were discussed for the protection of the northern frontier. At first Hull declined the appointment of brigadier-general, which would place him in command of the army of the Northwest, but finally consented to accept the appointment. In April, 1812, Hull departed for Detroit and reached Pittsburgh on the 26th of that month. Descending the Ohio River, he reached Marietta on May 3d and Cincinnati on May 8th. Here he met Gov. Return Jonathan Meigs, who had been enlisting volunteers for the army to accompany Hull to Detroit. The rendezvous for these volunteers was at Dayton and here Hull met, on May 23d three militia regiments, comprising 1,200 men. The field officers of these troops were: Duncan McArthur, colonel, and James Denny and William A. Trimble, majors, of the first regiment; James Findlay, colonel, Thomas Moore and Thomas Van Horn, majors, of the second regiment; Lewis Cass, colonel, Robert Morrison and J. R. Munson, majors, of the third regiment. Governor Meigs gave the command of these troops to General Hull on the 25th of May and on the 1st of June they marched to Staunton. At Urbana, on the 10th, they were joined by the fourth regiment of the United States regulars, which unit contained about three hundred men. The militia were zealous, but entirely untrained and ignorant of military discipline. It is probable that had it not been for the coercion exercised by the regulars Hull would not have been able to control them until they reached Detroit. Being civilians, they were unwilling to obey military orders, unless the orders conformed to their ideas of propriety,

Page  986 986 CITY OF DETROIT and they were quite as unwilling to receive punishment for their refractory acts. Some of them even refused to march at Urbana. From Urbana to Detroit, a distance of some 200 miles, a pathway had to be cut through nearly unbroken forests. The line of march, as laid down upon a modern. map, indicates that Hull passed from Urbana through Kenton and Fort Findlay, and reached and crossed the Miami River near the Falls, not far from where the battle of Fallen Timbers took place in 1794. Following down the northerly bank of that river until near the site of the present City of Toledo, Hull took a direct course for Monroe, or French Town, as it was then called, on the River Raisin, and thence proceeded along the line of the government roadthen probably an Indian trail-and hugged the shore line of the Detroit River until he reached Detroit. Four block-houses were built on the way, in which were left the invalids and a few soliders for the protection of convoys. War with Great Britain was declared during the time Hull was on his wearisome journey to Detroit. Not until July 2d did the letter containing the information of the fact reach him. That the administration was seriously in error in not forwarding the information to Hull sooner, there is no doubt. By some this neglect is charged to President Madison, but it was just one of many mistakes of this campaign. It is comparatively easy, in after years, to show where individuals made mistakes, even when they were earnestly working to do the right and proper act. There was, however, a serious delay in notifying Hull of the declaration of war. While warlike preparations were openly being made, no formal statement that war existed had been issued and until such a notice was given both sides were at liberty to proceed about their own affairs without fear of molestation. As before stated, the declaration was dated June 18th, and notice was at once given to the British officials. News of the declaration came to General Brock by special express from New York, sent by John Jacob Astor to Thomas Clark of Niagara Falls. The British made haste to convey the news across the border and the soldiers in the various garrisons and the militia officers were notified as quickly as special messengers could carry the news to them. On the other hand, the President trusted to the slow motions of the mail carriers to give the notice to Hull, which to him was of more importance than to any other American. When Hull was at Findlay, Ohio, he received one letter, announcing that war would soon be declared. This letter was dated June 18th, the very day that the declaration was issued, but upon this fact the letter was silent. Hull proceeded with his army until he had crossed the Maumee (Miami) River and was on his way to Detroit before the second letter containing the official news reached him on the 2d of July. The two letters, both dated June 18th, were sent by different modes of conveyance. The one which contained no news of importance was sent by special messenger and reached him at Findlay: the other, containing the news of the greatest possible importance, reached Cleveland in the ordinary mail and might have remained there several days longer if it had not been for a young attorney named Charles Shaler, who was hired for $35 to take the letter forward. This inexcusable delay, or error in dispatching the letter, resulted in serious loss to Hull. CAPTURE OF THE CUYAHOGA On July 1, 1812, Hull arrived at the Maumee River, where he chartered the Cuyahoga, a small schooner, or packet, belonging to a Captain Chapin, to carry

Page  987 CITY OF DETROIT 987 the hospital stores, officers' baggage and some sick soldiers to Detroit. Thirty men were placed on board as a guard and the vessel weighed anchor. At Fort Malden, or Amherstburg, there was a small detachment of British regulars and quite a body of Canadian militia, under command of Col. T. B. St. George, who knew that war had been declared by the United States and was on the lookout for Hull's army. Hull, of course, did not know of this when he sent the Cuyahoga on its voyage up the river. When the boat undertook to pass between Fort Malden and Bois Blanc Island on the 2d of July, it was easily captured by the British soldiers, the occupants made prisoners, and the luggage ransacked. In the latter were the private letters and instructions of Hull and the plans for his future work, the possession of which gave information of much importance to the British. On the same day that the Cuyahoga fell into the hands of the British, Hull received the news of the declaration of war. He pushed steadily on with his troops, but his progress was greatly delayed by rains and bad roads, and it was not until the 7th of July that he reached Detroit. On the 6th of July, about the time the marching troops had reached the River Rouge, Hull sent Colonel Cass and Captain Hickman (Hull's sonin-law) to Colonel St. George at Amherstburg, with a note intimating that he would like the baggage captured on the Cuyahoga returned, also suggesting some arrangement for the return of prisoners (Letter in Michigan Historical Collection, XV. 96). The reply of St. George is not known, but it was apparently unsatisfactory, as the captured baggage was not returned, and on July 16th Hull sent another letter to Colonel St. George, from the "Headquarters of the North Western Army of the United States, Camp at Sandwich", in which he stated: "Among the Articles on Board the Boat commanded by Captain Chapin which was taken into Amherstburg, were a number of papers which it is presumed will be of no service to the British Government, nor to the Commanding Officer at Amherstburg, nor to the Captors of the boat. The papers have undoubtedly undergone an examination before this time and the bearer, Captain Brown of the Fourth United States regiment of infantry is authorized to receive them. "I am anxious to learn your determination relative to the private apparel and Baggage taken in the Boat and belonging to Officers and Men who were not on Board at the time of the Capture. You have already reciprocated the sentiment that private property should be considered sacred; indeed it will operate to the advantage of Canada that it should be so considered. "I have it in my power to retaliate signally any aggression on such property, or to avenge an unjust delay in the restitution of it." Hull's army was warmly received by the militia officers at Detroit, the citizens of the town, and by Major Whistler, who turned over to General Hull the command of the garrison. The soldiers spent a few days resting and employed themselves in cleaning and repairing their arms and getting ready for active work. In anticipation of the declaration of war, the citizens of Detroit made some preparations for arming the militia. There were many men then living in the place who had taken active part in the Revolution and their ardor was in no way abated by the trials through which they had passed. Their desire to punish England for her constant insults and aggressions since the close of the war revived their spirits. A committee of safety was chosen and a popular sub

Page  988 988 CITY OF DETROIT scription was started to obtain funds with which to purchase gun-powder, the same to be distributed by the committee. Hull, as governor, was commanderin-chief of the militia, and in his absence the duties fell upon Reuben Attwater, who was secretary and acting governor. (Reuben Attwater, son of Reuben Attwater and his wife, Mary Russell, was born May 11, 1768. His first wife was Eliza Willard and after her death he married Sarah, daughter of Gen. John Lamb. He died in 1831. He was secretary of Michigan Territory from 1808 until he was removed in 1813. He left Detroit at the time of the outbreak of the war and did not return when the place was reoccupied by American troops. When it was proposed to supersede him by the appointment of Woodbridge, he protested that he had never been ordered to return to Detroit. The President curtly told him that he had never been directed to the leave place and if he had remained at his post, a direction to return would not have been necessary.) James Witherell was appointed major in command of the detachment of militia raised at the rivers Huron, Raisin and Maumee. (James Witherell was born at Mansfield, Massachusetts, July 16, 1759; was a soldier under Washington at the siege of Boston, and was in the battles of Rhode Island, White Plains, Bemis Heights, Saratoga and Monmouth; he was adjutant in the 11th Massachusetts Regiment at the close of the war. He then moved to Vermont, studied medicine, and in 1807 was elected to Congress. In 1809 he was appointed one of the three judges of the territorial supreme court of Michigan, to succeed Frederick Bates, who had resigned. Witherell held the office of territorial judge for many years. He lived in a house where the Detroit Opera House now stands on Cadillac Square and died there January 9, 1837. Hon. Thomas W. Palmer, late of Detroit, was one of his descendants.) George McDougall, Solomon Sibley and Elijah Brush were also present with their companies to welcome Hull and his army and to put themselves under the command of the general. The term of service of the militia began April 21, 1812. The following are the names of a few of the principal officers of this organization: Abraham Geel, first lieutenant; George Johnston, second lieutenant; Isaac Lee, of the cavalry; Richard Smyth, captain of cavalry; Christian Clemens, lieutenant-colonel of First Regiment; John Macomb, ensign; Antoine Dequindre, captain; John Palmer, corporal; Thomas Hunt, sergeant major; Robert Forsyth, lieutenant; Hubert Lacroix, captain; William Brown, sergeant; William Little, sergeant major; Stephen Mack, captain; Josiah Brady, lieutenant; William Blackmer, ensign. There were at this time 290 militia enrolled under Major Witherell, as follows: Captain Smyth's troop of cavalry, 90; Captain Dequindre's rifle company, 57; Captain Mack's company, 62; Captain Lacroix' company, River Raisin, 81; total 290. There were undoubtedly other companies which crossed the river with Hull a short time afterwards. HULL CROSSES INTO CANADA Early in the morning of the 12th of July, 1812, the army passed along the river road to the eastward of the post and crossed the river to the Canadian shore at Belle Isle (then called Hog Island). The Americans met with no opposition. The Canadian militia had been summoned to the aid of the regulars and had gathered at Malden and Sandwich. At Sandwich there were 460 men under Col. James Baby and Matthew Elliott, also a few regulars. At Malden were many more. There were also two or three hundred Indians in constant attendance under their chief, Tecumseh, and many more warriors were expected

Page  989 CITY OF DETROIT 989 to come when needed. The militia was only partly armed. They had left their farms and vocations at the call of the British officers, but were impatient to return to their homes and harvests. St. George, in command of the troops opposing the Americans, was not overly confident of their mettle. In his letter of July 10th he stated that if the Kent and Essex Counties militia continued to be so much alarmed, he would withdraw them from Sandwich to Maiden. Continuing he wrote: "I am at present so disagreeably situated from the prevailing disposition of both officers and men, that I have no doubt in an attack on Sandwich, which the enemy appears to be preparing for, the force there will be obliged to retreat to this place (Amherstburg) before that happens, which would throw the militia into a state of confusion liable to disorganize the whole body before it is too late. I shall most likely think it incumbent on me to bring them down to this place, and make the most of them-perhaps they will show a better spirit when they have a larger body of regulars to set them an example." (Michigan Historical Collection, XV, 100.) Immediately upon seeing Hull cross the river, the Canadian militia withdrew to Amherstburg, taking with them all the cattle and provisions that could be found, Francis Baby having been commissioned to carry off everything which the Americans might confiscate. The Canadian militia at this time left the army in great numbers, for the purpose of returning to their homes and reaping their harvests. St. George reported at this time that there were only 471 men left and these were in such a state as to be entirely inefficient in the field. Most of the militia returned to the ranks eventually, after their work was done, as shown in the testimony at Hull's trial and the Canadian Government records HULL'S PROCLAMATION TO CANADIANS General Hull was now at Sandwich and held possession of Mr. Baby's house as his headquarters. Entrenchments were thrown up and batteries were placed in position along the line toward Malden. Hull issued a proclamation to the Canadians on the 13th, directing them to remain in their houses. This proclamation, the authorship of which was claimed by Lewis Cass, follows: "By WILLIAM HULL, Brigadier-General and Commander of the North Western Army of the United States. "A PROCLAMATION. "INHABITANTS of CANADA: After thirty years of Peace & prosperity, the UNITED STATES have been driven to Arms. The injuries & aggressions, the insults & indignities of Great Britain have once more left them no alternative but manly resistance or unconditional submission. The Army under my command has invaded your country & the Standard of the Union now waves over the Territory of Canada. To the peaceable unoffending inhabitants, it brings neither danger nor difficulty. I come to find enemies, not to make them. I come to protect, not to injure you. "Separated by an immense Ocean & an extensive Wilderness from Great Britain, you have no participation in her Counsels, no interest in her conduct. You have felt her Tyrany, you have seen her injustice, but I do not ask you to avenge the one or to redress the other. The UNITED STATES are sufficiently powerful to afford you every security, consistent with their rights & your expectations. I tender you the invaluable blessings of Civil, Political & Religious Liberty & their necessary result, individual and general prosperity:

Page  990 990 CITY OF DETROIT That Liberty which gave decision to our counsels and energy to our conduct in our struggle for INDEPENDENCE, and which conducted us safely and triumphantly thro' the stormy period of the Revolution. That Liberty which has raised us to an elevated rank among the Nations of the world, and which has afforded us a greater measure of peace and security, of wealth and improvement, than ever fell to the lot of any people. "In the name of my Country and by the authority of my Government, I promise you protection to your persons, property and rights. Remain at your homes. Pursue your peaceful and customary avocations. Raise not your hands against your brethren. Many of your fathers fought for the freedom & Independence we now enjoy. Being children therefore of the same family with us, and heirs to the same heritage, the arrival of an Army of friends must be hailed by you with a cordial welcome. You will be emancipated from Tyrany and oppression, and restored to the dignified station of freeman. Had I any doubt of eventual success I might ask your assistance, but I do not. I come prepared for every contingency. I have a force which will look down all opposition & that force is but the vanguard of a much greater. If contrary to your own interest, and the just expectation of my Country, you should take part in the approaching conflict, you will be considered & treated as ene. mies, & the horrors & calamities of war will stalk before you. "If the barbarous & savage policy of Great Britain be pursued, and the savages are let loose to murder our Citizens, & butcher our women and children, this war will be a war of extermination. "The first stroke of the Tomahawk, the first attempt with the scalping knife, will be the signal for one indiscriminate scene of destruction. No white man found fighting by the side of an Indian will be taken prisoner. Instant destruction will be his lot. If the dictates of reason, duty, justice and humanity cannot prevent the employment of a force which respects no rights, & know no wrong, it will be prevented by a severe and relentless system of rataliation. "I doubt not your courage and firmness; I will not doubt your attachment to Liberty. If you tender your services voluntarily, they will be accepted readily. "The UNITED STATES offer you Peace, Liberty and Security. Your choice lies between these & War, slavery and destruction. Choose then, but choose wisely; and may He who knows the justice of our cause, and who holds in his hand the fate of Nations, guide you to a result the most compatible with your rights and interest, your Peace and prosperity. "By the General "A. T. Hull (Signed) "W. Hull (Signed) "Capt: 13th U. S. Regt. of Infantry and Aid de camp." About two hundred copies of this proclamation were issued and it was quickly circulated among the homes of the Canadians and found its way to the militia assembled at Maiden. Hull's army, at this time, as reported in the "Defense of General Dearborn", consisted of 2,075 soldiers, as follows: Fourth Regiment of Infantry, 483; Colonel Findlay's regiment of volunteers and militia, 509; Colonel Cass' regiment of volunteers and militia, 483; Colonel McArthur's regiment of volunteers and militia, 552; Captain Sloan's troop of Cincinnati light dragoons, 48. In Hull's "Defense", page 54, he stated that only 1500 men passed with him into Canada, and that none of the Michigan militia and only a portion

Page  991 WILLIAM HULL i: *^:::: * l X f e0: AI, 0 I I:- i: - '- - a *1: - - I I Ii;i I _ 17& j Z e y_: e FACSIMILE OF HULL'S FIRST LETTER TO BROCK

Page  992 I

Page  993 CITY OF DETROIT 993 of the Ohio militia would cross the river. The latter is more nearly the correct estimate. This proclamation encouraged the departure of the Canadian militia for their homes. A letter from Matthew Elliott, the British Indian agent, dated at Amherstburg, July 15, 1812, explained the situation as follows: "Their proclamations have operated very powerfully on our militia, (who had core forward with as much promptitude as could have been expected). Since their issuing, our militia have left their posts and returned to their homes, so that since Sunday the number is reduced to about one half, and I expect that in two or three days more, we shall have very few of them at the post. We expect to be attacked today or tomorrow. The Indians with us are between 300 and 400, who have resisted every allurement which General Hull laid before them. Tech-Kum-thai (Tecumseh) has kept them faithful-he has shown himself to be a determined character, and a great friend of our government." On the next day Hull sent Captain Brown, of the Fourth Infantry, to St. George, with the letter quoted before, demanding the return of the Cuyahoga baggage. St. George refused to comply with Hull's request and told him he regretted to find the words "retaliation" or "avenge" in his letter, and added: "You must be aware that retaliation can be carried to a great degree on both sides till there is no saying where it will stop. I hope that for both our sakes, I shall not be obliged to use the means in my power as you those in yours." Hull did not proceed at once to attack Malden as predicted by Elliott. A council of officers decided to wait until preparations could be made for heavy ordnance and work was begun for this purpose and continued until August 5th. Not to keep his forces idle in the meantime, Colonel McArthur was sent with a detachment to the River Thames (then called the Tranch) to secure flour and other provisions belonging to the British. He returned on the 17th of July with a quantity of goods for which he had given receipts. A letter from John Askin stated that Hull would not permit his soldiers to take anything from the Canadians, but he officially seized certain goods of McGregor, Baby and David, Canadian citizens, which were to be returned when the property captured on the Cuyahoga was given up. Askin placed great faith in the intentions of the Americans, especially in Governor Hull. JOHN ASKIN In this connection it may not be amiss to write of John Askin, one of the most important characters of the time and a man of great influence. He was born in Strabane, near Belfast, Ireland, about 1741, and came to America in 1756 or 1757. He was a volunteer in the British Army at the first attempt to take Ticonderoga and, about this time, fell in with Maj. Robert Rogers, whom Parkman considered to be one of the most successful and intrepid leaders of the American scouts. Askin's tastes inclined him more to trade than to war, and he afterward formed a trade partnership with Rogers at Albany. The venture was not a success and Rogers, who had no real worth outside of soldiering, left the burden of debts upon Askin's shoulders. The latter secured an extension of time from his creditors and paid them in full. When Pontiac was besieging the post of Detroit in 1763 and the garrison and inhabitants were in need of food, Askin, as commissary, accompanied a body of troops with provisions from Albany, eluded the Indians, and succored the village.

Page  994 994 CITY OF DETROIT He was located at Mackinac prior to and during a part of the Revolution and held a position in the British commissary. Subsequently he moved to Detroit and engaged extensively in trade and the purchase of real estate. These latter purchases were made mostly from the Indians and in expectation that the titles thus obtained would be confirmed by the United States Government. In this he was partly mistaken, for many of the titles and claims were rejected. He was interested in these purchases with many influential and wealthy men of Canada and England, including Alexander Henry, James and Andrew Magill, Isaac Todd and Ebenezer Allen. He was one of the five or six men who purchased from the Indians 3,000,000 acres of land in the northern part of Ohio, including that part of the city of Cleveland site west of the Cuyahoga River. He also, with others, obtained deeds to a vast tract of land on the Maumee River, including the site of Toledo, and he bought out the Moravian settlement on the Clinton River in Michigan, consisting of 20,000 acres and his purchases on both sides of the Detroit River, in small parcels, aggregated several thousand acres. He was an officer in the Canadian militia and was only deprived of his command because of old age. He regretted that he was unable to take an active part in the War of 1812. He was an ardent loyalist and not only refused to remain in Detroit after it was surrendered by the British, but secured the refusal of a long list of inhabitants to become citizens of the new republic. He was elected a trustee of the village of Detroit in 1802, but refused to accept the office and moved across the river into Canada, where he built a house about a half mile east of the present Walkerville and called it Strabane. John Askin, Jr., was the eldest son of John Askin and spent the greater part of his life among the Indians. It is supposed that his mother was from one of the Indian tribes. He was an officer in the Indian Department, was fairly well educated, and possessed great influence over the Indians. There were two other children, Catherine and Madeline, full sisters of John Askin, Jr. After the death of the mother of these children, the father married Marie Archange Barthe of Detroit on June 28, 1778, and by her had nine children. In his long mercantile life in Mackinac and Detroit, he had a vast correspondence in business and social affairs, most of which was preserved by him and finally became the property of the Burton Historical Collection. Mr. Askin died at his home in Strabane, Canada, in 1818, and was buried at Sandwich. OPERATIONS IN CANADA As noted before, General Hull established his Canadian headquarters at the Baby house in Sandwich. On the morning of July 13, 1812, he sent a reconnoitering party under Captain Ullery toward Malden. The party returned that afternoon and the captain reported that he had gone as far as Turkey Creek, where he learned that Tecumseh and some 200 of his savages were lying in ambush on the opposite side of the stream. About the same time came a rumor that the British were preparing to send a fleet up the river to cooperate with the land forces in an assault upon the American position. Hull immediately ordered the fortifications strengthened on the side toward Malden and placed the few cannon he possessed in battery to command the river. Another rumor that reached the American camp was that a body of Indians had been seen up the river. On the 14th Hull sent a detachment of Sloan's

Page  995 CITY OF DETROIT 995 cavalry to reconnoiter and Sloan sent back the word that he had discovered a war party, evidently on the way to join Tecumseh. Colonel McArthur, with a hundred men, was then sent in pursuit. Leaving camp about 8 P. M. he overtook the Indians and scattered them. From this duty, McArthur went on his foraging expedition above the Thames. In the meantime Colonel Cass, with 250 men, accompanied by Colonel Miller, moved down the Detroit River on the Canadian side to determine the enemy's position. Upon reaching Aux Canards River (or Ta-ron-tee) which empties into the Detroit River about four miles above Malden (Amherstburg), he found the south end of the bridge guarded by a small detail of the Fortyfirst British regiment and some Indians. Leaving about two score of his riflemen to sweep the bridge from concealment if necessary, Cass marched the remainder of his force up the river again about three miles, crossed at a ford, and just about nightfall attacked the British who were guarding the bridge. So skillfully had the coup been executed, the enemy was first apprised of the Americans' presence by a storm of bullets. Consequently they fell back towards Malden, followed by Cass, who soon returned to the bridge. The British lost something over a dozen men killed and wounded, while the Americans were unscathed. The road to Malden was apparently open and a courier was dispatched to Hull for permission to hold the bridge, but Hull deemed it unwise to attempt it at that particular time, as it was too close to Malden and the American artillery was not yet strong enough to keep such a precarious position. Some authorities have claimed that Malden would have fallen an easy victim at this time, had Hull ventured a direct attack in full force. The worst that could be said of Hull's decision at this time was that he was overly discreet, but had he attacked and been defeated by the British and Indians, the post at Detroit would have been helpless. A study of the facts, which in later years were revealed, leads one to believe that perhaps Hull knew of the enemies in his own ranks and hesitated to follow the direction or suggestions of those of his officers who were plotting his downfall. Malden was in poor condition at this time, and according to Lossing, "All the buildings were of wood, roofed with dry shingles. A few shells would have destroyed the works. The garrison was composed of about two hundred men of the Forty-first Regiment, commanded by Captain Muir; a very weak detachment of the Royal Newfoundland Invincibles, and a subaltern command of artillery, under Lieutenant Troughton. The exact number of Indians there at the time is not known. Colonel St. George, the commander of the fort, was so well convinced of his inability to hold it against a respectable force, that orders were given to the garrison to be ready at a moment's notice to leave the works. He preferred to risk a battle in the open field rather than to incur the dangers of a siege in a fortification so untenable." Late in the afternoon of July 17th, a report reached the American camp that the Queen Charlotte, a British vessel carrying eighteen guns, was on her way up the Detroit River. Colonel Findlay was ordered to take a detachment of his regiment and reconnoiter as far as the River Canards. He discovered that the flooring of the bridge had been torn up and the planks used to construct a barricade on the south side of the river, and on his return reported that the vessel was lying at the mouth of the Canards. The next day another reconnoitering party was sent out under Capt. Josiah

Page  996 996 CITY OF DETROIT Snelling. A few hours after its departure Hull issued orders for all troops to be ready to move at a moment's notice. The men became eager when the order was read to them, for they believed it meant that Malden was to be attacked. On the strength of the order, Colonel McArthur, with 150 men, marched down the river as far as Petite Cote, a small settlement about a mile above the bridge over Aux Canards River, where he effected a junction with Snelling's party. He had been instructed to ascertain the situation at the bridge. Accompanied by his adjutant, McArthur went to the top of a ridge, from which they could see a battery on the south side of the river, supported by about one hundred and twenty-five British troops and Indians. While on the ridge, McArthur was fired upon by a gunboat, whose presence until then he had not suspected. A number of Indians crossed the river on the bridge timbers and became engaged in a skirmish with the American troops. Soon a larger number, under Tecumseh, crossed over and the engagement became more general. Fearing he might be cut off, McArthur sent back for reinforcements. Colonel Cass was ordered to take 150 men and a six-pounder and hasten to McArthur's support. Cass met the retreating Americans at Turkey Creek, whereupon McArthur rallied his men, joined Cass, and together they advanced to the bridge, where a few artillery shots were exchanged, but without effect. The troops then marched back to Sandwich. There were no losses. CAPTURE OF MACKINAC The neglect of our Government to notify the frontier posts and commandants of the declaration of war caused a serious disaster at this time, one which vitally affected the fate of Detroit. As before stated, Hull did not know of the declaration until after the capture of the Cuyahoga, although St. George had, for some days, been aware of the declaration and was awaiting him. John Askin noted that the news of the declaration of war reached him (at Sandwich) at midnight of July 1st, and it was some time after this that Hull was informed. Lieut. Porter Hanks was in command of the American fort at Mackinac and he was likewise ignorant of the declaration of war. Capt. Charles Roberts, in command of the British post, Fort St. Joseph, on St. Joseph's Island in St. Mary's River near the Canadian shore, planned to attack and capture Fort Mackinac (or Michilimackinac) and hastily set out with such forces as he could muster, consisting of about 200 Canadians and 280 Indians, also 40 men of the 10th R. V. Battalion. The best account of the capture of the place is contained in the report of John Askin, Jr., who had command of the Indians on the expedition. (Michigan Historical Collection, XXXII-482.) The expedition reached Mackinac Island an hour before daybreak and waited for dawn. On landing they hastily crossed the island, dragging their one six-pounder, and placed it upon the rising ground which commanded the fort. At 10 o'clock on the morning of July 17th a flag of truce was sent to the fort, with a demand for surrender. Lieutenant Hanks felt compelled to surrender, as he was taken by surprise, and totally unable to resist the threatened assault. In one hour's time the fort was in the possession of the British, not a shot having been fired. Great credit should be given to Roberts and Askin that the Indians were not permitted to commit any depredations. Askin reported that it was "a happy thing for the Americans that they did not fire a shot, for had they fired and wounded any person,

Page  997 CITY OF DETROIT 997 not a soul would have been saved from the hatchet". Lieutenant Hanks and the soldiers with him, fifty-eight in all, were paroled and at once left for Detroit, where they were when this post was surrendered a month later. As noted later, Hanks was killed by a British cannon ball on the day of the capitulation. FIRST AMERICAN BLOODSHED Although Hull's headquarters were in Sandwich, he spent several days at a time in Detroit. During these absences Colonel McArthur was in command of the United States forces in Canada. On July 22d, while Hull was in Detroit, McArthur planned an attack on Malden, but being unable to find a passage through the swamps for his artillery, the project was abandoned. Two days later (Hull still being in Detroit) he learned that a body of Indians had been seen in the vicinity of Turkey Creek and sent Maj. James Denny, with about one hundred and twenty militia, to drive them back. On the 25th Denny had several skirmishes with the Indians. In the last one, the enemy having been reinforced, Denny's line broke and his men retreated in confusion for more than two miles. After crossing Turkey Creek, they met reinforcements coming to their aid, but the fighting for that day was over. In these skirmishes, Denny lost six men killed and two wounded. This was the first American bloodshed in the War of 1812. SITUATION AT FORT MALDEN Lieutenant Colonel St. George had, according to the report of July 30, 1812, at Fort Malden, 470 militia and 300 regulars of the 41st Regiment. The militia continued to come and go and could not be depended upon. The fort itself was in poor condition, but had twenty pieces of mounted cannon. Every effort was made to place the fortifications in condition, for the British believed that Hull intended to attack at once. The only road between Malden and Sandwich crossed the River Canards not far from its mouth: Aux Canards River lay about twelve miles below Sandwich, flowed into the Detroit River, was about fifty feet wide and quite deep. The bridge was guarded by the English troops on land and was further protected by the small armed vessel, the Queen Charlotte, which was anchored in the Detroit River within easy range of the bridge. FURTHER CANADIAN OPERATIONS In order to take his troops across the bridge, Hull endeavored to drive off this boat, and to do this he set about making some floating batteries strong enough to hold ordnance of sufficient calibre to attack the vessel. Three of these floating batteries were begun and two of them were completed. While these preparations were being made, Capt. Robert Forsyth, with his company, was sent to forage at Belle River, and on the 27th he returned with one large boat and ten small boats laden with forage, a small drove of cattle and six or eight hundred sheep. The sheep were of the Moravian breed and were very small and ugly. In Hull's trial, later, it was alleged by one of the witnesses that these sheep were given to Hull as a reward for his "perfidy" in surrendering Detrpit. In Cass' testimony it appeared that the sheep were recaptured by the British at the time of surrender and were probably used by the Birtish soldiers for food. St. George was superseded in the command of the British forces by Col. Henry Procter, who arrived at Malden on the 26th of July, with a reinforce

Page  998 998 CITY OF DETROIT ment of approximately one hundred men of the regulars. A few days later, August 1st, news of the fall of Fort Mackinac was received at Detroit. There was an occasional skirmish with the British and Indians, but no decisive battle took place, nor was any effort made to proceed against Malden with the army. A site for the erection of a picket fort was chosen near Sandwich and work was begun upon it under the supervision of Maj. John Anderson. A few days after the receipt of the news of the fall of Mackinac, the officers in Hull's army were called in council, and it then appeared that the floating batteries and the heavy guns would be ready for an attack on Malden in a few days. Although the officers were anxious to make the attack at once, Hull was not confident of success, and was fearful lest his defenses on the American side were in great disorder. Hull's officers, who were not friendly to him, used this judgment of his against him in their testimony at his trial. However, one who understands the tactical position of Hull's army at this time, when communication with supplies down the river was threatened, appreciates his hesitation to attack Malden with his entire force (which it would have required) and thus leave his troops without food. A letter written by Hull on the 4th of August, directed to the secretary of war, fell into the hands of the British and gave them full knowledge of the situation of his army. (Michigan Historical Collection, XXV-327.) Hull stated in this letter that the council bf officers determined that it was not advisable to attempt to storm Maiden. This contradicts nearly every witness who testified on this point at the trial and yet it was written at the time and must have been true as Hull stated it. Hull was much depressed by the news of the approach of Major Chambers of the British army, who was proceeding across country from Niagara to attack him in the rear. He was also afraid that the fall of Mackinac would release a horde of savages from the North, who were allied to the British. He proposed to complete the work on the floating batteries and then march down the river to attack Malden, unless he was required to send a portion of his troops across the river to the American side in order to keep open his communication with Ohio. Hull's fears regarding his food supply were realized. The Wyandotte Indians, who were friendly to the Americans, but had not taken any part in the war, were located on their reservation in Monguagon, some fifteen or eighteen miles below Detroit. On the 2d of August a detachment of Indians and British troops crossed the river and drove the Wyandottes, as willing prisoners, to Malden in expectation that they would join the other savages on the British side. THE FIGHT AT BROWNSTOWN Early in August, Hull received word from Gov. Return J. Meigs, of Ohio, that Capt. Henry Brush, with a detachment of soldiers, and Captains Rowland and Campbell, with their companies, were on the road to Detroit with supplies for the troops. At the time this news was received, Brush had not yet entered the Territory of Michigan, but Hull was afriad that the communication between his army and these supplies would be cut off and the supplies captured by the British. At a council of officers Hull stated that he proposed to send Maj. Thomas B. Van Horn, of Colonel Findlay's regiment, down the river on the American side to keep open the communication with the approaching party under Brush. Accordingly, Van Horn was despatched with about

Page  999 CITY OF DETROIT 999 two hundred men, including riflemen and militia, though Colonels Cass, Findlay and McArthur protested that the number of troops was too small to resist the enemy. Van Horn's orders really were to take 150 riflemen and the militia which had refused to cross into Canada; and, had he taken them all, his command would have numbered about three hundred and thirty men. When the subsequent fight took place he also had with him the mail escort which numbered eighteen or twenty men. There is no positive proof, however, that Van Horn had more than 200 men. There was a road leading from Detroit to Ohio which passed along the margin of the Detroit River, so close to the water that it could be guarded by armed boats from the river. Along the line of this road the country was cultivated a short distance back from the river bank, but no passageway was open save the one indicated. Major Van Horn crossed the Detroit River and passed down to the River Ecorse on the afternoon of August 4th. The men camped on the banks of the Ecorse that night and slept on their arms. The next morning dawned still and sultry, with a slight fog hanging over the country along the river. At an early hour Van Horn resumed his march, taking the precaution to send Captain McCullough (or McCulloch) with four men in advance to keep a lookout for the enemy. McCullough and his men became confused in the fog and were fired upon by Indians concealed in a thicket. McCullough was mortally wounded and before his men could reach him he was scalped by the savages. Soon after another soldier in the company of Captain Rostan was shot and killed. The soldiers were then formed into three sides of a hollow square, the rear being held open for the bringing up of the bodies of the two men who were killed. A halt was made to await the coming of the mail, which was expected shortly and which Van Horn was to escort to Captain Brush. This halt was made about 9 A. M. and also at this time the officers were called together in council. When the advance was resumed, the troops proceeded in two columns, one on each side of the road and about thirty yeards distant therefrom. An advance guard was sent out under Ensign Rolly and a rear guard under Captain Boerstler, who was ill. As the American force approached Brownstown the road led through a narrow prairie, skirted by timber and Brownstown Creek. The advance guard had reached the creek itself, where it came down to the road, when a heavy fire was opened on them by the Indians. Van Horn ordered a retreat to the woods, but a few mounted men and the mail escort retreated so far that they could render no assistance. The other soldiers retreated a quarter of a mile before they could be reformed, but upon rallying they stood their ground for five minutes, then again retreated, under the direction of Van Horn, to form again under an isolated clump of trees. The soldiers, however, did not stop at these trees, but continued their flight in disorder. The Indians pursued and a running fight was kept up for some distance. The troops did not stop until they had reached Ecorse, even though the Indians followed them only half the distance. According to his own statement later, Van Horn lost eighteen killed, twelve wounded and seventy missing. Van Horn reached Detroit the same evening, the 5th, and after him most of the missing men trailed into the post. On the British side only one was killed, an Indian interpreter. There were no white troops engaged on the English side, only Indians under the command of Tecumseh. According to Van Horn's statement, the enemy consisted of some three hundred Indians Vol. II —10

Page  1000 1000 CITY OF DETROIT who had been crossing the river during the entire night of the 4th. The mail was captured by the Indians and thus the letter of Hull dated August 4th (quoted later) fell into the hands of the British, giving them full information of the plans of the Americans. The officers killed in the battle on the American side were: Captain McCullough, Captain Gilchrist, Captain Ullery, Captain Boerstler, Lieutenant Petz and Ensign Roby. (The death of Boerstler is not confirmed, as the Canadian Archives, 1893-p. 108, show that he was a prisoner.) HULL LEAVES CANADA FOR DETROIT The paroled troops of the Fort Mackinac garrison arrived at Detroit on August 4th. On the morning of August 7th, preparations were made by Hull for an immediate attack on Malden. Possibly against his better judgment did he make this decision and undoubtedly because of the insistence of his subordinate officers. However, about noon of the 7th he ordered these preparations abandoned. It is probable that at this time Hull received the news of Van Horn's defeat and felt that it would be of more importance to keep open the road to his supplies on the south than to attack the fort at Malden. He sent for his field officers and told them that he had determined to cross the Detroit River and to abandon the attack on Malden. This aroused a mutinous spirit among the officers, but obey they must, and on the night of the 7th of August and the morning of the 8th the soldiers and supplies were transported to the north side of the river, leaving only a few soldiers under Maj. John Anderson to hold position at Sandwich. Hull reported that he had built a work opposite Detroit and garrisoned it by 230 infantry and 25 artillerists. This force consisted of 130 convalescents and Anderson's artillerists under Major Denny. Denny was instructed to hold possession of Upper Canada; to afford all possible protection to the well-disposed inhabitants, and to defend his post to the last extremity against musketry, but, if overpowered by artillery, to retreat. The reasons for the retirement from Canada were summed up by Hull in his letter of August 4th to William Eustis, Secretary of War, and which epistle was captured by Tecumseh's Indians at Brownstown on the 5th. This letter follows: "Sandwich, Upper Canada, "August 4th, 1812. "Sir, "At the time when the army under my command took possession of the part of the Province of Upper Canada, everything appeared favourable and all the operations of the army have been successful. Circumstances have since occurred which seem materially to change our future prospect. "The unexpected surrender of Michilimakinac, and the tardy operations of the Army at Niagara are the circumstances to which I allude. I have every reason to expect in a very short time a large body of Savages from the North whose operations will be directed against this Army. "They are under the influence of the North and South-West Companies and the interest of the Companies depends on opening the Detroit River this Summer. "It is the channel by which they obtain their supplies, and there can be no doubt but every effort will be made against this Army to open that Communication. It is the opinion of the officers and the most respectable gentlemen

Page  1001 GEN. LEWIS CASS

Page  1002

Page  1003 CITY OF DETROIT 1003 from Mackinac that the British can engage any number of Indians they may have occasion for, and that including the engages of the North-west and Southwest Companies, two or three thousand will be brought to this place in a very short time. Dispatches have been sent to Malden, and the messengers have returned with orders. "With respect to the delay at Niagara, the following consequences have followed. "A Major Chambers of the British Army with fifty-five regulars and four pieces of Brass Artillery, have been despatched from Niagara and by the last accounts had penetrated as far as Delaware, about one hundred and twenty miles-for this place. Every effort was making by this Detachment to obtain reinforcement from the Militia and Indians, considerable numbers had joined, and it was expected this force would consist of six or seven hundred. The object of this force is to operate against this Army. Two days ago all the Indians were sent from Malden with a small body of British troops to Brownstown and Maguago, and made prisoners of the Wyandotts of these places. There are strong reasons to believe that it was by their own consent, notwithstanding the professions they had made. "Under all these circumstances you will perceive that the situation of this Army is critical. "I am now preparing a work on this bank which may be defended by about three hundred men. I have consulted with the principal officers and an attempt to storm the fort at Malden is thought inadvisable without artillery to make a breach. "The picketts are fourteen feet high and defended by bastions on which are mounted twenty-four pieces of cannon. "I am preparing floating batteries to drive the Queen Charlotte from the mouth of the river Canard, and land them below that river, and it is my intention to march down with the Army, and as soon as a breach can be made, attempt the place by storm. Circumstances, however, may render it necessary to recross the river with the main body of the Army to preserve the communication for the purpose of obtaining supplies from Ohio. I am constantly obliged to make strong detachments to convoy the provisions between the foot of the Rapids and Detroit. If nothing should be done at Niagara and the Force should come from the North and the East, as is almost certain, you must be sensible of the difficulties which will attend my situation. "I can promise nothing but my best and most faithful exertions to promote the honour of the Army and the interest of my country. "I am, very respectfully, Your most obedient servant, (Signed) W. Hull." "To the honourable Wm. Eustis. Secretary Department of War." Hull's letter proves that he had given careful thought to the situation, had weighed the advantages of the enemy in the scales with his own strength, and was willing to attack Malden if circumstances were at all favorable. It is difficult to reconcile the later statements of some of Hull's discontented offi

Page  1004 1004 CITY OF DETROIT cers, when they gave vent to their prejudice, with Hull's own statement of their concurrence with his judgment that an attack without sufficient artillery would be folly. Military history of a century since then has proved the correctness of Hull's viewpoint. BATTLE OF MONGUAGON The defeat of Van Horn at Brownstown plainly indicated the desperate situation in which Hull was placed. Separated from his base of supplies and needed reinforcements, he would soon be at the mercy of the British and Indians. There was scarcely food enough in Detroit to supply the normal population, but now an army had to be fed, the farmers had been called from their homes in harvest time to defend the frontier, and the Indians were overrunning their lands, destroying their crops and driving off or killing their stock. It would have been better if Hull had retreated with his army to the Miami, and he even contemplated this, but feared a defection among the troops. However, he resolved to do what he could to keep open the line of communication with Captain Brush at the Raisin and for that purpose ordered Col. James Miller to take 600 men and open the road. Miller's force consisted of his own regiment-the Fourth United States Regulars; two small detachments of the First Regiment, commanded by Lieut. Dixon Stansbury and Ensign Robert A. McCabe; a detachment of Ohio militia and sixty men of the Michigan Legion under Capt. Antoine Dequindre; part of Captain Dyson's artillery under Lieut. John Eastman; a howitzer squad commanded by Lieut. James Daliba; and a squadron of Sloan's cavalry and Smith's dragoons commanded by Captain Sloan. Major Van Horn and Major Morrison accompanied the expedition as field officers and Capts. Henry Brevoort and A. F. Hull (son of the general) volunteered as aides to Colonel Miller. This command left Detroit in the evening of August 8th and marched about fifteen miles to a place near the site of the village of Trenton, then a wilderness. Here on the morning of the 9th, they met the British and Indians under Captain.Muir. The British forces numbered 400 regulars and Canadian volunteers and there were between 200 and 300 Indians under Tecumseh. The British were protected by a breastwork of logs hastily thrown together and the Indians were scattered through the timber. Capt. Josiah Snelling led the advance guard and was the first to receive the fire of the enemy. He stood his ground alone for a few moments, when the main body under Colonel Miller came up and the conflict became general. Both sides protected themselves as much as possible by the trees and fallen timbers and for some time no decisive movement was made. At length Colonel Miller ordered an advance and when the troops were within a short distance of each other, the Americans dislodged the British by a well-directed fire and put them to flight. They were enabled to make good their escape by means of boats. The Indians temporarily retired into the woods, but crossed the river to Maiden when the opportunity offered. Capt. Thomas Maxwell was sent forward to reconnoitre and returned with the information that the enemy had retreated and could not be found. Colonel Miller believed that the road to the Raisin was now free and that his further advance was unnecessary. During the skirmish the soldiers had dropped their knapsacks in order to make more rapid progress in their attacks and they now found themselves without provisions. The Americans encamped on the field for the night and in the morning sent Captain Snelling back to Detroit for sup

Page  1005 CITY OF DETROIT 1005 plies. In this battle the Americans lost twenty killed and sixty wounded. The British reported four killed, fifteen wounded and two missing of the soldiers and militia, and two killed and six wounded among the Indians. Philemon Churchill and Antoine Vermette were among the Americans killed-Sutherland died of wounds, and Captain Muir was wounded. The records show that for gallant conduct at this engagement brevets were conferred upon Lieutenant-Colonel James Miller, Capt. Josiah Snelling, Capt. Daniel Baker and Capt. Charles Larrabee. Miller was brevetted a full colonel and the captains were advanced to the rank of major. One of the best accounts of the Battle of Monguagon we now have is that written by Benjamin F. H. Witherell and published in the Detroit Advertiser May 6, 1859. Following is this narrative in full: "The name and memory of General Hull have been loaded with obloquy and reproach. Traitor, coward and other opprobrious epithets have been freely showered upon him. In my boyhood I knew him well. His appearance was venerable and dignified; his heart was the seat of kindness and he was unquestionably an honest man. "The old settlers of Michigan, those who knew him well, and who suffered most from the last great error of his life, acquit him of the charge of treason. They believe that age and perhaps premature mental decay had unnerved him; that the responsibility of the command of the army, and the charge of the civil government of the country, were too heavy for him, but that he carried as honest a heart in his bosom as he did when he followed 'Mad Anthony' at the head of his storming columns over the ramparts of Stony Point. "The general had a most excellent family, some of whom are yet livingone daughter, I think, in Chicago. His only son fell, bravely fighting for his country, at Lundy's Lane. Mrs. Hull, a portly, fine-looking woman, made it the principal business of her life to visit the sick and provide for the destitute poor. 'The blessings of many who were ready to perish' were hers. In 1807 the general built and occupied the house lately known as the American Hotel, where the Biddle House now stands (south side of Jefferson just east of Randolph). General Hull was active in the discharge of his duties till the evening was upon him, then he seemed entirely unnerved-he became irresolute and undetermined. "The Battle of Monguagon was fought on the 8th (9th is correct) of August, 1812. There were no roads leading to the states-only Indian trails and bridle paths-except a few rough passages cut by the army of General Hull and these were beset with hostile savages, so that a strong force was required to pass in safety. "The first news of the battle and victory received in the States was accompanied by the astonishing fact of the surrender of the whole army and country-the glory of the victory was swallowed up and lost in the sad calamity that followed it. I think that no detailed report was ever made by General Hull. Many of our people bore a distinguished part in the battle; some fell on the field and some are yet living among us. "Major Van Horn, a brave officer of the Ohio troops, had been surprised and defeated a few days before at Brownstown, with some loss, and the communication with Ohio was completely blocked. General Hull saw the absolute necessity of opening the communication and on the 7th of August ordered Col. James Miller (the late General Miller) to march with the 4th Regiment

Page  1006 1006 CITY OF DETROIT (except one company, left under Major Denny, to garrison a small stockade on the Canada shore), a small detachment from the 1st Infantry; and a few men from Captain Dyson's artillery, then stationed in the fort-about 300 regular troops in all-a detachment from the Michigan Legion of about 60 men under Capt. Antoine Dequindre, and a part of Smyth's troop of cavalry. The Michigan troops were mostly volunteers from among our French inhabitants, and braver fellows never entered a battlefield. There were 40 Ohio dragoons under Major Sloan and 200 Ohio riflemen under Major Morrison. The detachment also had a six-pounder under Lieutenant Eastman and a howitzer under Lieutenant Daliba. The whole force comprised 600 men. Commodore Brevoort, who was a captain in the 2d Infantry, but commanded the government vessels on the lakes, and Capt. Abraham F. Hull, a son of the general, volunteered as aids to Colonel Miller. Maj. Thompson Maxwell led the spies and was to reconnoiter and point out the route: he was accompanied by several citizens of Detroit. "The troops paraded on the north side of Jefferson Avenue, nearly opposite the Michigan Exchange. Colonel Miller rode to the front and said: 'Soldiers, we are now going to meet the enemy and beat them; the reverse of the 5th (Van Horn's defeat) must be repaired; the blood of our brethren, spilled by the savages, must be avenged. I shall lead you. You shall not disgrace yourself nor me. Every man who shall leave the ranks or fall back, without orders, shall be instantly put to death. I charge the officers to execute this order.' Then addressing the regiment, he said: 'My brave soldiers, you will add another victory to that of Tippecanoe, another laurel to that gained on the Wabash last fall. If there is now any man in the ranks of the detachment who fears to meet the enemy, let him fall out and stay behind.' A general 'hurrah' followed the speech and cries of 'I'll not stay. I'll not stay' ran through the ranks. Many of our citizens, and among them Thomas Palmer, Esq., were present and remember the circumstance. "The detachment then wheeled by sections to the right into open column and marched off in high spirits, through Springwells to the River Rouge, which they reached at night. There being no bridge, and but two scows, it was about 10 o'clock before all were over, and they bivouacked till daylight and then marched, Major Maxwell in advance with the spies, the vanguard, under the chivalrous Snelling, consisting of forty men, following. The infantry marched in two columns, about 200 yards apart, the cavalry in columns of double file, in the center, keeping the road. The artillery followed, with flank guards of riflemen, and a rear guard marched at a proper distance. By this formation, the troops were ready to form their line of battle on any front upon which they should be attacked. "About 9 o'clock a few scattering Indians were seen flying in the distance, and the spies rapidly advanced, but not discovering any considerable force, fell back to report. "A few moments afterward old Mr. White, who kept a little store where Bagg's Building now stands, and who had gone with the troops, an amateur, and who was ahead of the spies, was shot from his horse by some Indians who were concealed behind Walk-in-the-Water's house. He was scalped and the Indians fled on horseback before the vanguard could reach the place. The horse of poor White, with the saddle and blanket stained with his life blood, was brought back to his young son.

Page  1007 CITY OF DETROIT 1007 "The troops moved on in order. About 3:30 o'clock the columns arrived at the oak woods and in a very few moments a volley was heard from Snelling's advance guard and another returned. The troops were eager for the fight. Colonel Miller rode at full speed to the center and gave the order to form the line of battle to the front, which was promptly executed. The dauntless Snelling held his ground until the line was formed and marched to his support; he stood within pistol shot of the enemy's breastwork, amidst a shower of balls, till more than half of his guard was cut down by the leaden tempest. "The line advanced and received the enemy's fire from their whole front and left flank; the savages gave a tremendous war-whoop, in which they were joined by their allies, and a desperate conflict ensued. The incessant firing in the center ran diverging to the flanks. From the crackling of individual pieces it changed to alternate volleys and then to one continued sound of waving roll, the discharge of the sixpounder occasionally bursting on the ear. Colonel Miller was thrown from his horse. He was supposed to be shot and as the savages saw him fall they sprang over the breastwork to scalp him, but were instantly driven back. The colonel remounted and rode along the line. He saw one or two men edging away to a shelter behind some trees and instantly gave the order, 'Charge with bayonets!' The men who were edging away, with the others of the whole line, heard the order as it was passed along, brought down their pieces, gave one loud 'Huzza' and in double-quick time marched directly into the breastwork. From the grape of the six-pounder and the steel of the infantry, the foe recoiled, broke and fled. Their right flank, near the river, was charged by Major Dequindre with his Michigan men and a company of Ohio volunteers and with the utmost intrepidity instantly carried the breastwork, Dequindre being the first man to mount it. "Tecumseh, who was posted on the enemy's left flank, stood his ground longer. Several of his warriors, certain of victory, jumped over the breastwork, but the bayonets sent them back again. Tecumseh tried to outflank our right, but was met at every point and repulsed. The savages finally fled to the woods and the British troops regained their boats and fled to Malden. "Major Muir commanded the enemy's forces, which consisted of 200 regulars of the 41st Regiment, 100 militia and 450 Indians, in all about 750 men. They had the advantage of numbers and a strong position. Major Muir was a gallant and experienced soldier, had long commanded at Maiden and was well-known in this city. Tecumseh, Walk-in-the-Water, Mainpot (Lame Hand) and, it is said, Split-Log, with many chiefs of lesser note, led the savages. "Col. Daniel Baker, who died several years since in this city, was in the battle, fought on our right flank against Tecumseh, and by his courage and steady coolness foiled the wily chief in all his attempts. Baker was shot through the thigh, but refused to leave the field till the victory was won and the wounded all brought off. "When the enemy broke and fled, Colonel Miller ordered the cavalry to charge them, but Major S. (Sloan), who commanded them, delayed, hesitated, stood still. The gallant Snelling saw it and, the remnant of his guard having fallen into the line, he ran to the major, ordered him to dismount, mounted the horse himself and bareheaded, his red hair streaming in the wind, on he went with the cavalry at full speed, cutting down such of the foe as came in his way. "Colonel Whistler, lately in command at this post, was a captain, and his

Page  1008 1008 CITY OF DETROIT younger brother, John Whistler, was an ensign: both were distinguished for bravery and good conduct in battle. The latter was badly wounded and afterwards died of his injuries. They were brothers of Mrs. James Abbott, of this city, whose father was then a captain in the army and stationed at this post. Lieutenant Larrabee of that regiment had his left hand badly shattered by a ball and was persuaded to retire. On his way to the rear he found the men having great difficulty in getting the howitzer up and, although his left arm was dangling by his side, he seized the drag ropes with his right hand, cheered the men on and helped get the gun into action. "Maj. Thompson Maxwell, so well known in this city, who led the spies, was an old soldier, had fought in the old French War, was in the Battle of Bloody Bridge above the city, was through the War of the Revolution, with Wayne in his Indian campaign and the blast of the war bugle in 1812 again brought him to the saddle. He afterwards followed Colonel Miller up the bloody heights of Bridgewater and as the enemy's shot swept away the files, the old soldier's voice was heard, 'Close up, steady men, close up and forward'. He, for the last time, 'grounded arms' on the River Rouge some thirty years since. "At Monguagon an officer observed several balls strike near him from a quarter where he could see no enemy. He directed a soldier to look for the smoke of a gun. Then they saw an Indian perched among the thick branches and foliage of an oak. Loading his gun, the soldier cooly drew up his musket and with 'a bloody end to your soul, damn you', fired. The savage tumbled head foremost from his limb and a half dozen bayonets despatched his spirit to the Indian heaven. "Among others, I recollect that Vermette, of the River Rouge, fell while bravely fighting. He was mortally wounded and soon died. Lieut. George Johnson commanded the Michigan Cavalry in the action. He behaved with gallantry, charged with the utmost impetuousity and showed the courage of a lion. His horse was killed under him. In the thickest of the fight he thought one of the men wavered a little and was about to show the white feather. Johnson drew a pistol and was going to kill him on the spot. Colonel Miller observed it and said: 'I think the battle is going in our favor-spare him.' Johnson was the Murat of the cavalry: he died last year (1858) at Green Bay. Nathaniel Champ, Esq., then a young man, was a sergeant in the company of Ohio volunteers who fought with Dequindre on our left and gallantly entered the enemy's ranks at the point of the bayonet. His father was the man selected by General Washington, during the Revolution, to seize the traitor Arnold in the midst of the British Army in the City of New York and, but for an accident, he would have succeeded. "Jt will be remembered that the object of Colonel Miller's expedition was to open the communication line with the River Raisin, where Captain Brush and our late townsman, Major Rowland, had arrived with a small reinforcement and supplies. The day after the surrender of the army at this place (Detroit), a British officer approached their camp with a flag. Rowland met him and when told of the surrender, cried: 'Treason, by -!' Captain Brush, who was in command, determined to retreat. Rowland, who was a brave and impetuous soldier, insisted on throwing up some defenses and holding out until relief could arrive from the states. He was told that death would be their lot. He replied: 'Well, be it so. It is time for sombody to die.' The

Page  1009 CITY OF DETROIT 1009 detachment, however, prudently retreated, taking the officer, with his flag, far enough along with them to prevent retreat and then discharging him. "Lieutenant Daliba belonged to Captain Dyson's company of artillery. He was a gallant and fearless soldier. While the enemy was bombarding the town, fort and batteries, Daliba had command of a battery placed where the old United States court house now stands, on the corner of Jefferson Avenue and Griswold Street. He worked his long guns so effectively that he dismounted several of the enemy's pieces on the other shore. Of course he drew a severe fire in return. He generally stood on the top of his battery and when he saw the smoke of their guns, cried, 'Down'. The men dropped behind the parapet until the shot struck. It was near this battery that a large pear tree stood. Young Miller, one of the volunteers, was directed to cut it down. When half cut, a shot came and split off a large piece. Miller coolly turned around and said: 'Send me another, John Bull, you cut faster than I can'." Colonel Miller was anxious to follow up his victory and push on to meet Captain Brush. He sent a messenger back to Detroit with the information of his success and asking for a supply of provisions. Hull ordered Colonel McArthur to take 100 men from his regiment and 600 rations, proceed down the river in boats and bring the wounded to Detroit. Under cover of darkness, McArthur succeeded in passing the Queen Charlotte, but to avoid being intercepted on his return trip he had wagons sent down to convey the wounded to the fort. Colonel Miller was slightly injured by a fall from his horse and was unable to continue his march. As before stated, he believed the road to the Raisin was open and that a slight delay would not make any material difference in the general result. However, he decided to hold his position and sent back to Hull for more provisions. MOVEMENTS OF THE CASS-McARTHUR DETACHMENT On the 14th of August, Colonels McArthur and Cass were directed to form a detachment and proceed to the River Raisin to meet Captain Henry Brush and Thomas Rowland, also a part of Captain Campbell's company of volunteers under Lieutenant Day, who were resting there, awaiting reinforcements from Detroit before proceeding to the fort with their supplies. Brush sent word that he would take a back road toward Detroit, thus avoiding the Indians and vessels, and requested that a detachment meet him. Hull knew of a route, near the old Wayne trail, and explained its course to Cass and McArthur. This done, McArthur was placed in command of the expedition and a start was made about sunset on the 14th. There have been varying statements as to the number of men in this detachment, but the most careful estimates agree upon approximately 40G men. Only a short march was made that night, some accounts stating two and a quarter miles and others only one and a half miles. However, they proceeded only a relatively short distance and then made camp for the night. The next day the march was resumed and continued slowly during the day. In the evening McArthur and Cass decided to return to the fort and turned about. They were met shortly after this by Hull's messenger directing them to return to the fort as Brock had demanded surrender. Instead of obeying this order, the detachment was marched to the camping place of the night before, within an hour's march of the fort, and as stated by the historians, Hatch and Tuttle, who were

Page  1010 1010 CITY OF DETROIT with them, arrived there about midnight. The next morning, the 16th, the detachment moved along a line north of the fort, at a distance of a mile and a half and within sight of the stockade, but made their presence known to Hull by no sign or message. The British at this time were crossing at Springwells and the cannons were being fired. Suddenly the detachment under McArthur and Cass retreated to the River Rouge, a distance of about five miles from the fort. The commanding officers sent a letter to Brock by Captain Mansfield, asking for terms of surrender. Captain Mansfield testified that he delivered this letter to Brock about 11 o'clock in the forenoon and Captain Burton stated that it was delivered before Hull surrendered. McArthur afterward explained that they retreated because they had met a Frenchman who told them the fort had surrendered and that they wished to ascertain the truth from the British commander himself. Statements of the time agree that the Americans placed no faith in the word of a Frenchman, consequently it is difficult for one to place credence in the excuse offered for the retreat to the Rouge. The detachment did not return to Detroit until after nightfall of the 16th. Colonel Cass testified later that they were to march a distance of twentyfour or twenty-five miles. He stated that on the evening of the 15th some mounted men were dispatched to discover, if possible, a trading house half way to the Raisin. He then stated that the detachment under himself and McArthur began the return march to Detroit without orders. After marching a quarter mile they received Hull's orders to return, meeting the messenger at dark and marching until late that night. McArthur testified that some mounted guides and dragoons were sent to the River Huron as far as Godfroy's trading house, with instructions to return if they met Brush. The mounted squad returned, not having perceived anything but Indian trails. McArthur stated that a consultation was then held among the officers and a decision made to return toward Detroit, and after traveling a half mile met some mounted men with a note from Hull, ordering their return. He stated that the men rested that night, while the officers stood guard. Col. W. S. Hatch, who was with McArthur's column, stated: "We resumed this unusual march and without halting until we arrived about midnight at the edge of the woods which we entered the night before." This indicates that on the night before the surrender the detachment encamped within an hour's march of Detroit. McArthur, in his evidence, said: "When we reached the spot of encampment on the first night from Detroit, the men were halted for refreshments and the three or four mounted dragoons (one a Frenchman) were dispatched to ascertain what was the occasion of the firing." Brock's scouts saw McArthur's detachment within three miles of the fort on the night of the 15th and some of the American officers saw Brock's scouts hovering about them in the moonlit forest. The dragoons returned to the column and reported the American flag still flying. Cass testified that on the morning of the 16th, when near Detroit, they killed one or two oxen. He said that they then retreated about three and a half miles and after consultation sent Captain Mansfield with a flag to General Brock, to negotiate a surrender. McArthur testified that, after retreating to the Rouge, an ox was killed, roasted and eaten by the men, after which a consultation of officers was held. The timing of these various events seem to show that Cass and McArthur were near Detroit, in

Page  1011 CITY OF DETROIT 1011 line of battle, about 8 o'clock on the morning of the 16th, and then retreated to the Rouge. BROCK ARRIVES AT AMHERSTBURG General Isaac Brock arrived at Amherstburg, with 300 soldiers on the 13th of August, and immediately assumed command of the entire British forces. His presence instilled an enthusiasm into the militia which they had not possessed before and all-soldiers, militia and Indians —began preparations for an aggressive movement against the Americans at Detroit. All the troops were concentrated on the Canadian side of the river. The American troops at Sandwich retreated to the American side of the river and the British, having taken possession of the position vacated, began the erection of batteries without molestation. Their work continued for two days before they were in a situation to begin the bombardment of Detroit. BOMBARDMENT OF DETROIT On Saturday, August 15th, shortly after midday, a flag of truce was sent to Hull by Brock with a message demanding the immediate surrender of Detroit. This letter follows: "Headquarter, Sandwich, Aug. 15, 1812. "Sir: "The force at my disposal authorizes me to require of you the immediate surrender of Fort Detroit. It is far from my inclination to join in a war of extermination, but you must be aware that the numerous body of Indians who have attached themselves to my troops will be beyond my control the moment the contest commences. You will find me disposed to enter into such conditions as will satisfy the most scrupulous sense of honor. Lieutenant-Colonel McDonnell and Major Glegg are fully authorized to conclude any arrangement that may lead to prevent the unnecessary effusion of blood. "I have the honor to be, Sir, Your most obedient servant, Isaac Brock, Major General. "His Excellency Brig. Gen. Hull, Commanding at Detroit." The flag of truce was carried by Colonel Macdonell and Major Glegg of Brock's army. These two officers were blindfolded and taken to a house owned by Maj. Henry Jackson Hunt, located near the fort. During this time, Hull's reply was written. The general's letter follows: "Headquarters, Detroit, August 15, 1812. "Sir: "I have no other reply to make than to inform you that I am prepared to meet any force which may be at your disposal, and any consequences which may result from any exertion of it you may think proper to make. I avail myself of this opportunity to inform you that the flag of truce under the direction of Captain Brown, proceeded contrary to orders and without the knowledge of Colonel Cass, who commanded the troops which attacked your picket, near the river Canard bridge. I likewise take this occasion to inform you that Cowie's house was set on fire contrary to my orders, and it did not take place until after he evacuated the fort. From the best information I have been able

Page  1012 1012 CITY OF DETROIT to form on the subject, it was set fire by some of the inhabitants on the other side of the river. "I am, very respectfully, your excellency's most obedient servant, W. Hull, Brig. Gen. "Commanding the North West Army of the United States "His Excellency, Major General Brock, Commanding his Britanic Majesty's forces, Sandwich, Upper Canada." This letter apparently proves that at this date Hull had no intention to surrender Detroit, which is contrary to the idea of a capitulation advanced by Lewis Cass in his letter to Governor Meigs. Hull's reply to Brock was given to the two officers, Macdonell and Glegg, and they were released. Shortly after their departure across the river, the British began cannonading the city. There were three batteries on the American side within the village enclosure, one placed in what was then called Judge Woodward's garden near the corner of Jefferson Avenue and Wayne Street, on an elevation, and the others near the river bank, one near the garden above mentioned, and the other near the foot of Woodward Avenue. The British had a battery of two eighteen-pounders and one of eight-inch howitzer. The American batteries returned shot for shot until late in the night of August 15th, but only one person was wounded in Detroit. One of the enemy's batteries was silenced. There was great confusion in Detroit when the British batteries began playing upon the town. Valuables were concealed, gold and silver money buried, and many made haste to get out of range of the guns. We have seen, in Benjamin F. H. Witherell's paper, how Lieutenant Daliba stood above his battery, watching for the smoke of the enemy guns and then calling, "Down." Also, the incident of the pear tree was narrated by Witherell. During the evening a large shell was thrown from a battery opposite the lower end of Woodward. It passed over the present Jefferson Avenue, then the principal street of the town, and fell upon the roof of the house of Augustus Langdon, corner of Griswold and Congress. The shell came down through the two-story house, fell upon a table at which the family was seated and went through to the cellar. The family just had time to escape before the shell exploded, almost wrecking the building. The anxiety of General Hull, by reason of his situation, the absence of a large part of his troops under McArthur and Cass, the danger that his supplies would be cut off, the threat of Brock to turn the savages upon the defenseless citizens, caused him to consider the surrender of the place without conflict and with the honors of war. During the night of the 15th about 600 Indians under Col. Matthew Elliott (and perhaps Colonel McKee) crossed the river and encamped along the line of the river road in Springwells, not far from the present Fort Wayne. Some troops and a small cannon had been sent down the river early on the evening of the 15th, under Captain Snelling, to attack the Queen Charlotte, which was anchored in the stream, also to prevent a British landing at Springwells, but no shots were fired and the detachment returned to the fort the next morning. Hull severely censured Snelling for leaving his post without orders and threatened him with court martial. Hull was aware on the night of the 15th that Brock's forces had moved away from Sandwich, preparatory to crossing the river. Before daylight of August 16th, Hull aroused Maj. Thomas S. Jessup, of the 19th United States regulars, and directed him to send a message to McArthur

Page  1013 CITY OF DETROIT 1013 and Cass to return to Detroit by a back road, not along the river front, as that road was exposed to the British vessels, the Queen Charlotte and the Hunter. THE DAY OF THE SURRENDER At daybreak on the 16th the cannonading again commenced upon both sides of the river. The British soliders, who were already below the town, began to cross the river under the protection of the two English vessels. No effort was made by the Americans to hinder their progress. Major Jessup was directed to order Colonel Findlay's regiment and the remnant of the regiments of Colonels Cass and McArthur to assume line of battle about a quarter mile below the fort, where there was a line of high pickets. (These pickets consisted of small trees six or eight inches in diameter, planted three or four feet in the ground and extending twelve to fifteen feet above the ground. This particular picket line was near the foot of Thirteenth Street and remained there for many years after the war.) The Americans soon beheld the British marching along the river road towards the fort. Jessup hastened back to give Hull information of the approach of the British and to obtain orders to open an attack. This was the first information Hull had that the enemy had actually crossed the river. Inside the fort there was much excitement. The shelling was not accurate, but so crowded were the places of refuge within the town that a shell striking most anywhere would have inflicted damage. A court martial proceeding was being held in the fort, investigating the action of Lieutenant Hanks in surrendering Mackinac, and while the trial was in progress a shell exploded in the room, killed Lieutenant Hanks himself, Doctor Reynolds, Lieutenant Sibley and wounded Doctor Blood. Another shot fell into the barracks and killed two soldiers. Another shot fell into Judge Woodward's bedroom in the stone building afterwards known as. the Mansion House: the judge was just out of bed, but the shell failed to explode. Numerous other houses in the village were damaged. Some time near 9 o'clock in the morning, shortly after the killing of Lieutenant Hanks, Hull despatched his son, Capt. Abraham F. Hull, across the river with a flag of truce, bearing a letter reading as follows: "Detroit 16th Aug. 1812. "Gen. Brock"I propose a cessation of hostilities for one hour to open a negociation for the surrender of Detroit. "I am Sir, Wm. Hull, "B. Gen. Comg." Captain Hull did not deliver this letter in person to General Brock, for the latter had passed down the river some time before this and was probably already on the American side, advancing toward Detroit. In fact, young Hull did not deliver the letter to anyone in authority at the time, but either remained with it on the Canadian side of the river until after the surrender or gave it to another British officer who kept it. The situation of the troops at this time was as follows: Col. Elijah Brush, with 150 of the Michigan Militia, was stationed in the upper part of the town (probably near the crossing of Randolph and Atwater Streets); a part of Colonel Findlay's regiment was in the rear of the fort (at the present Michigan Avenue); part of the 4th Regiment was stationed in the fort and the residue at the batteries; Cass and McArthur's formidable detachment was several miles from Detroit at the Rouge; and, as mentioned before, there was a detachment at the picket

Page  1014 1014 CITY OF DETROIT line some distance down the river. Within the fort there were also gathered all the people of the town who could find places within the enclosure. Major Anderson had charge of the battery in Woodward's garden. A British officer, Lieutenant Duer, rode up with a flag of truce, and asked why the white flag had been sent across the river, referring to the one carried by young Hull with his father's message to Brock. Lieut. Henry Jackson Hunt was sent to notify Hull of the errand of Lieutenant Duer and to ascertain what reply should be made to him. Hunt returned with a sealed paper addressed to General Brock, and with directions to Captain Snelling to return with Lieutenant Duer and deliver the letter to Brock himself. Brock was a little in advance of his troops, the latter having marched as far as the Henry farm, a point where the Michigan Central now crosses River Street. The letter borne by Snelling read as follows: "Detroit 16th Aug. 1812. "Sir"The object of the Flagg, which passed the River, was to propose a cessation of hostilities for one hour, for the purpose of entering into a negociation for the Surrender of Detroit. "I am Sr. Wm. Hull B. Gen. Comg. "Genl Brock." At the trial of Hull later, every particle of evidence which could be obtained against him was produced, but these two letters to Brock were not then known to exist. They were first printed in facsimile in the Toronto Evening Telegram of March 7, 1895. It does not appear that any person in the American Army, except General Hull himself, knew of the contents of these letters at the time they were sent, neither did he have the assistance or advice of any of his officers in their preparation. Captain Snelling knew of the general terms of the letter he bore, for he was asked by Brock if he was authorized to settle the terms of the surrender and, upon replying that he was not, Colonel Macdonell and Major Glegg were directed to return to the village with him. The British officers were immediately taken to a marquee which had but recently been erected in front of the fort on the southeast corner, near the present location of Congress Street. Here the British officers conferred with General Hull, Capt. Elijah Brush and with Lieutenant-Colonel Miller: the latter was ill and took little active interest in the proceedings. Colonel Findlay, with some of his own troops and some from the regiments of McArthur and Cass, had been stationed behind the fort, where they had made preparations to resist an anticipated attack from the Indians during the night of the 15th and 16th. They had moved down the river on the morning of the 16th and were formed in line to resist the advance of the British, and were protected by a high picket fence. Findlay received instructions to return at once to the fort without firing a shot and, upon nearing the fort, saw the white flag on the tall staff and was informed of the surrender. Findlay demanded of Hull: "What in hell am I ordered here for?" Hull attempted to tell him that he could obtain better terms from Brock now than he could later, but Findlay interrupted: "Terms! Damnation! We can beat them on the plain. I did not come here to capitulate: I came to fight." This bombastic statement was uttered at a time when Findlay knew it was impossible to fight, as hostilities


Page  1016

Page  1017 CITY OF DETROIT 1017 had ceased. One of the best known American generals of later years remarked concerning Findlay's statement: "In the history of all military expeditions, battles and campaigns there is abundant evidence of the great courage and desire of men to fight when circumstances are such that they know it impossible to do so. It is a cheap kind of braggadocio and a kind, which in my experience, I have not seen brave men indulge." The white flag had been hoisted (in reality' a white tablecloth) over the fort by Captain Burton, under orders from General Hull. The firing from the fort had ceased some time before and the firing from the Sandwich battery stopped soon after the cessation on the American side. Colonel Findlay's men were much displeased and murmured considerably over the order to retreat, but they obeyed and stacked arms near the fort entrance. Within the marquee were soon gathered Governor Hull, Colonel Brush, Colonel Miller and Capt. Charles Fuller, representing the Americans, and Lieutenant-Colonel Macdonell and Major Glegg, representing the British Army. Captain Snelling supplied pen, ink and paper and in a very short time there were drawn up and executed the articles of capitulation which transferred to General Brock and his army the control of the entire Northwest. These articles of capitulation follow: "CAMP AT DETROIT, 16 AUGUST 1812. "CAPITULATION for the Surrender of Fort Detroit, entered into between Major General Brock, commanding His Britannic Majesty's forces, on the one part; & Brigadier General Hull, commanding the North-Western Army of the United-States on the other part. "1st. Fort Detroit, with all the troops, regulars as well as Militia, will be immediately Surrendered to the British forces under the Command of Maj. Gen. Brock, & will be considered prisoners of war, with the exception of such of the Militia of the Michigan Territory who have not joined the Army. "2d. All public Stores, arms & all public documents including every thing else of a public nature will be immediately given up. "3d. Private Persons & property of every description shall be respected. "4th. His excellency Brigadier Gen. Hull having expressed a desire that a detachment from the State of Ohio, on its way to join his Army as well as one sent from Fort Detroit, under the Command of Colonel McArthur, should be included in the above Capitulation, it is accordingly agreed to. It is however to be understood that such part of the Ohio-Militia, as have not joined the Army, will be permitted to return to their homes, on condition that they will not serve during the war, their arms however will be delivered up, if belonging to the public. "5th. The Garrison will march out at the hour of twelve o'clock, & the British forces will take immediately possession of the Fort. "Approved "(Signed) J. Macdonell, Lieut. (Signed) W. HULL, Brigr. Col. Militia. P. A. D. C. Genl. Comg. the N. W. Army. "J. B. Glegg, Major A. D. C. "Approved "James Miller, Lieut. Col. (Signed) ISAAC BROCK, 5th U. S. Infantry. Major General. "E. Brush, Col. Comg. 1st Regt. "A true Copy. Michigan Militia. "Robert Nichol, Lieut. Col. & Qr. M. Genl. Militia."

Page  1018 1018 CITY OF DETROIT General Hull himself offered several additional clauses for the articles of capitulation. These, copied from the document in Hull's own handwriting, follow: "The Officers and Soldiers to be permitted to go to their respective homes, and not to serve in this war, unless exchanged. "All British Subjects, who have taken protection under the American Government, to sustain no injury in consequence thereof. "No person of this Army, to be considered otherwise than as a Prisoner of War. "The Army to march out of the Garrison with the honors of war, and every Individual to be protected against the Indians." The first clause in the above is crossed out with ink in the original. Another paper, signed by both General Hull and General Brock, is as follows: "An article in addition to the supplemental article of the capitulation, concluded at Detroit the 16th of August A. D. 1812. "It is further agreed, that the Officers and Soldiers of the Michigan Militia & Volunteers, under the Command of Major Witherell, shall be placed on the same principles as the Ohio Militia & Volunteers are placed by the supplemental article of the 16th inst." A copy of the articles of capitulation was handed to Maj. Thomas S. Jessup and at 12 o'clock noon of August 16th, he had the soldiers form in a hollow square before the fort, read the articles to them, and there they stacked their arms and became prisoners of war. The detachment of Cass and McArthur had not yet reached the fort, in fact they did not arrive until after dark on the night of the 16th. The British occupation of Detroit began technically at high noon, but it was probably a few minutes later before the English troops marched in. John Askin's diary places the time at near 1 o'clock. Detroit was a place of great confusion at the time of the surrender. The fort was filled with women and children of the village who had fled there to receive protection from the cannonading and many of them had brought all the portable goods they could carry. The American soldiers, after the surrender and without arms, made their encampment outside of the fort and the members of the militia were permitted to return to their homes. The prisoners were closely watched, but despite this surveillance, many escaped and journeyed down the river to the Ohio country. The Indians were not permitted to enter the fort in great numbers, but were, so far as possible, kept at a safe distance and were not allowed to annoy citizens or soldiers in the immediate neighborhood. Removed from the village, however, they were uncontrolled. They ransacked the farm houses, stole the cattle, destroyed the crops and, in many instances, fired the farm buildings. They drove away the farmers and their families and even committed murder, although no resistance had been offered them. Some adults and children were carried off and held for ransom. The depredations thus begun, almost on the day of the surrender, continued with increasing violence as long as the British retained possession of the fort. The Indians were asked to assist the British Army whenever a contest with the Americans was anticipated, consequently the authorities hesitated to censure the savages for their

Page  1019 CITY OF DETROIT 1019 atrocities. However, the Indian was an obnoxious character both to the English and Americans. BROCK'S PROCLAMATION On the day of the surrender, Brock issued the following proclamation to the inhabitants. This proclamation, as well as the articles of capitulation, was printed on the first press in Detroit, a small hand-operated affair which had been brought here by Rev. Gabriel Richard in 1809. PROCLAMATION "By ISAAC BROCK, Esquire, Major General commanding His Majesty's forces in the Province of Upper Canada, etc. "WHEREAS, the territory of Michigan was this day by capitulation ceded to the arms of His Brittanick Majesty without any other condition than the protection of private property-and wishing to give an early proof of the moderation and justice of the Government, I do hereby announce to all the Inhabitants of the said territory that the laws heretofore in existence shall continue in force until His Majesty's pleasure be known-or so long as the peace and safety of the said territory will admit thereof-and I do hereby also declare to make known to the said Inhabitants that they shall be protected in the full exercise and enjoyment of their religion-Of which all persons both civil and military will take notice and govern themselves accordingly. "All persons having in their possession or having any knowledge of any public property shall forthwith deliver in the same or give notice thereof to the officer commanding, as Lt. Col. Nichol, who are hereby duly authorized to receive and give proper receipts for the same. "Officers of Militia will be held responsible that all arms in possession of Militia-men be immediately delivered up-and all individuals whatever who have in their possession arms of any kind will deliver them up without delay. "Given under my hand at Detroit this sixteenth day of August 1812 and in the fifty-second year of His Majesty's reign. "Isaac Brock, Major General." SUMMARY OF TROOPS ENGAGED There have been many estimates made of the number of soldiers engaged in the campaign around and in Detroit at the time of the surrender. General Brock, in his first dispatch, claimed that 2,500 American troops surrendered to the British. This estimate doubtless included the men under McArthur, Cass and Brush, but even then he overestimated the number of men in Michigan Territory. The official figures, as compiled by the British on the same day, aggregated 2,188 troops, including the Mackinac prisoners and those taken on the Cuyahoga. This estimate follows:

Page  1020 1020 CITY OF DETROIT Distribution Regulars Ohio Volunteers and Militia -o j -oo b.o - ~ ad bc~3~1 P P7~. Queen Charlotte........... 130 General Hunter............ 80 N ancy.................... 146 H elen.................... 88 Chippewa................. 21 M ary.................... 208 Tham es................... 223 Salina.................... 177 Revenue Cutter............ 57 Cuyahoga................. 46 M cCall's boat............. 50 In boats................. 283 In Detroit Barracks........ 38 276 In Amherstburg Barracks... 79 204 Waggoners in Quarter-Master's Department......... 82 465 117 582 1126 480 1606 2188 N. B. The prisoners surrendered at Mackinac and captured in the Cuyahoga are included in the above return. Detroit August 26, 1812. Robert Nicholl, Lt. Col. Qr. Mr. Gen. of Militia. A calculation, in Hull's handwriting, attached to the above, states: "Whole number of prisoners, as per British returns above, 2188. Of this number: "Waggoners. 82 "Boatmen. 60 "Artificers 50 "Sick 430 "Mackinac prisoners 70 "Absent on command 120 "McArthur & Cass Detachments about 400 1212 "Total effective strength, rank and file, at Detroit 16th Aug., 1812. 976" In the comments of General Hull on the summary made by the British, he states that only 976 men were efficient soldiers and in arriving at this number he deducted the number under Cass and McArthur. This judgment of General Hull is confirmed more and more by the evidence of passing years. The men under Brush were not computed in either case, but probably numbered 100 effectives. On the other hand, Brock, in his report of August 16th, stated that he had not more than 700 troops, including militia, and about 400 Indians. Major

Page  1021 CITY OF DETROIT 1021 Jessup estimated the force to be 750 white men. Brock made another and more detailed report on the following day, in which he stated: I "The force which I instantly directed to march against the enemy consisted of 30 Royal Artillery, 250 41st Regiment, 50 Royal Newfoundland Regiment, 400 militia and 600 Indians, to which we attached two six-pounders and two three-pounders." Brock did not pretend to say that this constituted his entire force, and the evidence is overwhelming that his strength was nearly triple that which he stated. Thirty-five pieces of ordnance were captured, consisting of twenty-two cannon, ranging from nine to twenty-four pounders, six brass cannon from three to six pounders, and seven howitzers. A quantity of small arms and large stores of ammunition also fell into British hands, as did the brig Adams. The name of this vessel was changed to the Detroit and it was one of the British fleet defeated by Commodore Perry in 1813. The captured officers were hurriedly placed on board the vessels belonging to the British Government and sent down the river and lake to Montreal. General Hull, who was accompanied by his daughter, was placed on board the Queen Charlotte and left Detroit August 17th. Captain Dyson, with his company of regulars, was left at Amherstburg, and the other regulars proceeded to Montreal. The Ohio volunteers were taken to Buffalo and from there were permitted to return to their homes. On the wall of a building at the northwest corner of McGill and Notre Dame streets, in the city of Montreal, is a tablet bearing the following inscription: "General Hull, United States Army, 25 officers, 350 men entered Prisoners of War 10th. September, 1812." A Montreal newspaper stated at the time: "Yesterday General Hull and the Fourth Regiment of United States Regulars arrived here, prisoners of war, and were confined in the government house. The General rode at their head in a calash and looked dignified, but distressed. A great crowd followed them, and when the troops which guarded them arrived at the government house, the populace gave three cheers, and the drums beat Yankee Doodle." HULL'S GUILT OR INNOCENCE General Hull was afterward paroled and allowed to return to his home at Newton, Massachusetts. A review of General Hull's trial is given in a subsequent portion of this chapter. The question of Hull's guilt or innocence has been a topic of great interest to every writer of American history. While the historians of Hull's day tended to accuse him of treason and cowardice, the writers of more recent years, surveying the evidence coolly and impartially, have treated the affair in a manner at least sympathetic to General Hull. An excess of caution has many times been mistaken for cowardice. The claims of Hull that he surrendered Detroit because he felt that he could not hold it in the face of the British Army and the knowledge that, if he failed, the population would be placed at the mercy of the savages, as Brock threatened, which meant a massacre, have more and more become considered as valid reasons This narrative and exposition of the Hull case is not intended as a vindication

Page  1022 1022 CITY OF DETROIT of the man, but the facts for him are given equal place with the facts against him. The decision is a matter of personal opinion. There are many stories of the indignation exhibited by Hull's officers when he surrendered Detroit. Nile's Register stated that McArthur and other of the officers broke their swords and otherwise expressed their anger when they learned they were not to be provided the opportunity to fight. No confirmation of the Herculean task of breaking a sword "into three pieces" has ever crept into the official records of the surrender. The troops and supplies at the River Raisin were included in the surrender. Captain Elliott was sent there with a flag of truce and a copy of the articles of capitulation. Some textbooks have it that, when Elliott made known the facts at Brush's camp, Captain Rowland exclaimed: "Treason, by God!" and declared for throwing up a defence with the words that "It is about time for somebody to die". However, he decided to return to Ohio without surrendering, as the road was open. Elliott was carried almost thirty miles and then released and permitted to return to Detroit-on foot. Col. Lewis Cass immediately went to Washington after his parole and in his report to the war department, he concluded with the following words: "To see the whole of our men flushed with a hope of victory eagerly awaiting the approaching contest-to see them afterwards dispirited, hopeless and desponding, at least five hundred shedding tears because they were not allowed to meet their country's foe and fight their country's battles-excited sensations which no American has ever before had cause to feel, and which, I trust in God, will never again be felt while our men remain to defend the standard of the Union. * * * Confident I am that, had the courage and conduct of the General been equal to the spirit and zeal of the troops, the event would have been as brilliant and successful as it is disastrous and dishonorable." Lossing, commenting upon the report of Cass, stated: "This sensational history was scattered broadcast over the country and excited intense indignation against the unfortunate general in the public mind. It was welcomed by Dr. Eustis, the secretary of war, and General Dearborn, the commander-in-chief, as a foil to the just censure which they would have received for remissness in official duty had the whole truth been known; how the secretary omitted to inform Hull of the declaration of war until it was known in Canada, and even in the wilderness near Mackinaw, and how Dearborn had failed to communicate to Hull the fact that he agreed to an armistice which relieved Brock from duty on the Niagara frontier and allowed him to hasten to the western frontier of Canada." Whatever chagrin or disappointment was felt by those in other parts of the country was not fully shared by the civilians of Detroit. People here were relieved, because they were not subjected to the bloody mercy of the savages. Living conditions proved to be nearly unbearable under the British, but even this was preferable to death by the tomahawk. From the time he left the Ohio country until the surrender, Hull played a lone hand, so to speak. Evidence shows that he was surrounded by discontented officers, who exhibited a reluctance to obey their superior's orders and in fact threw every available impediment in his path. Hull's surrender was not the result of sudden decision, or sudden fear aroused by the proximity of the British and Indians, but was contemplated by him for some time previous to the 16th of August as a possible escape from the horrors of an Indian massacre. Hull may have known that

Page  1023 CITY OF DETROIT 1023 on the 14th there were approximately 1,000 Indians gathered on Bois Blanc Island and that they were addressed on that day by Tecumseh, in the presence of General Brock. On the same day Lieutenant Forbush, who was a prisoner at Fort Maiden, counted 600 Indians passing by Maiden toward Sandwich, some on foot and some mounted. Colonel Anderson wrote from the River Raisin on the 4th of August that the Indians were passing the river in great numbers and soon would number in the thousands. Colonel Cass admitted that the exact number of Indians within striking distance of Detroit could not be stated and Colonel Wallace referred to them as "a countless number". The band of 500 savages which captured Mackinac from Lieutenant Hanks departed for Detroit under command of a Major Chambers and forty-eight hours before the surrender were only 125 miles away, at Delaware. All the Canadian tribes, with possibly one exception, were hostile to Hull. Captain Eastman, an American soldier and at this time a prisoner, remained in Detroit twenty-four days after the capitulation. He stated that on the third day following the surrender, 250 Indians came from Saginaw, and on the 10th or 11th of September, 1,100 or 1,200 more came from Mackinac. It was intended by the British to have had these Indians aid in the attack on Detroit, but the siege ended so quickly and unexpectedly that the services of the savages were not required and, consequently, their presence became unwelcome alike to the Americans and to the British. Had Hull, with his depleted force, resisted this horde of Indians he could have held out for many days, but the cost would have been too great. Hull's army was hopelessly in a corner. A land movement was impossible and the British fleet in the river prevented a movement by water. Communication with the Ohio country could not be maintained owing to the impossibility of keeping open and guarding 200 miles of army road through the wilderness and a hostile country. No aid was being secured, either in men or supplies. The American Army was decreasing in size, through desertion and sickness, while the British was constantly growing. Hull and his officers repeatedly wrote to Governor Meigs and the secretary of war, but their requests were unheeded. As hereinafter shown, Hull was grossly neglected by his commanding general, Dearborn, and the official orders of the administration were seldom carried out during the whole campaign. This situation of the Detroit Army under Hull is one of the main points advanced by the many historians and army officers who have defended Hull. Some students of the campaign state that he made tactical mistakes: that he should not have crossed into Canada, that he should have assaulted Malden with his artillery, that he should have held the bridge at Aux Canards River, and that he shoud not have allowed Cass and McArthur to leave the fort with so many men at such an important time, although the necessity of opening communication with the expedition at the Raisin was paramount. It is certain that Hull exhibited bad generalship at times, but when the accusations are couched in such terms as "treason" and "cowardice", the subject becomes one open to discussion. There is nothing in the way of reliable or unbiased evidence which indicates that he deserved the first term or that his procedure merited the latter appellation. The court martial which convicted General Hull was a clever bit of legal trickery, the result of which has subsequently reflected more upon others than upon Hull himself. Regarding the military career of General Hull prior to the Detroit cam

Page  1024 1024 CITY OF DETROIT paign much could be written, but without comment the facts are given as follows: Letters of General Washington, Generals Schuyler, Gates, Heath, Brooks, McDougall and Wayne, and resolutions of Congress, all testify graphically of the courage of this veteran of the Revolution and a participant in most of its battles; he was with the detachment which rescued Lafayette when surrounded by the British at Philadelphia, and in spite of his dishonor, Lafayette visited the old soldier at his home in Newton, Massachusetts, in 1825, leaving the reception ceremony at Boston to do so; Hull was wounded at Chatterton Hill; acted as field officer at Trenton; was in the battle of Princeton; was with St. Clair at Ticonderoga and with the Americans on the retreat; was in the Saratoga battles; commanded the advance lines during the winter at Valley Forge; commanded the 8th Massachusetts Regiment in the Battle of Monmouth; lead one of the divisions in the bayonet charge at Stoney Point; led the assault which captured Morrissana; commanded Washington's escort to Frances Tavern and Paulis Hook when Washington bade his officers farewell; and subsequently commanded the left wing of General Lincoln's forces in suppressing Shay's Rebellion. In many of these engagements, Hull's command was decimated, particularly in Schuyler's retreat and at the battles of Saratoga. He was twice promoted for bravery during the war. Hull's march to Detroit in 1812, the cutting of a road through the wilderness, constructing of three block-houses and a fort, and disciplining the raw and unruly militia, was a military achievement and even won the admiration and aroused the fear of the British commanders. After arriving at Detroit, the militia colonels implored Hull to cross immediately into Canada, but he at first refused because his orders were to remain in Detroit until otherwise directed. Once in Canada, he offered at one time to lead an attack on Malden without artillery, but the militia colonels at this time refused to guarantee the services of their men. These two incidents are given simply to show that, whichever way Hull turned, he encountered opposition from his officers. Upon the day'of the surrender, according to Col. Robert Wallace, an eye witness, Hull was everywhere about the fort, restless, nervous, fatigued from loss of sleep, depressed, and chewing great quantities of tobacco. His fort was crowded with men, women and children, he had seen several of his men killed and wounded by the enemy shells, no word came from Cass and McArthur, and the enemy's ring of steel was gradually drawing tighter. Finally, he surrendered, with the remark: "I have saved Detroit and the territory from the horrors of an Indian massacre". (Testimony of Major Munson.) The massacre at Chicago (Fort Dearborn) on the 15th, the day before Hull surrendered and the subsequent Indian atrocities of the war show what might have been. Some of the young and inexperienced officers who sat in judgment upon Hull at the trial in 1813 conceived that his agitation upon the 16th of August, his excessive tobacco chewing and his nervous condition, all indicated fear, but this conception was not shared by the old officers who had experienced actual battle. Colonel Miller believed the fact of surrender indicated fear, but that there was nothing else in Hull's appearance or conduct which led him to believe his general afraid. We have the statements of the bravest officers, from the Revolution to the World war, that fear is a common emotion among the most intrepid warriors. Fear is not cowardice. Colonel Miller's idea that the surrender indicated fear and cowardice is not borne out by the history of military warfare. No historian has thought of accusing Washington of cowardice

Page  1025 1812. Now i Detro4 Public Librory. HJ-7 [';; 2w I j ~ - -- — Il JV WILLIAM EVANS DREWI THIS MAP DURING WIAR OF 1812

Page  1026

Page  1027 CITY OF DETROIT 1027 for surrendering Fort Necessity to the French and Indians, when his situation was even superior to Hull's. The military acts of General Hull prior to August 8th, and which were universally opposed by his antagonistic officers, were either ordered or approved by the President or the secretary of war. As stated in a later part of this chapter, the reprehensible conduct of General Dearborn was one of the principal factors in the disaster at this time and success was unknown until he was removed for senility and incompetence. General Hull, with the Fourth United States Regiment, and a part of the First Regiment, were held prisoners in Canada until the close of the year 1812. While in Canada, Hull sent his report of the surrender to the secretary of war, assumed all the blame and eulogized his officers, also begged for an investigation of his conduct. HULL S TRIAL After the surrender, Col. Lewis Cass journeyed to Washington and issued a letter for the press; dated September 10, 1812, in which he advanced facts which were later used as the principal basis for the various charges against Hull. General Hull having requested an investigation, a court martial was appointed by the following order: "Adjutant General's Office, "Washington City 19th Jan'y. 1813. "General Orders. "A general court martial of which Brigadier General Wade Hampton is appointed President and Alexander I. Dallas, Esqr., Judge Advocate, will sit at such place in Philadelphia as may be provided for the purpose, on the 25th day of February next at 12 o'clock for the trial of Brigadier General William Hull. Brigadier Generals Joseph Bloomfield, Henry Burbeck and John R. Boyd, Colonel George Izard, Alexander Macomb, James Burn, Jacob Kingsbury, Jonas Simonds, Thomas Parker, Peter F. Schuyler, William H. Winder and Hugh Brady, Lieutenant Colonels Winfield Scott, John Christie and Richard Dennis are to attend as members and supernumeraries. "By Order of Secretary of War." Gen. Wade Hampton was president of the court and A. J. Dallas was judge advocate. The fact is shown by Hull's "Memoirs" and Clark's history of the 1812 campaign that Hull appeared before this court martial at Philadelphia for trial. The war records indicate that there were no charges or specifications, or any minutes of the proceedings of the court. They also show that the court was never dissolved. The members of the court were veterans of many battles and were ably fitted to try Hull on any charge. During this time the indignation and anger of the people had been directed at General Dearborn, commanding general of the army. Also, at this time, military law gave authority to the commanding general to appoint such courts martial as were necessary, which, as may be seen very plainly, placed the power directly in Dearborn's hands. That a powerful influence arose to abolish this first trial court is indicated by the following order: "Adjutant General's Office, "Washington City 11th Feb'y. 1813. "General Orders. "The meeting of the General Court Martial for the trial of Brigadier General

Page  1028 1028 CITY OF DETROIT Hull is postponed until further orders, and the President and members of the said court will return to duty. "By Order of the Secretary of War." This order was followed by another, which read: "Adjutant General's Office, "Washington City, 1 March, 1813. "General Orders. "The meeting of the General Court Martial of which Brigadier General Hampton is President, ordered to sit in Philadelphia on the 25th of February last, for the trial of Brigadier General Hull, having been postponed indefinitely, the attendance of the witnesses summoned for this trial will not be required, until further notified. "By Order of the Secretary of War." No officers' names were attached to these orders and the responsibility for their issuance is unknown, although a reasonably sure guess may be made. A trial court composed of the personnel authorized would have cleared Hull at this time and in so doing Dearborn's name would have been subject to much official discussion. The reverses of the American troops, such as the failure of General Winchester and the massacre of Major Madison's troops, caused the people and the press to denounce violently the administration and General Dearborn. It is noteworthy that in this crisis, the only authority to appoint a court martial was possessed by Dearborn and this he did, notwithstanding the fact that the military law did not provide for two courts martial to try the same man for the same offense. He not only appointed a court martial, but he appointed himself as president and the other members of the court as follows: Brig. Gen. Joseph Bloomfield; Col. Peter Little, Thirty-eighth Regiment; Col. William N. Irvine, Forty-second Regiment; Lieut. Col. James House, of the artillery; Lieut. Col. William Scott, Thirty-sixth Regiment; Lieut. Col. William Stewart, Thirty-eighth Regiment; Col. J. B. Fenwick, of the artillery; Col. Robert Bogardus, Forty-first Regiment; Lieut. Col. Richard Dunn, Sixteenth Regiment; Lieut. Col. Samuel S. Connor, Thirteenth Regiment; Lieut. Col. S. B. Davis, Thirty-second Regiment; Lieut. Col. John W. Livingston, Forty-first Regiment; and Lieut. Col. J. G. Forbes, Forty-second Regiment. With the exception of Dearborn, Bloomfield, Fenwick, House and Connor, none of them held military rank at the time of the surrender and all were appointed from regiments which did not exist in 1812. Some of them were civilians appointed through the influence of Dearborn, and Connor was one of Dearborn's aides and a member of his family. It is very evident the members of the court were strictly Dearborn men and if it were the case that Dearborn selected this court with a view of protecting himself and screening his own incompetency, and throwing the blame upon Hull, he could not have chosen more wisely. DEARBORN'S CAREER Before proceeding with the narrative of Hull's trial, a few facts concerning Dearborn's career up to this time shall be given. Maj. Gen. Henry Dearborn held the office of commander of all the American forces, and his headquarters were located at Albany, New York. His plan of campaign was to invade Canada, with four armies, by way of Lake Champlain, Sackett's Harbor, Niagara and Detroit. Distances between these points were great and the trails hard. The

Page  1029 CITY OF DETROIT 1029 transport of troops, provisions and ammunition was difficult and required much time, courage and cooperation. War was declared with England, but, as noted before, it was a fortnight before Hull was informed of the fact. A few of the orders issued to Dearborn by the secretary of war, with their dates, were: June 26th. To prepare for actual service and to move in a direction for Niagara, Kingston and Montreal. (Vol. 5, p. 458, War Records.) July 9th. To organize for the invasion of Canada. (Vol. 6, p. 15, War Records.) July 15th. To direct his attention to the security of the northwest frontier of the lakes. (Vol. 6, p 35, War Records.) July 20th. To place the militia detached for Niagara and other ports on the lake under his control and to establish cooperation and communication with Hull's Army. July 26th. To make arrangements immediately at Niagara for cooperation with Hull. July 29th. To give orders for the commanding officer at Niagara as to the disposition of the Indians. August 1st. To make a diversion in favor of Hull at Niagara and Kingston. (Vol. 6, pp. 199-200, War Records.) August 15th. To proceed with the utmost vigor in his operations and not to lose a moment in gaining possession of the British ports and proceeding in cooperation with Hull in securing Upper Canada. (Vol. 6, p. 200, War Records.) Dearborn obeyed none of these orders. These orders and Dearborn's disobedience were not brought to light at Hull's trial. Nor was the notorious armistice between Dearborn and the British general, Prevost. Secretary of War Eustis recorded the fact that this armistice document was on file in the war department. However, it disappeared therefrom and was never recovered, and its contents did not become known until ten years after Hull's surrender. This armistice was signed by Dearborn on the 8th of August and virtually countermanded the orders of the secretary of war and was not authorized in any way by the American Government. This armistice permitted the British to leave their eastern posts and reinforce Brock at Detroit; it also forbade all American soldiers molesting the enemy or receiving the Detroit Army. The value of this armistice to the British Army was inestimable. The biography of General Prevost (p. 37) states how the advantage was seized "in sending reinforcements of men and supplies to Upper Canada and in sending men, money and stores of every kind to General Brock." The contents of the armistice paper, as signed by Dearborn, were made known through several sources. The letters of Prevost, in his biography published in 1825, reveal portions and it was published in the North American Review during the year 1824. Various letters of Dearborn also prove the contents. However, as soon as the armistice reached the capital, it was immediately repudiated by the President and the secretary of war. These facts were all concealed from the court martial and from the American people and, in fact, were not made public until just before Hull's death in 1825. A letter of General Dearborn, dated August 7, 1812, proves that he knew that Brock had started for Malden before he signed the armistice. Hull never knew of the armistice prior to his surrender, but it would have made little difference, as the armistice itself excluded his army from the protection of the truce. Dearborn, in all his weakness of character, was plainly tricked by the British and the latter openly boasted of the fact.

Page  1030 1030 CITY OF DETROIT BEGINNING OF HULL'S TRIAL The special judge advocate sitting at Hull's trial was Martin Van Bure The trial itself began on January 3, 1814, and was continued until March 23d following. The charges brought against Hull in connection with the surrender of Detroit were: first, treason; second, cowardice; and third, neglect of duty and unofficer-like conduct. There were three specifications attached to the first charge, four to the second, and seven to the third. The official record of the closing scenes of the trial, as given in the original printed document at Washington, is as follows: "Friday Morning# March 25. (19th) "All the evidence being read (whether on the part of the prosecution or the defence) applicable to the first charge, and the specifications attached to that charge, and after due deliberation had thereon, the court expressed the following opinion: "The accused having in his final defence, protested against the jurisdiction of the court to try the charge of treason, and the opinion of the court being, that the objection, which would have been tenable, if the same had been pleaded by the accused on his arraignment; and believing also, that the court cannot acquire jurisdiction of the offence by the waiver or consent of the accused, they decline making any formal decision on that charge. The evidence on the subject having, however, been publickly given, the court deem it proper, in justice to the accused, to say, that they do not believe, from anything that has appeared before them, that Brigadier General William Hull has committed treason against the United States. "On the second charge, and the specifications attached to that charge (after hearing all the evidence and defence, and after due deliberation thereon) the court find Brigadier General Hull guilty of the first, second and fourth specification under that charge, except that part which charge the said brigadiergeneral William Hull with 'forbidding the American artillery to fire on the enemy on their march towards the said Fort Detroit.' "The court find the said brigadier-general William Hull guilty of the second charge. "On the third charge, the court, after having heard the evidence, (as well as the defence), and after due deliberation, find the said brigadier-general William Hull guilty of neglect of duty, and unofficer-like conduct, as charged in the first specification under this charge, in omitting, with sufficient care and frequency, to inspect, train, exercise, and order, and cause to be trained, inspected, exercised, and ordered, the troops under his command, from the sixth day of July, until the seventeenth day of August, 1812; and acquit him of the residue of the charge contained in that specification. "The court acquit the said brigadier-general William Hull of the second and third specifications of the same charge. "The court find the said brigadier-general William Hull guilty of the whole of the fourth specification of that charge except that part which charges him with not seasonably repairing, fitting and transporting, or causing to be fitted, repaired and transported, the guns and gun-carriages which were necessary to the operations of the war in the British province of Upper Canada. "The court find the said brigadier-general William Hull guilty of so much of the fifth specification of that charge as relates to the neglect of duty and un

Page  1031 CITY OF DETROIT 1031 officer-like conduct, in suffering his communication with the river Raisin and the state of Ohio, to be cut off, and sending major Van Horne to attempt to open the same with an inadequate force, he, the said brigadier-general William Hull, having reason to know or believe the same was insufficient; and the court acquit him of the residue of that specification. "The court find the said brigadier-general William Hull guilty of the sixth and seventh specifications of that charge. "The court find the said brigadier-general William Hull guilty of the third charge. "The court then adjourned to meet tomorrow morning at 10 o'clock. "Saturday Morning, March 20. "The court met pursuant to adjournment. "Present-All the members. "The court in consequence of their determination respecting the second and third charges, and the specifications under these charges, exhibited against the said brigadier-general William Hull, and after due consideration, do sentence him to be shot to death, two-thirds of the court concurring in the sentence. "They in consideration of Brigadier-general Hull's revolutionary service, and advanced age, earnestly recommend him to the mercy of the president of the United States. "The court then adjourned to meet on Monday morning next at 10 o'clock. "Monday Morning, March 23 "The court met pursuant to adjournment. "Present-All the members. "The proceedings having been read over, and approved and signed by the president, the court then adjourned sine die. "H. Dearborn, Major-Genl. President of the Court. "M. V. Buren, Special Judge Ad. "Philip S. Parker, Army Judge Advocate Assist.!s; ~ "April 25. "The sentence of the court is approved, and the execution of it remitted. "James Madison." In these legal terms did Dearborn's "hand picked" court of unseasoned officers pass judgment upon General Hull. The very nature of the evidence admitted, or sifted, and the concealment of the real facts, proves the prejudice and motive of the court. It was simply to "white-wash" Dearborn at the expense of Hull. The hostility of the militia officers appears upon every page of the trial record. They were permitted to introduce as evidence, their opinions, thoughts, hearsay, "impressions," "estimates," "suppositions" and other "feelings" which were in opposition to all rules of court procedure. The statements of Hull's aide-de-camp, Robert Wallace, are contradictory to practically all of the incriminating evidence offered by Hull's enemies. Wallace was with Hull all the time, received and delivered his orders, and therefore was in possession of more reliable information than anyone. Wallace was prevented from testifying at Hull's trial. Wallace himself was a trustworthy officer and a man of high standing in his own state, Kentucky. He stated Vol. II-12

Page  1032 1032 CITY OF DETROIT that Hull was excited and agitated and became so after 9 o' clock (on the morning of the 16th) while his son was driving soldiers back to their regiments and trying to fight a duel, and while men were being killed and the women and children were being removed to a bomb-proof vault. He stated that the surrender occurred when Captain Burton mounted a bastion and waved a white tablecloth affixed to a pike, and that the cannonade did not cease until afterward. Cass' newspaper letter of September 10, 1812, the first so-called official account of the surrender, was admitted as evidence, although the contents comprised a description of the affair by a man who was not even there. Cass and McArthur, as stated before, did not reach the fort until after dark on the day of the surrender, yet the charges contained in the letter, written by the direction of McArthur, were admitted as evidence and were repeated by Cass when he was called as the first witness at the trial. Cass' letter was responsible for the first wave of abuse directed against Hull, then a prisoner. The constitution of the United States gave Hull the right of counsel. However, his counsel was only allowed to sit in the court room, to write or whisper to his client and no more. Dearborn had two or three attorneys who were allowed to cross-examine witnesses and address the court, and who had access to the public records. The reporter of the trial was himself one of the court members and couched the terms of the proceedings in such a manner as to emphasize everything against Hull and conceal any points in his favor. Next to the charge of treason, against which Hull successfully contended, the charge of cowardice most deeply affected him, and he resented it with all the powers of a man overburdened with the disgrace of his surrender. In the course of his argument on this point, be said: "But Gentlemen, upon the charge of cowardice, I am bold to say, I have nodread. I have fought more battles than many of the young men who have impeached me of this crime have numbered years. I appeal to the history that bears record of those who were engaged in the bloody contest for our liberties, there you shall find my name-but not as a coward. I have brought before you the testimony of the few who remain of those who were my companions in arms in times that tried men's souls. Do they say I am a coward? I invoke the spirits of the departed heroes who have died at my side by the sword of the enemy to say if I am a coward. I would call the shades of Gates, Wayne, Schuyler and of Washington to tell you how often they have led me into battle, and to say if they found me a coward. Will you believe that the spirit which has so often prompted me to risk my life for my country, should now have so far forsaken me that I have become a traitor and a coward? Will you believe that the years in which I have grown gray in my country's service should so far have changed my nature that I could have been the base and abject thing my enemies have represented? No. Gentlemen, that blood which animated my youth, age has not chilled. I, at this moment, feel its influence, and it makes me dare to say that no man ever did or can think me a coward." The approval and remission of the sentence occurred under the hand of the President on April 25, 1814. On the same day the following was issued: "Adjutant and Inspector General's Office, "Washington, 25th April, 1814. "General Orders: "The roll of the army is not to be longer dishonored by having upon it the

Page  1033 CITY OF DETROIT 1033 name of Brig.-Gen. William Hull. The General Court Martial of which Major General Dearborn is President is hereby dissolved. "By order J. B. Walbach, Adjutant General." This last order was without authorization from any source. There exists no order from the President, or the war department, or of any court martial, dismissing Hull from the service, and the adjutant general was totally without authority to promulgate such an order. HULL'S CAREER AFTER THE TRIAL After the court martial was over and his sentence remitted, General Hull journeyed by horseback to his home at Newton, Massachusetts Then for a decade he pleaded with the war department for copies of the war records, but all his requests were ignored until 1824. At this time Secretary of War Calhoun supplied Hull with copies of such records as had been restored to the files. Immediately Hull published these facts and there arose a national feeling in sympathy for the misfortunes which had been his. However, his life was not spared to witness much of this vindication, if such it could be called, for he died in 1825. Congress, after his death, on March 14, 1826, appropriated $1,628.32 to pay to his heirs his back salary as governor of Michigan Territory from April 10, 1812 to February 1, 1813, and on March 10, 1828 Congress appropriated $1,380 to pay to his heirs for his claims for money advanced by him in the Detroit campaign. It is a fact worthy of record that Congress had refused to pay these claims to Hull until the war records were released by Calhoun, until the Dearborn armistice disgrace became public knowledge, and until the newspapers and periodicals of the country espoused his cause. Hull himself was without funds. His campaign at Detroit was financed largely out of his own pocket, chiefly because his lack of communication lines prevented him from reaching the funds appropriated for that purpose. Historians who have studied the subject of Hull and the surrender of Detroit in the light of the true records have conceded that Hull was an honest and brave soldier who was made the scapegoat of an officer who disobeyed or s and exhibited startling incompetency, namely, General Dearborn. That Hull made mistakes has never been denied by his stanchest supporters. The administration, blamed by many writers equally with Dearborn, was not exactly at fault, for had Dearborn obeyed the orders which were issued from the war department the failures of the American Army, in all probability, would not have occurred. Military tacticians have agreed that the proper move for Hull to have made when he was seriously threatened by Brock was to have retreated with his army to the Miami and there await reinforcements and supplies. But, on the other hand, had his subordinate officers been willing to cooperate with him and obey orders, and had Cass and McArthur returned into the fort as Hull directed and as they had ample opportunity to do, Hull could have made a fight of it, as the evidence shows this to have been his foremost intention until the last moment, or the morning of the 16th. Hatch, in his account of the surrender, advances the opinion that Hull had contemplated surrender for several days. There may be some truth in this, but the actual decision was not made until the 16th. Continuing, Hatch wrote:

Page  1034 1034 CITY OF DETROIT "Hull seemed convinced that the fort would be untenable against the force the British could bring against it, unless the line of communication with Ohio could be kept open. Dearborn had failed to make any diversion in favor of Hull at Niagara or Kingston, as he had been instructed to do. His provisions, he thought, were running too low to allow him to stand a protracted siege, and an intercepted letter from Colonel Procter to Major Roberts, telling him to send down only five thousand Indians from Mackinac, caused him to fear an attack from the north. He did not know that Procter's letter had been written expressly to fall into his hands. He did not know that the regulars, spoken of as 'Brock's army' at Long Point, were but poorly armed and poorly drilled militia. It is acknowledged that he was too honest-whatever his other shortcomings may have been-to suspect deception, and he sincerely believed that his little army would be annihilated." As stated in the North American Review, Vol. 20, January, 1825, the opinion of the eminent historian, Jared Sparks, was that Hull was required by the government to do the morally and physically impossible, that the court martial was conducted without knowledge of the testimony in his favor and that Hull suffered in consequence of the neglect of higher authorities. Daniel Putnam, son of General Israel Putnam (whom Dearborn charged as being a coward at Bunker Hill), wrote on September 25, 1824: "I marked (General Hull) as the scape-goat on whose head the errors of others were laid to divert the public indignation from their own." Hon. Charles P. Sumner, of Boston, wrote to Hull on March 11, 1825: "Your memoirs have had the effect of reinstating you in the good opinion of impartial and disinterested men and had that effect on me, although I am one of those who had some degree of prejudice to your disadvantage. One of the chief evils attendant on times of high political excitement is the facility it gives a dominant party to brand their rivals with opprobrium, and make even the records of the history of their country speak the language of malice and falsehood couched in the form of law. I believe that your character will not suffer in the estimation of unprejudiced posterity." Many other opinions, voiced by the most intelligent writers and statesmen of the country, were published soon after Hull's war records were made public. In 1848, James Freeman Clark, Hull's grandson, wrote: "I recall the image of a venerable, white-haired old man living in the midst of his children. All outward disgrace seemed to have fallen on his head, yet all were borne with cheerful equanimity. A soldier, he had been branded as a coward; a patriot, he was esteemed a traitor; loving the approbation of his fellowmen, he was the object of universal censure; naturally fond of public life and ambitious of public usefulness, he was under a sentence of irrevocable ostracism. No peevishness, no complaint, no querulous reference to a nation's ingratitude ever fell from his lips. On his deathbed he declared in the most solemn manner his convictions that he had done right in surrendering Detroit, and expressed his happiness that he had thus saved the lives of the peaceable citizens of Michigan from being needlessly sacrificed. He died in November, 1825." A number of General Hull's kin have been soliders in the service of the United States. Hull's own son Capt. Abraham (or Abram) Hull, was bayonetted to death at the battle of Lundy's Lane, July 25, 1814, while in the extreme advance of the American line. General Hull's uncle, Joseph Hull, was

Page  1035 CITY OF DETROIT 1035 one of the defenders of Fort Washington and afterward organized an expedition upon an old whale boat and captured a British armed schooner on Long Island Sound. Commodore Isaac Hull was a nephew of General Hull; and Commodore Andrew Hull Foote of the Civil war was a relative. Likewise, Gen. Joseph Wheeler, who won fame in both the Civil and Spanish-American wars, was of the same blood. General Wheeler, prior to his death in 1906, made an exhaustive investigation of General Hull's Detroit campaign, made thorough research in the files of the war department, visited Detroit and surveyed the scene of the campaign and sought every known source of information regarding the affair. His investigations convinced him that, while Hull made serious mistakes, the charges as brought by the court martial and Hull's personal enemies were manifestly unfair, while the court martial itself was an outstanding bit of legal perfidy. INSUBORDINATION OF HULL'S OFFICERS In his "Campaign of the War of 1812," Hull stated that he "discovered a spirit of mutiny in my own camp-a spirit which at first manifested itself in whispers, increased and became more open. It was evident it was now fostered and encouraged by the principal officers of militia and it was fast rising into an avowed conspiracy." Even at the time of his death in 1825, Hull did not know the large extent of this conspiracy or the strong factor it was in his downfall. For the purpose of gaining a clearer understanding of future events, it is well to learn of the attitude and activities of Hull's officers. Insubordination is a mild term for the actions of the militia colonels: treasonable conspiracy is a more comprehensive term. This so-called conspiracy was apparently a well organized movement, the purpose of which was to depose Hull and put another in his place. The Ohio militia had three colonels-Lewis Cass, Duncan McArthur and James Findlay. The regulars were commanded by Colonel Miller. The militiamen themselves were mutinous, as shown by their many acts of disobedience to Hull's orders. Colonel Miller and his regulars were compelled, at various times, to enforce the commands of the general. As military experts have since agreed, Hull's proper move was to have retreated to the Miami and await reinforcements when he perceived that the odds were too great against him. This very thing he wished to do, but Cass admonished him that if he did the Ohio militia would desert to a man, and testified later at Hull's trial that they would have done so. The militia was constantly on the edge of a revolt, as shown by their refusal to march at Urbana, the refusal of a hundred of them to cross into Canada, and the desertion of two companies of the Michigan militia. Before the army crossed the river from Canada, there was an agreement circulated and signed by eighty of the militia, as follows: "We, signers hereto, agree to seize General Hull and depose him from command and defend the fort at all hazards. Signed, Lewis Cass, Charles Lamed and 78 others." After recrossing the river, the engagement of Colonel Miller with the enemy while he was attempting to force a way to the Raisin temporarily halted the activities of the malcontents, but on the 12th of August, according to the historians Tuttle and Hatch, they determined to address a written request to the militia colonels, asking for the arrest or removal of Hull and to place the command in the hands of eldest of the militia colonels-McArthur. This project

Page  1036 1036 CITY OF DETROIT was abandoned, for there arose among the officers a dispute as to who should take command. Sometime prior to the 14th, another agreement was determined upon, assigning the command to Cass. The contents of this agreement, quoted below, appear in Vol. 14, p. 36, of the proceedings of the Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society. "We, whose names are here written, agree to surround Hull and putting the command in Lewis Cass, prevent the surrender of Detroit to the British. "Signed, Lewis Cass, Charles Larned and others." Charles Lamed, one of the signers, kept this agreement secret until a short time before his death in 1833, when he delivered it to his son, Sylvester Lamed, who also kept it secret until 1889, when he disclosed its contents to the Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society as follows: " 'Sylvester,' he said, taking out the paper yellow with age, 'I am about to divulge to you a secret that you must never divulge until I am dead.' And never until the last survivor died who had a part in the transaction, did I ever state that I held in my hands the secret history of Detroit's most iniquitous surrender Lewis Cass and others laid a plan, not a conspiracy, and signed a Round Robin with these fatal words in the center, to the effect-'We, whose names are here written, agree to surround Hull and putting the command in Lewis Cass prevent the surrender of Detroit to the British.' " After the death of Sylvester Larned, the historian, Mr. Clarence M. Burton, had brief access to his papers and found among them a memorandum in his handwriting, as follows: "This protest, or Round Robin, signed by the officers and men of Hull's army, is herewith presented to the Michigan Historical Society." That General Hull was fully aware of the insubordinate actions of his officers is certain, but he did not know of the scope of the conspiracy, as it has been termed. He denounced Cass and McArthur for retreating with their 400 fighting men when they heard the cannons instead of returning to the fort as ordered, or at least, attacking the British rear. Hull also threatened to court martial Captain Snelling for failing to hold his artillery position at Springwells to prevent a British landing and for leaving his station without orders. That Hull was not subjected to fear is shown by the tenor of his remark to Colonel Watson when Brock demanded the surrender of the fort: this was that "if they want it they must fight for it." On the 12th of August a suggestion was made that Governor Meigs, of Ohio, who was supposed to be en route to Detroit with reinforcements, should be tendered the command of the army. Cass was selected to write the letter to Meigs. Findlay, McArthur and Brush also signed the letter. However, this message bore no result one way or the other. DETROIT UNDER THE BRITISH RULE General Brock sailed from Detroit on the schooner Chippewa August 17th to attend to other duties along the Niagara frontier. He placed the Territory of Michigan under the civil 'and military charge of Col. Henry Procter. Such of the troops as were not necessary to take the prisoners down to Amherstburg and Montreal were left with Procter to maintain the British possession of Detroit. The greater portion of the military supplies were transported across the river to Malden.

Page  1037 CITY OF DETROIT 1037 One of the first acts of the invaders was to devise some plan for the establishment of civil government. Procter had sufficient troops in the fort to compel obedience to his authority, but there were many matters which did not come properly under military control. The British expected that the civilians would return to their various civilian duties; trade would be resumed; farms cultivated and other duties of the village, post and country would proceed just as if peace, and not war, existed. Although the citizens were to do all of this, they were not to incur the displeasure of the royal commandant by disobeying his orders. The Michigan Militia was disbanded and the members permitted to return to their homes, after promising not to take up arms against the British soldiers. They were not requested to take the oath of allegiance to the crown. On the 21st day of August, Procter issued the following proclamation: "REGULATION OF THE CIVIL GOVERNMENT OF THE TERRITORY OF MICHIGAN "Whereas the Territory of Michigan was on the sixteenth day of August, one thousand eight hundred twelve, Ceded by Capitulation to the arms of His Britannic Majesty, & the American flag was removed and the British flag substituted on the same day at noon: And whereas on the same day a Proclamation was issued by Isaac Brock, Esqr., Major General Commanding His Majesty's forces in the Province of UPPER CANADA, etc., etc.; and the said Proclamation, among other things, announces to all the Inhabitants of the said Territory that wishing to give an early proof of the moderation and justice of the British Government, the American laws heretofore in existence shall continue in force, until His Majesty's pleasure be known, or so long as the peace & safety of the said Territory will admit thereof. And whereas the said laws cannot be carried into execution according to the effect & intention so announced to the inhabitants without providing for the existence & continuance of the proper civil Officers; for the execution of the same, & without the necessary courts & other judicial authorities for the administration of justice among the said inhabitants. "Now therefore, be it known that I, Henry Procter, Colonel in the Military forces of His Britannic Majesty, now Commanding in the Territory of Michigan, do make & establish, for the time being, the following Regulations for the civil administration of the said Territory. I "The civil Officers, remaining in the country, shall continue to exercise the respective functions appertaining to their offices, without any new commissions for the same, & those offices which are suspended by the departure from the country of those holding them, shall be supplied as herein after provided. II "The civil executive powers shall be exercised by a c vil Governor. The Civil Governor shall appoint to all civil officers which are or shall be vacant, & shall take care that the laws be faithfully executed. III "Courts of Justice shall be held as usual. IV "Legislative provisions need not be adopted from the laws of any of the American States. A majority shall not be necessary when any of the offices are vacant. The Secretary shall make two copies of all executive proceedings & legislative Regulations, one of which shall be transmitted for the use of the British Government & the other shall be retained.

Page  1038 1038 CITY OF DETROIT V "The expences of the civil administration shall be defrayed quarterly by the proper Officer in the military department paying the lawfull amount thereof to the civil treasurer. The duties, customs & revenues accruing according to the laws of the United States shall be paid quarterly, by the collectors to the proper Officer in the Military department. The internal duties & revenues accruing to the Territory of Michigan, shall be paid to the proper treasurers thereof. VI "The undersigned will act as civil Governor of the Territory of Michigan for the time being. Augustus B. Woodward, Chief Justice of the said Territory, is appointed Secretary. The offices of register & receiver of the LandOffice, & Postmaster, are superceded, reserving a full right to adjust all anterior concerns. All offices in the Indian department are superceded. "Given under my hand at Detroit the twenty first day of August, one thousand eight hundred twelve & in the fifty second year of His MAJESTY'S reign. "(Signed) Henry Procter, Colonel." The original of this proclamation is in the handwriting of Judge Woodward with the exception of the words "Augustus B. Woodward, Chief Justice of the said Territory" which are written in by Procter in the blank spaces left by Woodward. The signature is also Procter's own. However, Judge Woodward promptly declined to accept the office of secretary. Procter's understanding was that the courts should be maintained the same as before the war and that the same judges should preside and the same officers attend. Judge Griffin, of the supreme court, was not in Detroit at the beginning of the war and did not visit the territory until 1814. Judge Witherell was in the Michigan Militia, and was taken prisoner at the time of the surrender. He left the territory at that time and did not return until after the Battle of the Thames. Judge Woodward, alone of all the judges, remained in Detroit until some time in 1813. The affairs of the citizens were largely placed in his hands and to a great extent he represented the United States during his stay in Detroit. He refused to become the secretary under Procter or to accept any office or perform any duty which might in any manner be construed to connect him with the British Government as an employe. Procter, thinking to force Woodward to act under his government, issued a proclamation in September, for the holding of a term of the supreme court. The records show that no court was held at that time and a few weeks later he issued another proclamation, as follows: "By Henry Procter, Esquire, Civil Governor of the territory of Michigan for the time being. "A PROCLAMATION. "Whereas the same causes & motives on which was founded the Proclamation of the undersigned, bearing date of the fifth day of September, one thousand eight hundred twelve, continue to operate; "Therefore Be it Known by all to whom these presents may come, or whom they may concern, that I, the undersigned, Henry Procter, Civil Governor of the territory of Michigan, forthe time being, pursuant to the power in me vested

Page  1039 CITY OF DETROIT 1039 in and by an act entitled 'an act concerning the Supreme Court of the territory of Michigan,' do revoke the appointment made by Proclamation aforesaid for holding the Supreme Court of the said territory at the house of George Meldrum, in the district of Detroit, on the third Monday in December next, & do appoint the council house in the city of Detroit on Monday the twenty-first day of February one thousand eight hundred and thirteen, at eleven of the clock in the forenoon, for the holding of the said Supreme Court; and all process shall be returned, and all persons shall be held to appear at such time and place equally the same as if the said court was held at the time & place where the same was to have been held. "This Proclamation shall be translated into the French language & three English & French copies shall be posted up for public information, one in the office of the clerk of the Supreme Court, one at the Gate post opposite the house in which I reside, & one at the door of the Roman Catholic Church. Witness my hand at Detroit in the territory of Michigan, 16 November 1812. "Henry Procter, Civil Governor of the territory of Michigan for the time being." Procter was a man whose character would have disgraced any country which he might have represented. Cruelty, tyranny, lack of mercy and deeds of barbarity were the principal features of his career in Detroit. He oppressed the civilian population and permitted the savages to tomahawk and burn their prisoners and destroy and pillage the dwellings of the inhabitants. THE ARMY REORGANIZED Although the surrender of Detroit fell like a pall upon the country, the disaster was in many respects "a blessing in disguise." It aroused the people of the Ohio Valley to the seriousness of the danger which menaced them and many who had been lukewarm regarding the war were stirred to action. A call for volunteers brought a prompt response from the people of Ohio, Virginia, Kentucky, Pennsylvania and Indiana Territory, and even Missouri Territory, far away from the scene of strife, contributed a number of her sons. On August 25, 1812, only nine days after the surrender, Gen. William Henry Harrison was commissioned "major general of the militia of Kentucky" by the governor of that state. On the 2d of September he was appointed brigadier-general of volunteers by President Madison. The work of raising troops, which had commenced in July, now went forward by leaps and bounds. Gen. James Winchester was designated as Hull's successor to command the Army of the Northwest. When Harrison learned of this, he wrote to the war department that there should be only one officer in command; that he had a better knowledge of the country and the Indians than Winchester; and that it was the desire of the troops for him to command. Having dispatched this letter by express messenger, he pushed on to Piqua, Ohio, intending to resign the command to Winchester. He then had about 2,OGO men and more than that number were on the way to Piqua, under command of General Tupper, of Urbana, and Gen. Elijah Wadsworth, a Revolutionary veteran, commander of the Fourth Division of the Ohio Militia. Upon arriving at Piqua, Harrison found there the courier, by whom he had sent his letter to the war department, with a commission authorizing him to take command of the army. He immediately began collecting a force at St.

Page  1040 1040 CITY OF DETROIT Mary's, for the purpose of recapturing Detroit. While thus occupied, he learned that Major Muir, with a large force of British and Indians, had left Malden August 18, 1812 for the purpose of attacking Fort Wayne. Harrison sent Colonel Allen's regiment and two companies of Colonel Lewis's to hold Muir in check. On September 22d General Winchester left Fort Wayne with about 2,000 men for the Maumee Rapids, intending to halt at Fort Defiance until reinforcements came from Harrison. Before reaching Fort Defiance, he met Muir's advance guard of 200 British regulars and nearly 1,000 Indians. This advance guard either killed or captured Winchester's scouts, one of whom, Sergeant McCoy, was taken to Muir, who questioned him concerning the strength of the American forces and the designs of their commander. McCoy blithely told him that Winchester had 7,000 or 8,000 men and that an equal number were coming down Auglaize River. At the same time Captain Ballard's and Garrard's dragoons met and defeated a detachment of Muir's Indians. Stragglers from this detachment came into Muir's camp with the report that they had met an overwhelming force of the Americans, who were "like the leaves of the forest" in numbers, so Muir retreated hastily to Malden. By the middle of October, Harrison had over 3,000 men at St. Mary's and was soon afterward joined by a mounted regiment from Kentucky, commanded by Col. Richard M. Johnson. This regiment was brigaded with Colonel Findlay's. The season was now so far advanced, and the roads were in such condition, that Harrison decided to postpone aggressive operations until the following spring. With the right wing of the army he began his march to Upper Sandusky, leaving General Winchester with the left wing at Fort Defiance. Late in December, Winchester moved down the Maumee to the rapids, about twenty miles above the mouth, where he established a fortified camp. This was done despite the fact that Tecumseh, with some 600 of his warriors, was lurking in the vicinity and that General Harrison had sent orders for him to return to Fort Defiance. MASSACRE AT THE RAISTN On January 14, 1813, Winchester learned that the British commander at Maiden was preparing to send an expedition against French Town (now Monroe, Michigan), to intercept any movement of the Americans toward Detroit. Learning also that there were some supplies at the Raisin, Winchester sent Col. William Lewis, with 550 men, to get the supplies and occupy French Town. A few hours later he started Colonel Allen, with 110 men, to reinforce Lewis. Allen overtook Lewis near the mouth of the Maumee, where they learned that Colonel Elliott, with 400 Indians and a detachment of British troops from Malden, was on the way to attack Winchester's camp. Sending back a courier to notify Winchester, Lewis and Allen moved on toward French Town. When within three miles of the village, a scout brought word that the enemy was on guard. Forming his men in line of battle, Lewis advanced, crossed the river on the ice, and dislodged the enemy by a general charge. The fight lasted from 3 o'clock until dark, when the Americans took up their quarters in the village. A messenger was sent to Winchester's camp and the next day he arrived with Colonel Wells and 300 men, all that could be spared from the rapids. On the 21st, Winchester sent Peter Navarre and his four brothers on a scouting expedition. They returned with the information that a large body of British and Indians was marching toward French Town, but Winchester doubted the report. Of the twenty-three houses in the village, all were on the north side of the river

Page  1041 CITY OF DETROIT 1041. except one. Winchester established, his headquarters at the isolated house on the south side, a half mile or more from the main body of his army. Early on the morning of the 22d, the alarm was sounded and the firing commenced. The Americans were greatly outnumbered and were subjected to a heavy artillery fire from the British ranks. A charge of red-coats and savages followed and the Americans were soon in utter confusion. A small party under Lieutenant Garrett retreated and were massacred, their leader alone escaping. Another party of thirty men were pursued for about three miles and most of them killed. The Americans were fighting bravely in the deep snow and heavy cold and despite the odds were giving a good account of themselves. At last Procter concentrated his force against the American right, which was the most vulnerable, and it is said that Winchester gave the order for a general retreat. The British idea seemed to be a struggle of extermination, for as soon as the retreat began the Indians fell upon the rear and within a few moments one hundred or more of the gallant Kentuckians were tomahawked and scalped. The left, under Majors Graves and Madison, was protected to some extent by a strong palisade fence and fought valiantly until about 10 o'clock, when a lull gave the men an opportunity to eat breakfast. While they were eating, Major Overton, of Winchester's staff, accompanied by Colonel Procter, arrived with a flag of truce and an order from Winchester advising him to surrender unconditionally. This Major Madison refused to do. It is said that Procter dishonorably took advantage of the situation to misrepresent his strength by saying he had many more Indians than were really on the ground, when the fact was the Indians had already been driven back. Madison remained obstinate, Proctor lost his temper, and the two commanders exchanged hot words. Procter finally agreed to treat Madison and his men as prisoners of war and to protect the wounded. This agreement was not written, but Proctor pledged his honor (a barren pledge) that it would be carried out. Before the terms were faily completed, the Indians began to plunder the camp. Madison ordered his men to open fire, then use the bayonet. This checked the plundering and Procter promised that sleighs would be provided the next morning to convey the wounded to Malden. However, the next morning he announced that the British would be transported first, and a guard left with the American wounded. The prisoners were marched off and with the wounded were left two doctors, Todd and Bowers, and Major Reynolds with a few interpreters. After the British regulars had departed, a horde of savages entered the town and held a council, in which they determined to murder all the wounded who could not walk in revenge for the death of the Indians during the battle. Two houses which contained most of the casuals, those of Gabriel Godfroy and Jean Baptiste Jeraume, were fired and the most of the unfortunate soldiers therein were burned to death. Many of those who were able to excape from the house met death by the tomahawk and bullet. Their bodies were scalped and fearfully mangled and, according to later evidence presented to Congress by Judge Woodward, the bodies were eaten by swine and dogs. The wounded and prisoners who were able to walk were taken towards Malden or Detroit, but if one loitered or fell from exhaustion, he was immediately slaughtered in cold blood. Others, with bleeding and bare feet, were compelled to dance on the frozen earth for the pleasure of their captors. Those who were brought to Detroit were ransomed in the streets

Page  1042 1042 CITY OF DETROIT by the civilians, sums from $10 to $80 being offered for the poor unfortunates. The Indians auctioned off these prisoners from day to day and sold scalps, some of the latter having been torn from bodies which they exhumed. These were bloody days in the village of Detroit: no one knew to what fiendish act the hand of Procter and his Indians would be turned next. Lossing states that the American loss at the Raisin was 934 men, of whom 197 were reported killed or missing, and only 33 men escaped. The heaviest loss fell upon the Kentucky troops. Winchester, Lewis, Madison and the other officers captured were exchanged at Montreal in the spring of 1814. In August, 1818, the remains of the American officers and soldiers buried at the Raisin were disinterred and brought to Detroit, where they were buried in the Protestant Cemetery with the honors of war. In 1834 they were again removed to the City Cemetery on Clinton Street, and in 1849 Col. E. Brooks took them to Frankfort, Kentucky, where they rest in the State Cemetery. CONDITIONS IN DETROIT IN 1813. For weeks after the massacre at the Raisin, the citizens of Detroit lived through a veritable "reign of terror." The savage was permitted by the vicious Proctor to satisfy his murderous greed at the expense of the people. Lives and property were at their mercy. The British Government did nothing to stop the Indians or to ransom a single prisoner. Not until as late as July did Procter offer a reward for the safe delivery of prisoners-and then it was only $5 a head, when the American citizens had been paying as high as $80. He even resented the effort to ransom the prisoners by the Americans, and flatly forbade the practice, and to cap his iniquity, ordered some thirty of the leading American citizens of Detroit to depart, in the dead of winter, without any of their possessions. A copy of one of these notices, from the files of the Michigan Pioneer and Historical Society, follows: "Detroit, 1st Feb., 1813. "Gentlemen,"I am ordered by Colonel Procter to say that he expects you will be prepared to leave the country on Friday next in company with a number of American citizens from this place. "Gentlemen, your most ob't servant, "William Jones. "To Messrs. H. J. B. Brevoort and William Macomb." This move on the part of Procter brought forth a formal protest from the citizens requested to leave. They cited the terms of the surrender and claimed that it was their duty to resist such orders. They requested Judge Woodward to present their statement to the British commander. The following citizens signed the protest: Lewis Bond, David McLean, William Wilson, John Dicks, Archibald Lyon, Israel Taylor, Anderson Martin, William M. Scott, David Henderson, William Russell, Joseph Spencer, James Patterson, George R. Chittcnden, W. Robertson, John Walker, Conrad Seek, Elijah Brush, Conrad Ten Eyck, Peter Desnoyers, Robert Smart, James Burnett, Richard H. Jones, William Brown, J. McDonnell, John Congsett, Duncan Reid, A. Langan, George Battzes and James Chittenden. The protest was unsuccessful and the citizens designated had to leave Detroit.

Page  1043 CITY OF DETROIT 1043 Indians by the hundreds were gathered around Detroit. They lived upon the bounty of the British, but when the supplies of the English gave out they suffered, and disease gathered great numbers of them in the happy hunting grounds. Pillage was the principal occupation of these savages and no American's possessions were safe. The Canadians protected their homes and stock by marking each house or animal with a symbol in red paint, which, to the Indians, signified friendly ownership. The following story told by Gen. John E. Hunt, of Toledo, to Mrs. Ellet, author of "Pioneer Women of the West," is re-quoted from Farmer's History of Detroit: "On a beautiful Sunday morning in Detroit, I heard the scalp-whoop of a war party coming up the river. When they came near, I discovered that they were carrying a woman's scalp upon a pole, and that they had with them, as prisoners, a family of nine children, from three years old up to two girls full grown. These little captives had nothing on their heads, and their clothes were torn into shreds by the brushwood and the bushes in the way by which they had come. I went to meet them, brought them into my house, gave them and their Indian captors a meal, with a few loaves of bread for further use, and told the children not to be frightened or uneasy, for that my brother would buy them from the Indians when he should return from Canada, whither he had gone to spend the Sabbath with his father-in-law. The next day the prisoners came again, accompanied by about five hundred Indians. My brother, H. J. Hunt, paid five hundred dollars for their ransom, and sent them home. * * * A young girl who had been thus rescued and taken into a family, seeing a party of Indians pass by one day, uttered a piercing shriek, and fell senseless to the floor. On recovering consciousness, she declared that she had seen her mother's scalp in possession of one of the savages, recognizing it by the long light braid of hair. Her story was confirmed by a person who had seen the mother and daughter brought with other prisoners from near Sandusky, Ohio. The mother being in feeble health, and unable to travel as fast as required, was tomahawked, her daughter being hurried on in ignorance of the cruel murder." PROCTER S UNSUCCESSFUL OFFENSIVE, Procter had in mind the invasion of the Maumee Valley and in February, 1813, began to lay his plans for this purpose. In April Tecumseh and some 1,500 Indians collected at Malden. This force sailed on the 23d for Fort Meigs and on May 1st attacked that stronghold. For five days the attack continued without success, whereupon Procter returned to Malden and mustered out the Canadian militia. Another attack was directed against Fort Meigs in July, but was unsuccessful, as was the subsequent attack upon Fort Stephenson, which was defended by Major Croghan with 143 men, who repulsed with heavy loss Procter's 1,103 British. On August 3d, the British commander retreated. AMERICAN COUNTER OFFENSIVE AND PERRY'S VICTORY During this interval the Americans were busily engaged in preparing to strike at the crown forces. Large groups of militia were gathered in Ohio and Kentucky and, under the leadership of Harrison, were faced in the direction of Detroit. Harrison's position at Upper Sandusky was attacked on May 1, 1813, by a large force of British and Indians. Fighting progressed until the 5th, when Harrison learned that Colonel Clay, with 1,200 men from Kentucky,

Page  1044 1044 CITY OF DETROIT was marching to his relief. He succeeded in getting a message through to Clay directing him to attack the enemy's batteries. Clay led 800 men against the British artillery, captured and spiked the guns, and pursued the retreating enemy for some distance, when he was drawn into an ambuscade in which 650 of his men were killed, wounded or captured. After this unfortunate affair, General Harrison decided to postpone further operations in the field until the completion of the ships Commodore Oliver Hazard Perry was building on Lake Erie. To be ready for any emergency, he called on Gov. Isaac Shelby, of Kentucky, for 1,500 men, and asked the governor to command them in person. The Kentuckians, eager to avenge the massacre of so many of their comrades at the Raisin, responded with such alacrity that on the last day of July, Shelby joined Harrison with 3,500 men, instead of the 1,500 he had requested. Early in September, Perry's fleet was at Put-in-Bay, ready for action. At Put-in-Bay there is a bold headland which commands a view of North Bass and Middle Bass islands and the passage to Detroit. Here Perry stationed a watch to notify him if the British fleet appeared. This headland is still known as Perry's Lookout. The British fleet, commanded by Capt. Robert H. Barclay, who had fought with Nelson at Trafalgar, lay in the Detroit River in front of Malden. Henry Brevoort, of Detroit, gave Perry the names of the British ships and on September 9, 1813, Perry called his officers together and planned his attack. His flagship, the Lawrence, was assigned to attack the Detroit, the Niagara to attack the Queen Charlotte and so on. He then directed them to be ready to sail early the following morning, as it was his intention to engage the British vessels in the Detroit River if Barclay failed to come out into open water. Early on the morning of the 10th the lookout on the headland sighted the enemy. Immediately all was activity on the American vessels. For the first time a huge flag, bearing the motto "DON'T GIVE UP THE SHIP," in letters large enough to be seen by the entire fleet, was run up to the masthead of the Lawrence. As the morning breeze caught its folds and the sailors saw the inspiring motto, a mighty cheer arose from the decks of the ships and the fleet sailed out to meet the enemy. Perry had nine vessels, with fifty-four guns and two swivels. Barclay's fleet consisted of only six vessels, but they carried sixtythree guns, one pivot gun, two swivels and two howitzers. So Perry had the advantage of ships, but Barclay held the upper hand in armament. Within a short time the two fleets were engaged and it is said that the thunder of the guns could be heard at Cleveland, seventy miles distant. Almost every American is familiar with the story of how, when the Lawrence was disabled, Perry crossed over in a small boat to the Niagara, under the fire of the British guns, and won a decisive victory. After a few hours of maneuvering and fighting, Perry sent his famous message to General Harrison: "We have met the enemy and they are ours; two ships, two brigs, one schooner and a sloop." This was the first time in history that an entire British fleet was captured in a naval engagement. After the engagement, Perry returned to Put-in-Bay for repairs. Some of the dead were buried on the shore of the little bay. Today the bones of a few British and American officers who were killed in the engagement rest under the rotunda of the new Perry monument on Put-in-Bay Island.

Page  1045 CITY OF DETROIT 1045 BRITISH EVACUATION AND BATTLE OF THE THAMES The capture of the British fleet was one of the most important events of the war. It removed Procter's greatest weapon. For several days before the engagement both sides had been preparing their forces for action. Procter and Tecumseh, with about 5,000 troops and Indians, confident that Barclay would sustain the traditions of the English navy, were waiting at Maiden to overrun the frontier. General Harrison, at Sandusky Bay, was waiting to recapture Detroit and invade Canada. He heard the news of Perry's victory on September 12 and on the 16th his army was on the move. Perry employed his ships to carry Harrison's army to Malden, where they arrived on September 27th. Procter evacuated Malden on the 26th. Harrison's debarkation was about three miles below Malden, at Hartley's Point, and after an hour's rest marched to the British post, arriving late in the afternoon. Harrison stated in his report to the war department that: "I have the honor to inform you that I landed the army under my command about three miles below this place at 3 o'clock this evening without opposition and took possession of the town an hour after. General Procter had retreated to Sandwich with his regular troops and Indians, having previously burned the fort, navy yard, barracks and public store houses. The two latter were very extensive, covering several acres of ground. I will pursue the enemy tomorrow, although there is no probability of my overtaking him as he has upwards of one thousand horses and we have not one in the army. I shall think myself fortunate to be able to collect a sufficiency to mount the general officers. It is supposed here that General Procter intends to establish himself upon the river Tranch (Thames) forty miles from Malden." On the 29th of September, Harrison's army marched up to Sandwich, arriving early in the afternoon. An hour or so after this Colonel McArthur crossed over with his brigade of 700 men and took possession of Detroit. The inhabitants of Detroit, who for thirteen months had been under the British heel, were waiting, eager to welcome the picturesque Kentuckians and in their intense joy made the most of the occasion. The old flag-which had been secreted in Judge May's garret-was found by his daughter and hoisted over the Mansion House. On September 30th, Col. R. M. Johnson, with his regiment of Kentucky cavalry, reached Detroit, having been ordered from Fort Meigs on the 25th by Harrison. Johnson had tarried at French Town en route, to bury the bodies of the brave men massacred there the previous January. Johnson, with his 1,100 men, crossed to Sandwich on October 1st and on the 2d, Harrison and Shelby, with 3,500 troops, left in pursuit of Procter. Some British soldiers, claiming to be deserters, came to the American camp and informed Harrison that Procter was encamped at Dolsen's Farm, about fifteen miles from the mouth of the Thames River, and that his force consisted of 700 soldiers and 1,200 Indians under Tecumseh. Procter's forces, as reported by Harrison, consisted of 475 regulars of the 41st and Newfoundland Regiments, 60 of the 10th, 45 dragoons, and from 600 to 1,000 Indians. Some of Procter's Indian allies had deserted him and had sent to Harrison for peace. Tecumseh, the greatest of the war chiefs, still remained faithful to the British and fled with Procter. Harrison's force consisted of 140 regular troops, Johnson's mounted regiment, and such of Governor Shelby's volunteers as were fit for a rapid

Page  1046 1046 CITY OF DETROIT march, the whole, as stated before, consisting of about 3,500 men. McArthur was left to protect Detroit with 700 men. General Cass and the corps under Lieutenant-Colonel Ball were left at Sandwich with directions to follow Harrison as soon as fully equipped. Harrison relayed his information concerning Procter to Commodore Perry, who ordered three of his ships-the Porcupine, Scorpion and Tigress-to sail up the Thames and assist Harrison's army. (Farmer's History of Detroit states that Perry accompanied Harrison up the Thames with two ships-the Ariel and Caledonia-but landed fifteen miles up the river and joined the army.) The distance from Detroit to Dolsen's farm, by water, was fifty-six miles. Before Perry's ships could get there, Procter was again on the retreat. It is related that Tecumseh denounced him for a coward and that he promised the chief he would make a stand at Chatham. On his flight from Dolsen's farm to Chatham, he destroyed much property to prevent it from falling into the hands of the Americans. On the evening of the 4th, Harrison pitched his camp near Procter's and stationed a double guard to avert a surprise. At dawn on the 5th the American Army crossed the Thames at Arnold's Mill and about 9 o'clock came upon the embers of the enemy's camp fires of the preceding night. Procter had again fled. Three miles from the Moravian Town, Procter formed his line of battle across the road, his right resting on the Thames, Tecumseh and his Indians on the left. This was on the afternoon of October 5th. Harrison's army advanced in perfect order until the bugle sounded the charge, when Johnson's mounted troops hurled themselves like an avalanche against the enemy's line. General Shelby sent a regiment under Lieut.-Col. John Donaldson to Johnson's support, and the war-cry of the Kentuckians, "Remember the Raisin," was soon heard above the firing. The impetuous onslaught struck terror to the hearts of the Indians and they fled in every direction, pursued by the Kentuckians. After a brief fight, the British regulars surrendered. Procter escaped in a carriage and twenty-four hours later was sixty-five miles away from the field. The American loss was 15 killed and 30 wounded. The loss of the Indians was not definitely learned, but many were killed and wounded by the soldiers in the pursuit. Tecumseh was killed in this action by a pistol shot fired by Colonel Johnson, after the latter was wounded. The military documents and reports of the British, captured on this occasion, were printed in Volume 32 of the Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collection. The official report of General Procter in Volume 15, page 427, of the same series, is as follows: "October 23rd 1813. "Ancaster. "Sir:"Having decided on the necessity of retiring on the Thames, it became immediately an object of the utmost importance to convince the Indian Body of its expediency, also, and likewise to dispell all apprehension of their being deserted by us. Both of which to a considerable degree were affected by commencing with the chief, Tecumthei, and then by means of him. The Indian cause and ours experienced a serious Loss in the Death of Roundhead. On the 24th ulto I concentrated my Force at Sandwich, having previously sent off to the Thames my remaining Ordnance and Stores of every Description for which Transport could be found, and destroying the small Portion that remained, as well as the

Page  1047 CITY OF DETROIT 1047 Public Buildings, etc., at Amherstburg. On the 26th the Enemy appeared in the offing, sounding in every direction, and on the 27th landed nine miles below Amherstburg in considerable Force. On the same evening the Public Buildings at Detroit were destroyed. I commenced my retreat, and by easy Marches arrived on the 29th at the River Thames. I had immediately after the Loss of our Fleet, observed an Impatience to retire, by which however I was not influenced ere it became at least prudent. A considerable number of Indians remained; but not from the want of attachment to us, nor do I apprehend any deminution of it whilst our conduct is such as to retain the confidence of those who have accompanied us, I was disheartened, tho' I could not but observe that the idea of making a stand on the Thames below the Wilderness, A wood between the Moravian Town and Deleware the Road thro' which is thirty-four miles and very bad, or maintaining any Position on it was generally treated as visionary; and that every direction given for that Purpose was received with apathy, and I soon perceived that it would not be in my Power to occupy the Narrows on the River Sinclair (St. Clair) as I had intended, and prevent the Enemy's vessels passing into Lake Huron. I had assured the Indians that we would not desert them, and it was my full Determination to have made a stand at the Forks (Chatham) by which our vessels and stores would be protected, but after my arrival at Dover, three miles lower down the river I was induced to take Post there first, where Ovens had been constructed, and where there was some Shelter for the Troops; and had accordingly directed that it should be put into the best possible state of Defense, that time and circumstance would admit of. Indeed it had been my intention to have opposed the Enemy nearer the Mouth of the River; had not the troops contrary to my intention, been moved during my absence of a few hours for the purpose of acquiring some knowledge of the country in my rear. On the 3d Inst during another unfortunate attempt for the said Purpose with the officer of Engineers whom Indisposition had prevented waiting on me, from the 24th ulto; to the evening of the 2d Inst. The Troops, on Advance of the Enemy, retired until stoped at the Forks; and altho' the measure was at the time strongly opposed by the Indian Body, It had the effect of determining them the next morning to immediately retreat to the Moravian Town and which on my Arrival was carrying into effect; a hasty measure that made it requisite to immediately sink and destroy the Vessels and Naval stores brought from Amherstburg as well as all others that could not, from the want of Time, or means be removed, and which was accordingly done. Immediately on my Determination to fall back Directions were given and measures immediately taken for the Construction of Ovens, and a sufficiency of Peroques or large Canoes on the Communication had my intentions been carried into effect promptly we should have been well accommodated with Provisions, and not encumbered with them on the move, as I had explicitly directed, that every article of Food should be in our rear, and that Portions of it, as well as Individuals of the Commissariat be at stated distances for the Accommodation of the sick, and of the women & children, who were to be sent off as conveyances could be found. In short every measure was adopted that my experience or Enquiries could prompt for the disencumbering of my Force and facilitating its supplys. In the attempt to save Provisions and Ammunition we became encumbered with Boats not suited to the state of the Navigation. The Indians and Troops retreated on different sides of the River and the Boats to which sufficient attention had not been given became parVol. II-13.

Page  1048 1048 CITY OF DETROIT ticularly exposed to the Fire of the Enemy who were advancing on the side the Indians. were retiring, and most unfortunately fell into the possession of the Enemy, and with them several of the men, Provisions, all the Ammunition that had not been issued to the Troops and Indians. This disastrous circumstance afforded the Enemy the means of crossing and advancing on both sides of the River; Finding the enemy was advancing too near I resolved to meet him, being strong in Cavalry, in a wood below the Moravian Town, which last was not cleared of Indian women & children, or of those of the Troops; nor of the sick. The Troops were formed with their left to the River; with a reserve and a six pounder, on the Road near the River. The Indians on the Right. The want of Ammunition was unknown to the men, and but to few of the officers. My only anxiety was on that head, which I made an immediate attempt to secure a supply of, as the Flour and Corn, and awaited the Result of the Attack with full confidence. The Gun which certainly should have produced the best effect if properly managed, was in possession of the Enemy immediately as the attack commenced, without having fired a shot. This circumstance operated so very unfortunately that the Line commencing near the Left gave away, and notwithstanding the Exertions of the officers in general could not be reformed or the men rallied. Having in vain endeavored to call the men to a sense of Duty and having no chance by remaining, but of being captured, I reluctantly quitted the ground, and narrowly escaped being taken by the Enemy's Cavalry. I cannot but observe, that the troops do not seem to have had that Confidence in themselves, that they had shewn on every former occasion, a conduct that I witnessed with Pride and Satisfaction, and which had they felt, in the late unfortunate Instance, would I am confident, have produced quite another result and have placed me in a very different state from what I feel myself in at present. Having already waited too long for the return of Lieut. LeBriton whom I sent with the Flag of truce to ascertain the Fate of Individuals, etc. I shall no longer delay but take the Earliest opportunity of giving any information I may obtain respecting the late unfortunate affair of the 5th Inst. with deep concern I mention the Death of the Chief Tecumthei, who was shot on the 5th Instant. I must mention that the Indians repulsed the Left of the Enemy. The conduct of the Enemy's Cavalry was marked by a peculiar cruelty to the Families of the Indians who had not time to escape or conceal themselves. "I have the honor to be Sir, your obedt servant, Henry Procter, Major General. "Major General de Rottenburg, Kingston." After the Battle of the Thames, Harrison returned to Detroit. The victims of the Raisin were avenged; all the territory surrendered in 1812, except Michilimackinac, was recovered. Most of the British prisoners were sent to Chillicothe. In the middle of October, Harrison left Detroit for Niagara. General Cass was placed in charge at Detroit with the Seventeenth, Twenty-sixth, Twenty-seventh and Twenty-eighth Regiments of United States Infantry, and Captain Sholes' company of artillery, and later a Pennsylvania militia regiment. Cass exercised both civil and military control, his title having been

Page  1049 CITY OF DETROIT 1049 brigadier-general of the United States Army commanding the western district of Upper Canada. Before winter, however, Cass left Detroit with a number of other officers and the command of the post fell to Col. Anthony Butler, with Col. George Croghan as second officer. The fort had been renamed Fort Shelby in honor of the intrepid Kentucky governor who had so valiantly assisted Harrison. CONCLUDING EVENTS OF THE WAR Conditions in Detroit at this time were described by one of Harrison's soldiers as follows: "To prepare for winter we had a heavy job before us. The British had burned the fort, leaving nothing but the heavy earthworks. They left nothing combustible, not a board or stick of timber, and we were compelled to go to the woods, from one to three miles distant, or to the islands, still further, to get logs and poles with which to build huts to winter in. Until these could be got ready we occupied tents and vacant houses in the city." Dr. Alfred Brunson, a surgeon in Harrison's army, in a work entitled "The Western Pioneer," gives the following rather amusing account of an event which happened in the spring of 1814: "As the spring of 1814 opened, the British were gathered in force at the head of the Thames, threatening to descend upon Detroit. A flag-officer was sent to our headquarters on some business, real or pretended, and while there a regiment of Pennsylvania militia, whose term of six months service had expired, demanded their discharge. No arguments or patriotic persuasions could induce them to remain till another regiment that was to relieve them should arrive. Their time was out and they must go, and go they would, and go they did. Means were taken to have them leave the place by the back way and not to pass by the window where the flag-officer was quartered-being headquarters; but no, they were free men now and they would go where they pleased, and the whole regiment went by in sight of the officer, in an unarmed and helter-skelter manner. This- must be counteracted, or the officer might make such a report to his chief as would induce an immediate attack upon us. "To do this, the Seventeenth Regiment of Infantry, whose quarters were outside and east of the fort, just about sundown shouldered their guns and knapsacks and moved stealthily round back of the fort and down towards Springwells, and then marched up the road by the headquarters, straggling along as if greatly fatigued from a long and hard march. It was beginning to be dark, so that they could not be seen distinctly from the window of the officer, to enable him to form an opinion of their number; but the line stretched along for half a mile or more. As the head of the column came up by the gate at headquarters, Colonel Croghan, by order of Colonel Butler, who was in command went out to and conversed with the officer in command of the newcomers, to receive his report. After talking some time, while the column was straggling by, the new officer leaned against the fence, as if greatly fatigued from the long march. "In the meantime the door of the flag-officer's room was purposely left ajar, so that he could hear what was said in the hall between the two colonels. When Colonel Croghan came in, he reported to Colonel Butler that the troops just passing were under command of Major; that they were the advance of General ---- 's brigade of regulars, who would reach there the next

Page  1050 1050 CITY OF DETROIT day; that this advance had made a forced march of thirty-six miles that day, on account of the militia's leaving, of which they had learned by the express sent them, thinking possibly they might be needed, etc. "All this reached the flag-officer's ear at nightfall. The next morning he was hoodwinked, put across the river and led some distance, too far off to see anything of the force or fortifications of the place, when he was let loose with a flea in his ear. It had its desired and designed effect, for the enemy kept at a respectful distance and made no attack." During the early part of the year 1814 there were a number of Indian forays which caused the Americans some fear. In February a force under Captain Holmes, under orders of Colonel Butler, started an expedition to attack Fort Talbot, but after a skirmish with the enemy at Longwoods, returned to Detroit. Colonel Butler returned to Kentucky shortly after this and the command of Detroit fell to Lieutenant-Colonel Croghan. The Americans evacuated Malden on March 21st. Detroit endured a winter of hardship and peril in 1813-14. The army itself was attacked by an epidemic, the nature of which was at first doubtful, but was finally determined to be a mild form of cholera. Hundreds of the soldiers died during the winter months and many were buried in common graves. The wood supply was difficult to obtain, owing to the presence of hostile Indians, consequently portions of the stockade were used and, as late as 1830, Congress paid claims for fences burned during this period. The Indians became bold and were constantly committing depredations against the whites. In order to stop these incursions, Governor Cass organized a volunteer company to patrol the river and roads. The personnel of this company was as follows: Judge Charles Moran, Judge Shubael Conant, Capt. Francis Cicotte, James Cicotte, George Cicotte, Col. Henry J. Hunt, General Charles Larned, William Meldrum, John Meldrum, James Meldrum, James Riley, Peter Riley, John Riley, Lambert Beaubien, John M. Beaubien, Joseph Andre dit Clark, Louis Moran, Louis Dequindre, Lambert La Foy, Joseph Riopelle, Joseph Visger, Jack Smith, Ben Lucas, and John Ruland. This company, which was mounted, easily dispersed the savages in the neighborhood of the fort. Capt. Peter Audrain's company of spies, which served for a few weeks after the 1st of July, 1814, performed meritorious service. There were only sufficient funds available to pay these men for two weeks' work, but their captain held the organization intact for a time after this in the face of the peril of attack. Detroit citizens were very apprehensive of an attack at this time, as shown by letters of Solomon Sibley and others, and they were dubious of their ability to hold out against an organized assault by the British and Indians. In July, 1814, a land force commanded by Croghan and a naval force under Capt. Arthur Sinclair, attempted the capture of Michilimackinac, but found the British too strong at that point. This force suffered an ambush by Indians and lost in killed Major Holmes, Captain Van Horne and Lieutenant Jackson. The expedition returned to Detroit August 23d. Michilimackinac did not come into American hands until after the Treaty of Ghent, December 24, 1814, which ended the war. On October 9th, General McArthur arrived with a reinforcement of 700 mounted riflemen. McArthur soon after proceeded to the relief of General Brown at Fort Erie, had several successful engagements with the enemy, but returned without completing his original purpose, as Erie was abandoned.

Page  1051 CITY OF DETROIT 1051 As late as July, 1815, a number of American ships passing Maiden on the river were searched by the British, who were ostensibly looking for deserters. Governor Cass resented this act with strong argument, but nothing came of it. The Indians persisted in coming over to the American side, to Grosse Ile, and committing depredations. In one instance, when D. R. Macomb found a band encamped on his land at Grosse Ile, having killed and devoured some of his cattle, the resulting quarrel ended by the death of one of the savages-shot by one of Macomb's men. The Canadians offered a reward for the arrest of the murderer, but as the act was committed on American soil, Cass ordered all citizens to resist the apprehension of the man while under the American flag. Famine, also, threatened the inhabitants of this region during the last days of the war and afterward. A letter from Judge Woodward to Secretary of State Monroe, dated March 5, 1815, stated: "The desolation of this territory is beyond all conception. No kind of flour or meal to be procured, and nothing for the subsistence of the cattle. No animals for slaughter, and more than half of the population destitute of any for domestic or agricultural purposes. "The fencing of their farms entirely destroyed by the incursions of the enemy, and for fuel for the military. Their houses left without glass, and in many instances even the flooring burnt. Their clothing plundered from them by the Indians. It is a literal fact, and it will scarcely be deemed permissible to shock the feelings of human nature so much as to state it, that the inhabitants of the river Raisin have been obliged to resort to chopped hay boiled for subsistence. Many, possessing neither firmness of mind or body sufficient to sustain the calamities with which they have been assailed, have sunk into the asylum where the wicked cease to trouble and the weary are at rest." Response was made to this plea and on May 25th Governor Cass was authorized by the Secretary of War to spend $1,500 for the people at the Raisin. This sum was expended for flour and great care was exercised that only the actual needy were assisted.

Page  1052 CHAPTER XL THE BLACK HAWK WAR SKETCH OF CHIEF BLACK HAWK-TREATY OF 1804-IN THE WAR OF 1812 -BEGINNING OF HOSTILITIES-CALL FOR VOLUNTEERS-CHOLERA EPIDEMIC AT DETROIT-END OF THE WAR-CAPTURE OF BLACK HAWK-HIS DEATH -COST OF THE WAR. Chief Black Hawk (Indian name Ma-ka-ta-wi-mesha-ka-ka) was born at the Sac Village on the Rock River in 1767. His father, Py-e-sa, was a direct descendant of Nan-a-ma-kee (Thunder), to whom the medicine bag of the Sac nation was intrusted by the Great Spirit. Black Hawk was trained in the arts of war by his father and established his prowess in battle before he was nineteen years of age. About that time his father was mortally wounded in a battle with the Cherokee Indians and upon his death the medicine bag passed to the custody of Black Hawk. This medicine bag represented the soul of the Sac nation and had never been disgraced. To prepare himself for preserving it unsullied, Black Hawk took no part in war for five years after the death of his father, praying to the Great Spirit for strength and wisdom to discharge his onerous duty. During that period he would frequently go to the promontory near his home on the Rock River, where he would spend hours in smoking and meditation. This headland is still known as "Black Hawk's Watch Tower." After his five years of preparation, Black Hawk took his place as one of the leading chiefs of the Sac and Fox confederacy. At the beginning of the Nineteenth Century the white man was looking with longing eyes at the broad prairies of Illinois, and immediately after the Louisiana Purchase was made in 1803 a clamor arose for the removal of certain tribes, among whom were the Sac and Fox, to the new domain west of the Mississippi River. Accordingly, on November 3, 1804, Gen. William H. Harrison, then governor of the Indiana Territory, negotiated a treaty with the Sac and Fox chiefs at St. Louis, by which the confederated tribes ceded their lands east of the Mississippi to the United States, retaining the privilege of dwelling on said lands until they were actually sold to white settlers, after which they were to remove to the west side of the river. This treaty was subsequently the cause of a great deal of trouble with the Sac and Fox confederacy. It was then the custom of these tribes to instruct their chiefs or delegates to a treaty council as to what course to pursue, or, in the absence of such instructions, afterward confirm their action by a vote. It was claimed by some of the Indians that the delegates to the council at St. Louis had no definite instructions to dede any portion of the lands east of the Mississippi, and a considerable faction of the allied tribes, led by Black Hawk, refused to confirm their action. 1052

Page  1053 CITY OF DETROIT 1053 IN THE WAR OF 1812 When the relations between the United States and Great Britain became strained in 1812, the British Government took advantage of Black Hawk's dissatisfaction over the treaty of 1804 to secure his co-operation. Colonel Dixon, who commanded the English post at Green Bay, sent two large pirogues loaded with presents to the Sac Village on the Rock River, and then went in person to superintend the distribution of the goods among the Indians. No better man could have been selected by the British authorities. Dixon was naturally crafty and thoroughly understood the Indian character. Upon meeting Black Hawk he took him by the hand and said: "You will now hold us fast by the hand. Your English father has found that the Americans want to take your lands from you and has sent me and my braves to drive them back to their own country." Such a speech won Black Hawk, who joined the British and was with the Shawnee chief, Tecumseh, when the latter fell in the battle of the Thames. After this Black Hawk's band was called the "British Band of Rock River." In the summer of 1815 William Clark and Ninian Edwards were appointed commissioners to make treaties of peace and friendship with the tribes living along the Mississippi River, but it was not until the following spring that the chiefs and head men of the British Band could be persuaded to visit St. Louis for the purpose of holding a council. There on May 13, 1816, twenty-two leaders of the band entered into a treaty confirming that of November 3, 1804. One of those who signed, or "touched the goose quill," as the Indians expressed it, was Black Hawk himself, though he afterwards repudiated his action on that occasion. BEGINNING OF HOSTILITIES During the decade following the treaty of May 13, 1816, the State of Illinois was rapidly settled and the Sac and Fox lands were demanded for actual settlers, according to the provisions of the treaty. In 1828 President Adams issued his proclamation declaring the lands opened to settlers and ordering the Indians to remove to the west side of the river. As a matter of fact, a large number of the allied tribes had removed to the west side of the river two years before the proclamation was issued. Black Hawk refused to vacate until the Government actually sold the section of land upon which his village was situated. He and his band finally crossed the river in 1830, but the removal was made "under protest," the old chief being far from reconciled to the situation. In the spring of 1831, with a number of his braves and their families, Black Hawk recrossed the river and took possession of their old cabins and cornfields. The white settlers appealed to Governor Reynolds, of Illinois, who sent General Gaines to Rock Island with a military force large enough to compel the return of the Indians to the west side of the river. The winter of 1831-32 was unusually severe and the Indians underwent many hardships in their new homes. Their houses were poorly built, provisions were scarce among them, and they suffered both from cold and hunger. Some writers assert that in this emergency Black Hawk fell under the influence of Wa-bo-kie-shiek, a "bad medicine man," who advised him to recross the

Page  1054 1054 CITY OF DETROIT river, ostensibly to visit the Winnebago Indians, and secure the co-operation of that tribe and the Pottawatomi in a general uprising against the whites. Whether this is true or not, on April 6, 1832, the band again crossed to the east side of the river in plain view of garrison at Fort Armstrong, Black Hawk giving out the information that he was going to visit the Winnebago Village and join with that tribe in raising a crop of corn. His act was considered as a hostile invasion, however, by the military authorities, who feared that he would attempt to regain possession of his village on the Rock River. There is no evidence that he intended to make any such attempt and some of the settlers, knowing that the Indians never took the war path accompanied by their squaws, old men and children, expressed their opinion that Black Hawk was on a peaceful mission. Capt. W. B. Green, who served in the mounted rangers, afterward maintained that Black Hawk told the truth, when he said he was on a friendly visit to the Indians farther up the Rock River, and that the war was instigated by a trader to whom the band was in debt, in the hope that he could force the negotiation of another treaty so that he could get his pay. Although the settlers felt no special alarm over Black Hawk's movements, Governor Reynolds called out the Illinois militia to aid the garrison at Fort Armstrong in driving out the invader and sent 2,000 men under General Whiteside to that post. Major Stillman was sent out with 275 mounted men to turn Black Hawk back. On May 12, 1832, this force came upon the chief and about forty of his warriors some distance from where the main body of the Indians was encamped. Black Hawk sent forward five messengers bearing a flag of truce, to ask for a parley, but Stillman's men opened fire and two of the messengers were killed. The few warriors then took up the fight Indian fashion, concealing themselves behind trees and rocks and picking off the white troops. As Stillman's men were mounted they fought at a disadvantage and in a little while were utterly routed, abandoning their provisions and other supplies in their hasty flight. The killing of the two warriors bearing the flag of truce was the beginning of active hostilities. CALL FOR VOLUNTEERS Immediately after Major Stillman's defeat volunteers were called for and Michigan was asked to furnish 300 men. Governor Mason directed the adjutant-general to issue a call and on May 22, 1832, that official ordered Gen. John R. Williams to recruit a force not exceeding that asked for by the Government. The same day General Williams called for 300 volunteers. The Detroit City Guards, commanded by Capt. Edward Brooks, and the Light Dragoons, under Captain Jackson, responded. The two companies were organized under command of Gen. John R. Williams, with Edward Brooks as colonel; Jonathan Davis, lieutenant-colonel; Benajah Holbrook, major; Louis Davenport, quartermaster; and John L. Whiting, surgeon. On May 24, 1832, this little force left Detroit for the seat of war, but upon reaching Saline the Detroit City Guards were ordered to return home. They arrived at Detroit on May 30th. The dragoons went on to Chicago, where they learned that the danger was not as serious as had been represented, the greatest danger to the people of Chicago having been inspired by stories told by travelers who knew little or nothing of the real situation. After a short stay in Chicago they returned to Michigan.

Page  1055 CITY OF DETROIT 1055 THE CHOLERA EPIDEMIC The Black Hawk war was long remembered in Detroit on account of the cholera epidemic, which came as a result of military operations. The city lay directly in the path of steamers conveying troops and supplies from the eastern ports around the lakes to Chicago and many of these boats stopped at Detroit. Early in June, 1832, the Austerlitz, carrying two companies of regulars from Fort Niagara, under command of Major Whistler, stopped at Detroit for a few hours, and on the last day of that month Gen. Winfield Scott, with a detachment of troops, arrived on his way to Chicago. On July 4, 1832, the steamer Henry Clay arrived with 370 men commanded by Colonel Twiggs and tied up at the landing. The next day one of the soldiers died of cholera and the vessel was ordered to depart. She proceeded up the river to Hog Island (Belle Isle) and later to Fort Gratiot. By that time so many of the soldiers had been stricken that the boatjwas compelled to tie up. The soldiers who had not yet contracted the disease tried to make their way back to Detroit, but a number of them died on the way and their bodies were devoured by wild beasts. About one hundred and fifty of them arrived in the city on July 8th. A little later they embarked on the steamer William Penn, but the spread of the disease compelled them to land and they went into camp at Springwells, where they remained until the epidemic was over. Two citizens died of cholera on July 6th and the people became panic stricken, many of them closing their places of business and leaving the city. Surrounding towns established a strict quarantine against Detroit. Armed guards patrolled the roads about Pontiac, with orders to turn back any coming from the direction of the stricken city; at Rochester the bridges were torn up, persons from Detroit were unceremoniously turned out of the hotel and their baggage thrown after them; at Ypsilanti a health officer ordered the mail coach to stop until he could examine the passengers, but the driver refused and the quarantine guards fired upon the coach and killed one of the horses. Similar scenes were enacted in other near-by towns. By the middle of August the scourge was practically over. Ninety-six deaths were reported, one of which was that of Father Gabriel Richard, pastor of St. Anne's Church, who contracted the disease while caring for the patients in the improvised hospitals in the old capitol building. END OF THE WAR By the middle of June, 1832, there were encamped at Dixon's Ferry, on the Rock River, three brigades, commanded by Gens. Alexander Posey, Milton R. Alexander and James D. Henry; the regular troops from Fort Armstrong, commanded by General Atkinson; the Illinois militia, under General Whiteside; and Maj. Henry Dodge's Galena Battalion. And all this military array was deemed necessary to overcome a little, half-starved band of Sac and Fox Indians, who had committed no more serious offense than crossing the Mississippi River to visit their old friends, the Winnebago, in order to raise corn for food, for it is really questionable whether or not Black Hawk's intentions were hostile. Some raids were made upon the unprotected settlements, but most of the atrocities were committed by Winnebago and Pottawatomi, who took advantage of the situation to kill and plunder, though they declined to join Black Hawk and "fight like men."

Page  1056 1056 CITY OF DETROIT Awed by the strong force against him Black Hawk started for the Wis'consin River, intending to descend that stream and recross the Mississippi. General Henry and Major Dodge were sent in pursuit and on July 21, 1832, overtook the Indians at the Wisconsin, about fifty miles above its mouth. Here Black Hawk was forced to make a stand until the women, children and old men could retreat across the river. With his few warriors he held the soldiers at bay until the squaws constructed light rafts for the goods and little children. These rafts were then pushed across the stream, the Indians swimming and leading the ponies. When the noncombatants were out of danger on the other side, Black Hawk sent over half his fighting force. From the opposite shore these braves opened a fire to cover the retreat of the chief and the remainder of his little army while they swam across to safety. This feat was accomplished by fewer than one hundred warriors in the face of two brigades, the Indians losing only six men. Jefferson Davis, afterwards secretary of war in President Pierce's cabinet, then an officer in Major Dodge's battalion, in speaking of this movement later, said: "This was the most brilliant exhibition of military tactics that I ever witnessed; a feat of most consummate management and bravery in the face of an enemy greatly superior in numbers. I never read of anything that could be compared with it. Had it been performed by white men it would have been immortalized as one of the most wonderful achievements in military history." The last battle of the war was fought on August 2, 1832, at the mouth of the Bad Axe River. In this engagement all the white forces were concentrated against Black Hawk. A steamboat loaded with troops was sent up from Fort Crawford to prevent the Indians from crossing the Mississippi. The men on this boat opened fire on the red men in front, while from all sides the band was assailed by the land forces. Notwithstanding the inequality in the strength of the two armies, Black Hawk held out against the great odds for about two hours, vainly hoping for some fortunate turn in the battle that would permit at least a part of his people to make their escape. Some even attempted to swim the Mississippi, but the steamer ran in among them, capturing a few and drowning others. CAPTURE OF BLACK HAWK After the battle of Bad Axe, Black Hawk and his two sons escaped to the Winnebago Village at Prairie la Crosse. Through the treachery of two of his Winnebago friends the old chief and his sons were delivered as prisoners of war to General Street, the Indian agent at Prairie du Chien. They were taken to Fortress Monroe, Virginia, where they were held in confinement until June 4, 1833, when President Jackson ordered their release and placed them in charge of Major Garland, to be taken on a tour of the country, in order that they might see the greatness of the United States and the futility of further warfare against the white men. When taken before the President, Black Hawk said: "I am a man; you are only another. We did not expect to conquer the whites. They had too many men. I took up the hatchet to avenge injuries my people could no longer endure. Had I borne them longer without striking my people would have said Black Hawk is a squaw; he is too old to be chief;

Page  1057 CITY OF DETROIT 1057 he is no Sac. These reflections caused me to raise the war whoop. The result is known to you. I say no more." President Jackson presented Black Hawk with a sword, "a gift from one warrior to another," and Major Garland started with his charges upon his tour. The party arrived in Detroit about noon on July 4, 1833, and stopped at the Mansion House, near the intersection of Cass Street and Jefferson Avenue. While in Detroit Black Hawk sat for his portrait to J. O. Lewis, the well known artist. Upon the conclusion of the tour, Black Hawk retired to his reservation in Iowa, where he died on October 3, 1838, at the age of seventy-one years. About a year later it was learned that his bones had been taken from the grave, but they were subsequently recovered through the efforts of Governor Lucas, of Iowa, and sent to St. Louis, where they were cleaned and wired together. The skeleton was then returned to the governor's office and Black Hawk's sons were content to let it remain there. At the expiration of Governor Lucas' term it was given to the Burlington Geological and Historical Society and was among the collections that were destroyed by fire in 1855. The monetary cost of the Black Hawk war was about two million dollars, most of which was borne by the Federal Government and the State of Illinois. The aggregate loss of life of both whites and Indians was not far from twelve hundred.

Page  1058 CHAPTER XLI TOLEDO AND PATRIOT WARS CAUSES OF THE TOLEDO WAR-BOUNDARY DISPUTE-THE HARRIS LINE-GOVERNOR MASON ACTS-MILITIA CALLED OUT-A MIDNIGHT COURT SESSION-GOVERNOR MASON REMOVED FROM OFFICE-A WAR SONG-THE PATRIOT WAR-CONDITIONS IN CANADA AND THE UNITED STATES-THE CAROLINE INCIDENT-SENTIMENT IN DETROIT-HUNTERS' LODGES-CAPTURE OF THE ANN-UNITED STATES TROOPS ARRIVE-DETROIT THREATENED-CLOSING SCENES OF THE WAR. The so-called "Toledo War" grew out of a dispute over the boundary line between Michigan and Ohio. When the latter state was admitted into the Union on February 19, 1803, the northern boundary was not clearly defined, owing chiefly to the fact that at that time Congress was not sufficiently acquainted with the region about the Great Lakes to describe an accurate line. On January 11, 1805, President Jefferson approved the act of Congress creating the Territory of Michigan, the southern boundary of which was described as "a line drawn east from the southern end of Lake Michigan to Lake Erie." As a better knowledge of the Great Lake country was acquired through the formation of new settlements, it was discovered that the line of 1805 would give Michigan a strip of land across the northern part of Ohio. This strip was about five miles wide at Lake Michigan and eight miles wide at Lake Erie, which would include the City of Toledo. THE HARRIS LINE Thus matters stood until 1817, when, in accordance with an act of Congress, William Harris surveyed the line in such a way as to place the disputed strip wholly within the Ohio limits, though Michigan continued to exercise jurisdiction over the territory. The Harris survey therefore gave Ohio a barren victory and Michigan remained in control until 1835. Early in that year Governor Lucas, of Ohio, issued a proclamation setting forth the rights of his state to the strip and appointing three commissioners to re-establish and mark the Harris line. In this action the governor was supported by the Legislature of Ohio, which passed an act creating the County of Lucas, with Toledo as the county seat, and authorizing a session of the Court of Common Pleas to be held in the new county on September 7, 1835. But Michigan was not to be caught napping. About the time Governor Lucas issued his proclamation, the Michigan Legislature passed an act making it a criminal offense, under penalty of $1,000 fine and imprisonment for five years, for any person or persons except the officials of the Territory of Michigan or of the United States "to exercise or attempt to exercise any official authority in the disputed territory." 1058

Page  1059 CITY OF DETROIT 1059 GOVERNOR MASON ACTS To enforce this law Governor Mason on February 19, 1835, issued a written order to Brig.-Gen. J. W. Brown, commanding the Third Brigade of the Michigan militia, to prevent any of the Ohio officials from exercising jurisdiction over the disputed strip. In carrying out this order, General Brown was directed to use only the civil authorities, unless a situation arose that might make it necessary to call out the militia to protect Michigan's rights. The general was also requested to ascertain and report the names of any of Michigan's civil officials or military officers suspected of favoring Ohio's claims, and to recommend others to take their places. Governor Mason's order to General Brown awakened public sentiment in Michigan and a mass meeting was called in Detroit to consider the advisability of memorializing the Federal administration on the subject. The meeting was well attended and after hearing addresses by some of Detroit's most prominent citizens a committee was appointed to prepare a memorial, with instructions to report at an adjourned meeting on March 6, 1835. The committee's report contained a strong protest against the claims of Ohio and after adoption by the meeting the memorial was forwarded to Washington. President Jackson, seeing that Ohio was mainly interested in securing a port on the Maumee Bay, at the head of Lake Erie, sent two commissioners to effect a compromise, if possible, so that Ohio could be given a lake port and at the same time protecting Michigan's interests. These peace officers accomplished nothing and the fight went merrily on. The Ohio authorities attempted to exercise jurisdiction in Toledo by ordering an election for town officers to be held on Monday, April 6, 1835. Two days later the sheriff of Monroe County, Michigan, acting under orders from General Brown, went to Toledo at the head of a posse and arrested two men named Goodsell and McKay who had been especially active on election day, but they were admitted to bail and returned to their homes. A few days later the same sheriff, with a posse of 200 men, again entered Toledo for the purpose of making further arrests, but the men he wanted learned of his coming and could not be found. MILITIA CALLED OUT General Brown, finding that the civil authorities were unable to cope with the situation, ordered a detachment of militia to the border. On April 26, 1835, about twelve miles southwest of Adrian, this detachment encountered the Ohio commissioners, who were engaged in marking the Harris line. Shots were exchanged and the commissioners. with part of their body-guard, were captured. When news of this event reached Governor Lucas, he ordered out about two hundred of the Ohio militia and within a day or two he was at the head of this force at Port Miami, apparently determined to resist to the utmost any further arrests of Ohio citizens. Matters now quieted down a little and on May 2, 1835, the Ohio troops were disbanded. For more than two months after this no demonstrations were made by either side. Late on the afternoon of Saturday, July 18, 1835, the sheriff of Monroe County suddenly appeared in Toledo, with an armed posse of 25C men, and arrested seven or eight citizens of that place. Some of the posse went to the office of the "Toledo Gazette," which had been particularly ener

Page  1060 1060 CITY OF DETROIT getic in asserting Ohio's claims, and inflicted considerable damage upon the property. These arrests and the raid on the Gazette office reopened the whole controversy. Governor Mason was determined that Michigan should control the disputed strip and ordered the militia of the territory to mobilize at a place called Mulholland's in Monroe County. Governor Lucas, equally determined that Ohio should exercise authority, called out the militia of that state, and for a time civil war seemed imminent. A MIDNIGHT COURT SESSION On Sunday, September 6, 1835, Governor Mason and General Brown, at the head of about one thousand Michigan troops, marched into Toledo, the principal object of the invasion being to prevent the holding of the session of the Court of Common Pleas the next day, as provided for in the act of the Ohio Legislature creating Lucas County. Governor Lucas, seeing the Michigan military force too strong to be opposed successfully, resorted to strategy. Shortly after midnight, when the 7th of September was less than one hour old, the governor, judge and court officers met secretly and opened court, which was almost immediately adjourned. No causes were heard, no decisions rendered, but the Ohio law was at least technically complied with and the state thereby gained a victory. The brief records of the session were written oh loose sheets of paper and carried away by the clerk. GOVERNOR MASON REMOVED On Tuesday, September 8, 1835, while Governor Mason was addressing his troops, a messenger arrived with an official communication from President Jackson announcing the removal of the governor and the appointment of John S. Horner, of Pennsylvania, as his successor. Thus Ohio claimed another victory. On the 10th the Michigan troops were withdrawn from Toledo and returned to Detroit on the steamer "General Brady." The new acting governor Horner did not arrive in Detroit until September 20, 1835. One of his first official acts was to issue an address to the people of Michigan, outlining his policy as to the needs of the territory. His views did not meet with the approval of the people, who were warmly attached to Governor Mason and were inclined to resent his removal. Soon after issuing his address, Governor Horner ordered the release of the prisoners arrested in Toledo, giving his reasons therefor in an official document dated October 5, 1835. The release of the prisoners crystallized the opposition to the new governor and at a meeting held in Detroit the following resolution was unanimously adopted: "Resolved, That if our present secretary and acting governor of the territory should find it beyond his control, either from the nature of his instructions, his feelings of tenderness towards those who have for a long time set at defiance the laws of the territory as well as those of the United States, or any feeling of delicacy toward the executive of a neighboring state, who has in vain endeavored to take forcible possession of a part of our territory, it is to be hoped he will relinquish the duties of his office and return to the land of his nativity." Mr. Horner served as acting governor from September 20th to November 2, 1835, and continued as secretary about ten days longer. During his short tenure of office he managed to handle the disputed boundary question in such a way as to give Ohio great advantages. Michigan was then a candidate for

Page  1061 CITY OF DETROIT 1061 admission into the Union. A constitutional convention had been held and state officers elected, but Congress refused to admit the state unless and until she would agree to relinquish all claims to the disputed territory. These terms were finally accepted and the "Toledo War" was ended. In 1837 the Michigan Legislature appropriated $13,658.76 to pay the expenses incurred in the efforts to hold possession of the strip, which was ultimately awarded to Ohio. A WAR SONG Although a majority of the Michigan people looked upon the boundary dispute and the "Toledo War" as serious matters, there were many who regarded the whole affair as a huge joke. Some wag composed the following "War Song," which was sung about Detroit, and which illustrates the sentiment of the jokers: "Old Lucas gave his order all for to hold a court, And Stevens Thomson Mason, he thought he'd have some sport. He called upon the Wolverines and asked them for to go To meet this rebel Lucas, his court to overthrow. "Our independent companies were ordered for the march, Our officers were ready, all stiffened up with starch; On nimble-footed coursers our officers did ride, With each a pair of pistols and sword hung by his side." THE PATRIOT WAR A few months after Michigan was admitted into the Union, some of the citizens of Canada, comparing the condition of that country with the prosperity of the United States, came to the conclusion that the different forms of government were responsible for the different conditions and organized a revolt, demanding the independence of the Dominion. The "Patriots," as the revolutionists called themselves, took possession of and fortified Navy Island in the Niagara River, where they established a base of operations and began to collect troops, munitions and military supplies. THE CAROLINE INCIDENT The traditions of the Revolution and the recollections of the War of 1812 led many citizens of the United States to espouse the cause of the Patriots. The steamer "Caroline" was fitted out at Buffalo as a sort of privateer and made regular trips between that city, Black Rock and Navy Island, carrying sympathetic visitors to the camp of the revolutionists, and, what was of much greater importance, large quantities of supplies contributed by friends in New York, Ohio and Michigan. The activities of this vessel finally aroused the Canadian officials to action. On December 29, 1837, she was captured, after a sharp fight in which twelve men were killed, and set on fire. The destruction of the " Caroline" called forth vigorous protests from the American sympathizers, who threatened all sorts of retaliation, regardless of the neutrality laws. The war department then sent Gen. Winfield Scott to the border to preserve order and to see that the laws relating to neutrality were not openly violated.

Page  1062 1062 CITY OF DETROIT SENTIMENT IN DETROIT Energetic action on the part of the Canadian Government caused the defeat of the Patriots at several points and about the beginning of the year 1838 over three hundred Patriot refugees came to Detroit, where they were accorded a warm welcome. Among the sympathizers in the United States were many who disliked the idea of placing themselves in opposition to the Federal authorities by an open violation of the neutrality laws, yet were anxious to assist the revolutionists. These organized secret societies, known as "Hunters' Lodges," and rendered aid to the Patriots by underground methods. Others were more bold and on January 1, 1838, a meeting was held, at which $135 and ten rifles were subscribed for the benefit of the cause. The "Morning Post," published by Kingsbury & Burnham, openly espoused the cause of the Patriots and urged the people of Detroit to contribute liberally to its support. When news of the meeting and the attitude of the "Post" reached the Canadian officials, they demanded the surrender of the refugees. Some of the more hot-headed Canadians threatened to attack Detroit and burn the town if they were not given up. Wiser counsel prevailed, however, and the attack was not made, though the threat had the effect of awakening the fighting spirit of the Detroiters, who decided to assume the offensive. About 3 o'clock on the morning of January 5, 1838, some twenty-five or thirty men went quietly to the county jail, where 450 stands of arms and a quantity of ammunition was stored, aroused Jailor Thompson, overpowered him without hurting him, and disappeared in the darkness with the guns and ammunition. The next day the Patriots went to the landing, took forcible possession of the schooner "Ann," manned the vessel with 132 men armed with the guns taken from the jail and set sail for Fighting Island. An English vessel chased the schooner down the river and at Ecorse she was hailed by the United States marshal, who had there assembled a posse of citizens. The "Ann" ignored both the pursuing vessel and the marshal's hail and continued on down the river. On her voyage she was joined by several small boats bearing recruits and finally the whole force, including more than three hundred Canadian refugees, was landed at Gibraltar. Later in the evening sixty men from Cleveland, led by a Scotchman named Sutherland, arrived on the steamer "Erie." After the arrival of this reinforcement it was decided to cross over and capture Fort Maiden (now Amherstburg). Sutherland first attempted to take possession of Bois Blanc Island, but found it already occupied by a force of British regulars and Canadian militia. He then retired to Fighting Island. The troops on Bois Blanc Island, fearing he would attempt the capture of Fort Malden, returned to that place. Meantime the authorities at Detroit were not idle. As soon as it was learned that the "Ann" had been captured by the Patriots, a meeting was called at the city hall for the purpose of devising means to prevent the violation of the neutrality laws. As a result of this meeting, about 2 A. M., January 8, 1838, Governor Mason, with 220 volunteers, set out with the steamers "Erie" and "General Brady" to arrest Dr. E. A. Theller, commanding the "Ann," and his crew, and to regain the arms taken from the jail. Doctor Theller was apprised of the governor's movements and ran the schooner to one of the islands

Page  1063 CITY OF DETROIT 1063 beyond the jurisdiction of the United States. The governor then acknowledged the defeat of his purpose and returned empty-handed to Detroit. CAPTURE OF THE cANN" Sutherland now asked Theller to join in an assault on the Canadian mainland. Theller attempted to do so, but in maneuvering the "Ann" she was brought within range of the British guns on the shore and was fired upon, her rigging being so badly damaged that she drifted on shore and was captured. Doctor Theller was carried a prisoner to Quebec and Sutherland retired to Gibraltar to await the arrival of reinforcements from Detroit. To aid him in carrying out his plans, the Patriots of Detroit decided to make a bold move. On January 9, 1838, they seized the steamer "Erie" to carry volunteers and supplies to Gibraltar, but the next day the vessel was returned. About this time Governor Mason and Mayor Howard joined in calling a public meeting at the city hall in Detroit for January 13, 1838, to consider what course was best to pursue under the circumstances. At the meeting addresses were delivered by George C. Bates, Theodore Romeyn, Kintzing Pritchette, Daniel Goodwin and others, and a resolution to sustain the Federal Government in preserving a strict neutrality was adopted. UNITED STATES TROOPS ARRIVE By this time the situation had become so intense that the United States Government decided to take a hand. On January 27, 1838, Colonel Worth and three companies of regulars arrived in Detroit, having come from Buffalo on the steamer "Robert Fulton." Governor Mason showed a willingness to cooperate with the Federal administration and on February 12th ordered six companies of militia to Gibraltar to aid in enforcing the neutrality laws. Owing to the severe cold weather there was considerable grumbling among the militia at being sent on an expedition at such a time. Two men who tried to desert broke through the ice while crossing the river and were drowned. Upon the arrival of the militia at Gibraltar, Governor Mason prevailed on the Patriots to disband and the troops returned to Detroit. The disbanding of the Patriots at Gibraltar proved to be only a lull in the storm. Notwithstanding the loss of their leader (Sutherland), who had been taken prisoner by Colonel Prince, of the Canadian forces, they rallied and were soon as active as ever. The very day that Governor Mason and his six companies marched to Gibraltar, twelve boxes of rifles were taken from the arsenal to Detroit. That night the Patriots gathered secretly and stole the arms, but two days later they were found in a garret over a bowling alley and returned to the arsenal. On February 13th, a company of Patriots boarded the steamer "General Brady," lying in the river near the city, and appropriated about one hundred barrels of flour. The day following the theft of the flour, a company of regulars, commanded by Captain Johnson, arrived from Buffalo. The arrival of these and other United States troops, with the measures taken by the commanding officers to secure a strict enforcement of the neutrality laws, drove many of the Patriots from the city. They went up the river and established a rendezvous near St. Clair. Rumors reached Detroit that they were contemplating an attack on Port Sarnia, on the Canadian side, and on February 22, 1838, the Brady Vol. II-14

Page  1064 1064 CITY OF DETROIT Guards went to St. Clair to prevent the movement. The Patriots then transferred their active operations to points below the city. On the night of February 23d about two hundred of them met at a tavern kept by a man named Thomas, five miles below Gibraltar. From there they moved up the river to Ecorse, where they were met by others provided with sleighs for transporting arms, ammunition and supplies across the ice to Fighting Island. Every movement was closely watched by the Canadians and a strong military force was soon mobilized opposite the island. On Sunday, February 25, 1838, the Canadian artillery opened fire upon Fighting Island. Thirteen Patriots were killed and forty wounded during the cannonade and the remainder of the force, finding the island untenable, retired to the American side of the river. Here they were met by a company of regulars and the Brady Guards, who had been sent down the river to intercept them. The Patriots were disarmed and two of their leaders were placed under arrest, charged with violating the neutrality laws. They were afterward liberated. DETROIT THREATENED In the Canadian Parliament open charges were made that the people of Detroit sympathized with and gave aid to the Patriots. This was true of only a small minority, but the belligerent spirit in Canada was such that preparations to attack the city were commenced. In view of these warlike indications, a public meeting was held at the city hall on March 7, 1838, to decide what steps should be taken for the city's defense, and also to protest against the treatment of Americans who had been taken prisoners by the Canadians. David E. Harbaugh, Edward Brooks, Peter Desnoyers, Charles C. Trowbridge and Alexander D. Fraser were appointed a committee to investigate the matter and report to another meeting to be held on the 12th. At the adjourned meeting the committee made a report favoring neutrality and protesting against the statement made in the Canadian Parliament that the citizens of Detroit were encouraging the Patriots. At the same meeting John Farmer made a report of an investigation he had undertaken at the request of Governor Mason, concerning the capture of T. J. Sutherland, the Patriot leader. It had been asserted that the Canadian forces had invaded American territory and carried off Mr. Sutherland, but the investigation established the fact that he was captured within the Canadian boundary. The action of these meetings resulted in a better feeling between the Canadian officials and the people of Detroit. CLOSING SCENES OF THE WAR During the summer of 1838 a Patriot camp was maintained on the creek called Bloody Run. It was occupied most of the time by two hundred or more men, awaiting reinforcements and an opportune moment to attack the Canadian side of the river, but no hostile movements were made. As a measure of protection, and for the purpose of enforcing the neutrality laws, the United States sent 10,000 muskets to the arsenal at Dearborn. The knowledge that these arms were stored within easy reach had the effect of dampening the ardor of the Patriots, though they still kept up the fight. On November 19, 1838, the steamer "Illinois" went down the river to Gibraltar and the next day captured a schooner carrying several hundred stands of arms to the Patriots. On the 21st the Patriots successfully executed a counter

Page  1065 CITY OF DETROIT 1065 movement by stealing the arms of the Brady Guards, but they were recovered two or three days later. Gen. Hugh Brady, who was active in his efforts to enforce the neutrality laws, learning that the Patriots were gathering at Cleveland and Sandusky, chartered the steamer "Illinois" and stationed troops at various points along the Detroit to prevent an invasion of Michigan and hold the Patriots in check. Late in November about five hundred refugees assembled at Brest and from there marched up to the Forsyth farm, now well within the corporate limits of Detroit. On Sunday, December 3, 1838, they were dispersed by order of General Brady and twelve boxes of rifles were captured. Three days after this affair the Brady Guards were mustered into the United States service for three months, unless sooner discharged. Patriot sympathizers severely criticised General Brady and the military for their activity, and for a time it looked as though all attempts to organize an attack upon Canada had been abandoned, the Patriots apparently being divided in their opinions as to a plan of campaign. But a little while after midnight on December 4, 1838, about two hundred men, led by Colonels Harvel and Cunningham, marched quietly into Detroit, seized the steamer "Champlain," which was lying at the wharf, and crossed the river, landing about three miles above Windsor. They then marched to the Canadian barracks, which they burned, together with the steamer "Thames." Reinforcements came up from Malden, the Canadians rallied and drove the Patriots off with a loss of twenty-one killed and sixty-five captured. Four of the prisoners were afterward shot by order of Colonel Prince. The survivors made their escape in canoes to Belle Isle, then known as Hog Island. As they were crossing the river in their canoes they were fired upon by the United States troops commanded by Colonel Payne. The weather was severe and several of the Patriots were frozen to death. During the engagement great excitement prevailed in Detroit and a special night patrol of about fifty men was organized. The next day 150 citizens were sworn in as peace officers. The burning of the barracks and defeat of the Patriots marked the end of active hostilities, though a force of British regulars and Canadian volunteers, numbering about one thousand men, was on duty at Sandwich until the beginning of the year 1839. On December 9, 1838, General Scott again visited Detroit and on the 12th he delivered an address at the National Hotel on the Patriot question and urged the people to observe the laws. Dr. E. A. Theller, who was captured early in the year and taken to Quebec, managed to escape from his prison and on December 4, 1838, returned to Detroit. The next day he was arrested on the charge of having violated the neutrality laws. He was released on bail until in June, 1839, when he was tried and acquitted. This was the last echo of the Patriot war so far as Detroit was concerned.

Page  1066 CHAPTER XLII THE WAR WITH MEXICO EVENTS PRECEDING THE WAR-THE AUSTIN LAND GRANT-MEXICO BECOMES A REPUBLIC-TEXAS REVOLTS-ANNEXATION TO THE UNITED STATES-WAR DECLARED-MICHIGAN'S RESPONSE TO THE CALL FOR VOLUNTEERS-TREATY OF GUADALUPE HIDALGO-THE HOME COMING-INCIDENTS OF THE WAR. The greater part of what is now the State of Texas was originally included in the Province of Louisiana. In 1819 Spain ceded Florida to the United States and received in return all that part of the Louisiana Purchase included within the limits of Texas, which then extended northward to the forty-second parallel. Prior to this time no attempt had been made to found settlements in Texas, the territory being left unpeopled to act as a barrier between the United States and the Spanish settlements in Mexico. When Mexico achieved her independence in 1821, the new government adopted the policy of developing the district so long neglected. To inaugurate this policy a large tract of land was granted to Moses Austin, of Connecticut, on condition that he would establish a colony of 300 American families thereon. This grant was later confirmed to his son, Stephen Austin, who was given the privilege of increasing the number of families to 500. Under this arrangement the nucleus of American settlement was planted in Texas during the next two years. On October 4, 1824, the people of Mexico adopted a constitution, under which the Mexican Republic was formed, composed of separate states. Texas and Coahuila were united as one of those states and adopted a constitution after the manner of the states of the American Union. During the next ten years the number of American settlers in Texas greatly increased. In 1835 a military revolution broke out in the City of Mexico, which was powerful enough to subvert the federal and state constitutions of the republic and establish Gen. Miguel Barragan as military dictator. Upon his order the Mexican Congress issued a decree converting the states into mere departments of a central government. Such a policy did not meet with the approval of the American settlers and the Austin colony soon became a "thorn in the side" of the military dictator. Under the leadership of Gen. Samuel Houston, of Tennessee, these Americans instituted an armed revolt in 1835 and on March 2, 1836, issued a declaration of independence, to the effect that "all political connection with Mexico is forever ended and the people of Texas do now constitute a free, sovereign and independent republic." General Santa Anna, who had succeeded Barragan as dictator, was then marching with an armed force against the Texans and four days after the adoption of the declaration of independence occurred the historic massacre of the Alamo. This dastardly deed was avenged on April 21, 1836, in the battle of San Jacinto, where the Mexicans were ingloriously defeated by the Texans under General Houston and General Santa Anna was captured. The following 1066

Page  1067 CITY OF DETROIT 1067 month, while still a prisoner in the hands of the Texans, he entered into a treaty acknowledging the independence of the Texas Republic, with the Rio Grande as the western boundary. The Constitution of Texas was ratified by the people in September, 1836, and General Houston was elected president. ANNEXATION TO THE UNITED STATES Previous to the recognition of the Republic of Texas by the Mexican authorities, the United States had made repeated offers to purchase the territory, but they had all been rejected. After the establishment of the republic it was not long until President Houston and other Americans sought the annexation of Texas, as more than one hundred thousand emigrants from the States had already settled in Texas. In the political campaign of 1844 the democratic party nominated James K. Polk for President and declared in favor of annexation, while the whigs, led by Henry Clay as their candidate, opposed it. Polk was elected, and the people having thus expressed themselves in favor of annexation, Congress on March 1, 1845, passed the annexation bill, which was signed by President Tyler, three days before Polk was inaugurated. The bill provided that certain conditions should be complied with by the Texans before annexation. These conditions were accepted by vote of the people of Texas, which then became a part of the United States. It was admitted into the Union as a state on December 29, 1845. WAR DECLARED The annexation and admission of Texas were displeasing to the Mexican Government, which for ten years had entertained hopes of regaining possession of the territory. At the time the state was admitted the military forces of the United States in the Southwest were commanded by Gen. Zachary Taylor, who was ordered to take possession of the country and hold it against Mexican aggression until the boundary dispute could be adjusted. Early in 1846 General Arista began the mobilizing of a large force of Mexicans directly south of the Rio Grande, to which stream Taylor was ordered to advance. After establishing a depot of supplies at Point Isabel, on the Gulf coast, he moved over to the Rio Grande and built Fort Brown (now Brownsville) opposite the Mexican Town of Matamoras, where General Arista had his headquarters. The Mexican forces were soon afterward defeated in the battles of Palo Alto and Resaca de la Palma and the news of these engagements aroused the war spirit throughout the United States. The whigs forgot the old political differences of opinion regarding annexation and men of all parties offered their services to put a stop to Mexican aggression. On May 11, 1846, two days after the battle of Resaca de la Palma, Congress declared that "War already exists by act of the Mexican Government," placed the sum of $10,000,000 at the disposal of the administration, and authorized the President to accept the services of 50,000 volunteers. President Polk approved the act on May 13, 1846, and called upon the various states and territories for eighty-six and one-half regiments-the half regiment to be furnished by the District of Columbia. MICHIGAN'S RESPONSE Of the troops called for by President Polk, ten regiments were to be recruited for the regular army and Michigan was not slow in furnishing her share. Detroit was then the capital of the state and was naturally the center of military activity.

Page  1068 1068 CITY OF DETROIT The state supplied one of ten regiments for the regular army and a mounted company for the Third United States Dragoons. Although this company was organized in Detroit, it was composed of picked men from both Michigan and Wisconsin, none under six feet in height being accepted. Notwithstanding this restriction, the company was quickly formed and was mustered into the United States service with Andrew T. McReynolds as captain; John Brown, first lieutenant; J. C. Devereau Williams, second lieutenant. This was the only mounted company to be raised in Michigan and Wisconsin. It left Detroit by way of the lakes on April 24, 1847, and arrived at Vera Cruz, Mexico, on the 20th of May. The appearance and discipline of the stalwart men made such an impression on Gen. Winfield Scott that he declared the company to be the finest body of soldiers he had ever seen and attached it to his personal escort. The company served under General Scott until the close of the war. About the time the dragoons left for the front an infantry company numbering 118 men was raised in Southeastern Michigan, about three-fourths of the members coming from Detroit. Of this company, known as Company G, Fifteenth United States Infantry, F. D. Winans was captain; William D. Wilkins, first lieutenant; M. P. Doyle, second lieutenant. Almost as soon as the organization of the company was completed it was ordered to Mackinaw to relieve some regular troops at that place, and in June following it was ordered to the front. On the way to Mexico, the company arrived at Detroit on June 26, 1847, and was there given an ovation. It left by boat the same evening. Company G, Fifteenth United States Infantry, was relieved at Mackinaw by a company of infantry organized at Detroit. It was mustered in on June 18, 1847, with M. L. Gage as captain; A. K. Howard, first lieutenant; W. F. Chittenden and C. F. Davis, second lieutenants. This company garrisoned the posts at Mackinaw and Sault Ste. Marie until mustered out in the spring of 1848. It was called the "Brady Guards," though it was in no way connected with the old militia company of that name. Under a second call for volunteers in 1847, Michigan was asked to furnish a full regiment of infantry. The state promptly answered the call and the First Volunteer Regiment was organized with T. B. W. Stockton as colonel; Alpheus S. Williams, lieutenant-colonel; John V. Ruehle, major, and James E. Pittman, adjutant. The captains of the several companies composing the regiment were: F. W. Curtenius, Company A; Grove A. Buel, Company B; A. H. Hanscom, Company C; Nicholas Gruesel, Jr., Company D; Isaac S. Rowland, Company E; John Wittenmeyer, Company F; Daniel Hicks, Company G; Walter W. Dean, Company H; John Van Arman, Company I; James M. Williams, Company K. Companies B, C and D left Detroit on December 24, 1847, and were followed the next day by Companies A, E and F. These six companies were commanded by Lieutenant-Colonel Williams. The remainder of the regiment, under command of Col. John Stockton, left Detroit on the steamer "Albany" on February 9, 1848. This was just a week after the conclusion of the treaty ending the war, but news of that event had not yet been received in Michigan. TREATY OF GUADALUPE HIDALGO When James K. Polk was inaugurated on March 4, 1845, it was his ambition to acquire California, though the means by which his dream was to be realized were uncertain. The territory might be acquired by conquest; it might be secured by filling it with emigrants from the United States, who would ultimately

Page  1069 CITY OF DETROIT 1069 bring it into the Union as Texas had been annexed; or it might be possible to win the good will of the citizens, who were already chafing under Mexican rule. Early in 1846 Lieut. John C. Fremont's expedition entered the Sacramento Valley and introduced a fourth plan for the acquisition of the territory. Fremont established an independent government, known as the "Bear Flag Republic," under the control of the American settlers in the valley. When war was declared on May 13, 1846, the Bear Flag was replaced by the Stars and Stripes. Col. Stephen W. Kearney captured the Town of Santa Fe and New Mexico was acquired almost without loss of life. By the close of the year 1846 practically all the territory desired by the administration was held by the United States military forces, though Mexico still remained unconquered. In the spring of 1847 President Polk sent Nicholas P. Trist, a Virginian and chief clerk in the department of state, to Gen. Winfield Scott's headquarters for the purpose of entering into negotiations with the Mexican Government for the restoration of peace. Trist was instructed, among other things, to demand the cession of California and New Mexico and the recognition of the Rio Grande as the international boundary. On February 2, 1848, Trist succeeded in negotiating the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo (a small place on the outskirts of the City of Mexico), which embodied these features. By this treaty Mexico ceded to the United States all her territory north of the Rio Grande, comprising the present states of Arizona, California, Nevada, New Mexico and Utah, the western part of Colorado and the southwest corner of Wyoming. For this vast expanse of country Mexico received the sum of $15,000,000 and the United States further agreed to assume the payment of claims held by citizens of this country against the Mexican Government, provided the total amount of such claims did not exceed $3,250,000. THE HOME COMING For some time after the conclusion of the Treaty of Guadalupe Hidalgo, United States troops remained in Mexico to preserve order. On July 8, 1848, a part of Colonel Stockton's regiment arrived on the steamer "John Owen." The second detachment arrived on the 10th and the remainder on Sunday, July 16th. This last detachment was accompanied by Captain Winans' company and came from Chicago by way of the lakes. Their boat was met on Lake St. Clair by the ferry steamer "Alliance" bearing the Scott Guards, a number of citizens and a band, and the returning victors were escorted in triumph to the city to the strains of martial music. The cost to the state of raising the First Regiment was $10,165.85. On January 15, 1848, the Legislature appropriated $5,000 for the purpose of raising the Second Regiment, which was organized and mustered into the United States service, but the war ended before it was ordered to Mexico. The total cost to the state in raising, equipping and subsisting troops was $17,193.70. At the breaking out of the war Detroit was without telegraph service, there were no fast mail trains, and news from the seat of war, always anxiously awaited, came by boat. Capt. Joseph Taylor, an officer in the regular army and a brother of Gen. Zachary Taylor, was then stationed in Detroit. Naturally he was interested in the movements of his brother and whenever the arrival of a vessel was expected he spent much of his time on the wharf, in order to be among the first to hear the news. On one of these occasions he was accom

Page  1070 1070 CITY OF DETROIT panied by Judge Ross Wilkins, but the boat was delayed, the judge grew tired of waiting and went home. Not so with Captain Taylor, who remained on watch until the arrival of the vessel. He was rewarded for his patience, for the boat brought the news of General Taylor's victory at Palo Alto. Notwithstanding the lateness of the hour, he hurried to Judge Wilkins' house, rang the door-bell, and not meeting with a ready response, began pounding upon the door. When the judge opened the door the excited captain began shouting at the top of his voice: "Hurrah! my brother has licked the Mexicans at Palo Alto! Hurrah! Hurrah!" That Detroit was "not too conservative" on the subject of the war may be seen in the fact that places of business were named after battles in which the United States arms were victorious. Col. Nathaniel Prouty, who kept a hotel on Sixth Street, between Walnut Street and Grand River Avenue, changed the name of his hostelry to the "Buena Vista House," by which it was known for many years. On Monroe Avenue was a popular bowling alley, which took the name of the "Palo Alto or 8th of May Saloon."

Page  1071 CHAPTER XLIII WAR OF THE REBELLION THE SLAVERY QUESTION-POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1860-SECESSION-STAR OF THE WEST INCIDENT-FALL OF FORT SUMTER-LINCOLN'S PROCLAMATION CALLING FOR TROOPS-HOW MICHIGAN ANSWERED THE CALL-HISTORICAL SKETCHES OF THE MILITARY ORGANIZATIONS IN WHICH DETROIT AND WAYNE COUNTY WERE REPRESENTED-CAPTURE OF LAKE STEAMERS-THE WORK AT HOME-SOLDIERS' AND SAILORS' MONUMENT-GENERAL GRANT A RESIDENT OF DETROIT. It has been said that "War awakens in the people a patriotic sentiment that cannot be aroused by any other means." However that may be, much of the history of human progress centers about the deeds of great military commanders and their armies. Aggressive wars have been waged by strong nations for the conquest of weaker ones, or to uphold the regal power and "divine right" of kings; and defensive wars have been fought to advance.the rights and liberties of the people, or to maintain established governments. Of all the great nations of the civilized world, the United States is the only one which has never declared war except to defend her institutions, or to secure greater liberties for downtrodden humanity. THE SLAVERY QUESTION One of the great wars of history was the Civil war of 1861-65, between the Northern and Southern States, commonly known as the War of the Rebellion. In this great conflict the South fought to dissolve and the North to preserve the Union of States. Almost from the very beginning of the American Republic, the slavery question became a "bone of contention" between the free states on one side and the slave states on the other. Slavery was introduced into America in 1619, when a Dutch trader sold a few negroes to the planters of the Jamestown colony in Virginia. The planters found slave labor profitable and the custom of owning negro slaves gradually spread to the other colonies. But by 1819 seven of the original thirteen states had made provisions for the emancipation of the slaves within their borders. The first clause of Section 9, Article I, of the Federal constitution provides that "The migration or importation of such persons as any of the states now existing shall think proper to admit shall not be prohibited by Congress prior to the year 1808, but a tax or duty may be imposed on such importation, not exceeding ten dollars for each person." The adoption of this clause was regarded as a victory for the slaveholding element, as under it Congress had no power to interfere with the foreign slave trade until 1808. But in that year an act was passed prohibiting further traffic in or importation of negro slaves. In 1819 slavery existed in only six of the original thirteen states, the other seven having abolished it as already stated. In the meantime Kentucky, Tennessee, Louisiana, Mississippi and Alabama had been admitted with constitutions permitting slavery, and Vermont, Ohio, 1071

Page  1072 1072 CITY OF DETROIT Indiana and Illinois as free states, so that the Union was evenly divided into eleven free and eleven slave states. Maine was admitted as a free state in 1820 and the advocates of slavery sought to have Missouri admitted as a slave state, in order to maintain the equilibrium in the United States Senate. After a long and somewhat acrimonious debate, the state was admitted under the act known as the "Missouri Compromise," which provided for the admission of Missouri without any restrictions as to slavery, but expressly stipulated that in all the remaining portion of the Louisiana Purchase north of the line of 36~ 30' slavery should be forever prohibited. During the next twenty-five years the slavery question remained comparatively quiet, owing to the admission of free and slave states in equal number. Arkansas came into the Union as a slave state in 1836 and Michigan as a free state in 1837. The admission of Florida as a slave state in 1845 was offset by the admission of Iowa as a free state in 1846. At the conclusion of the Mexican war in 1847, the United states came into possession of a large expanse of territory in the Southwest, to which the advocates of slavery laid claim, and again the question came up as a subject for legislation. The result was the enactment of the compromise of 1850, commonly called the "Omnibus Bill." The opponents of slavery took the view that the act was a violation of the provisions of the Missouri Compromise, because it sought to carry slavery north of the designated line of 36~ 30'. Four years later Congress passed the "Kansas-Nebraska Bill," which added fresh fuel to the already raging flames. The passage of this measure was one of the causes that led to the organization of the republican party, which opposed the extension of slavery to any new territory of the United States whatever. POLITICAL CAMPAIGN OF 1860 In the political campaign of 1860 the issues were clearly defined and some of the slave states declared their intention to withdraw from the Union in the event of Abraham Lincoln's election to the Presidency. The people of the North regarded these declarations as so many idle threats, made merely for political effect. Through a division in the democratic party, Mr. Lincoln was elected and on December 20, 1860, South Carolina carried her threat into effect, when a state convention passed an ordinance of secession, declaring the state's connection with the Union severed and that "all allegiance to the Government of the United States is at an end." Mississippi followed with a similar ordinance on January 9, 1861; Florida seceded on January 10th; Alabama, January 11th; Georgia, January 19th; Louisiana, January 26th; Texas, February 1st. All these states except Texas sent delegates to a convention at Montgomery, Alabama, February 4, 1861, when a tentative constitution was adopted for the "Confederate States of America;" Jefferson Davis, of Mississippi, was elected provisional president and Alexander H. Stephens, of Georgia, provisional vice president. They were inaugurated on February 22, 1861, the anniversary of the birth of George Washington. Consequently, when Mr. Lincoln came into office on March 4, 1861, he found seven states in open rebellion and with an organized government in opposition to his administration. Yet, in the face of all this, the President, his advisers and the people of the North generally, clung to the hope that a reconciliation could be effected and that the citizens of the seceded states could be induced to return to their allegiance. Vain hope!


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Page  1075 CITY OF DETROIT 1075 STAR OF THE WEST INCIDENT Early in the year 1861, before the Montgomery convention had been called, relations between the North and South were still further strained when Maj. Robert Anderson, then in command of all the defenses of the harbor of Charleston, South Carolina, secretly removed his garrison and supplies from Fort Moultrie to Fort Sumter. Anderson saw the rising cloud and made the change because Fort Sumter could be more easily defended in case of an assault. The people of the South claimed that this change was a direct violation of an agreement with President Buchanan, and their displeasure was greatly increased when it was discovered that Major Anderson had spiked all the guns in Fort Moultrie just before it was evacuated. The northern newspapers were practically unanimous in justifying Anderson's course in making the change, and in demanding that additional supplies and reinforcements be sent to him at Fort Sumter, which would enable him to hold his position. The persistent hammering of the northern press finally caused the war department to despatch the steamer "Star of the West," with 250 men, a stock of ammunition, provisions, etc., to Fort Sumter. On January 9, 1861, while passing Morris Island, the vessel was fired upon by a masked battery and forced to turn back. It has been charged that John B. Floyd, Buchanan's secretary of war, notified the Confederate authorities at Charleston before the arrival of the steamer, giving sufficient time to have the masked battery placed in position. In the official records, the "Star of the West" incident is regarded as the beginning of the Civil war, though the popular awakening of the North did not come until about three months later. FALL OF FORT SUMTER Shortly after President Lincoln was inaugurated, General Beauregard, commanding the Confederate forces at Charleston, made a demand upon Major Anderson for the evacuation of Fort Sumter. Anderson refused, but on April 11, 1861, when the demand was renewed, seeing his supply of provisions running low and having only faint hopes of obtaining a new supply, he informed General Beauregard that he would vacate on the 15th, "unless ordered to remain and the needed supplies are received." This reply was not satisfactory to the Confederate commander, who feared that the new administration might find some way of sending reinforcements and supplies to the fort, which would enable Anderson to hold it indefinitely. In that case Fort Sumter would be a constant menace to one of the southern strongholds. After a conference with his officers, Beauregard decided upon an assault. Accordingly, at twenty minutes after three o'clock on the morning of April 12, 1861, he sent word to Anderson that fire would be opened upon the fort within an hour. At 4:30 A. M. Capt. George Janes, commanding at Fort Johnson, fired the signal gun, the shell bursting almost directly over the fort. A few seconds later a solid shot from the battery on Cummings' Point went crashing against the massive walls of the fort. The war was begun. Major Anderson's gallant little band responded promptly to the fire and the bombardments continued throughout the day. Late in the afternoon fire broke out in one of the casemates of the fort and the Confederates increased their fire, hoping to force Anderson's surrender. That was on Friday. Anderson held out against desperate odds until Sunday, the 14th, when he was per

Page  1076 1076 CITY OF DETROIT mitted to evacuate the fort with all the honors of war, even to saluting his flag with fifty guns before hauling it down. When the news of Sumter's fall spread through the loyal states of the North, all hope of bringing about a peaceable settlement of the differences between the North and South was dissipated. Party lines were obliterated. Political controversies of the past were forgotten in the insult to the flag. There was but one sentiment-"The Union must and shall be preserved." On Monday, April 15, 1861, the day following Anderson's evacuation of the fort, President Lincoln issued the following PROCLAMATION "Whereas, the laws of the United States have been for some time past and now are opposed and the execution thereof obstructed in the states of South Carolina, Georgia, Alabama, Florida, Mississippi, Louisiana and Texas by combinations too powerful to be suppressed by the ordinary course of judicial proceedings, or by the powers vested in the marshals by law: "Now, therefore, I, Abraham Lincoln, President of the United States, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution and the Laws, have thought fit to call forth and hereby do call forth the militia of the several states of the Union to the aggregate number of 75,000, in order to suppress said combinations and cause the laws to be fully executed. "The details for this object will be immediately communicated to the state authorities through the war department. "I appeal to all loyal citizens to favor, facilitate and aid this effort to maintain the honor, the integrity and the existence of our National Union and the perpetuity of popular government, and to redress wrongs already too long endured. "I deem it proper to say that the first service assigned to the forces hereby called forth will probably be to repossess the forts, places and property which have been seized from the Union; and in every event the utmost care will be observed, consistent with the objects aforesaid, to avoid any devastation, any destruction of, or interference with property, or any disturbance of peaceful citizens in any part of the country. "And I hereby command the persons composing the combinations aforesaid to disperse and return peaceably to their respective abodes within twenty days from this date. "Deeming that the present condition of public affairs presents an extraordinary occasion, I do hereby, in virtue of the power in me vested by the Constitution, convene both houses of Congress. Senators and Representatives are therefore summoned to assemble at their respective chambers at twelve o'clock, noon, on Thursday, the fourth day of July next, then and there to consider and determine such measures as, in their wisdom, the public safety and interest may seem to demand. "In witness whereof, I have hereunto set my hand and caused the seal of the United States to be affixed. "Done at the City of Washington, this 15th day of April, A. D. 1861, and of the Independence of the United States the eighty-fifth. "ABRAHAM LINCOLN. "By the President, "W. H. SEWARD, Secretary of State."

Page  1077 CITY OF DETROIT 1077 HOW MICHIGAN ANSWERED THE CALL Although the outbreak of the war found the national administration poorly prepared for conflict there was no hesitation in the response of the loyal states. Michigan was fortunate in having a governor who was both able and willing to accept the responsibilities thrust upon him. South Carolina had already seceded when Austin Blair was inaugurated in January, 1861. In his inaugural address he said: "Secession is revolution, and revolution in the overt act is treason, and must be treated as such. The Federal Government has the power to defend itself and I do not doubt that power will be exercised to the uttermost. It is a question of war the seceding states have to face. They who think that this powerful government can be disrupted peacefully, have read history to no purpose." On April 2, 1861, Governor Blair, to be ready for any emergency, issued a proclamation calling the Legislature to meet in extra session on May 4, 1861. Before the time came for the Legislature to convene under this call, Fort Sumter had fallen and the whole country was ablaze with patriotism. Immediately after the President's call for 75,000 volunteers, the secretary of war sent to the governors of the loyal states a statement of the quota of troops each would be expected to furnish. Michigan was called upon for ten companies of infantry (one regiment). On April 16, 1861, Governor Blair issued his proclamation calling for volunteers and directing the adjutant-general to accept the first ten companies offered. The same day the governor visited Detroit and met a number of the city's representative citizens at the Michigan Exchange Hotel, on Jefferson Avenue. He explained that the state had been called upon for one infantry regiment "fully armed, clothed and equipped;" that the sum of $100,000 was necessary to comply with this demand; and that the state was without funds immediately available for the purpose. A resolution was adopted pledging the business interests of Detroit to loan the state $50,000 and calling upon the citizens of the state to raise a similar amount. A subscription paper was circulated and resulted in $23,000 being raised at the meeting. One of the most prominent Detroit men killed in the War of the Rebellion was Gen. Thomas Williams, who was shot at the battle of Baton Rouge on August 5, 1862. His body was first interred at New Orleans, but was later brought back to Detroit and buried with impressive ceremonies. General Williams was a son of John R. Williams, first mayor of Detroit. FIRST INFANTRY From all over the state the citizens answered the call for volunteers and twice the number of companies called for announced themselves ready to report for duty. Before a week had passed, the adjutant-general, on April 24, 1861, issued his order for the organization of the First Michigan Volunteer Infantry, which was mustered into the United States service on the first of May for a period of three months. In the field and staff of the regiment Orlando B. Willcox, of Detroit, was commissioned colonel, and Alonzo F. Bidwell, also of Detroit, major. Two companies-A and F-came from Wayne County. Of Company A Charles M. Lum was captain; John D. Fairbanks, first lieutenant; William A. Throop, second lieutenant. The commissioned officers of Company F were

Page  1078 1078 CITY OF DETROIT Horace S. Roberts, captain; Bernhard Mauch, first lieutenant; Joseph P. Sanger, second lieutenant. While the regiment was still at Fort Wayne, the special session of the Legislature met and continued for four days-one of the shortest sessions in the history of Michigan. The principal acts of the session were those authorizing a war loan of $1,000,000 and giving the governor power to recruit ten regiments, to be ready for service whenever called upon by the Federal authorities. On May 11, 1861, the regiment marched to the Campus Martius, where it was presented with a fine flag, the gift of the patriotic women of Detroit. Two days later it left for Washington, D. C., 780 strong, and was the first regiment from a western state to arrive in the national capital. On May 24th it led the advance in the capture of Alexandria, Virginia, and as part of General Heintzelman's division it took part in the disastrous battle of Bull Run. In this engagement Colonel Willcox commanded a brigade and Major Bidwell commanded the regiment. Willcox and part of his command were captured. He was exchanged on August 17, 1861, ten days after the regiment was mustered out. THE REORGANIZED FIRST The work of reorganizing the First Infantry for the three years' service was commenced on June 28, 1861. It was mustered in by companies at Ann Arbor. Horace S. Roberts, captain of Company F in the three months' service, was commissoned lieutnant-colonel of the reorganized regiment. Company H and part of Companies B, F and I came from Detroit. Samuel E. Pittman was first lieutenant of Company B; William A. Throop was captain and Wilkins Bloodgood first lieutenant of Company F; Company H was officered by Charles E. Wendell, captain; George C. Hopper, first lieutenant; Alfred W. Beardslee. second lieutenant; and George W. Grummond was captain of Company I. On September 16, 1861, with 960 officers and men, the regiment left for Virginia and served with the Army of the Potomac until the end of the war. It was with Gen. George B. McClellan in the Peninsular campaign of 1862; was actively engaged in the second battle of Bull Run, where Lieutenant-Colonel Roberts, then in command, was killed and Captain Throop was promoted to his place. In the fall of 1862 it was engaged at South Mountain and Antietam and later in the year at the battle of Fredericksburg. After the battle of Chancellorsville in May, 1863, it was in several minor actions in Virginia and was then ordered to Gettysburg. Under command of Colonel Abbott it arrived at Gettysburg on July 2, 1863, and was soon in the thick of the fight. Colonel Abbott was severely wounded early in the action and Lieutenant-Colonel Throop assumed command. The following year it was in the historic Wilderness campaign, which was followed by the siege of Petersburg, and it was present at the surrender of Gen. Robert E. Lee at Appomattox on April 9, 1865, which practically ended the war. SECOND INFANTRY The response of so many companies under the call for the First Regiment and the liberal legislation of the special session led Governor Blair to authorize the organization of the extra companies into the Second Infantry. It was originally intended for the three months' service, but before it was mustered in the governor received a communication from the secretary of war directing

Page  1079 = PRESENTATION OF COLORS TO FIRST MICHIGAN INFANTRY ON THEIR DEPARTURE, MAY 13, 1861 Ceremony on Campus Martius, Andrew's Rail-Road Hotel on site of later Detroit Opera House in middle background, also spire of First Protestant Church. 9 Vol. II-15

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Page  1081 CITY OF DETROIT 1081 him to raise three regiments for three years' service "unless sooner discharged." The Second was therefore mustered into the United States service on May 25, 1861, at Fort Wayne for three years, with Israel B. Richardson, of Pontiac, colonel; Henry L. Chipman, of Detroit, lieutenant-colonel; William J. Lyster, of Detroit, major. Company A was raised in Detroit. Of this company Louis Dillman was captain; John V. Ruehle, first lieutenant; Gustave Kast, second lieutenant. William L. Whipple was captain and Emil Moores first lieutenant of Company H, and John M. Norvell was second lieutenant of Company I. These officers, as well as a number of the privates in the companies, came from Wayne County. Company E, which was organized at Niles, was presented with a fine flag by the women of that city and this flag afterward became the regimental colors. On June 6, 1861, the regiment left for Virginia, 1,020 strong. It was first engaged at Blackburn's Ford and at the battle of Bull Run the brigade composed of the First and Second Michigan and First Massachusetts covered the retreat of the Union army. In the spring of 1862, under General McClellan, it participated in the battles of Williamsburg, Fair Oaks and the other actions of the Seven Days' retreat, ending with the battle of Malvern Hill. It was then ordered to Kentucky and later to Tennessee, assisting in the defeat of General Longstreet at Knoxville. Early in the year many of the men reenlisted and came home on thirty-days furlough. The veterans rendezvoused at Mount Clemens and on April 4, 1864, again left for the front. As part of General Willcox's division the veteran Second took part in the campaign against Richmond and was in the trenches before Petersburg until Lee's surrender. It was mustered out at Jeffersonville, Indiana, July 9, 1865. FIFTH INFANTRY The Third and Fourth regiments were raised in the western and northern parts of the state. These regiments completed the number authorized by the war department, but Governor Blair assumed the responsibility of establishing a camp of instruction at Fort Wayne and the organization of other regiments. Gen. A. S. Williams was in charge of the camp, assisted by Col. James E. Pittman, Maj. William D. Wilkins and Capt. Henry M. Whittlesey. The camp was opened on June 19, 1861 and continued until August 1st, when those who had received instruction went out to organize their regiments. The Fifth Infantry was organized under the call of July, 1861. It was mustered in on August 28, 1861. Among the field and staff officers the following were from Detroit: Henry D. Terry, colonel; John D. Fairbanks, major; Moses Gunn, surgeon; William N. Ladue, adjutant. Companies A and F were raised in Wayne County. The commissioned officers of Company A were: Edwin T. Sherlock, captain; John Pulford, first lieutenant; John W. O'Callahan, second lieutenant. Heber LeFavour was captain of Company F; William N. Ladue (promoted to adjutant), first lieutenant; William T. Johnson, second lieutenant. In addition to these officers, Charles H. Hutchins was second lieutenant of Company C, and Joseph A. Eagle, captain of Company D. With 900 officers and men, the regiment left Fort Wayne on September 11, 1861, and joined the Army of the Potomac. Under General McClellan it participated in the Peninsular campaign of 1862 and at Williamsburg distinguished itself by a bayonet charge upon the enemy's rifle-pits. This has been pronounced by military men as one of the most brilliant bayonet charges of

Page  1082 1082 CITY OF DETROIT the Civil war. After a forced march, the Fifth arrived upon the field at Gettysburg about four o'clock on the afternoon of July 2, 1863, and within an hour had lost 105 men in killed and wounded. It took part in the campaign against Richmond in 1864 and after Lee's surrender was ordered to Kentucky. It was mustered out at Jeffersonville, Indiana, July 5, 1865, and arrived at Detroit on the 8th. EIGHTH INFANTRY A few Detroit men were in the Eighth Infantry, which was mustered in at Grand Rapids on September 23, 1861. William Mahone was the regimental chaplain and Gilbert E. Pratt was captain of Company B. The Eighth left its rendezvous for the front on September 27, 1861, with 915 officers and men, under command of Col. W. M. Fenton. It became known as the "Wandering Regiment." During the first year of service it was in South Carolina, Georgia, Virginia and Maryland, and in 1863 it served in Tennessee and Mississippi. It was mustered out at Washington, D. C., July 30, 1865. NINTH INFANTRY On October 15, 1861, the Ninth Infantry was mustered into the United States service at Fort Wayne, with the names of 913 officers and men on the muster rolls. Of this regiment William W. Duffield was colonel; Charles H. Irwin, quartermaster; Henry M. Duffield, adjutant, all from Detroit. The greater part of Company E came from Wayne County. Cyprian H. Millard, of Linden, was captain; Moses A. Share, first lieutenant; Stephen S. Barrows, second lieutenant. Blake W. Hornbeck was first lieutenant of Company I. The regiment left Fort Wayne on October 25, 1861, and moved to Jeffersonville, Indiana, where it remained in camp for a short time and was then ordered to Kentucky. During the winter it was engaged in guarding railroads, and in May, 1862, started after Morgan's guerrillas, with whom it was several times engaged. In November, 1862, it joined the forces of General Rosecrans in Tennessee and took part in the battle of Stone's River. It was actively engaged in the battle of Chickamauga, September 19-20, 1863, and in the spring of 1864 marched with Gen. W. T. Sherman for Atlanta. Much of the time this regiment was attached to the bodyguard of Gen. George H. Thomas. It was mustered out at Nashville, Tennessee, September 15, 1865. TENTH INFANTRY Charles M. Lum, who first entered the army as captain of Company A, First Infantry, was commissioned colonel of the Tenth, which was mustered in at Flint on February 6, 1862. Edwin A. Skinner, of Detroit, was regimental quartermaster, and Platt I. Titus was first lieutenant of Company I, in which were several Wayne County men. Soon after being mustered in, the regiment left for Kentucky. In the fall of 1862 it was ordered to Tennessee to join the army under General Rosecrans. It continued on duty in Tennessee until the spring of 1864, when it joined General Sherman for the campaign against Atlanta. After the fall of Atlanta it was on the famous "march to the sea," and accompanied Sherman's army up through the Carolinas in pursuit of Gen. J. E. Johnston. It was mustered out on July 19, 1865.

Page  1083 CITY OF DETROIT 1083 FOURTEENTH INFANTRY After the organization of the Tenth Infantry, Detroit was not represented in any of the regiments until the organization of the Fourteenth, Edwin Batwell was regimental surgeon; Frederick W. Sparling, assistant surgeon; David B. Harbaugh, adjutant; and Thomas C. Fitzgibbon was captain of Company B, which was partly raised in Wayne County. The regiment was mustered in at Grand Rapids on February 13, 1862, and the next day moved to Ypsilanti. On the 17th it left for the front and joined the army under Gen. U. S. Grant shortly after the battle of Pittsburg Landing. While at Ypsilanti the regiment was presented with a flag, on which was a figure of Justice, an American eagle and the motto: "We come not to war on opinions, but to suppress Treason." This flag was carried by the regiment until in 1864, when it was returned to the women who presented it by a committee of officers selected for the purpose. During the years 1862 and 1863, the Fourteenth was in numerous engagements in Tennessee and Mississippi. In the spring of 1864 it joined General Sherman's army and participated in several of the battles of the Atlanta campaign, the "march to the sea," and was present at the surrender of Gen. J. E. Johnston. It was then ordered to Louisville, Kentucky, where it was mustered out on June 18, 1865, and the men were disbanded at Detroit three days later. FIFTEENTH INFANTRY The Fifteenth Infantry was mustered in at Monroe on March 20, 1862, with 869 officers and men, and left for the front on the 27th. John McDermott, of Detroit, was lieutenant-colonel, and Thomas M. Brady, who enlisted as captain of Company F, was made chaplain of the regiment. At the breaking out of the war McDermott raised a company of Irishmen in Detroit, of which he was made captain. Failing to receive a place in any of the early Michigan regiments, Captain McDermott offered the services of his men to Illinois. The offer was accepted and the company joined Colonel Mulligan's regiment in June, 1861. Company C of the Fifteenth was raised in Detroit and was mustered in with R. F. Farrell, captain; John Considine, first lieutenant; John Stewart, second lieutenant. Henry A. Peel, of Detroit, was captain of Company D, and James J. Cicotte was captain of Company G. The regiment joined General Grant's army in Tennessee and received its baptism of fire at the battle of Pittsburg Landing. Under command of Lieutenant-Colonel McDermott, it took part in the movement against Corinth, Mississippi, and during the year 1863 it was in a number of engagements in that state and Tennessee. In the spring of 1864 it was assigned to General Sherman's command and in the campaign against Atlanta won the sobriquet of the "Fighting Fifteenth." After the "march to the sea" and the surrender of General Johnston it was ordered to Washington, where it took part in the Grand Review. It arrived at Detroit on September 1, 1865, where the men were paid off and discharged. SIXTEENTH INFANTRY Col. Thomas B. W. Stockton, who had commanded a regiment in the war with Mexico, was commissioned in the early summer of 1861 to raise a regi

Page  1084 1084 CITY OF DETROIT ment of infantry. Practically all the men forming this regiment came from Wayne County. It was mustered into the United States service by companies at Camp Backus, Detroit, and on September 16, 1861, left for the front with 761 officers and men. It was at first known as "Stockton's Independent Regiment," but in order to give it a legal status, was later designated as the Sixteenth Infantry. Colonel Stockton lived at Flint, and John V. Ruehle, who first entered the army as first lieutenant of Company A, Second Infantry, was commissioned lieutenant-colonel. Companies A, E and H were raised in Wayne County. The commissioned officers of these companies were as follows: Company A, Thomas S. Barry, captain; George H. Swan, first lieutenant; George Prentiss, second lieutenant. Company E, Robert T. Elliott, captain; Patrick McLaughlin, first lieutenant; Charles H. Salter, second lieutenant. Company H, Stephen Martin, captain; Thomas F. Hughes, first lieutenant; John Long, second lieutenant. James Defoe and William B. Roe, of Plymouth, were captain and first lieutenant, respectively, of Company F, and George Myers, of Detroit, was captain of Company G. In February, 1862, a company known as "Dygert's Sharpshooters," Kin S. Dygert, captain, was added to the regiment. During that year the Sixteenth saw active service in Virginia. Colonel Stockton was captured and held a prisoner for four months. After the battle of Chancellorsville in' May, 1863, it was assigned to Vincent's brigade, which, on July 2, 1863, held Little Round Top, at Gettysburg, against Longstreet's entire command until reinforcements could be received. In 1864 it moved with the Army of the Potomac against Richmond and was in most of the hard fought battles of that campaign.It was mustered out at Jeffersonville, Indiana, July 8, 1865. SEVENTEENTH INFANTRY The Seventeenth Infantry rendezvoused at Detroit, where it was mustered in as the organization was made, by companies. The muster roll of Company B bears the name of J. Cunningham as first lieutenant, Frederic W. Swift was captain and John Taylor, first lieutenant of Company F, and there were a number of Wayne County men in those two companies. The regiment left Detroit on August 27, 1862, for Washington, D. C. It was engaged in the battles of South Mountain and Antietam in the fall of that year. During the year 1863 it was on duty in Kentucky, Tennessee and Mississippi, when it was ordered to join the Army of the Potomac for the advance on Richmond. From the battle of the Wilderness to Lee's surrender at Appomattox on April 9, 1865, it was almost constantly on the firing line. After Lee's surrender the regiment was ordered to Washington, where it participated in the Grand Review. It was mustered out at Detroit on June 3, 1865. TWENTY-FOURTH INFANTRY The regiments from the Eighteenth to the Twenty-third, inclusive, were raised in other parts of the state, but the Twenty-fourth was raised in Wayne County. It was mustered in on August 15, 1862, with the following field and staff officers: Henry A. Morrow, colonel; Mark Flanigan, lieutenant-colonel; Henry W. Nall, major; Charles C. Smith, of Redford, and Alexander Collar, of Wayne, assistant surgeons; James J. Barnes, adjutant; Digby V. Bell, quartermaster; William C. Way, of Plymouth, chaplain.


Page  1086 4 i i

Page  1087 CITY OF DETROIT 1087 The commissioned officers of the several companies were: Company A, Edwin B. Wight, captain; Richard S. Dillon, first lieutenant; Henry R. Whiting, second lieutenant. Company B, Isaac W. Ingersoll, captain; William H. Rexford, first lieutenant; F. Augustus Buhl, second lieutenant. Company C, Calvin B. Crosby, captain; Charles A. Hoyt, first lieutenant; Winfield S. Safford, second lieutenant, all of Plymouth. Company D, William J. Speed, captain; John M. Farland, first lieutenant; Charles C. Yemens, second lieutenant. Company E, James Cullen, captain; John J. Lennon, first lieutenant; Malachi J. O'Donnell, second lieutenant. Company F, Albert M. Edwards, captain; Asa W. Sprague, first lieutenant; Jacob M. Howard, Jr., second lieutenant. Company G, William A. Owen, captain; William Hutchinson, first lieutenant; George W. Burchell, second lieutenant. Company H, Warren G. Vinton, captain; John C. Merritt, first lieutenant; Newell Grace, of Redford, second lieutenant. Company I, George C. Gordon, captain, Henry P. Kinney, first lieutenant; John M. Gordon, second lieutenant, all of Redford. Company K, William W. Wight, of Livonia, captain; Walter H. Wallace, of Brownstown, first lieutenant; David Birrell, of Detroit, second lieutenant. On August 29, 1862, the regiment, 1,027 strong, left for Washington, D. C., and upon its arrival there was assigned to the Army of the Potomac. As part of the fourth brigade, Franklin's division, it took part in the battle of Fredericksburg on December 11, 1862, which was its first time in action. It was then assigned to the "Iron Brigade," commanded by Brig.-Gen. Solomon Meredith, which was one of the first commands to become engaged at the battle of Gettysburg. In this engagement the Twenty-fourth had four color-bearers killed and three wounded, but the flag was never down more than a few seconds at a time. General Meredith was severely wounded in the battle and on July 17, 1863, wrote to Colonel Morrow from the hospital in Washington, "No troops ever fought with more bravery than did those of the Twenty-fourth Michigan." The regiment continued with the Army of the Potomac until after the surrender of General Lee, when it was ordered to Springfield, Illinois, where it acted as escort at the funeral of President Lincoln. While in Springfield it was the recipient of a fine silk flag bearing the names of the nineteen battles in which it had taken part, a gift from the citizens of Detroit. The regiment was mustered out at Detroit on June 30, 1865. TWENTY-SEVENTH INFANTRY A number of men from Wayne County enlisted in the Twenty-seventh Infantry, which was mustered in at Ypsilanti on April 10, 1863, with only eight companies. The commissioned officers from Wayne County were: David F. Fox, adjutant; Sylvan S. Hunting, chaplain; Paul Gies, first lieutenant of Company E; Warren A. Norton, second lieutenant of Company F; Edward Couse, second lieutenant of Company G; and Lyster M. O'Brien, second lieutenant of Company H. On April 12, 1863, the regiment left Ypsilanti for Kentucky, where it remained until June, when it was ordered to reinforce General Grant's army at Vicksburg. After the seige of Vicksburg it returned to Kentucky and early in the spring of 1864 it was ordered to join the Army of the Potomac, where it served until the close of the war. Although the Twenty-seventh started

Page  1088 1088 CITY OF DETROIT out with only eight companies, its muster rolls bore the names of 2,069 members before it was mustered out at Detroit on July 29, 1865. THIRTIETH INFANTRY Toward the close of the year 1864 there were so many southern sympathizers in Canada, who had gone there to avoid service in the Union army or to escape drafts in the South, that fears were entertained of raids upon the border states. Gen. Joseph Hooker authorized Governor Blair to raise a regiment of infantry for the protection of the border. Hooker's letter was dated November 4, 1864, and on January 5, 1865, the Thirtieth Infantry, 1,001 strong, was mustered in for twelve months, with Grover S. Wormer, who had previously served as colonel of the Eighth Cavalry, as colonel. Companies A and C were raised in Wayne County. Of the former William S. Atwood was captain; Henry G. Wormer, first lieutenant; and of the latter John M. Farland was captain and William J. Clarke second lieutenant. Companies A and B were stationed at Fort Gratiot; Companies C, F, G and I, at Detroit; Company D, at St. Clair; Company E, at Wyandotte; Company H, at Fenton; and Company K, at Jackson. After the surrender of General Lee all fears of an invasion died out and the regiment was disbanded. FIRST CAVALRY The First Michigan Cavalry was mustered in on September 13, 1861, with the following field and staff officers: Thornton F. Brodhead, colonel; Joseph T. Copeland, of Pontiac, lieutenant-colonel; William S. Atwood, Angelo Paldi and Charles H. Town, majors; William M. Brevoort, adjutant; James I. David, of Trenton, quartermaster; Jonathan Iudson, chaplain. These officers were all from Detroit except where otherwise noted. Following is a list of the company officers from Wayne County: Company A, James G. Stebbins, captain; Charles J. Snyder, second lieutenant. Company B, Charles H. Town, captain (promoted to major); Andrew W. Duggan, first lieutenant. Company C, James G. Fisher, captain. Company E, William S. Atwood, captain (promoted to major); William H. Perkins, first lieutenant. Company G, Angelo Paldi, captain (promoted to major). Company H, Thomas M. Howrigan, captain; Michael F. Gallagher, first lieutenant; William M. Brevoort, second lieutenant (promoted to adjutant). Company K, William D. Mann, captain; James I. David, first lieutenant (promoted to quartermaster); Peter Stagg, second lieutenant. Company L, Hasbruck Reeve, captain. On September 28, 1861, the regiment was presented with a fine flag by the citizens of Detroit, and the next day it left to join the Army of the Potomac. Its first service was in the Shenandoah Valley, after which it was engaged in the battles of Cedar Creek, Cedar Mountain and the Second Bull Run. Starting out with 1,144 officers and men, it received recruits several times during its service, and remained with the Army of the Potomac throughout the war. SECOND CAVALRY On October 2, 1861, the Second Cavalry was mustered in with 1,163 names upon its muster rolls. William C. Davis was lieutenant-colonel; Robert H. G. Minty, major; Russell A. Alger, captain of Company C; Chester E. Newman captain of Company H. In those two companies were a number of men from Wayne County.

Page  1089 CITY OF DETROIT 1089 Under command of Lieutenant-Colonel Davis, the regiment left for the front. Its first service was in Missouri, Mississippi and Kentucky, when it was attached to the Army of the Cumberland. After the battle of Chickamauga, in which it was actively engaged, it joined the forces under General Sherman for the Atlanta campaign. In the autumn of 1864 it accompanied Gen. George H. Thomas back to Nashville and assisted in the annihilation of the Confederate army under General Hood in December. It remained on duty in Tennessee until August 26, 1865, when it was mustered out at Nashville. THIRD CAVALRY Part of the Third Cavalry was raised in Wayne County. It was mustered in on November 1, 1861, with 1,163 officers and men. Robert H. G. Minty, who went out as major of the Second Cavalry, was commissioned lieutenantcolonel, and Edward Gray was one of the majors. Lyman G. Willcox was captain of Company B; Frederick C. Adamson, second lieutenant of Company F; Conrad Highwood, captain of Company H; and Heber Crane, second lieutenant of Company I. The regiment left Detroit on November 28, 1861, with Lieutenant-Colonel Minty in command. Its first engagement with the enemy was at New Madrid Missouri, March 13, 1862. For some time it was on duty in Tennessee and Mississippi and was then ordered to Texas. The Third was one of the last of the volunteer regiments to be mustered out of the United States service. That event occurred at San Antonio, Texas, on February 15, 1866, and just a month later the men reached Jackson, Michigan, where they were paid off and 'discharged. FOURTH CAVALRY The Fourth Cavalry was one of the strongest of the Michigan cavalry organizations. It was mustered in on August 29, 1862, with 1,223 officers and men. Robert H. G. Minty was commissioned colonel; Horace Gray, of Grosse Ile, major; and Walter C. Arthur, quartermaster. On September 26, 1862, the regiment left its rendezvous for Louisville, Kentucky, with Colonel Minty in command. Soon after its arrival at Louisville it was ordered to join General Rosecran's army in Tennessee. Colonel Minty was made chief of cavalry under General Rosecrans and directed the movements of the mounted troops in the battle of Stone's River. Under command of Lieut.-Col. Benjamin D. Pritchard, the Fourth played an important part in the capture of Jefferson Davis, the President of the Confederate States, at the close of the war. FIFTH CAVALRY A large part of the Fifth Cavalry came from Wayne County. It was mustered in at Detroit on August 30, 1862, with 1,305 officers and men. Joseph T. Copeland, of Pontiac, who had served as lieutenant-colonel of the First Cavalry, was commissioned colonel; William D. Mann, who had gone out as captain of Company K, First Cavalry, was made lieutenant-colonel; Freeman Norvell and Luther S. Trowbridge, majors; Arthur Edwards, of Trenton, quartermaster; Oliver Taylor, chaplain. David Oliphant was first lieutenant of Company B; Company C was raised

Page  1090 1090 CITY OF DETROIT in Detroit and was mustered in with George W. Hunt as captain; Horace W. Dodge, first lieutenant; Jacob Bristol and Edward W. Granger, second lieutenants; Eli K. Simonds, of Northville, was captain, and Thomas J. Dean, of Northville, was second lieutenant of Company D; William H. Rolls, of Trenton, and George R. Barse, of Detroit, were the second lieutenants of Company E; William Keith was second lieutenant of Company F; Stephen P. Purdy, captain; Henry Starkey, first lieutenant; Edgar W. Flint and Henry K. Foote, second lieutenants of Company H; Charles H. Safford and Henry H. Finley, second lieutenants of Company I; Hobart Miller, second lieutenant of Company K; Robert C. Wallace, second lieutenant of Company L; and George Fairbrother, second lieutenant of Company M. The regiment remained in camp at Detroit until December 4, 1862, when it left for Virginia. To follow the fortunes of this regiment would be to give the history of the Army of the Potomac from the time it joined that army until the close of the war. It was in many of the closely contested actions of the campaign against Richmond and Petersburg, and was frequently mentioned in the official reports of commanding officers for "gallant conduct upon the field." EIGHTH CAVALRY The next cavalry regiment in which Detroit and Wayne County were represented was the Eighth, which was mustered in at Mount Clemens on May 2, 1863, with 1,117 officers and men. Grover S. Wormer was commissioned colonel, and Watson B. Smith was regimental commissary. Five of the second lieutenants in the regiment came from Wayne County, viz.: Benjamin Treat, of Waterford, Company C; Robert F. Alien, of Plymouth, Company E; John H. Riggs, of Detroit, Company H; William C. D. Lowrie, of Detroit, Company I; and George Williams, Company K. On June 1, 1863, it left for Covington, Kentucky. Just before its departure for the front, the women of Mount Clemens presented it with a fine silk flag. Its first service was in pursuit of the guerrilla general, John Morgan, then on his raid through Indiana and Ohio. Under Col. John Stockton, who succeeded Colonel Wormer, the regiment then was ordered to Tennessee, where it became a part of the Army of the Cumberland. It served with that army until ordered home and was mustered out at Jackson, Michigan, July 20, 1865. NINTH CAVALRY The Ninth Cavalry was raised in Southeastern Michigan, and was the last of the regiments in which Wayne County was represented by any considerable number of men. James I. David, of Trenton, who had served as quartermaster of the First Cavalry, was commissioned colonel; Michael F. Gallagher, former first lieutenant of Company H, First Cavalry, major; Alfred K. Nash, of Trenton, surgeon; Hobart Miller, former second lieutenant of Company K, Fifth Cavalry, adjutant; Addison David, of Trenton, commissary. Among the commissioned officers of the several companies, the following were from Wayne County: Company B, James J. Lister, of Trenton, second lieutenant. Company C, Albert Hines, of Plymouth, first lieutenant; Charles H. Saunders, of Ecorse, second lieutenant. Company D, William Neff, of Monguagon, second lieutenant. Company F, Levi J. Mitchell, of Detroit,


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Page  1093 CITY OF DETROIT 1093 second lieutenant. Company G, Mark W. Jaquith, of Monguagon, captain; Cady Neff, of Trenton, second lieutenant. Company H, Thomas Gallagher, first lieutenant; Henry Coquillard, second lieutenant. Company M, Paul Cornevin, captain. The regiment, 1,073 strong, was mustered in on May 19, 1863. It left the state by detachments and during the remainder of the year was engaged in guarding railroads in Kentucky or in pursuing General Morgan. In the spring of 1863 it joined the cavalry under Gen. Judson Kilpatrick and took part in the Altanta campaign, after which it was with General Sherman on the "march to the sea." It was mustered out on July 30, 1865, at Jackson, Michigan. BATTERY C Detroit was as well represented in the artillery service of the nation as it was in the infantry and cavalry. A number of men from Wayne County enlisted in Battery A, which was commanded by Capt. C. O. Loomis, and which was mustered in on June 1, 1861, with 123 officers and men. Battery C was raised chiefly in Detroit and was mustered in on November 28, 1861, with the following officers: Alexander W. Dees, captain; Richard W. Hawes, first lieutenant; Robert O. Sinclair and William H. Sinclair, second lieutenants. The battery, with a full complement of officers and men, left the day after it was mustered in and served in the Army of the West until the spring of 1864. It was then attached to General Sherman's army and served under that gallant commander during the Atlanta campaign, the "march to the sea," and the campaign through the Carolinas in pursuit of Gen. Joseph E. Johnston. It was mustered out on June 22, 1865, at Detroit. BATTERY I This battery was organized at Detroit and was composed largely of men from Wayne County. It was mustered in on August 30, 1862, in connection with the Fifth Cavalry, with the following officers: Jabez J. Daniels, captain; Addison A. Kidder and Luther R. Smith, first lieutenants; Lewis R. Gage and Thomas J. Limbocker, second lieutenants. It left on December 4, 1862, with 168 officers and men, and upon its arrival in Washington, D. C., was ordered to Virginia. After the battle of Gettysburg, it was sent to Tennessee and was with General Sherman in the campaign against Atlanta in 1864. The battery was mustered out at Jackson, Michigan, July 14, 1865. BATTERY K Of all the artillery organizations that went out from Michigan, none made a better record than Battery K, which was mustered in at Detroit in February, 1863, with the following commissioned officers: John C. Schuetz, captain; Adolph Schill, first lieutenant; Christopher Hupert, second lieutenant. With 104 men on the rolls, it left for Washington on March 1, 1863, and in May was ordered to Virginia. The following October it was sent to Nashville and attached to the Army of the Cumberland. For some time it garrisoned Fort Bushnell, at Chattanooga, and in 1864 served by detachments on the gunboats on the Tennessee and Mississippi rivers. It was mustered out at Detroit on July 12, 1865. The following lines, the authorship of which is unknown, tell the story of Battery K's bravery and reliability:

Page  1094 1094 CITY OF DETROIT "There's a cap in the closet, old, tattered and blue, Of very slight value it may be to you; But a crown, jewel-studded, couldn't buy it today, With its letter of honor, brave 'Co. K.' "The head that it sheltered needs shelter no more; Dead heroes make holy the trifles they wore; So, like chaplet of honor, of laurel and bay, Seems the cap of the soldier marked 'Co. K.' "Bright eyes have looked calmly its visor beneath O'er the work of the Reaper-Grim Harvester Death! Let the muster roll, meager, so mournfully say How foremost in danger went Co. K. "Whose footsteps unbroken came up to the town, Where rampart and bastion looked threateningly down; Who, closing up breaches, still kept on their way Till guns, downward pointed, faced Co. K. "Who faltered or shivered? Who shunned battle stroke? Whose fire was uncertain? Whose battle-line broke? Go ask it of History, years from today, And the records shall tell you-not Co. K. "Though my darling is sleeping today with his dead, And daisies and clover bloom over his head, I smile through my tears, as I lay it away, The battle-worn cap, lettered 'Co. K.' BATTERY L Charles J. Thompson was captain of Battery L; Cyrus D. Roys and Thomas Gallagher, first lieutenants; Frederick J. Fairbrass, second lieutenant. Thomas Gallagher was first lieutenant in Company H, Ninth Cavalry, and when the battery was organized in connection with that regiment he was transferred to the artillery service. The battery was mustered in at Detroit on April 11, 1863, and left on the 20th of the following month for Kentucky. It took part in the pursuit of Gen. John Morgan, the guerrilla chieftain, in the summer of 1863 and was then transferred to Tennessee, where it served until the close of the war. It was mustered out at Jackson, Michigan, on August 19, 1865. BATTERY M This battery was organized in connection with the Eighth Cavalry and was mustered in with the following commissioned officers from Wayne County: Edward G. Hilliar, captain; Augustus M. Emery, first lieutenant; George H. Moulton and George A. Sheely, second lieutenants. On July 9, 1863, it was ordered to Indianapolis, Indiana, and from there was sent to Cincinnati to take part in the pursuit of General Morgan. After the capture of the guerrilla leader at New Lisbon, Ohio, the battery was ordered to Tennessee. It served

Page  1095 CITY OF DETROIT 1095 in that state and Kentucky until July, 1865, when it was ordered home. It was mustered out and disbanded at Jackson, Michigan, August 1, 1865. THIRTEENTH BATTERY An artillery organization known as the Thirteenth Battery was organized late in the year 1863 and rendezvoused at Grand Rapids. It was mustered in on January 20, 1864, with the following commissioned officers from Wayne County: Callahan H. O'Brien, captain; Cuthbert W. Laing and Charles Dupont, first lieutenants. Soon after being mustered in, the battery left Grand Rapids, with 273 officers and men, and for a time was stationed in the defenses of Washington. Its service was then chiefly in Virginia and Maryland until the close of the war. It was mustered out at Jackson, Michigan, July 1, 1865' OTHER ORGANIZATIONS A company of one hundred picked marksmen from all parts of the state was mustered in at Detroit on August 21, 1861. Under command of Capt. Benjamin Duesler, it was attached to Colonel Berdan's First United States Sharpshooters. Two companies from Michigan were afterward added to this regiment. A number of men in Company K were credited to Wayne County. Of this company Spencer J. Mather was captain and Caleb B. Davis was second lieutenant. In April, 1862, a company called the Stanton Guard was organized at Detroit by Grover S. Wormer, to act as a guard over General Burrows, Judge Hill and General Harding, who had been arrested by the Federal authorities on the charge of treason and confined at Mackinaw. The company was mustered in on May 10, 1862, and left immediately for Mackinaw. About the middle of September, 1862, the prisoners were released and the Stanton Guard was discharged on the 25th. On January 5, 1863, the Provost Guard company was mustered in at Detroit, with Erastus D. Robinson, captain; John Vanstan, first lieutenant; Hubbard Smith, second lieutenant. About a year before this company was organized, the United States Government leased ten acres of the Joseph Campau farm, on Clinton Avenue, and erected thereon the Detroit Barracks, with quarters for 10,000 men. The Provost Guard was stationed at these barracks. The members of the company acted as military police and assisted in enforcing the draft law, under which 532 men were drafted in 1863 from the First Congressional District, which included Detroit. The Provost Guard was mustered out on May 9, 1865. In July, 1863, Col. Henry Barnes, an officer of the regular army, was stationed at Detroit and was commissioned to raise a regiment of negro troops. The regiment was completed early in the following year and on February 17, 1864, was mustered in, 895 strong, as the One Hundred and Second United States Infantry. It left Detroit on the 28th of March and joined the Ninth Army Corps, in the Army of the Potomac, where it served until the close of the war. Major Rankin, of Windsor, Canada, raised a company of lancers, composed of men selected for their superb physical qualifications, and tendered their services to the United States. The people of Detroit were highly pleased at this manifestation of friendship on the part of their neighbors across the river, but the Vol. 1I-16

Page  1096 1096 CITY OF DETROIT war department declined the offer, deeming it inadvisable to accept any troops from a foreign power. According to the United States census for 1860, the population of Michigan was 751,110. Detroit's population at that time was 45,619, and the population of Wayne County was 75,547. During the war the total number of men furnished by the state was 90,747 and Wayne County furnished 9,313, about twothirds of the number coming from the City of Detroit. On July 4, 1866, the 123 battle-flags that had been carried by Michigan's regiments, stained by arduous service and marked by bullet holes, were presented to the State, to be preserved as relics of the great conflict. Many of the old veterans came to Detroit to witness the ceremony, and more than one eye was moist as they looked upon the colors they had followed to victory in some of the greatest battles of the war. Mayor Merrill I. Mills welcomed the soldiers in a brief but appropriate address. Gen. Orlando B. Willcox presented the flags, which were accepted by Gov. Henry H. Crapo, on behalf of the state. The veterans were afterward entertained at a banquet provided by the citizens of the city. CAPTURE OF LAKE STEAMERS During the first two years of the war a number of Confederate refugees and Southern sympathizers found an asylum in Canada, where they began plotting against the Union. In November, 1863, the governor of the Dominion telegraphed to Lord Lyons, the British minister at Washington, that there were reasons to believe these persons contemplated a raid upon some of the border cities of the United States, particularly Detroit and Buffalo. For almost a year after this communication was sent to the British minister, no overt act was attempted. Then a conspiracy was formed for the purpose of capturing steamers plying upon the waters of the Great Lakes, setting free and arming the Confederate prisoners on Johnson's Island, near Sandusky, and then raiding the cities that had been most active in raising troops. What followed is thus described in the adjutant-general's report: "On September 19, 1864, they concluded to make the attempt by seizure of the steamer' Philo Parsons,' belonging to Detroit, and running as a passenger boat from that point to Sandusky, in the State of Ohio. On the morning of the day referred to, four of the raiders, including Bennett G. Burley, one of their apparent leaders, took passage on said boat at Detroit. On her way down the Detroit River, on her passage to Sandusky, she landed at the Canadian ports of Sandwich and Amherstburg, where the balance of the raiders got on board, the whole, as has since been ascertained, numbering about thirty. The following condensed depositions of W. O. Ashley and D. C. Nichols, belonging to the steamer, taken as evidence on the extradition trial of Burley at Toronto, in Canada, gave a full account of the occurrences on board the 'Philo Parsons' during the time the raiders had possession of her. "These depositions showed that the steamboat 'Philo Parsons' was owned by the informant Ashley and other citizens of Detroit, that this vessel was a licensed passenger and freight boat, and was plying between the City of Detroit in the State of Michigan and the City of Sandusky in the State of Ohio, and was accustomed to touch in this route at the Canadian port of Amherstburg, and occasionally at Sandwich, and sometimes at Windsor, Canada. Ashley was clerk on board the steamer. On Sunday evening, the 18th of September, she was lying at the City of Detroit. The prisoner came on board and said

Page  1097 CITY OF DETROIT 1097 to Ashley that he intended to go down in the morning and that three of his friends were going with him, and requested that the boat might stop at Sandwich to take them. Ashley told the prisoner that if he took the boat at Detroit and his party was ready, the boat would call for them at Sandwich. The prisoner came on board the next morning and reminded Ashley of his promise. The boat was stopped at Sandwich and three persons came on board without baggage or freight. They were dressed in the Canadian style. The prisoner said his friends were taking a pleasure trip and would probably stop at Kelly's Island. "At Amherstburg twenty men or more came on board, roughly dressed, and paid their fare to Sandusky. The only baggage taken on board at Amherstburg was a large, old trunk, tied with a cord. In the ordinary course, the steamer should have reached Sandusky about 5 o'clock P. M. Neither the prisoner nor his three friends apparently recognized the men who came on board at Amherstburg. The boat reached Kelly's Island about 4 P. M. and proceeded south from that island toward Sandusky, Kelly's Island being in the State of Ohio and about five miles from the main shore of the United States. After proceeding about two miles, three men came up to Ashley, drawing revolvers, saying he was a dead man if he offered resistance. Two of them Ashley thought came on board at Sandwich. At this time the prisoner came forward with a revolver in his hand, followed by from twenty-eight to thirtyfive men. He leveled the revolver at Ashley, ordering him into the ladies' cabin, where Ashley immediately went, and from which he saw these parties arm themselves from the trunk brought on board at Amherstburg, most of them having two revolvers and some having hatchets. * * * "Two men guarded Ashley and they told him they intended to capture the United States steamer 'Michigan,' a war vessel. The prisoner acted as one having authority. His commands were obeyed. Another steamer called the 'Island Queen,' was seized by the same party at Middle Bass Island and the passengers were brought as prisoners on board the 'Philo Parsons.' A person named Captain Bell was one of the prisoner's party and gave some orders. He told Ashley he wanted him in the office. Ashley went with him and the prisoner. Ashley requested permission to take off the boat's books. They refused. Ashley then said he had some private promissory notes amounting to about two thousand dollars. The prisoner took them, said he could not collect them and returned them to Ashley. Bell then said to Ashley, 'We want your money.' He and the prisoners then had revolvers in their hands. Ashley swore he was in bodily fear, but did not consider his life in danger, if he did their bidding. He opened the money drawer. There was very little money there. Burley then said, 'You have more money; let's have it.' Ashley took a roll of bills from his vest pocket and laid it on the desk. Bell took part and the prisoner took part, and they took the money in the drawer (about $10) between them. * * * "Directly after the money was taken, Ashley was put ashore at Middle Bass by Captain Bell and the prisoner. The 'Philo Parsons' then steered for Sandusky with the 'Island Queen' tied alongside, which last boat was cast adrift in about a half an hour. Some of the party said they intended to release the prisoners on Johnson's Island, which is in the State of Ohio, about two miles from Sandusky. The 'Michigan' was lying off Johnson's Island, supposed to guard it. There were about three thousand prisoners of war there, Confederate officers and soldiers. There were about twenty-five United States soldiers

Page  1098 1098 CITY OF DETROIT on board the 'Island Queen.' These were captured by Bell and the prisoner and their followers. "Nichols confirmed Ashley's story in its essential parts. He was in the pilot house when Captain Bell entered and told him he was a Confederate and had seized the boat and took him (Nichols) prisoner. Afterward the 'Philo Parsons' was steered back toward Detroit and some of the passengers who had been taken prisoners were landed on the American shore. When they had reached the Detroit River on the return trip, some of the party asked Nichols where they were and he informed them they were in Canadian waters. Some of them said it was well for some of the vessels near them, or they would board them. * * * At Fighting Island Nichols and others of the crew of the 'Philo Parsons' and the 'Island Queen' were put ashore and the boat proceeded on to Sandwich. Nichols followed them and found the 'Parsons' there, deserted by the whole party. A piano and a mirror, and some other articles of furniture had been stolen from the boat. The male passengers who had been taken were, before being landed, sworn to keep silent as to the transaction for twentyfour hours. The female prisoners were asked to do likewise. When coming back up the Detroit River some of the party said they had not made much by going down. They had intended to take the war vessel 'Michigan' if they could, and they raised the Confederate flag on the 'Philo Parsons' while in Lake Erie. "That the Confederate Government was implicated in the raid and that it was made by the consent of that government is evident from a commission to Burley as acting master in the Confederate navy, signed by Jefferson Davis. The president of the Confederacy afterward verified that by a manifesto issued after the arrest of Burley, in which he said the expedition to capture the 'Michigan' and release the Confederate prisoners was a legitimate act of belligerency and was undertaken under orders from the Confederate Government. "The plot was known to the military authorities of Michigan and Capt. J. C. Carter, of the 'Michigan' was informed that some of his officers and men had been tampered with. In offering a loyal friend of the United States an unusual inducement to become a member of the party, the scheme was laid bare. This man, a former Confederate, who lived at Windsor, informed Lieut.Col. B. H. Hill of the plot and told that officer that the Confederates had said, with the 'Michigan' in their possession, they could command the lakes for a few months and place the American cities along their shores under tribute. The man who approached the Windsor friend of the United States, said he had been informed that a man named Cole, who had tampered with the officers and men of the 'Michigan,' found that an officer named Eddy and a number of the men were too loyal to the United States to do anything with, and it was the design to dispose of these men by drugging them." Through Lieutenant-Colonel Hill it was learned that the Confederate agent in Canada who organized this raid was Jacob Thompson, formerly secretary of the interior under President Buchanan. Hill sent a telegram to Captain Carter, commanding the "Michigan," which led to the arrest of the man Cole and others of Sandusky who were implicated in the plot. The conspirators expected the "Michigan" to come out to meet the "Parsons," when an attempt would be made to capture the war vessel. It did not do so, because so many rumors had reached Captain Carter of plots to seize the vessel and release the

Page  1099 CITY OF DETROIT 1099 prisoners on Johnson's Island that he deemed it unwise to sail very far from that island. As he did not give the raiders an opportunity to attempt the capture of his vessel, it was never learned how many of the men on board had been approached or won over to the Burley enterprise. THE WORK AT HOME While the soldiers from Wayne County were faithfully discharging their duties in the field, their friends at home were not laggards in the cause. The state military board was organized at the beginning of the war and was composed of Gen. A. S. Williams, Col. H. M. Whittlesey, Col. A. W. Williams and Col. C. W. Leffingwell, with the adjutant-general and quartermaster-general as ex-officio members. J. H. Fountain, of Manchester, was quartermastergeneral, upon whom devolved the duty of clothing, equipping and subsisting troops, under contracts made by the military contract board, composed of Col. E. O. Grosvenor, Col. Jerome Croul and Col. William Hammond. The quartermaster-general was ably assisted by Friend Palmer, of Detroit, and Col. James E. Pittman, of Detroit, was paymaster for the state troops. Through the united efforts of these men the Michigan soldiers went to the front as well equipped as those of any state in the Union. Some changes were made in the board during the war, but its efficiency was never relaxed for a moment. The Ladies' Soldiers' Aid Society was organized on November 6, 1861, with Mrs. Isabella G. Duffield as president. It is said to have been the first society of its kind in the United States. Prior to its organization, Mrs. Duffield and Mrs. Morse Stewart, her daughter, had been active in obtaining and forwarding hospital supplies to the front. The society continued in existence during the war. Its presidents were: Mrs. Isabella G. Duffield, Mrs. Theodore Romeyn, Mrs. John Palmer and Mrs. Bela Hubbard. Vice presidents: Mrs. John Owen, Mrs. N. Adams, Miss Sarah A. Sibley and Mrs. Henry L. Chipman. Secretaries: Mrs. Sarah T. Bingham, Mrs. Kate E. Stevens, Mrs. O. T. Stevens and Miss Lizzie Woodhams. Corresponding Secretary: Miss Valeria Campbell. Treasurers: Mrs. D. P. Bushnell, Mrs. W. N. Carpenter, Mrs. O. T. Sabin, Mrs. Henry L. Chipman and Mrs. George Andrews. These patriotic women were also the officers of the Michigan branch of the United States Sanitary Commission. Members of the society visited the soldiers in hospitals and hundreds of packages containing medicines, bandages and delicacies found their way to the sick and wounded through this channel. In April, 1862, the Michigan Soldiers' Relief Association was formed by citizens of Detroit. John Owen was elected president; P. E. DeMill, B. Vernor and J. V. Campbell, vice presidents; B. Vernor, secretary; William A. Butler, treasurer. This association sent many packages of supplies and delicacies to the troops in the field, and aided materially in sustaining the Soldiers' Home in Detroit. In 1864 a coalition was formed with the Ladies' Soldiers' Aid Society and the money raised and expended by the two amounted to about fifty thousand dollars, all raised by private contributions. Early in June, 1863, at a public meeting in Chicago, Rev. C. P. Lyford was engaged to organize a branch of the United States Christian Commission in Detroit. The organization was perfected on June 15, 1864, with E. C. Walker as chairman; C. F. Clark, secretary; H. P. Baldwin, treasurer; Caleb Ives, Francis Raymond, David Preston and J. S. Vernor, associates. More than thirty thousand dollars were collected and expended by this organization and

Page  1100 1100 CITY OF DETROIT delegates sent by the commission visited the field hospitals. Frequent public meetings were held during the war, at which money was subscribed for paying soldiers' bounties, caring for their families, etc. Under an act of the Michigan Legislature, approved on May 4, 1861, and supplementary acts, persons were appointed to ascertain and report cases of soldiers' families that stood in need of relief. From the time President Lincoln issued his first call for volunteers to the return of the regiments in 1865, Wayne County appropriated the following sums: For general military purposes......................$660,554.88 For soldiers' bounties............................. 369,428.88 For soldiers' relief............................... 547,200.00 Total....................... $1,577,183.76 The city council of Detroit also made liberal appropriations for all those purposes, and the amount raised by private subscription aggregated thousands of dollars. In addition to all this, the records do not show how much relief was given to the wives and children of the "Boys in Blue" by the well-to-do farmers of the county. Near neighbors could learn the wants of soldiers' families much easier in many cases than could committees appointed by societies or civic authorities. The relief thus afforded was that kind of charity which "lets not the left hand know what the right hand doeth." Many a basket of potatoes, many a sack of flour, went from some farmer's home to feed the loved ones of a soldier engaged in fighting the battles of his country. SOLDIERS' MONUMENT At a public meeting held on July 20, 1861, to consider subjects connected with the prosecution of the war, a resolution to erect a monument to "our heroic dead" was adopted and a committee was appointed to take the preliminary steps for carrying the resolution into effect. In the work of raising troops and providing supplies for soldiers' families, etc., the monument project was allowed to rest until the war was over. The return of the troops in 1865, renewed interest in the matter. The first public meeting called to discuss the question of a Soldiers' and Sailors' Monument, was held in Young Men's Hall on the last day of August, 1865. It was called by a committee consisting of Judge B. F. H. Witherell, Col. E. Backus, of the United States army, Charles C. Trowbridge, J. W. Tillman, T. W. Palmer and Gen. Henry A. Morrow. At the meeting $9,500 were subscribed toward the erection of the monument. An association was formed, of which B. F. H. Witherell was elected president; Gen. H. A. Morrow, vice president; J. W. Romeyn, secretary; J. W. Tillman, treasurer; C. C. Trowbridge, John Owen, H. P. Baldwin, J. F. Conover, H. N. Walker, S. M. Cutcheon,,C. I. Walker and ex-Gov. Austin Blair, executive committee. Rev. George Taylor, as the principal financial agent of the association, raised a large part of the funds, several thousand dollars being contributed by the school children of the state. The Masonic fraternity, the Independent Order of Odd Fellows, the Grand Army of the Republic, the Ladies' Auxiliary Monument Associations and other societies also contributed large sums. Competing designs were advertised for on February 26, 1867, and on June 7, 1867, the design submitted by Randolph Rogers was accepted. Mr. Rogers was a former resident of Ann Arbor, but at the time he submitted his design


Page  1102

Page  1103 CITY OF DETROIT 1103 was in Rome. The corner stone was laid on July 4, 1867, in East Grand Circus Park, but was afterward removed at the suggestion of Mr. Rogers to the Campus Martius. The monument was erected by J. G. Batterson, of Hartford, Connecticut. It was unveiled on April 9, 1872, with appropriate ceremonies, which were witnessed by thousands of people from all parts of the state. The body of the monument is constructed of granite from Westerly, Rhode Island, and is forty-six feet in height. The general design of the monument consists of four sections. On the granite buttresses of the first section, at the four corners of the monument, are four large bronze eagles with outstretched wings. On the buttresses of the second section are bronze figures representing the four departments of arms-infantry, cavalry, artillery and marine. The third section presents four allegorical figures representing Victory, Union, Emancipation and History. The fourth section, the crowning figure, is a bronze statue eleven feet high, representing the State of Michigan. This figure has been compared to a "semi-civilized queen," bearing a sword in her right hand and a shield on her left arm, standing in the attitude of rushing forward ready to thrust her sword into an enemy. On the four sides of the monument are bronze medallions of Lincoln, Grant, Sherman and Farragut. The bronzes were cast in Munich, Germany, and the total cost of the monument was a little over seventy thousand dollars. The monument also bears the following inscription: Erected by The People of Michigan in Honor of The Martyrs who fell and the Heroes who Fought in Defense of Liberty and Union. GENERAL GRANT A RESIDENT OF DETROIT Ulysses Simpson Grant was born at Point Pleasant, Ohio, April 27, 1822. He was named by his parents Hiram Ulysses Grant. His father, Jesse Root Grant, was a tanner, but the son did not like that occupation and he obtained an appointment in the military academy at West Point. Here, by some mistake in making his application for entrance, he was designated Ulysses Sidney Grant. An effort was made to correct the name, but failed. The name was changed to Ulysses Simpson Grant and so remained during his life. After graduation he remained in the army and was stationed at various places. He was in the Mexican War in 1846 as a lieutenant, but soon received the promotion to a captaincy. He married Miss Julia Dent of St. Louis, August 22, 1848, and was stationed in Detroit in 1849. It was at this time that he occupied the building that is herein referred to as the Grant House. In 1852 he went to California with the army and there resigned his commission and returned to St. Louis. His wife's father gave him a small farm which he attempted to manage, the work being done by three slaves that he owned. He was not successful in farming and became a real estate dealer. At this he was equally unsuccessful. He then entered into the tanning business with his brother in Galena, Illinois. Upon the breaking out of the Civil War, he again entered the army. His subse

Page  1104 1104 CITY OF DETROIT quent career as colonel, general and President of the United States need not be recited. He died July 23, 1885. The house in Detroit generally known as the Grant House, at one time the home of U. S. Grant, was located at Number 253 Fort Street, East. The house was built on lot 41 of the Mullett Farm. The farm of which this lot forms a part, derives its name from John Mullett an old time surveyor and former owner. It was platted into village lots about the year 1835 by James A. Armstrong, who was then the owner of this part of the farm. Lot 41 was sold to Michel Riche in 1835. Captain Grant was stationed at Detroit with his company in 1849 and remained until 1851. The barracks for the soldiers was on the Mullett Farm a little way below Gratiot Avenue, and Captain Grant sought a place for a residence near the soldiers. At this time the houses were not numbered and the city directory gives the location of the houses and names of the occupants without giving house numbers. Grant occupied the house above described from April, 1849, until May 25, 1850. His son, Gen. Frederick Grant, was born in St. Louis, May 30, 1850, and came to Detroit with his mother when the boy was about a month old. This would be in July, 1850. The family from that date occupied a new two-story frame building owned by Washington A. Bacon, which was located on the north side of Jefferson Avenue, the second house east of Russell Street. Captain Grant left Detroit June 11, 1851. This agrees with the statements made by Gen. Frederick Grant, who said that he lived in Detroit about a year. It appears from the foregoing that Gen. Frederick Grant never lived in the Grant House, (253 Fort St. East) for his father surrendered that house to his landlord on May 25, 1850 and the son was not born until May 30, 1850, and did not come to Detroit until about July 1, 1850. While the house, 253 Fort Street, was not in the poorer portion of the city, it was surrounded by the houses of laboring people. It was as good a house as Captain Grant could afford to rent at that time. His salary was small and he was forced to rent according to his income. His neighbors at this place were mostly foreigners, many of them being from Germany and the provinces of France. John Luger and Casper Luger, blacksmiths, G. Meldon, laborer, John Meldon, peddler, Peter McCree, boot maker, H. McKinney, sawyer, were all on the north side of Fort Street in this block. Peter Machris lived in the second house east of the Grant House. Across the street lived James & William McCornac, shoemakers. At this time George M. Rich the owner of the house lived at the corner of Fort and Randolph Street, having a grocery in a part of his dwelling. Rich sold the Grant House to Rodman Stoddard for $1400 on Nov. 25, 1850. Stoddard probably purchased the property as an investment as he never lived there. He was the owner of the "City Hotel" which stood on the site of the present Free Press Building, Lafayette Boulevard. Stoddard managed the City Hotel for some years and then opened a country hotel, or road house, on the Grand River road in Greenfield or Redford. The Grant House was sold by Stoddard many years ago and is now owned by Annie M. Wolverton.


Page  1106 I~~~~~~~~~~

Page  1107 CITY OF DETROIT 1107 In 1843 Washington A. Bacon, one of the most famous of the School teachers of early Detroit, purchased the lot on the north east corner of Jefferson Avenue and Russell Street. On the Jefferson Avenue front of this large lot he put up in 1850, three two-story frame dwellings. He lived in the house on the corner and the next house he rented to Capt. U. S. Grant, and it was first occupied by him about July 1, 1850. Either the house next easterly was occupied by Captain Gore and his family or else Captain Gore and Captain Grant together occupied the second house. Grant continued in this place until he left Detroit, June 11, 1851. The three houses belonging to Mr. Bacon were removed from the Jefferson Avenue site in 1873, and the late senator McMillan erected a beautiful dwelling which he occupied for his Detroit home, on the site. The McMillan dwelling is now the University Club House.

Page  1108 CHAPTER XLIV SPANISH-AMERICAN WAR SPAIN S OPPRESSION OF CUBA-THE LOPEZ EXPEDITION-THE TEN YEARS' WARREVOLUTION OF 1895-WEYLER'S CRUELTY-INDIGNATION AROUSEDDESTRUCTION OF THE MAINE-CONGRESS DECLARES WAR-MICHIGAN'S RESPONSE-THIRTY - FIRST INFANTRY-THIRTY - SECOND-THIRTY - THIRDTHIRTY-FOURTH-SECOND CALL FOR TROOPS-THIRTY-FIFTH INFANTRYNAVAL RESERVES. For four centuries after the Island of Cuba was discovered it was a colonial possession of Spain. While that country was losing her other American provinces, one by one, the people of Cuba remained steadfast in their loyalty to the mother country. In 1808, when the Spanish dynasty was overthrown by Napoleon, the Cubans declared war against the "man of destiny." Their faithful allegiance during all these years received but a poor recompense, for in 1825 King Ferdinand issued his royal decree placing the lives and fortunes of the Cubans at the absolute disposal of the captains-general, or governors of the island, appointed by the crown. The "conquistadores" were slow in coming, but they had at last arrived. Ferdinand's decree of 1825 marked the beginning of Spain's policy of tyranny, and in some instances actual inhumanity, toward her colonial subjects. Some excuse for this policy may be found in the unsettled state of political affairs and the internal dissensions which rendered the Spanish Government powerless to improve colonial conditions against the will of certain powerful citizens. With the death of Ferdinand in 1833, his daughter, Isabella, was proclaimed Queen. Ferdinand's brother, Don Carlos, claimed that this was a violation of the Salic law, forbidding women to exercise the royal prerogative, and that he was the legitimate heir to the throne. He was not without followers in his claims, and for many years the "Carlist Party" was a standing menace to the Spanish Government. Four years before the death of Ferdinand, a conspiracy was formed in Cuba for throwing off the Spanish yoke, but it was discovered and suppressed before the revolutionists were prepared to begin active hostilities. In 1844 the negroes of the island attempted an insurrection, but, like the former conspiracy, it was checked in its early stages, with great cruelty on the part of the Spaniards. Some five years after the uprising of the blacks (1849-50) Narcisso Lopez, a former resident of Cuba, fitted out an expedition at New Orleans for the liberation of the Cubans from Spanish oppression. Lopez was too quixotic for a military leader and his undertaking ended in failure, some of his men perishing in Spanish dungeons. Taking advantage of dissensions in the mother country, the people of Cuba began a revolution in 1868, hoping to establish their political independence. After the war had been going on for about two years, Amadeus, second son of 1108

Page  1109 CITY OF DETROIT 1109 Victor Emanuel of Italy, was called to the throne of Spain and reigned as "constitutional king" until 1873, when the provisional government under Castilla came into power. Castilla threatened to "make a desert island of Cuba." To make this threat good, he sent an army of 257,000 soldiers to Cuba, but the resistance of the revolutionists was so determined that more than four-fifths of this army lost their lives on the island. During this conflict, which was known as the "Ten Years' War," property worth $300,000,000 was destroyed and a heavy debt was contracted by Spain, which was saddled upon the Cubans as a penalty for their revolt. The heavy burden of taxation thus imposed, coupled with the increased tyranny and unreasonable demands of the captains-general, only served to strengthen the determination of the Cubans to achieve their independence. Experience had taught them the necessity of moving with caution and for more than fifteen years they carried on their preparations with the greatest secrecy. Under the leadership of Generals Gomez and Maceo, the insurrection broke out at several places simultaneously in 1895. Captain-General Campos, then governor of the island, conducted his military operations according to the rules of civilized warfare, but this course failed to meet the approbation of the authorities at Madrid. Campos was therefore removed and General Weyler was appointed as his successor. Instantly a change could be seen. Upon taking command, Weyler issued his famous "I order and command" proclamation directing the troops to gather the inhabitants of the rural districts into the cities, where they could be kept under the watchful eye of the military authorities. Weyler claimed that this was necessary in order to prevent the people from giving aid to the insurgents. The proclamation also prohibited the transportation of provisions or supplies from one place to another without the consent of the military authorities. The supply of food in the cities and towns was inadequate to the needs of the "reconcentrados," as the people therein confined were called, and many actually starved to death. As Weyler was no respecter of age or sex, women and children were the greatest sufferers. INDIGNATION AROUSED Weyler's cruel and inhuman policy soon aroused the indignation of the entire civilized world. European nations sent protests to Madrid, but they fell on deaf ears. The people of the United States raised money and forwarded relief to the unhappy reconcentrados, but in almost every case the contributions fell into the hands of Weyler or his subordinates and failed to reach the people for whom they were intended. Political conventions in the United States, irrespective of party, commercial organizations, state legislatures and various other bodies adopted resolutions calling on the Federal Government to intervene in behalf of the oppressed Cubans. The platform upon which William McKinley was elected President in 1896 declared that some action must be taken in the interests of humanity. Immediately following Mr. McKinley's election, riots occurred in Havana, Weyler's supporters industriously circulating the rumor that any intervention on the part of the United States meant the ultimate annexation of Cuba to that country. The year 1897 passed without any decisive action being taken by the United States. About the beginning of 1898 the Atlantic Squadron of the United States Navy was ordered to the Dry Tortugas Islands, off the southern extremity of the Florida Peninsula and within six hours' sail of Havana. On January 25,

Page  1110 1110 CITY OF DETROIT 1898, the Battleship Maine, one of the vessels belonging to the squadron, dropped anchor in the Harbor of Havana, the Spanish authorities having been notified the day before by the United States counsul-general of the cruiser's intended arrival. Previous to this time, the Spanish Government had protested against the United States' sending cruisers as escorts to vessels bearing supplies to the reconcentrados. It can therefore be readily imagined that the presence of the Maine in the harbor, while the two nations were supposed to be at peace, was not pleasing to the Spanish officials, and, as a matter of retaliation, the Cruiser Vizcaya was ordered to New York Harbor. Thus matters stood until February 9, 1898, when the Spanish minister to the United States resigned his position and asked for his passports. His request was granted and Spain was left without an official representative in Washington. The minister's resignation made it apparent that a rupture between the two nations was imminent, and the press of the country was almost unanimous in demanding immediate action. DESTRUCTION OF THE MAINE About twenty minutes before ten o'clock, on the evening of February 15, 1898, the Maine was blown up, with a total loss of the vessel and 266 of her officers and men were either killed by the explosion or drowned while trying to reach the shore. A court of inquiry afterward reported that "there were two explosions of a distinctly different character, with a short, but distinct interval between them, and the forward part of the ship was lifted to a marked degree by the first explosion. * * * In the opinion of the court the Maine was destroyed by the explosion of a submarine mine, which caused the partial explosion of two or more of her forward magazines." The destruction of the Maine, with its consequent loss of lifej added to the excitement in the United States and the demands for intervention grew more insistent. Still the administration declined to respond to these demands, for two reasons. The first of these was that General Weyler had been superseded by General Blanco, who had issued a proclamation declaring a cessation of hostilities and a public announcement that the reconcentrados would be permitted to return to their homes. The second reason was that President McKinley was waiting to learn the decision of the court of inquiry that was investigating the causes of the Maine's destruction. On March 8, 1898, Congress appropriated the sum of $50,000,000 "for the national defense," but nothing further was done until the 28th, when it was definitely learned that General Blanco's promise to release the reconcentrados had not been kept, and probably was made with no intention of fulfilling it. The same day the President submitted the report of the court of inquiry to Congress and in the message accompanying it he invoked the deliberate consideration of that body. Congress lost no time in complying with the President's recommendations. On March 29, 1898, bills relating to Cuban affairs were introduced in both houses, and on April 1st a naval appropriation bill was passed. On the 11th of April Mr. McKinley sent another message to Congress, in which he said: "In the name of humanity, in the name of civilization, in behalf of endangered American interests, which give us the right and duty to speak and to act, the war in Cuba must stop. In view of these facts and these considerations, I ask Congress to authorize and empower the President to take measures to secure a full and final termination of hostilities between the Government of Spain and the people of Cuba."

Page  1111 CITY OF DETROIT 1111 CONGRESS DECLARES WAR On April 13, 1898, the House of Representatives passed a resolution directing the President to intervene immediately in Cuban affairs. The resolution was sent to the Senate, where it was amended by the use of much stronger and more positive language, and on the 18th the House concurred in the amendments. The resolutions as adopted on that date were as follows: "1. That the people of the Island of Cuba are, and of right ought to be, free and independent. "2. That it is the duty of the United States to demand, and the Government of the United States does demand, that the Government of Spain at once relinquish its authority and government in the Island of Cuba and withdraw its land and naval forces from Cuba and Cuban waters. "3. That the President of the United States be, and he hereby is, directed and empowered to use the entire land and naval force of the United States, and to call into the actual service of the United States the militia of the several states to such an extent as may be necessary to carry these resolutions into effect. "4. That the United States hereby disclaims any disposition or intention to exercise sovereignty, jurisdiction or control over said island, except for the pacification thereof, and asserts its determination when that is accomplished to leave the government and control of the island to its people." These resolutions did not constitute a formal declaration of war against Spain, merely giving the President authority to intervene in the interests of humanity. Two days after their adoption, the United States sent an ultimatum to Spain, demanding the relinquishment of all Spanish control over Cuba before noon of April 23, 1898, and the withdrawal of the land and naval forces, in accordance with the second resolution. Spain refused compliance and Rear Admiral Sampson was ordered to blockade the Cuban ports. On the 23d President McKinley issued his proclamation calling for 125,000 volunteers to enforce the ultimatum, "the same to be apportioned, as far as practicable, among the several states and territories and the District of Columbia, according to population, and to serve for two years unless sooner discharged." At the time this proclamation was issued, no formal declaration of war had been made by Congress, but on the 25th it was enacted: "That war be, and the same is hereby, declared to exist, and that war has existed since the 21st day of April, 1898, between the United States of America and the Kingdom of Spain." MICHIGAN'S RESPONSE On the same day that President McKinley issued his proclamation calling for volunteers, telegrams were sent to the governors of the several states by the war department, informing them of the number of men they would be expected to furnish. Michigan's quota was four regiments of Infantry, of 1,026 officers and men each, making a total of 4,104. Russell A. Alger, a Michigan man, was then secretary of war and no doubt was desirous of having his state to be among the first to fill her quota. When Governor Pingree received the notification from the war department, he turned it over to Adjt.-Gen F. H. Case, who on April 24, 1898, issued his "General Order No. 5," directing the Michigan National Guard to mobilize at Island Lake, where the National Guard had its summer camp and school of instruction. Vol. II-17

Page  1112 1112 CITY OF DETROIT Sons of men who had fought to preserve the Union in 1861-65 now promptly answered the call to wage war in behalf of the downtrodden Cubans. From every walk of life they came and the camp at Island Lake was soon the scene of military activity. THIRTY-FIRST INFANTRY Michigan raised thirty regiments of infantry for the Union army in the Cival war, and the first regiment organized for service in the war with Spain was designated the "Thirty-first Michigan Volunteer Infantry." It was mustered into the United States service on May 10, 1898, and left on the 15th for Chickamauga Park, Georgia. Of the field and staff officers the following were from Detroit: Cornelius Gardener, colonel; Charles W. Harrah, major; Andrew P. Biddle, surgeon; Frederick L. Abel, first lieutenant and adjutant. Three members of the regimental band were also from Detroit, viz.: Charles A. Burmaster, Edward P. Munroe and Joseph Robson. Companies I, K and L of this regiment were raised in Wayne County. The commissioned officers of these companies were as follows: Company I-Duncan Henderson, captain; Walter G. Rogers, first lieutenant; William A. Campbell, second lieutenant. Company K-William H. Sink, captain; Cassius C. Fisk, first lieutenant; Addis C. Doyle, second lieutenant. Company L-Charles S. Baxter, captain; John S. Bersey, first lieutenant; Valentine R. Evans, second lieutenant. The regiment remained in southern camps until January 25, 1899, when it was ordered to Cuba, where it was on duty until the 25th of April. It was then ordered back to the United States and was mustered out at Savannah, Georgia, May 17, 1899. THIRTY-SECOND INFANTRY This regiment was mustered in on May 4, 1898, six days before the Thirtyfirst, with William T. McGurrin, of Grand Rapids, as colonel. The field and staff officers were all from Grand Rapids with the exception of Maj. Thomas H. Reynolds and Surgeon Odillion B. Weed, who were credited to Detroit. Four companies of this regiment were raised in Wayne County. The commissioned officers of these four companies were: Company I-Louis F. Hart, captain; Alden G. Catton, first lieutenant; Leonard G. Eber, second lieutenant. Company K-J. Edward Dupont, captain; Harry S. Starkey, first lieutenant; George L. Winkler, second lieutenant. Company L-Henry B. Lothrop, captain; Winslow W. Wilcox, first lieutenant; John McBride, Jr., second lieutenant. Company M-John Considine, Jr., captain; Richard W. Cotter, first lieutenant; Frank J. Cook, second lieutenant. On May 19, 1898, the Thirty-second left Island Lake for Tampa, Florida. It was not ordered to Cuba and was mustered out by detachments between October 25 and November 9, 1898. THIRTY-THIRD INFANTRY The Thirty-third was mustered in on May 20, 1898, with Charles L. Boynton, of Port Huron, as colonel. Wayne County was represented in but one company of this regiment. Charles O'Reilly Atkinson was second lieutenant of Company L, and ten privates of that company were credited to Detroit.

Page  1113 CITY OF DETROIT 1113 On May 28, 1898, the reg'ment was ordered to Camp Alger, Virginia, and the first detachment left that day, the remainder following on the 6th of June. Its stay at Camp Alger was brief, as it was ordered to join the forces of General Shafter in Cuba, and it took part in the movement against Santiago. At the battle of Aguadores, July 2, 1898, the Thirty-third lost two men killed and one wounded. Orders to return to the United States were received on September 2, 1898, and the regiment was mustered out on January 6, 1899. THIRTY-FOURTH INFANTRY Only one Detroit man's name appears upon the muster rolls of the Thirtyfourth regiment-William G. Latimer, who was commissioned major when the Thirty-fourth was mustered in on May 25, 1898. A considerable portion of the regiment came from the Upper Peninsula. Under command of Col. John T. Peterman, it left Island Lake early in June for Camp Alger, Virginia, and accompanied the Thirty-third regiment to Cuba, where it was General Shafter's army in the campaign against Santiago. Upon its return to the United States it was mustered out by detachments between September 3, 1898, and January 2, 1899. THIRTY-FIFTH INFANTRY On May 25, 1898, President McKinley issued his second call for troops and Michigan was asked to furnish one regiment of the maximum strength-47 officers and 1,272 men. Some delay occurred in determining the strength of this regiment and it was not mustered in until July 25, 1898, at Island Lake, with Edwin M. Irish, of Kalamazoo, as colonel. It was composed of men from all parts of the state. Alphonse Balck, of Detroit, was second lieutenant of Company A. Company F was raised along the eastern border of the Lower Penninsula. Horace F. Sykes, of Wyandotte, was first lieutenant, and Bertram J. Bishop, also of Wyandotte, was second lieutenant. Several non-commissioned officers and fifty-five privates in this company were from Wayne County. There were a few Wayne County men in Company H and eleven privates in Company K were credited to Detroit. The regiment left Island Lake on September 14, 1898, for Camp Meade, Pennsylvania, where it was stationed for some time, when it was ordered south. It was mustered out at Augusta, Georgia, on March 31, 1899. Each of the four regiments sent out under the first call was, on an average, 293 men below the standard regimental organization adopted by the war department on June 10, 1898. Orders were then received to recruit each of these regiments up to the full strength of 1,272 enlisted men. Among the recruits thus added to the Thirty-first, Thirty-second, Thirty-third and Thirty-fourth were a number of men from Wayne County, but few of them were added in time to take any active part in the Santiago campaign. NAVAL RESERVES In addition to the infantry organizations above mentioned, the Michigan Naval Reserves, consisting of eleven officers and 270 men, served on the auxiliary cruiser "Yosemite" at Havana, Santiago, Guantanamo and San Juan, Puerto Rico, winning praise from their superior officers for their bravery and fidelity to duty. In these naval reserves were several men from Detroit and Wayne county, among them Henry B. Joy and Edwin Denby.

Page  1114 CHAPTER XLV WAR WITH GERMANY Years must elapse before the true history of the great World war of 1914 -1918 can be written, but no history of Detroit at this time would be complete without some brief mention of the part taken by the city in the great international conflict in which so many nations were engaged. The English blockade of German ports early in the war led the latter nation to inaugurate a submarine warfare in the effort to cut off provisions and supplies from Great Britain and her allies. This submarine warfare soon became both merciless and indiscriminate. German officials and naval commanders seemed to believe in the truth of the old saying that "All is fair in love or war," and ships were ruthlessly sunk without regard to their nationality or the character of their cargoes. For several months before the United States entered the war, President Wilson sought by correspondence to obtain some mitigation of Germany's submarine activities, through which passenger vessels of neutral nations were torpedoed and sunk and a number of American citizens lost their lives. Failing to receive reasonable assurances from the Imperial German Government that this warfare would be modified, the President addressed Congress on February 3, 1917, announcing that all diplomatic relations with that government had been discontinued. After reviewing the correspondence, and the failure to obtain satisfactory promises from the German Government that American citizens should be protected, the President said: "If American ships and American lives should in fact be sacrificed by their naval commanders, in heedless contravention of the just and reasonable understandings of international law and the obvious dictates of humanity, I shall take the liberty of coming again before the Congress to ask that authority be given me to use any means that may be necessary for the protection of our seamen and our people in the prosecution of their peaceful and legitimate errands on the high seas. I can do nothing less. I take it for granted that all neutral governments will take the same course." The mere act of severing diplomatic relations failed to better conditions upon the high seas and on February 26, 1917, the President delivered to Congress what is known as his "Armed Neutrality Message," in which he asked for authority to take such measures as might be deemed necessary for the protection of merchant ships, by supplying them "with defensive arms, should that become necessary, and with the means of using them." Congress granted the authority asked for and merchant ships going into the "war zone" were equipped with arms, manned by small detachments of United States marines. On April 2, 1917, the President again reviewed the situation in a special message to Congress. In this message he said: "The German Government denies the right of neutrals to use arms at all within the areas of the sea which it has proscribed, even in the defense of rights which no modern publicist has ever before questioned their right to defend. 1114

Page  1115 CITY OF DETROIT 1115 The intimation is conveyed that the armed guards which we have placed upon our merchant ships will be treated as beyond the pale of law and subject to be dealt with as pirates would be. Armed neutrality is ineffectual enough at best; in such circumstances and in the face of such pretentions it is worse than ineffectual; it is likely only to produce what it was meant to prevent; it is practically certain to draw us into war without either the rights or the effectiveness of belligerents. There is one choice we cannot make, we are incapable of making: We will not choose the path of submission and suffer the most sacred rights of our nation and our people to be ignored or violated. The wrongs against which we now array ourselves are no common wrongs; they cut to the very roots of human life. "I advise that the Congress declare the course of the Imperial German Government to be in fact nothing less than war against the Government and people of the United States; That it formally accepts the status of belligerent which has thus been thrust upon it; and that it take immediate steps not only to put the country in a more thorough state of defense, but also to exert all its power and employ all its resources to bring the Government of the German Empire to terms and end the war." This address is known as the "Wilson War Message." On the same day it was delivered to the two houses of Congress in joint session, the following resolution was introduced in both the House and Senate: "Whereas, the Imperial German Government has committed repeated acts of war against the Government and people of the United States of America: Therefore be it "Resolved by the Senate and House of Representatives of the United States of America in Congress assembled, That the state of war between the United States and the Imperial German Government which has thus been thrust upon the United States is hereby formally declared; and that the president be, and he is hereby, authorized and directed to employ the entire naval and military forces of the United States and the resources of the government to carry on war against the Imperial German Government; and to bring the conflict to a successful termination all of the resources of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress of the United States." This resolution, known as "Public Resolution No. 1," passed the Senate at the evening session on April 4, 1917, by a vote of 82 to 6, and the next morning it passed the House by a vote of 373 to 50. After being signed by Thomas R. Marshall, vice president of the United States, and Champ Clark, speaker of the House of Representatives, it was submitted to President Wilson, who gave it his official approval on April 6, 1917, which date marks the entrance of the United States into the great world conflict. Like every other city in the Union, Detroit anticipated the declaration of war. The work of organizing the various units of the city's military companies had been gradually perfected. The declaration of war itself brought a rush for the colors and almost before a month had passed 3,000 men had enlisted for the army, navy or marine service. Ambulance companies were formed, ladies' aid organizations placed under way, the conscription law came into effect, Detroit men were dispatched to cantonments and officers' training camps, and in countless other ways the city's resources were assembled. The complete records of the various war activities in the city and the different military contributions have not yet reached the finished stage, consequently it

Page  1116 1116 CITY OF DETROIT is difficult at this time to present a long story of this period. The story of the response of Detroit's industries is given in the "Manufacturing" chapter, also the account of the development of the Liberty Motor, one of the greatest mechanical creations of the war. The high lights of Detroit's participation in the World war may be perceived in the following brief paragraphs: The date of June 5, 1917 is that of registration day in Detroit, when all male citizens between the ages of twenty-one and thirty-one were required to enroll their names under the selective service act of the government. Of this number, 11,829 were afterwards chosen for the National Army. The first Detroit men taken in this way left on September 5; 1917 for Camp Custer, at Battle Creek, Michigan. There were 184 men in this contingent and similar groups left on each of four consecutive days. The Michigan National Guard encamped at Grayling and at the first officers' training camp at Fort Sheridan, Illinois, 319 Detroit men received commissions. A great part of the 32d Division, a history of which is given later, was made up of Detroit boys; almost the whole of the 339th Infantry was composed of Detroiters, also the 329th and 330th Field Artillery units. The 31st and 33d regiments of infantry, 161st Battalion, Engineers, Harper Base Hospital Unit No. 17, Detroit College of Medicine Base Hospital Unit No. 36, 1st Michigan Cavalry, 1st Michigan Field Artillery, Ambulance Companies Nos. 82 and 28, were mobilized at Detroit for foreign service. The Detroit Community Union was organized December 21, 1917 in the Pontchartrain Hotel, for the purpose of coordinating Detroit's efforts in war. The president was Tracy W. McGregor; the vice presidents were: Allan A. Templeton, Clarence Booth, Gustavus D. Pope, Mrs. R. B. Jackson and Miss Claire Sanders and the treasurer was William Livingstone, Jr. During the first year of war, Detroit sent over 43,000 men, took $95,242,000 in Liberty Bonds, $14,046,000 in treasury certificates and $1,225,000 in war savings stamps; built 120 ships valued at $15,000,000; spent over $10,000,000 in improving plants for manufacture of munitions, etc., and at close of year was shipping several tons of materials and daily shipped to the seaboard by-products of coke and drug plants. War contracts on April 10, 1918 totaled $750,000,000. In the First Liberty Loan, Detroit's quota was thirty-three million dollars. On Thursday (before June 4th at a meeting of the Board of Commerce, manufacturers of the city guaranteed that their employes would take $5,700,000 of the new loan). During the week, Abner Lamed, camp manager, and 1,000 men canvassed every part of the city. Henry Ford subscribed $5,000,000, Highland Park State Bank $2,000,000 and on Wednesday, June 6th, there was $2,000,000 past the goal. The Second Liberty Loan, promoted October, 1917, was managed by a committee of Allan A. Templeton, Harry B. Warner, R. H. Webber, J. C. Peter, John W. Staley, Dr. A. G. Studer, Mayor Marx, Lee Anderson, William G. Lerchon, Ralph Stone, Edward F. Fitzgerald, R. B. Locke, secretary, Ted Reed, F. H. MacPherson, Abner E. Lamed, William Livingstone, general chairman Harry W. Ford, C. H. Lawson. Detroit's quota was $42,742,000, but the city raised $54,709,500, over $56,000,000 when all in. The Third Liberty Loan brought forth over $50,000,000 in subscriptions from Detroit and the Fourth Liberty Loan about $80,000,000. The 339th Infantry, the personnel of which was almost entirely Detroit men, performed their hardest service in the bleakness of North Russia, where,

Page  1117 CITY OF DETROIT 1117 as a part of the Allied Army opposing the Bolsheviki in that region, they won marked distinction. Their period of active service extended many months after the signing of the armistice and not until July 4, 1919 did the Detroit boys return home. The day was given up to a celebration at Belle Isle in honor of them, with an address by Sen. Hiram Johnson, of California, who had labored in Congress for their quick return. The 32d Division was organized at Camp MacArthur, Texas, under authority of a War Department order, dated July 18, 1917. It was originally composed of National Guard troops from the states of Michigan and Wisconsin, but later there were introduced into it fighters from half the states of the union. The following organizations composed the division: 63rd Infantry Brigade. 125th and 126th Infantry; 120th Machine Gun Battalion. 64th Infantry Brigade: 127th and 128th Infantry; 121st Machine Gun Battalion. 57th Field Artillery Brigade: 119th and 120th (light), 121st (heavy) Field Artillery; 107th Trench Mortar Battery. 119th Machine Gun Battalion. 107th Engineers. 107th Field Signal Battalion. Trains. The 147th Field Artillery of the 41st Division was attached to the 57th Field Artillery Brigade and served with it throughout its activities. The first unit of the division arrived in France February 6, 1918, and the last, March 14, 1918. The first casualties were suffered when the transport "Tuscania," carrying the 107th Sanitary Train, was torpedoed and sunk February 5, and 15 men of the organization lost their lives. HEADQUARTERS ESTABLISHED Division headquarters were established at Prauthoy, Haute Marne, February 24. The 32d( was originally designated as a replacement division and as such sent many of its members to other organizations. However, the German offensive of March 21 and the resulting necessity for additional American troops forced a change in these plans. Replacements were furnished and the division assembled in the tenth training area preparatory to taking the field as a combat unit. After four weeks spent in this area, the division was ordered to the quiet Haute Alsace sector. The movement to this sector began May 15, and the day following headquarters were established at La Chapelle. On May 18 the French troops in the sector were relieved and the division for the first time took over front line trenches, which were held until July 21. On July 26 the division was assembled near Verberie, in the neighborhood of Soissons, as a reserve of the Tenth French Army. From this point a move was immediately made to the region of Chateau Thierry, and upon arrival the division was placed in the 38th French Corps, Sixth Army, and later, August 4, in the Fifth American Corps. The Aisne-Marne offensive was by this time in full swing and on July 29-30 the 32d relieved the 3rd Division in the vicinity of Roncheres, northeast of Chateau Thierry. The commanding general of the 32d Division assumed command of battle zone at 11 a. m. July 30 and at 2:30

Page  1118 1118 CITY OF DETROIT p. m. the same day an attack was launched in which the Bois des Grimpettes was taken, and the edge of the Bois de Cierges gained. CAPTURES TOWN OF FISMES On the night of July 30, the 63rd Brigade of the 32nd Division relieved the 28th Division on the Ourcq River extending the zone of action to the left towards Sergy. The attack was renewed July 31 and the village of Cierges captured. Here the advance was stopped by strong resistance from Reddy and Bellevue Farm. An attack on August 1 gained Bois de la Planchette and Hill 230, and forced the enemy to abandon Bellevue Farm. The German forces were now rapidly withdrawing, and on August 3 the division pushed forward to the Vesle River and captured the town Fismes, at which point it was relieved August 7. The division was next assembled in a reserve position between the Ourcq and Vesle, where it remained for a period of 10 days, when it was again ordered to the vicinity of Soissons for duty with the Tenth French Army, then engaged in the Oise-Aisne offensive. The 127th French division was relieved August 27 north of Soissons and approximately two kilometers due west of Juvigny. In an attack which began August 28 the railroad tracks west of Juvigny were reached and on August 30 the town itself captured. The advance continued, and on the day following the division reached the Terny-Sorny-Bethancourt road. At this point the 32nd was relieved September 1-2, by the First Moroccan Division. SENT TO NEW AREA It was next sent to a new area near Joinville, and remained at this place until September 20, when it again started north to join the 5th Corps for the coming Meuse-Argonne offensive. The 32d Division, from a position in Corps Reserve, south of Avocourt, moved up and relieved, on the night of the 29-30th and the morning of the 30th, the 87th Division south of Cierges in the vicinity of Montfaucon, and moved forward driving the enemy north. On the night of October 3-4 part of the Division relieved the 91st Division in the vicinity of Gesnes. The latter village was immediately entered, but no attempt was made to hold it, as it was under constant shell fire. On October 5 the Bois de la Marine was taken and from this point the attack swung to the north and the Bois du Chene sector was captured. Here the advance was temporarily halted by strong resistance from Hills 255 and 269. During the night of the 7-8th of October the Division side-slipped to the east, giving up two kilometers of front in the west to a brigade of the 91st Division, and taking over one kilometer from the 3d Division on the right. On October 9 the Division attacked and reached the Kriemhilde-Stellung, Cote Dame Marie and Romagne, where it made preparations for a drive through. On October 14 the Kriemhilde-Stellung was penetrated, Cote Dame Marie and Romagne being captured and the Bois de Chauvignon entered, making an advance of two kilometers. The division slowly and steadily advanced in the Bois de Bantheville until it was relieved by the 89th Division on the night of the 19-20th of October. The division followed in the wake of the 5th, 89th and 91st Divisions, as a reserve of the 3d Army Corps, with headquarters successively at Romagne and Ainereville. The 128th Infantry re-entered the line November 6 as a unit of the 5th Division operating east of the Meuse, in the vicinity of Dun-sur-Meuse. On the night of the 9-10th of November the remainder of the division crossed the Meuse

Page  1119 CITY OF DETROIT 1119 and entered the line attacking on November 10 in the vicinity of Brandeville and Peuvilliers; on the morning of the 11th a continuation of the attack was halted by the signing of the Armistice. TOTAL CASUALTIES 13,392 During operations the division captured 2,153 prisoners. Its casualties totalled 13,392. On November 17 the division began its march from Vilosnes-sur-Meuse and on December 1 crossed the Sauer River and entered Germany as a first line unit of the Third Army. It was assigned a sector in the Coblenz Bridge-head with a front of 30 kilometers. Here it remained until April, when the various units began entraining for ports of embarkation. Division headquarters sailed from Brest, April 27, 1919, and arrived at New York May 5. The division had four commanding generals, as follows: Maj.-Gen. James Parker, August 26, September 17, 1917; Maj-Gen. William G. Haan, September 18, 1917-November 20, 1918; Maj.-Gen. William Lassiter, November 29, 1918-April 23, 1919, and Maj.-Gen. William G. Haan, April 27, 1919, to date of its demobilization. Combat Service, 32d Division: (1) Haute-Alsace sector, Alsace, France, May 18-July 21, 1918: 125th Infantry. 126th Infantry. 127th Infantry. 128th Infantry. 119th Machine Gun Battalion. 120th Machine Gun Battalion. 121st Machine Gun Battalion. 107th Engineers. 107th Field Signal Battalion. (2) Aisne-Marne offensive, France, July 30-August 6, 1918: Same as in (1). (3) Oise-Aisne offensive, France, August 28-September 2, 1918: Same as in (1). (4) Meuse-Argonne offensive, France, September 11-November 11, 1918: Same as in (1). The barred red Arrow was chosen as the division insignia, emblematic of the precision with which "Les Terribles" reached and shattered their marks, passing beyond all objectives. The Detroit members of the 32d returned home on May 19, 1919, with an appropriate celebration awaiting them.

Page  1120 PART VI THE PROFESSIONS CHAPTER XLVI BENCH AND BAR OF DETROIT ORIGIN OF CIVIL LAW-DEMANDS OF THE LEGAL PROFESSION-THE LAWYER AS A CITIZEN-EARLY MICHIGAN JUSTICE-MILITARY COMMANDANTS AS MAGISTRATES-ENGLISH COURTS-COURT OF COMMON PLEAS —NORTHWEST TERRITORY-UNDER INDIANA TERRITORY-COURTS OF MICHIGAN TERRITORYTHE EARLY JUDGES-INFERIOR COURTS-MICHIGAN STATE COURTS —THE SUPREME COURT-CIRCUIT COURTS-COURT OF CHANCERY-CONSTITUTION OF 1850-COUNTY COURTS-WAYNE CIRCUIT COURT-CIRCUIT COURT COMMISSIONERS-PROBATE COURT-MAYOR S COURT-RECORDER S COURT-POLICE COURT-SUPERIOR COURT-UNITED STATES COURTS-PROMINENT MEM BERS OF THE EARLY DETROIT BAR-DETROIT BAR ASSOCIATION —DETROIT COLLEGE OF LAW. Civil law made its appearance as soon as men began to realize that some system of rules was necessary to protect persons and property, and at the same time not conflict with the common interest. The legislator and the lawyer were therefore among the earliest agents of the world's civilization. In the primitive legal systems, such as were practiced in the Punjab of India and among the ancient Hebrews; the sanction of law was usually imposed by tribal custom, or by a king or chieftain ruling as the supreme head, frequently claiming to exercise his prerogatives by divine authority. As the occupations and interests of the people became more varied, as new lands were discovered and commerce began to carry the arts and ideas of one country to another, the laws became more complex and were arranged into codes. One of the oldest known codes-that of the Roman Civil Law-was made up of the Codex, Pandects or Digest, Institutes, etc. It was compiled and promulgated by order of Justinian, the Byzantine emperor, between the years 528 and 534 A. D., and still constitutes the foundation for the scientific study of civil law in modern Europe. The law is a jealous profession. It demands of the judge on the bench and the attorney at the bar alike a careful, conscientious effort to secure the administration of justice-"speedy and efficient, equitable and economical." Within recent years courts have been criticized for what the critics regard as unnecessary delays, and much has been said in the columns of the public press about the need of judicial reform. No doubt some of the criticisms have been based on facts and well deserved, but, unfortunately, many people have condemned the entire judiciary system merely because a few judges have failed to measure up to the proper standard, and the entire legal profession has been characterized 1120

Page  1121 JOFIN R. W5ILLIAMS, 1782-1854 First mayor of Detroit, 1824-5 JUDGE J. V. CAMPBELL JOSEPH CAMPAU

Page  1122 I

Page  1123 CITY OF DETROIT 1123 by the unthinking as one of trickery because here and there a lawyer has adopted the tactics of the shyster or pettifogger. When the American citizen insists upon the right of free speech and free press for fault-finding purposes, he should bear in mind that many of the great men in our national history were lawyers. John Marshall, one of the early chief justices of the United States Supreme Court, was a man whose memory is still revered by the American people and his legal opinions are still quoted with respect and confidence by the members of his profession. Thomas Jefferson, Robert R. Livingston and'James Monroe, who negotiated the Louisiana Purchase and gave to their country an empire in extent, were lawyers. Daniel Webster, Henry Clay, Thomas H. Benton, Salmon P. Chase, Stephen A. Douglas, William M. Evarts, Rufus Choate and a host of other eminent Americans wrote their names permanently upon history's pages through their knowledge and interpretation of the laws. All these were men of unquestioned loyalty and love of justice. And last, but not least, stands Abraham Lincoln, self-educated and self-reliant, whose consummate tact and statesmanship saved the Union from disruption. EARLY MICHIGAN JUSTICE When the first settlement was planted at Detroit in 1701 its principal object was to aid in establishing and maintaining French authority in the country about the Great Lakes, and particularly to stifle the competition in the fur trade of the Hudson's Bay Company, which had been chartered by the English Government in 1670. As there were no white settlers, except the few who came with Cadillac, it was not considered necessary to establish courts of any kind and a military form of government was adopted. Cadillac, as commandant of the post, and his successors were therefore given almost unlimited powers. They could hear causes, imprison offenders, or even execute the death penalty in extreme cases if they deemed it necessary. These commandants, nevertheless, were subordinate to the governor-general of New France, to whom appeals might be taken. Although the distance between Detroit and Quebec is approximately seven hundred miles, and in those days methods of communication were of the most primitive character, frequent complaints were made to the governor of the injustice of the commandant. While some of these complaints were well founded, a majority of them were groundless. The isolated position of the settlement, the constant danger of alienating the friendship of the Indians who gathered about the post, the necessity for harmony among the white people, all combined to prevent the commandant from wreaking personal spite or committing serious injustice in his capacity of magistrate. His standing in the community was usually that of "first citizen." ENGLISH COURTS For several years after Detroit passed into the hands of the English in 1760, the government was of a military character, the powers of the commandant being even greater than under the French regime. About the time of the English occupation, a man named Clapham came to Detroit as a trader, bringing with him two Pawnee Indians, a man and a woman, as slaves. Early in the year 1763 the two Indians killed their master by beheading him and then threw his body into the river. The man escaped to the Illinois country, but the woman was apprehended, tried before Maj. Henry Gladwin, then commandant, and

Page  1124 1124 CITY OF DETROIT found guilty. On April 20, 1763, Major Gladwin wrote to General Amherst, governor-general, that she was "sentenced to be hanged for being an accomplice in the murder of the late Mr. Clapham, which I had put in execution in the most public manner." It is related that Colonel De Peyster, who came to the office of commandant shortly after the beginning of the Revolutionary war, officiated at weddings and baptized persons according to the forms of the Church of England. Thomas Smith, one of the surveyors who laid out the City of Detroit according to the governor and judges plan, testified as follows before the commissioners of claims in July, 1821, regarding the jurisdiction of the English commandants: "All military commandants were civil officers ex-officio, whether so commissioned or not, and they decided questions of property and put litigants into the guardhouse who disobeyed their decisions. There were civil magistrates, who acted under and in all matters of importance consulted the commandant. The commandant was considered the chief magistrate and often acted without consulting any other magistrate. The will of the commandant, in whom it is presumed confidence was always placed by the British Government, was submitted to and was certainly the then law of the land, whether it be called civil or military law, or whether that will related to civil or military matters." But the authority and jurisdiction of the commandant were frequently challenged by the lieutenant-governor and the commissioner of trade, both of whom claimed the right to settle disputes between citizens. On November 21, 1763, James Murray, governor-general of the Province of Quebec, was given a royal commission "to erect, constitute and establish such and so many courts of judicature and Publick Justice as shall be necessary." His commission also authorized him to "appoint judges and, in cases requisite, commissioners of Oyer and Terminer, justices of the peace, sheriffs and other necessary officers and ministers in our said Province." Acting under this authority, Governor Murray established a Court of King's Bench, a Court of Assize and a Court of Common Pleas, all to sit at Quebec; a Court of Quarter Sessions and justices courts, to sit at Quebec and Montreal every three months. These courts were no doubt sufficient for those who were within reach of them, but Detroit was too far away from Quebec and Montreal, where all the sittings were held, to derive any benefit. There was a reason for not establishing courts more easily accessible to the people of Michigan. Says Judge Campbell, in his "History of Michigan:" "The Lords of Trade opposed any extension of settlement, on the notion that the settlers would become manufacturers, and the English tradesmen would lose their market. The public men who favored settlement, instead of exposing the folly of using colonists as inferiors and contributors of all their energies to serve the greedy demands of home-abiding Englishmen, met the arrogant claims by urging that new settlers would enlarge instead of narrowing the market and could not furnish their own domestic articles. The spirit that drove America into revolution was manifest in the whole correspondence of the government agents." Protests from the citizens of Detroit, demanding the right of the English subject to have justice brought to them, finally met with a partial reward. In the chapter on British Domination mention is made of the appointment of Philip Dejean as justice of the peace by Capt. George Turnbull. Dejean's commission, dated April 24, 1767, was as follows:

Page  1125 CITY OF DETROIT 1125 "I do hereby nominate and appoint you justice of the peace to inquire into all complaints that shall come before you, for which purpose you are hereby authorized to examine by oath such evidences as shall be necessary that the Truth of the matter may be better known: Provided always that you give no judgment or final award but at their joint request, and which they bind themselves by bond to abide by, but settle the determination of the matter by arbitration, which they are likewise to give their bond to abide by, one or two persons to be chosen by each; and if they cannot agree and have named two only you name a third, and if four, a fifth, and their determination or award to be approved by me before put in execution. I further authorize and impower you to act as Chief Notary and Tabellion, by drawing all wills and deeds, etc., proper for that Department, the same to be done in English only, and I also appoint you sole vendue master for such sales as may happen here, in the usual and accustomed manner." Soon after this commission was issued to Dejean, Captain Turnbull was succeeded by Maj. Robert Bayard. Representations were made by traders and others to the new commandant that some means should be provided for the collection of debts, etc. Major Bayard, after considering the matter, on July 28, 1767, authorized a "temporary court of justice to be held twice every month to decide all actions of debts, bonds, bills, contracts and trespasses above five pounds, New York currency," and appointed Dejean "second judge of said court of justice in Detroit." In the commission issued to Dejean by Captain Turnbull, and in the order of Major Bayard granting him enlarged powers, both commandants made it clear that they were "the court of last resort" as far as local affairs were concerned and intended to keep control of those affairs. More of Dejean's history will be found in the chapter on the Revolutionary War and in the chapters on "Law and Order." COURT OF COMMON PLEAS On July 24, 1788, Lord Dorchester, then governor-general of Canada, divided the territory of Upper Canada into four districts, viz.: Luneburg, Mecklenburg, Nassau and Hesse, and ordered the establishment of a Court of Common Pleas in each district. Detroit was included in the District of Hesse. Duperon Baby, Alexander McKee and William Robertson, all of Detroit, were appointed justices of the Court of Common Pleas and Thomas Smith was appointed clerk. None of the judges thus appointed was a lawyer. Baby and Robertson were merchants and were more interested in trade than in the trial of causes. Mr. Robertson and thirty-three other citizens of Detroit joined in a petition to the governor, setting forth that the appointees being interested in trade were not free from bias in their opinions respecting property; that being unlearned in the law they would not be competent to discharge the duties of the office; and asked for the appointment of a judge who was "learned in the law," etc. The petition was referred to the committee in council and on November 14, 1788, the committee made a report recommending the appointment of "Gentlemen of Law Abilities and possessing knowledge of the Custom of Merchants." The recommendation of the committee was approved, except only one judge was appointed. In March, 1789, William Dummer Powell was appointed "First Judge of the Court of Common Pleas for the District of Hesse." By an ordinance of May 7, 1789, it was provided "That until the Bench of the

Page  1126 1126 CITY OF DETROIT Court of Common Pleas for the District of Hesse shall have three Judges, duly appointed therein, all the powers and authorities of the whole number shall be vested in such person as shall have a commission to be First Judge thereof." William Dummer Powell, who has been called the "First Judge of Detroit," was born in Boston in 1755, the eldest son of John and Janet (Grant) Powell. One of his biographers says: "In his veins flowed the mingled blood of commoner and patrician, of roundhead and cavalier, of high churchman and Presbyterian." At the age of twenty he married Miss Anne Murray and in January, 1776, he began the study of law in the Middle Temple in London. Three years later, having completed his legal studies, he returned to America and began the practice of law in Montreal. On June 9, 1789, following his appointment as judge of the Court of Common Pleas, he became a resident of Detroit, though the sessions of the court were held at L'Assomption (now Sandwich), on the opposite side of the Detroit River. He continued to preside over the Court of Common Pleas until 1794, when he was appointed first judge of the Court of King's Bench for Upper Canada. In 1815 he was made chief justice and held that office until 1825, when he resigned on a pension. He died in 1834. With the establishment of the Court of Common Pleas and the appointment of Judge Powell, the people of Detroit had what they had long desireda court within easy reach of the citizens and presided over by a competent judge. The jurisdiction of the court extended only to civil matters and until 1792 Judge Powell heard and decided such causes without the aid of a jury, yet there were but few complaints of his rulings. A statute of 1792 provided that every issue of fact should be tried by a jury of twelve men, and that in all cases relating to property the laws of England should apply. In 1794 the Court of Common Pleas was abolished and the Court of King's Bench for Upper Canada was created, with Judge Powell as the first judge. The new tribunal had unlimited jurisdiction in all matters both civil and criminal. At the same time a District Court was established in each district, the jurisdiction of which covered all cases where the amount involved did not exceed fifteen pounds. The District Court for the Western District (formerly Hesse) sat in Detroit until just before the British evacuation in 1796. NORTHWEST TERRITORY Under the Ordinance of 1787, which established civil government in the country northwest of the Ohio River, provision was made for the appointment of three judges, who were to constitute the "Supreme Court of the Northwest Territory." Samuel H. Parsons, John Cleves Symmes and James M. Varnum were appointed judges. The tenure of office was "during good behavior," but the judges were required to reside in the territory and the salary was only $800 per year. These conditions made the position unattractive and there were nine appointments between the years 1787 and 1798. Sessions of the court were to be held on the first Monday in February, May, October and December, though the first session was held at Marietta, Ohio, on August 30, 1788. Owing to the fact that for thirteen years the British retained possession of the Michigan country, contrary to the terms of the Treaty of 1783, no session of the court was held in Detroit until after the American occupation in July, 1796. From that time until the division of the Northwest Territory a session was held in Detroit each year.

Page  1127 CITY OF DETROIT 1127 On August 23, 1788, a Court of General Quarter Sessions was created and the first session was held on the 9th of the following month. As the name indicates, sessions were to be held quarterly in each county. This court had jurisdiction in cases of crime or misdemeanor where the penalty did not exceed imprisonment for more than one year, or the forfeiture of life or property. The first session of this court was held in Detroit on August 4, 1798, with Louis Beaufait, James May and Joseph Voyez as judges. The court continued in existence until 1804. A Probate Court was established in the Northwest Territory on August 30, 1788. In October, 1795, the judges of the Court of Quarter Sessions were given jurisdiction in probate matters, sitting as an "Orphans' Court" and exercising supervision over trustees and executors. This court was abolished in 1811, when the Probate Court was reorganized. UNDER INDIANA TERRITORY On May 7, 1800, the Northwest Territory was divided by act of Congress and the Territory of Indiana was erected. As then established, the eastern boundary of the new territory was a line running due north from Fort Recovery, Ohio, to the international boundary. This left Detroit in the Northwest Territory until the passage of the act of April 30, 1802, which annexed all the present State of Michigan to the Territory of Indiana. The judges of Indiana Territory at that time were William Clark (a brother of Gen. George Rogers Clark), John Griffin and Henry Vanderburg. Each of these judges was assigned to a certain district, in which he presided over what was designated as a "Circuit Court." The three judges sitting together constituted the Supreme Court of the territory. Only one session of the territorial Circuit Court was held in Detroit while the city was in the Indiana Territory. It was opened on October 24, 1804, and was presided over by Judge Vanderburg. By an act of December 9, 1800, a "Circuit Court of Wayne County" was authorized, to be held on the third Tuesday of May in each year. The judge was to be appointed by the governor of the Indiana Territory, but no record of the appointment of a judge or the proceedings of any session of the court can be found. COURTS OF MICHIGAN TERRITORY Michigan Territory was created by an act of Congress, approved by President Jefferson on January 11, 1805. This act copied the great weakness of the Ordinance of 1787 by vesting the legislative power in a governor and three judges, or a majority of them, who were authorized "to adopt and publish in the district such laws of the original states, criminal and civil, as may be necessary and best suited to the circumstances of the district, and report them to Congress from time to time; and such laws shall be in force in the district until the organization of the General Assembly therein, unless disapproved by Congress; but after the General Assembly is formed, the Legislature shall have authority to alter these laws as it shall think proper." The words "original states" were construed to mean all states which had been admitted into the Union prior to the passage of the act. In adopting the laws of these states, the Governor and Judges interpreted the word "adopt" as referring to the letter rather than to the principle of the law. Under this Vol. II-18

Page  1128 1128 CITY OF DETROIT construction the Governor and Judges were enabled to "adopt" such laws or parts of laws as they saw fit-in short, to "make" laws. The judges were to be appointed by the President, with the consent of the senate. President Jefferson appointed Augustus B. Woodward, of Washington, D. C., Frederick Bates, of Michigan, and Samuel Huntington, of Ohio. All were confirmed by the senate on March 1, 1805. More of the formation of this court is given in the "Law and Order" chapters. Mr. Huntington declined to serve and John Griffin, of Indiana, was appointed in his place on December 23, 1805. Detroit was the capital of the territory and the judges all became residents of the city soon after they were appointed. Augustus Brevoort Woodward, about whom much has been written in other chapters of this work, was the chief justice, because he was the first to be appointed. Authorities differ as to his birthplace. Harper's "Cyclopedia of United States History" says he was born in Virginia about 1775. Judge Campbell, in his "History of Michigan," says he was a native of New York. Robert B. Ross stated in his "Early Bench and Bar" that Woodward was born at Alexandria, Virginia about 1770. Charles E. Moore says he was living in Rockbridge County, Virginia, in 1795 and was admitted to practice in 1801. That he was well educated is shown in his letters and manuscripts, though the same documents bear testimony that he was both overbearing and pedantic. A notable exception is found in his letters to Presidents Jefferson and Madison, which were more humble in tone than those to most of his correspondents. As the President had the appointing power, this has led to the charge that Judge Woodward was a "time-server." The following incidents will give the reader some idea of the manner in which this eccentric magistrate administered justice: John Gentle asked for the donation of a lot, but the request was refused because he was not a naturalized citizen. He then asked to become naturalized and again his request was refused on the grounds that he had not been long enough in the territory. Mr. Gentle then wrote a number of articles reflecting on the Governor and Judges, which articles were published in the "Pittsburgh Commonwealth." He was indicted for libel, Judge Woodward acting as complaining witness, prosecutor and judge. Gentle offered to prove the truth of his assertions, but was not permitted to do so, though the only penalty inflicted was to enjoin him from writing any more such letters. On June 25, 1808, the case of James Peltier vs. James and Francis Lasalle was continued. Capt. John Whipple, a relative of Peltier, afterward met Judge Woodward on the street, accused him of showing partiality to the defendants, called him a damned rascal and other names, and made gestures as if he were about to assault the chief justice. The judge went immediately to his office and issued a warrant returnable before himself. On this warrant Whipple was brought in for trial and was bound over to the next term of court. At the ensuing term he was fined, but the fine was remitted by order of Governor Hull. When Detroit was surrendered to the British in 1812, Judge Woodward accepted an appointment as secretary of the territory from Col. Henry Proctor, the British military governor. On November 24, 1812, Mr. Poindexter, delegate in Congress from Mississippi Territory, offered the following resolution in the national house of representatives: "Resolved, That a committee be appointed to inquire into the expediency of repealing the act entitled 'An Act to divide the Indiana Territory into two Separate Governments,' passed on the

Page  1129 CITY OF DETROIT 1129 11th of January, 1805, and of providing more effectually for the government of Michigan Territory; and that the committee have leave to report thereon by bill or otherwise." In support of his resolution Mr. Poindexter said: "The object I have in view in moving this resolution is to get rid of the salaries of the officers of that territory. Since the surrender of Detroit, their functions have ceased, yet they continue to receive their salaries, while one of them is a British prisoner and another has accepted a commission under British authority. I wish to reorganize the government and enable the proper authority to appoint other officers, such as would, perhaps, administer the government of the territory better than heretofore." No action was taken on the resolution, probably for the reason that members of Congress believed that Judge Woodward was really trying to serve the inhabitants while acting as a British official. It was known at the time that he had made vigorous protests against some of Colonel Proctor's unjust rulings and this no doubt was responsible for his retention in office. Judge Woodward was a chronic office seeker and was several times defeated for delegate to Congress. In September, 1819, he was defeated by William Woodbridge, who was then secretary of the territory, acting governor and collector of customs. There was some dissatisfaction over one man holding so many official positions and Mr. Woodbridge resigned the office of delegate. At the election in September, 1820, Judge Woodward was defeated by Solomon Sibley for the unexpired term. The vote of the Michilimackinac district was not counted on account of irregularities. Had it been counted Woodward would have been elected. This was the nearest he ever came to winning success at the polls. In 1821 he was again defeated by Mr. Sibley. Judge Woodward was slovenly in his dress and untidy in his habits. In the spring of 1821 he made a trip from Detroit to Green Bay on the steamer Walk-in-the-Water. Of this voyage a fellow passenger afterward told the following story: "The steamer was lying at her little wooden pier at the foot of Bates Street and a goodly number of citizens were on board to take leave of their friends who were passengers. Among those present was Judge Woodward. Just as the steamer was about to cast off her lines, a young man, who had been hurriedly dispatched to the judge's quarters, appeared on board with a clean shirt folded in a red bandanna handkerchief, which he gave to the judge, who announced that he also was a passenger. As the steamer entered the harbor of Mackinaw, where she remained a day, he went below and soon appeared arrayed in clean linen. When the boat left for Green Bay, the clean garment was removed and a soiled one took its place. On arriving at Green Bay a change was again made." The passenger who told this story did not return to Detroit with the judge but the captain of the steamer afterward told that the judge followed the same course on the return voyage, contriving to make one clean shirt perform duty during the entire time, and to make himself, as he thought, presentable while in port. Numerous complaints regarding the official conduct of Judge Woodward, signed by the most prominent and influential citizens of Detroit, were sent to Congress. One of these, printed in the "Detroit Gazette" of January 3, 1823, says: "In September, 1820, the court frequently held its sessions from 2

Page  1130 1130 CITY OF DETROIT P. M. until 12, 1 and 3 o'clock in the morning of the next day; and cases were disposed of in the absence of both clients and counsel. During these night sittings, suppers of meat and bottles of whiskey were brought into court, and a noisy and merry banquet was partaken at the bar by some, while others were addressing the court in solemn argument, and others presenting to the judges on the bench meat, bread and whiskey and inviting them to partake." A few weeks before this memorial went to Congress, and while it was in course of preparation, the "Gazette" said editorially: "Another prayer of this petition is, that the law under which our present Supreme Court is constituted may be repealed, and that a law may be passed providing for the appointment of judges and limiting the term of their service to four years. The object of praying for the repeal of this law is, if possible, to effect an immediate riddance of our present judges (we mean the majority of them) and, if that be impracticable, to leave the door open for them to go out at the end of four years." Despite all these protests, Judge Woodward's influence at Washington was strong enough to enable him to hold his position until Congress passed an act, approved by President Monroe on March 3, 1823, limiting the term of the judges to four years from February 1, 1824, and authorizing the people of Michigan to elect eighteen persons, from whom the President should select nine to constitute a Legislative Council. News of the passage of this act was received at Detroit on March 23, 1823, and was hailed with demonstrations of joy. Captain Woodworth's company fired a salute, there were bonfires and music in the evening, after which a number of the leading citizens partook of a supper at the Sagina Hotel, then kept by Colonel Smyth, on the west side of Woodward Avenue, between Jefferson Avenue and Woodbridge Street, Governor Cass presiding. The sentiments expressed at this supper convinced Judge Woodward of his unpopularity in Detroit. He resigned soon afterward and went to Washington to solicit another appointment as judge in some other territory. President Monroe appointed him as one of the judges of Florida and he died at Tallahassee on July 12, 1827. In fairness to Judge Woodward, it should be said that no sketch of him would be complete which shows only his idiosyncrasies, his foibles and his eccentricities. He was a "character," it is true, but he had his virtues as well as his faults. He was identified with the Detroit Mechanics' Society and the Lyceum of Detroit; was one of the organizers of the Bank of Michigan in 1818; drafted the act for the establishment of the University of Michigan; was a writer of no mean ability, and was interested in various enterprises for the improvement of Detroit. Probably none of his contemporaries, with the exception of Governor Cass, left the impress of his personality to a greater extent upon the Territory of Michigan or the City of Detroit. Woodward Avenue, the Grand Circus and the Campus Martius remain as constant reminders of this peculiar individual. Frederick Bates, who served as associate justice but a short time, was a native of Virginia, but let his native state while a youth and went to Ohio. In 1797 he came to Detroit, where he engaged in the mercantile business and studied law. On January 1, 1803, he was appointed the postmaster of Detroit, the second to fill this office, and held that position until January 1, 1806. He was the first receiver of the Detroit land office when it was opened in 1804; was a member of the board of trustees of the Town of Detroit in 1804-05; was appointed one of the first territorial justices in that year, and was the first ter

Page  1131 Judge Isaac Marston Judge Thomas M. Cooley Judge James Witherell Judge Ross Wilkins OLD PORTRAITS OF PROMINENT DETROIT MEN

Page  1132 I

Page  1133 CITY OF DETROIT'' 1133 ritorial treasurer. On November 26, 1806, not liking his associations, he resigned the offices of judge and treasurer and the receivership of the land office and went to Missouri, where he afterward became governor. Bates Street in Detroit was named in his honor. A younger brother, Edward Bates, was attorney-general in the cabinet of President Lincoln. John Griffin, who served as one of the territorial justices from 1805 to 1823, was a native of Virginia, but at the time Michigan Territory was created he was serving as one of the territorial judges of the Indiana Territory. When Samuel Huntington declined the appointment of associate justice in Michigan, Judge Griffin asked for and received it. He has been characterized as "Judge Woodward's man Friday," because he was always ready to cooperate with and do the bidding of the chief justice. He resigned at the same time as Judge Woodward in 1823 and dropped out of Michigan history. Judge Bates was succeeded on the bench by James Witherell, who was born at Mansfield, Massachusetts, June 16, 1759. His ancestors came from England in the early part of the Seventeenth Century. In June, 177~, when only sixteen years of age, he enlisted in the Continental army and served through the Revolutionary war. He was with Washington's troops at the siege of Boston; fought at Bemis Heights, Monmouth and in numerous minor engagements; was wounded in the battle of White Plains; was present at the surrender of General Burgoyne at Saratoga, and saw Major Andre executed at Tappan. When mustered out he had $70 in Continental scrip. He then went to Connecticut, where he studied medicine, after which he removed to Vermont. From 1798 to 1803 he was a member of the Vermont Legislature, then served as county judge for two years, and in 1807 was elected to Congress. On April 23, 1808, he was appointed by President Jefferson associate justice of Michigan Territory and came to Detroit. After Judge Woodward resigned in 1823 he became chief justice and was the author of the "Witherell Code." In 1812 he was in command of the territorial militia and was taken prisoner by the British when Detroit was surrendered by General Hull. The following year he was exchanged, when he bought the Witherell farm and lived there uptil 1836. He then moved into the city and died there on January 6, 1838. Upon the resignation of Judges Woodward and Griffin, President Monroe filled the vacancies by the appointment of Solomon Sibley and John Hunt to fill the vacancies on the bench. Judge Sibley has been called "one of the best and wisest men who ever lived in Michigan." He was born at Sutton, Massachusetts, October 7, 1769, studied law in Rhode Island and began practice at Marietta, Ohio. While Detroit was still in the Northwest Territory, he attended the sessions of the court held there and liking the town became a resident in 1797. Two years later he was elected to represent Wayne County in the General Assembly of the Northwest Territory and introduced in that body the bill to incorporate Detroit, which became a law in January, 1802. He was the first mayor of the city under the charter of 1806; was auditor of Michigan Territory from 1814 to 1817; United States district attorney from 1815 to 1823; was elected delegate to Congress in 1820 for the unexpired term of William Woodbridge; reelected in 1821 for a full term of two years; and served as justice of the territorial Supreme Court from 1824 until Michigan was admitted to statehood. Judge Hunt was also a native of Massachusetts, where he studied law and was admitted to the bar. He came to Detroit about 1819 and from that time

Page  1134 1134 CITY OF DETROIT until his appointment as associate justice in 1824 was engaged in the practice of his profession, winning the reputation of being one of the most prominent attorneys in the territory. He died in 1827 and was succeeded by Herny Chipman, of Vermont. The act of January 30, 1823, provided for the appointment of a third associate justice, who should hold courts in the counties of Brown, Crawford and Mackinaw. James Duane Doty was appointed as the third associate. His jurisdiction extended over the Upper Peninsula and the greater part of the present State of Wisconsin. He was born in Salem, New York, in 1799, studied law in his native state, came to Detroit in 1818, was admitted to the bar the following year and at the same time was appointed clerk of the Supreme Court. He served as associate justice until 1832. The Territory of Wisconsin was created in 1836. He afterward served as delegate to Congress, as a member of the Wisconsin constitutional convention in 1846, served two terms in Congress after that state was admitted, and was appointed governor of Utah Territory by President Lincoln. Between the years 1824 and 1837 there were but few changes in the personnel of the Supreme Court of the territory. The change caused by the death of Judge Hunt was the first. In January, 1828, Chief Justice Witherell resigned and was succeeded by William Woodbridge, Judge Witherell becoming secretary of the territory. In 1832, for political reasons, Judges Woodbridge, Chipman and Doty were superseded by George Morell, Ross Wilkins and David Irwin. Mr. Morell was made chief justice and from that time until Michigan was admitted in 1837, the Supreme Court was composed of Justices Morell, Sibley, Wilkins and Irwin. INFERIOR COURTS The history of the territorial courts of Michigan is chiefly embraced in the above account of the Supreme Court. The inferior courts were District Court, the Probate Court, the Circuit Court, the County Court and the justices of the peace, but the records of all are so meager that it would be difficult to give an intelligent account of them. District courts were authorized by the act of July 25, 1805. Prior to the passage of the act, the governor had divided the territory into four judicial districts, viz.: Erie, Detroit, Huron and Michilimackinac. Judge Doty was assigned to the last named district, while Judges Witherell, Sibley and Hunt held court in the Lower Peninsula. Sessions of the court were held in the District of Detroit beginning on the first Monday in May and the third Monday in August of each*year, and were presided over by one of the territorial judges. By Governor Hull's proclamation of July 3, 1805, the District of Detroit was bounded as follows: "Beginning at the River Detroit on the boundary line of the United States of America, five miles north of the position of the center of the citadel in the ancient Town of Detroit; thence in a due west line to the boundary of the Indian title, as established by the treaties of Fort McIntosh, Fort Harmar and Fort Greenville; thence with the same ten miles, and thence in a due east line to the boundary of the United States." The first session of the District Court was held in Detroit on Thursday, August 19, 1805. The first entry in the court record is as follows: "On the 19th day of August, 1805, at eleven o'clock in the forenoon, in the grand square

Page  1135 CITY OF DETROIT 1135 of the new City of Detroit, under a green bower, provided for that purpose by the marshal of the Territory of Michigan, a session of the District Court for Huron and Detroit was held, at which was present Frederick Bates, senior associate judge of the Territory of Michigan. James May, marshal of the Territory of Michigan, opened the court in the following words: 'Attention! The District Court for Huron and Detroit District is now sitting. Silence commanded on pain of imprisonment'." On October 7, 1805, the Governor and Judges, sitting in their legislative capacity, voted an appropriation of $8.00, "in payment to Michael Monette and Valne, in laboring in the erection of a bower for the holding of a court." By the act of April 2, 1807, which was passed in response to a petition from the inhabitants of Detroit, the District Court was made to consist of a district judge and two associates, residents of the district, to be appointed by the governor and to hold office during good behavior. Under this law George McDougall was appointed district judge; James Abbott and Jacob Visger, associates; Peter Audrain, clerk. The court was abolished in September, 1810, part of its powers being then transferred to the Supreme Court and the rest to the justices of the peace, whose powers were enlarged. The Circuit, Probate and County courts were all carried over into the State of Michigan, after it was admitted into the Union in 1837, and will be noticed later. MICHIGAN STATE COURTS In the constitutional convention of 1835 the opinion was unanimous that the legislative and judicial powers of the state government should be separated. This opinion found expression in Article III as follows: "The powers of the government shall be divided into three distinct departments: The Legislative, the Executive and the Judicial; and one department shall never exercise the power of another, except in such cases as are expressly provided for in this Constitution." It was also provided in the constitution that the judicial power should be vested in a Supreme Court and such other courts as the Legislature might from time to time establish. Under this authority the Legislature, at its first session and before the state was admitted, passed acts providing for the organization of the Supreme Court, Circuit Courts and a Court of Chancery. SUPREME COURT By the act of March 26, 1836, the Supreme Court was organized with three justices, to be appointed by the governor "with the advice and consent of the senate." These justices were to hold office for seven years and were "to receive adequate compensation for their services, which shall not be diminished during their term of office." The salary was fixed at $1,500 per year, though on July 18, 1836, Governor Mason approved an act allowing the chief justice $100 additional, making his salary $1,600. The jurisdiction of the court was chiefly appellate, most of the cases coming before being appealed from the lower courts. The first Supreme Court was composed of William A. Fletcher, chief justice; Epaphroditus Ransom, associate justice. In 1838 the Revised Statutes made provision for a third associate justice and Charles W. Whipple was appointed. A fourth justice was authorized by the act of April 3, 1848, and Edward Mundy was appointed. The members of the Supreme Court under the constitution of 1835, with the year in which each took his place upon the bench, were: Wil

Page  1136 1136 CITY OF DETROIT liam A. Fletcher, Epaphroditus Ransom and George Morell, 1836; Charles W. Whipple, 1839; Alpheus Felch, 1844; Daniel Goodwin, 1844; Warner Wing, 1846; George Miles, 1847; Sanford M. Green, 1848; Edward Mundy, 1849. Fletcher, Ransom and Mundy were the chief justices in the order named. CIRCUIT COURTS The act of March 26, 1836, provided that each of the justices of the Supreme Court should be the presiding judge of a Circuit Court, the associate justices of which should be elected by the people in each county. The state was therefore divided into three circuits and Detroit, Ann Arbor and Kalamazoo were designated as the places of holding court in the respective circuits. The first circuit was composed of the counties of Chippewa, Lapeer, Mackinaw, Macomb, St. Clair and Wayne. The circuit courts were given the same jurisdiction and powers they possessed under the territorial regime, except in matters of chancery. On March 25, 1840, the state was divided into five circuits, Wayne County being made a circuit by itself. George Morell was the presiding judge in the first circuit until 1844; Daniel Goodwin, from 1844 to 1847; Warner Wing, from 1847 to 1851. The associate justices in Wayne County during the same period, with the year when each entered upon his duties, were: Cyrus Howard and Charles Moran, 1837; Eli Bradshaw, 1841; Robert T. Elliott, 1841; Ebenezer Farnsworth, 1842; J. H. Bagg, 1845; J. Gunning, 1845. COURT OF CHANCERY This court was established by the act of March 26, 1836, to go into effect on the fourth of the following July. The act provided that the governor should nominate and the senate confirm a chancellor, who should hold office for seven years and receive an annual salary of $1,500. Elon Farnsworth, of Detroit, was appointed chancellor. He was born at Woodstock, Vermont, February 2, 1799, graduated at Middlebury College and studied law in his native state. In 1822 he came to Detroit, where he became associated with the law firm of Sibley & Whitney. When Mr. Sibley was called to the Supreme Bench in 1824, the firm became Whitney & Farnsworth. Mr. Whitney died in 1826 and Mr. Farnsworth formed a partnership with Daniel Goodwin, which lasted until he was appointed chancellor in 1836. He resigned in March, 1842, on account of failing health, and was succeeded by Randolph Manning, who held the office until the Chancery Court was abolished by the act of March 1, 1847, and its jurisdiction conferred on the circuit courts. This was the only distinctive equity court in the entire judicial history of Michigan. CONSTITUTION OF 1850 A number of changes (none of them radical) was made in the judicial system of the state by the constitution of 1850, which provided that the judicial department should consist of a Supreme Court, Circuit and Probate Courts, Justices' Courts, and such municipal courts of civil and criminal jurisdiction as might be established in the cities by legislative action. The constitution also provided that for the term of six years, and until the Legislature should otherwise direct by suitable legislation, the judges of the several circuit courts (eight in number) should be justices of the Supreme Court. After six years the Legislature might provide by law for the organization of a Supreme Court with one chief justice and three associate justices, to be elected by the voters of the state, and, when

Page  1137 CITY OF DETROIT 1137 the court should be thus organized, no further change should be made for eight years. The first term of the Supreme Court as thus constituted was held in Detroit in January, 1852. Warner Wing, of the first circuit was chosen chief justice. The judges from the other seven circuits, in numerical order, were: Charles W. Whipple, Samuel T. Douglass, David Johnson, Abner Pratt, Joseph F. Copeland, Sanford M. Green and George Martin. On February 16, 1857, Governor Bingham approved an act providing that from and after January 1, 1858, the Supreme Court should consist of a chief justice and three associate justices, to be elected by the voters of the state, one for two years, one for four years, one for six years and one for eight years, after which one justice should be elected biennially to serve the full term of eight years. Under this act the Supreme Court consisted of George Martin, chief justice; James V. Campbell, Isaac P. Christiancy and Randolph Manning, associate justices. Judge Manning died on August 31, 1864, and was succeeded on the bench by Thomas M. Cooley. Chief Justice Martin died on December 15, 1867, and was succeeded by Benjamin F. Graves; Isaac P. Christiancy resigned on February 27, 1875, having been elected United States senator. His successor was Isaac Marston. A recent writer, in commenting upon the Michigan Supreme Court, says: "In all essential particulars, the court established by the Act of 1857 exists today. Changes in the number composing the court have been conservatively made. In 1887 the number of justices was increased to five and the term of the additional justice, and all justices elected after 1887, was extended to ten years. In 1903 the number of justices was increased to eight. The term of office was reduced to eight years. * * * It is without invidiousness or disparagement to any to say (on the contrary, it will be conceded by all), that the court composed of Justices Christiancy, Campbell, Cooley and Graves-a court which was largely concerned with laying the foundations of our jurisprudencewas unsurpassed by any court of any other state in the Union." Of all the justices of the Supreme Court, Cooley and Campbell are the best known to the general public, the latter largely through his authorship of a "History of Michigan." Judge Campbell was born at Buffalo, New York, February 25, 1823, of Scotch ancestry. His parents were Henry M. and Lois (Bushnell) Campbell, and the celebrated Congregational minister, Horace Bushnell, was a first cousin. In 1841 Judge Campbell graduated at St. Paul's College, an Episcopal institution at Flushing, Long Island. He then studied law with Douglass & Walker, of Buffalo, and in 1844 was admitted to the bar. For five years he was secretary of the board of regents of the University of Michigan. When the law department of the University was established in 1858, he was appointed to the Marshall professorship, a position he held for twenty-five years. He took his place upon the Supreme Bench in 1858 and served continuously until 1890-the longest time for which any judge was ever elected by the people. COUNTY COURTS By the act of the Michigan Legislature, approved by Governor Cass on October 24, 1815, a County Court consisting of a chief justice and two associates was created. Wayne County was then the only one in Michigan Territory and the act provided that the sessions of the court should begin on the first Monday in January and the third Monday in June, until such time as another

Page  1138 1138 CITY OF DETROIT county should be erected. The court was given original jurisdiction in the trial of all offenses except those in which the penalty was capital punishment. On November 9, 1815, James Abbott was appointed chief justice, Henry J. Hunt and John R. Williams, associate justices, and the first term was held in the old council house, beginning on January 2, 1816. By the act of April 15, 1833, the court was abolished and its business was transferred to the Circuit Court. It was revived by the Revised Statutes of 1846, in a slightly different form. Instead of a chief justice and two associates, the court consisted of a county judge and a second judge, elected by the voters. As thus constituted the county court continued in existence until the constitution of 1850 went into effect. Following is a list of the judges of the Wayne County court and the date of their appointment: Chief Justices-James Abbott, November 9, 1815; John L. Leib, June 17, 1822; William A. Fletcher, March 25, 1823; B. F. H. Witherell, June 5, 1824; William A. Fletcher, December 31, 1824, Henry Chipman, December 19, 1825; Asa M. Robinson, December 28, 1826; Daniel LeRoy, January 18, 1828; Melvin Dorr, June 26, 1828; John McDonnell, January 13, 1830. Associate Justices-Henry J. Hunt and John R. Williams, November 9, 1815; John McDonnell, January 17, 1817; B. F. H. Witherell, May 23, 1823; Philip Lecuyer, December 23, 1823; Melvin Dorr, August 4, 1824; Shubael Conant, April 14, 1827; Peter Desnoyers, June 26, 1828; William Barstow, January 14, 1830; Orville Cook, July 28, 1830; Charles Moran, March 4, 1831; James Williams, March 4, 1831. After the court was revived in 1846, E. S. Lee served as county judge and Cyrus Howard as second judge until 1850. In that year B. F. H. Witherell was elected county judge and Cyrus Howard was reelected second judge, but the new constitution was ratified at the same election and they did not enter upon their judicial duties. WAYNE CIRCUIT COURT Mention of the Circuit Courts under the territorial governments of Indiana and Michigan and the constitution of 1835, has already been made. The act of February' 16, 1857, which went into effect at the beginning of the following year, made the separation of the Supreme and Circuit courts complete, and thus defined the jurisdiction of the latter: "The said Circuit Courts within and for their respective counties shall have and exercise original and exclusive jurisdiction on all civil actions and remedies of whatever description, and of all prosecutions in the name of the people of this state for crimes, misdemeanors, offenses and penalties, except in cases where exclusive or concurrent jurisdiction shall be given to, or possessed by, some other court or tribunal, in virtue of some statutory provision, or of the principles and usage of law, and shall have such appellate jurisdiction and powers as may be provided by law; and the said courts shall also have and exercise, within and for their respective counties, all the powers usually possessed by courts of record at the common law and in equity, subject to such modifications as may be provided by the laws of this state, for the full exercise of the jurisdiction hereby conferred." The courts were also given power to make their own rules for regulating practice until such time as the Supreme Court should prepare and publish

Page  1139 CITY OF DETROIT 1139 uniform code of rules; to order changes of venue; to hear and determine cases submitted by agreement; to reserve questions of law for the decision of the Supreme Court; to grant writs of supersedeas or prohibition in vacation for cause shown; and to make all orders necessary for carrying into effect the jurisdiction vested in such court. By the act of January 29, 1858, Wayne and Cheboygan counties were made the third circuit. At the special session of the Legislature in 1858 the laws relating to the Circuit Courts were amended and the number of circuits increased to ten. On March 27, 1867, Governor Crapo approved an act making Wayne County a circuit by itself. The judges of this circuit, since the adoption of the constitution of 1850, have been as follows: Samuel T. Douglass, who was judge when the new system went into effect, resigned and B. F. H. Witherell was appointed. He was elected at the next regular election and remained on the bench until his death in 1866. He was succeeded by Charles I. Walker, who resigned in 1868. Henry B. Brown was appointed to the vacancy and held the office until the next regular election, when he was succeeded by Jared Patchin. Cornelius J. Reilly was elected at the spring election in 1875 and continued on the bench until November 3, 1879, when he resigned. F. H. Chambers was appointed to the vacancy and was elected in 1881 for a full term. At the same election a constitutional amendment providing for more than one judge in Wayne County was adopted by a vote of 53,840 to 6,628. The Legislature at the next session passed an act providing for two additional judges and in November, 1882, William Jennison and John J. Speed were elected. The Legislature of 1887 added a fourth judge and in April of that year Henry N. Brevoort, George Gartner, George S. Hosmer and Cornelius J. Reilly were chosen for the full term and William Look was elected to serve from May 1, 1887, to January 1, 1888. A fifth judge was added by the Legislature of 1891 and Robert E. Frazer was appointed. The judges elected in 1893 were: William L. Carpenter, Joseph W. Donovan, Robert E. Frazer, George S. Hosmer and Willard M. Lillibridge. Judges Carpenter, Donovan, Frazer and Hosmer were all reelected in 1899 and Judge Lillibridge was succeeded by Morse Rhonert. The Legislature of that year added a sixth judge to the Wayne Circuit Court. Byron S. Waite was appointed and served until the April election in 1901, when Flavius L. Brooke was elected. In November, 1902, Judge Carpenter was elected to the Supreme Court and Henry A. Mandell was appointed to the vacancy. Judges Brooke, Donovan, Frazer, Hosmer and Rhonert were all reelected in 1905 and Alfred L. Murphy succeeded Judge Mandell. Judge Brooke resigned in the fall of 1909 and James O. Murfin was appointed in his place. Judge Rhonert died in March, 1911, and George P. Codd was appointed to fill the unexpired term. At the April election in 1911 George P. Codd, P. J. M. Hally, George S. Hosmer, Henry A. Mandell, Alfred J. Murphy and Philip T. Van Zile were elected. The rapid growth of Detroit made it necessary to increase the capacity of the court and since 1911 three judges have been added. The judges at the beginning of the year 1920, were: George P. Codd, Harry J. Dingeman, George S. Hosmer, Ormond F. Hunt, Ira W. Jayne, Henry A. Mandell, Adolph F. Marschner, Clyde I. Webster and Arthur Webster. Since this time Judge Hosmer has passed away, and Judge Codd resigned after his election to Congress in 1920. Joseph A. Moynihan is now serving upon the Circuit Court bench and in March, 1921 Theodore J. Richter was appointed to succeed Judge Hosmer.

Page  1140 1140 CITY OF DETROIT CIRCUIT COURT COMMISSIONERS In November, 1820, while Michigan was still a territory, an act was passed providing for "commissioners of bail." Charles C. Trowbridge and John Winder were appointed early in the following year and served until the office was abolished and the powers of the commissioners conferred on the justices of the peace and the Circuit Court commissioners. On March 9, 1843, Governor Barry approved an act authorizing him to appoint a circuit court commissioner in each county of the state, with jurisdiction in cases between landlord and tenant, where title to property was not involved; accept bail in suits to recover damages; determine the amount of bail in such cases, and under certain conditions issue writs of habeas corpus. Two commissioners in each county were authorized by the act of April 2, 1850, said commissioners to serve for four years. Under the act of April 8, 1851, Wayne County was given a third commissioner, to serve until January 1, 1853. At that time there was still a demand for the extra commissioner and on February 14, 1853, the Legislature authorized the appointment of one to serve until January 1, 1855. Since that time two commissioners have been elected by the people biennially. In 1869 the power to issue writs of habeas corpus was taken away from these commissioners by an act of the Legislature. A list of the Circuit Court commissioners will be found in the chapter entitled "Statistical Review." PROBATE COURT The Probate Court of Wayne County is the successor of the old Court of Proofs and the Orphans' Court of the Northwest Territory. After the creation of Michigan Territory, the Governor and Judges on January 31, 1809, directed the judge of probate to appoint a register. A number of acts relating to this court were passed during the next twenty-five years, none of which altered its jurisdiction in the matter of settling estates, etc. Prior to the year 1859 the probate judge was paid by fees. In that year he was paid a salary of $2,750, which continued to 1880, when the board of auditors were authorized to fix the salary, which should not be less than $2,500 nor more than $3,000. About a year later the salary was increased to $3,500. In 1913 the Legislature increased the number of probate judges in Wayne County to three. A list of the judges may be found in the "Statistical Review," near the close of this volume. MAYOR'S COURT Under the city charter of August 5, 1824, the mayor, recorder and aldermen, or any three of them, were authorized to hold a court on the second Monday in each month (and to continue in session for three days), for the trial of persons charged with violation of the city ordinances and laws. This tribunal was known as the "Mayor's Court." After a few years the common council fixed the dates for holding court, two aldermen being designated from time to time to sit with the mayor as judges. The theory upon which this court was founded may have been sound, but in practice many of the sessions were little better than a farce. The mayor and aldermen would levy a fine or sentence an offender to jail, but the culprit, by appealing to the council, had little difficulty in securing a remission of the fine or obtaining his release from prison. By an amendment to the charter on June

Page  1141 Theodore Romeyn Alexander D. Fraser Halmor IJ. Emmons Charles C. Trowbridge OLD PORTRAITS OF PROMINENT DETROIT MEN

Page  1142

Page  1143 CITY OF DETROIT 1143 29, 1832, the council was given power to employ persons convicted to work on the streets "with ball and chain attached." This put a stop to the practice of appealing to the council, but after a number of prisoners escaped the employment of convicts in this manner was ordered discontinued. The court continued to pass sentence upon offenders and prisoners were kept in idleness at the city's expense until June 18, 1839, when the street commissioner was instructed to employ men serving a jail sentence upon the streets and credit them with the customary wages for such labor, their earnings to be applied to the payment of fines and costs. This custom prevailed for several years. The Mayor's Court was finally superseded by the RECORDER'S COURT The act of February 5, 1857, made several amendments to the city charter, one of which was the establishment of the Recorder's Court, to take the place of the Mayor's Court. This court had original and exclusive jurisdiction in all prosecutions and proceedings in behalf of the people of the state for crimes, offenses and misdemeanors arising under the laws of the state and committed within the corporate limits of the city, except in cases cognizable by the Police Court. It also had jurisdiction over violations of the city ordinances, all offenses against the charter, all complaints under the truancy law, all matters pertaining to the opening and extending of streets, alleys and boulevards, condemnation proceedings, etc. It had power to grant writs of habeas corpus and certorari in criminal cases in the City of Detroit, and to hear and determine cases of forcible or unlawful entry and detainer, though cases of the last description were usually brought before the circuit court commissioners. The first session of the court was held on January 12, 1858, with Henry A. Morrow presiding. The only business transacted at that session was the adoption of a design for a seal, which is thus described in the records: "The seal is of circular form and has engraved upon it the following devices: An American shield resting upon a ribbon-like scroll, having upon it the words 'Spectemur Agendo,' occupies a central position, having upon the left a figure of Justice and upon the right a figure of Mercy. Justice is blindfolded and holds in her right hand a pair of scales and in her left a sword. Mercy has her right hand gently folded upon her bosom and her left extended toward the earth. An eagle with outstretched pinions stands in the middle of the seal on a line with the heads of the figures just described. The seal is surrounded near its outer edge by the words: 'Seal of the Recorder's Court of the City of Detroit, Mich.'" Six terms of this court were held during the year, commencing on the first Wednesday in January, March, May, July, September and November. The court consisted of a recorder and a judge, who were elected at the April election for a term of six years. At the election in April, 1917, Charles T. Wilkins was chosen recorder and Edward J. Jeffries, judge. This court is now known as the Municipal Recorder's Court, as described in a later chapter. POLICE COURT By an act of the Legislature, approved by Governor Barry on April 2, 1850, a Police Court was established for the City of Detroit. P. C. Higgins was the first police justice and the early sessions of the court were held at his office on Jefferson Avenue. When B. R. Bagg was elected justice in 1852, the court was removed to Mechanics Hall on Griswold Street. This building was partially Vol. II-19

Page  1144 1144 CITY OF DETROIT destroyed by fire on March 15, 1861, and a few sessions of the court were held in the Congregational Church on Jefferson Avenue. In August, 1861, Justice Bagg was notified by the church officials that the building could no longer be used for a court room. Unable to find suitable quarters on short notice, he held two or three sessions under the trees near Michigan Avenue on the lot now occupied by the city hall. The court then sat in the council chamber of the old city hall until the building on Clinton Street was completed in January, 1863. Two police justices were provided for by an act of the Legislature, which took effect on July 4, 1885, and a supplementary act in 1913, provided for a third. The Police Court had original and exclusive jurisdiction to hear, try and determine all criminal cases wherein the crime, misdemeanor or offense charged shall have been committed within the corporate limits of the City of Detroit, or on property owned or controlled by the city, as are by the laws of the state established within the jurisdiction of justices of the peace. The new city charter provided that: "At the biennial spring election to be held in 1919, there shall be elected two police justices to hold office for four years from the fourth day of July, 1919, and until their successors are elected and qualified, and at the biennial spring election in 1921, one police justice shall be elected for the term of four years to hold office from and after the fourth day of July, 1921, and until his successor is elected and qualified. At each alternate biennial spring election after the year 1921, there shall be elected two police justices, and at the intervening biennial spring election one police justice, each of whom shall serve for a term of four years from and after the fourth day of July succeeding the election." Thomas M. Cotter and William H. Heston were elected in April, 1919, for the term ending on July 4, 1923, Christopher E. Stein holding over for the term ending on July 4, 1921. The Police Court was merged into the new Municipal Court in 1920. NEW MUNICIPAL COURT In 1920, through the operation of the Municipal Court reform bill, fathered by Pliny W. Marsh in the Legislature, two extra judgeships were created and Marsh and Harry B. Keidan were appointed by Governor Sleeper. The Municipal Court act was approved in Detroit by a vote of 106,081 to 30,588. There was litigation in opposition to the new court, which merged the jurisdiction of the old Police Court with the Recorder's Court, and the matter was carried before the state Supreme Court. The establishment of the new Municipal Recorder's Court was upheld as constitutional. The judges of the Municipal Court in 1922 are: Harry B. Keidan, Edward J. Jeffries, William M. Heston, Pliny W. Marsh, Thomas M. Cotter, John Faust, and Charles L. Bartlett. Judge Charles Wilkinson died in 1920 while serving in this Court. SUPERIOR COURT In 1869 a movement was started to enlarge the jurisdiction of the Recorder's Court and to attach Monroe County to the new circuit. The proposition did not originate in Wayne County, but with some members of the Legislature from the interior of the state. The bench and bar of Detroit opposed it so vigorously that the project was abandoned, but the agitation of the subject resulted in the establishment of the Superior Court by the act of March 28, 1873. The first session was held on June 11th of that year with Lyman Cochrane as judge.

Page  1145 CITY OF DETROIT 1145 For a time the court sat in the Seitz Block on Congress Street, then in the McGraw Block on Griswold Street, and in the spring of 1883 it occupied the council chamber in the city hall for a short time until quarters were provided for it in the Central Market Building. In 1879 J. Logan Chipman was elected to succeed Judge Cochrane and held the office until the court was abolished by the act of February 17, 1887. UNITED STATES COURTS During the territorial era the judges appointed by the President were given power to try offenses against the United States laws. Circuit and District Courts in Michigan were provided for by the act of Congress, approved by President Jackson on July 1, 1836. Ross Wilkins, of Detroit, one of the territorial justices, was appointed district judge for Michigan. He was born in Pittsburgh, Pennsylvania, February 19, 1799, graduated at Carlisle College when he was eighteen years of age, studied law and began practice in his native city. In 1832 he was appointed one of the territorial judges of Michigan. In 1837 he was elected recorder, but held the office only a short time, resigning to accept the position of Federal district judge. Michigan was divided into two districts in 1863 and Judge Wilkins continued as judge of the eastern district until March 4, 1870, when he was succeeded by John W. Longyear. Judge Longyear died on March 11, 1875, and Henry B. Brown was appointed as his successor, taking his place on the bench on April 6, 1875. Judge Brown was appointed justice of the United States Supreme Court on December 20, 1890, by President Harrison. His successors upon the bench in the eastern district of Michigan were: Henry H. Swan, Alexis C. Angell and Arthur J. Tuttle. Prior to 1869 the Circuit Court was presided over by one of the justices of the United States Supreme Court sitting as the "Circuit Justice," but by far the larger part of the business was transacted by the District Court. Between the years of 1836 and 1869, the United States Circuit Court in Michigan was presided over by John McLean or Noah H. Swayne. After the Civil war, the time of the Supreme Court was fully taken up in the exercise of its appellate jurisdiction and the justices were no longer able to preside over the Circuit Courts. To improve this condition of affairs, Congress passed an act, approved by President Grant on April 10, 1869, creating the office of circuit judge and dividing the country into circuits.. Michigan was included in the sixth circuit and Halmor H. Emmons, of Detroit, was the first judge of that circuit under the new law. THE DETROIT BAR The first legally qualified attorney in Michigan was Walter Roe, who began practice in the British Court of Common Pleas in 1789 and was the only regularly licensed attorney to practice in that court during the five years of its existence. After the United States came into possession, and until Michigan Territory was organized in 1805, lawyers from Ohio and Indiana attended the sessions of the court at Detroit. Among those early lawyers were Arthur St. Clair, Jr., a son of the governor of the Northwest Territory, Jacob Burnett, of Cincinnati, and Solomon Sibley, of Marietta, who subsequently became a resident of Detroit. John Winder, a prominent and respected attorney of the last generation, was born November 24, 1793 in New Jersey, and landed at the foot of Bates

Page  1146 1146 CITY OF DETROIT Street, Detroit, from Cleveland on October 3, 1824, with no money, but plenty of determination. His career in a clerical capacity in the Supreme and United States courts was one of accomplishment and gave to him a wide acquaintanceship among the leading lawyers of the day. Winder lost his wife and a son during the cholera epidemic of 1832. John S. Abbott was a well known attorney in the '30s and '40s; he was known particularly as an office lawyer, for he never pleaded in the courts. Born in Connecticut in 1814, he died of tuberculosis at Detroit, September 26, 1852. Samuel Yorke At Lee was born at Philadelphia, January 4, 1809. When about thirty years of age he came to Detroit, but went to Washington in the '50s. John G. Atterbury, born in Balitmore in 1811, came to Detroit in 1836 for both business and health. Here he practiced law, later with Samuel Pitts in the late '30s, also with Alpheus S. Williams. Henry Titus Backus came to Detroit in 1834; he was a relative of William Woodbridge, and practiced in partnership with his kinsman (also father-in-law later), also with David C. Harbaugh. He was a grand master in the Masons, had a penchant for big words and foreign expression, and possessed an undecipherable handwriting. He died in 1877. Dr. Joseph A. Bagg was first a practicing physician, but afterward became a lawyer and judge in Detroit. He was born in Massachusetts in 1797 and, after various migrations, came to Detroit in 1838, where his two brothers, John S. and A. Smith Bagg had become prominent in business. Silas A. Bagg was another brother who became prominent here. Joseph A. Bagg died in 1864, aged sixty-seven. The Barstow School, established in 1850, was named after Samuel Barstow, attorney, who worked hard in the interest of Detroit schools. He "was an excellent lawyer, a man of good sense and strict integrity, and was universally respected." A New Yorker, Barstow came to Detroit in the early '30s and died in 1856. Asher B. Bates, born in Genesee County, N. Y., in 1810, came to Detroit in 1831, and here had an honorable career as an attorney, justice of the peace, city attorney and mayor. He passed away in 1873 of leprosy contracted in Hawaii. Levi Bishop was a prominent attorney and citizen of Detroit during a score of years. Originally a shoemaker, an exploding cannon which he was loading on the Campus tore off his hand, whereupon be became a lawyer. He was a scholar, and attorney of attainments, a writer, and an active worker in politics. He died in 1881. Alexander W. Buel came to Detroit in 1831 from Vermont when he was twenty-one years of age. He became very well known as an able lawyer, was city attorney, member of the Legislature (where he was a pro tem speaker), prosecuting attorney, congressman, and postmaster at Detroit. He died of pneumonia in 1868. Geo. M. Bull, attorney and official of the '30s and '40s, was born in New York state in 1802 and came to Detroit in 1835, where he received some prominence in military affairs as well as legal. He died in 1873. Anson Burlingame, one of the great political orators of the United States, spent his boyhood and received his knowledge of law in Detroit. He was born in New York state, but when ten years old was brought to Detroit by his parents. He won his renown in Boston.

Page  1147 CITY OF DETROIT 1147 Oscar F. Cargill, who lived in Detroit from 1840 to 1863, was a respected citizen, merchant, lawyer, banker and real estate operator. Henry Chipman, father of the late J. Logan Chipman, was a Vermonter and located in Detroit in 1824, where he practiced his profession. He was an ardent whig and a man of literary ability. He became a supreme justice in 1827, having been associated with Woodbridge, Doty and Sibley. He was judge of the District Criminal Court in 1841 and United States Commissioner in 1845. He died in 1867, aged eighty-three years. Henry S. and James L. Cole were leading barristers of. the early '30s. The brothers opened an office here on January 25, 1822. Henry Cole was city treasurer, probate judge, alderman, recorder, and territorial attorney-general in 1836, in which year he died at the prime of life, thirty-six years. Divie Bethune Duffield was born in Pennsylvania in 1821 and was a son of Dr. George Duffield, the noted pastor of Detroit's First Prostestant Society. Educated for the law at Dartmouth and Yale, he returned to Detroit and became a partner with George V. N. Lothrop, and later with his brother, Henry iM. A complete sketch of D. Bethune Duffield may be found in another volume of this work. William A. Fletcher served as the first chief justice in the Supreme Court of Michigan from 1836 to 1843. He was born in New Hampshire in 1788. After receiving his legal training, he came to Detroit in 1821. He first became chief justice in Wayne County, succeeding John L. Leib; the associate justices were B. F. H. Witherell and Philip Lecuyer. He also served as circuit judge. Fletcher's appointment as chief justice of the Supreme Court came July 18, 1836. Alexander D. Fraser, native Scotlander, came to Detroit in August, 1823. Fraser gainer a fine practice, was city attorney, recorder and water commissioner. He died in 1877. Daniel Goodwin, a leading attorney and jurist of Detroit in the early days came to Detroit in 1825. In 1843 he became a Supreme Court judge. Afterward he.became a judge of the Circuit Court in the Upper Peninsula, but practiced in Detroit during the winters. Jacob Merritt Howard was one of the most distinguished members of the Detroit and Michigan bar. He was born in Vermont in 1805 and came to Detroit in July, 1832 and studied under Charles Lamed. Howard was a strong political worker, was a member of Congress and "under the oaks" at Jackson in 1854 gave the republican party its name and drafted the platform then adopted. Mr. Howard engaged in a great number of noted criminal cases, including the "Railway Conspiracy Case," the "Tyler Case" and the "Adams Express Robbery Case." Mr. Howard died April 2, 1871. William A. Howard, no relation of the above, was, however, one of the great leaders of the republican party. He came to Detroit April 12, 1840. He served several tumultuous terms in Congress, was postmaster of Detroit, and was appointed governor of Dakota by President Hayes. He died at Washington April 10, 1880. George Jerome was one of Detroit's well known lawyers and politicians. He was a native of New York state and came here in 1827 with his parents. He studied law with H. H. Emmons and James A. Van Dyke and won a wellmerited reputation as an office lawyer. He was at one time a member of the State Legislature. His demise occurred March 6, 1897.

Page  1148 1148 CITY OF DETROIT James F. Joy, one of the most distinguished men ever before the Detroit bar, is treated in detail in another volume of this work. One of the most prominent lawyers of early Detroit was Charles Lamed, born in Massachusetts, but came to Detroit during the War of 1812 from Kentucky. He was Judge of Probate in 1830, was prosecuting attorney of Wayne County, also attorney general of the territory. He died of cholera on August 13, 1834. Sylvester Lamed, himself a brilliant attorney, was the son of Charles Lamed, and was born in 1820. After a career replete with legal successes, he died in London, November 25, 1893. Elisha Smith Lee, born 1794, died 1857, attained high rank as a lawyer and was very prominent in Masonry in the state. John L. Leib came to Detroit shortly after the War of 1812 and became one of a noted group of lawyers who practiced in Judge Woodbridge's court. He died April 15, 1838. George Van Ness Lothrop, a native of Massachusetts, came to Detroit in the fall of 1839. During his long career in Detroit, Mr. Lothrop had many distinguished connections and for over a quarter century was attorney for the Michigan Central Railroad, also was minister to Russia. Mr. Lothrop's death occurred July 12, 1897. Addison Mandell, father of Judge Henry A. Mandell of the Circuit Court, was a native of New York State and landed at Detroit, August 13, 1836, having come from the East at the invitation of Theodore Romeyn, who had come out the previous year. Mr. Mandell won a well-deserved reputation before the Detroit bar, held several appointive offices, and died at Sandwich, Ontario, June 3, 1899. Patrick C. Higgins was born in Ireland in 1817 and came to Detroit before 1840. He was a teacher for some years in the Detroit schools and subsequently was admitted to the bar. He was the first police justice, serving from 1850 to 1853. He died in Detroit February 24, 1857, leaving a widow, Clara Edsell and two children, Charles R. Higgins and Alice Higgins. James A. Van Dyke was a very prominent lawyer and politician. He came to Detroit in 1834 and in 1835 married Elizabeth Desnoyers. He held many city offces and was mayor in 1847. He died May 7, 1855, leaving a widow, Elizabeth Desnoyers Van Dyke and the following children, some of whom still live in Detroit: George William Desnoyers Van Dyke, Marie Ellen Desnoyers Van Dyke, Philip James Desnoyers Van Dyke, Ernest Emile Desnoyers Van Dyke, Josephine Desnoyers Van Dyke, Victorie Elizabeth Desnoyers Van Dyke and Elizabeth Emily Desnoyers Van Dyke. The children were all under age at the date of the father's death. Halmor H. Emtnons was born in the State of New York in 1814. He came to Detroit to practice law and entered into partnership with his father, Adonijah Emmons, and his brother, Jed P. C. Emmons. He was subsequently for many years associated with James A. Van Dyke. In 1870 he received the appointment of judge of the United States Circuit Court, which office he held until his death in 1877. Dewitt Clinton Holbrook was born in Monroe County, New York in 1819 and came to Michigan in 1832, but it was not until some years later that he came to Detroit. He was admitted to the bar in 1843 and was elected County Clerk for 1847 and 1848. He was city counsellor several terms. He retired

Page  1149 CITY OF DETROIT 1149 from active practice in 1884 and died March 13, 1892. His wife died many years before he did. At his death he left a daughter, Mary, wife of Franklin H. Walker; a daughter, Mrs. Louisa White; a son, Dewitt C. Holbrook and a stepdaughter, Mrs. Ella B. Swift, wife of Col. Fredk. W. Swift. Alexander Davidson was a one-time partner of Mr. Holbrook. Davidson was a nephew of Alexander D. Fraser, the "Nestor of the Detroit Bar," and studied law in his office. Davidson was a Scotchman and a very hard worker. He was appointed master in chancery of the United States Court in 1840. He died March 3, 1854. Garwood T. Sheldon was from Genesee County, New York. He was related to George C. Bates and Asher B. Bates, prominent citizens of Detroit, and his wife was a sister of Judge Halmor H. Emmons. He came to Detroit in 1840. He applied to the court for permission to be admitted to the bar, on March 4, 1845. The examining committee consisted of E. C. Seaman, Theodore Romeyn and H. T. Backus. He was admitted April 1, 1845, the same year he was appointed Master in Chancery of the United States Courts, Master in Chancery of the Wayne County Courts in 1845, and elected school inspector in 1848 and 1849. He died in 1870. Ebenezer H. Rogers was born in Vermont and was named after Dr. Ebenezer Hurd who was the family physician of the Rogers family at the birth of the son Ebenezer. Both Dr. Hurd and young Rogers came to Detroit, though not at the same time. Rogers came in 1838, taught school for some time, studied law and was admitted to the bar in Pontiac. He had a small practice in Detroit, but some of his habits were so unfortunate as to deprive him of a lucrative business and he gradually fell into the tax title business and ended his days in comparative want. He was a great student and thoroughly familiar with the classics and with Shakespeare. He died January 2, 1885. He was never married and the relatives who survived him were a brother, Eli W. Rogers and nephew, Willet E. Rogers. Andrew Harvie was born in Scotland before 1810 and came to Michigan before 1839, for in that year he was the first principal of the Tecumseh Branch of the State University. In the following year he became a teacher or professor in the Detroit Branch of the University on Bates Street. He studied law, was admitted to the bar and practiced in Detroit some time. From 1844 to 1848, he was in partnership with Witter T. Baxter in the practice of the law. He ultimately removed to Chicago. While living in Detroit he was appointed Master in Chancery in 1848 and was elected Representative in 1845 and State Senator in 1850. His name appears as Third Corporal in the muster roll of the first meeting of the "Old Guard" in Chicago at the outbreak of the Rebellion. Colin Campbell was born in Glasgow, Scotland, June 22, 1811 and came to Detroit in 1842. He was first engaged in business alone in a store on the north side of Jefferson Avenue a few doors east of Woodward Avenue but later formed a partnership with James Jack and took the store in the same block at the corner of Woodward and Jefferson Avenues. The firm was very successful and the store soon came to be called the "Scotch Store," a name that clung to it for many years. Mr. Jack died in 1849 and Mr. Campbell managed it alone for a short time, when the name was then changed to Campbell & Linn, by the introduction of Mr. Thomas Linn. The store in the Smart Block was burned February 5, 1858 and the firm moved to the new location at the northwest corner of Woodward Avenue and Congress Street and here it was again

Page  1150 1150 CITY OF DETROIT visited by fire April 23, 1865. The business continued to be carried on at this place for some years but finally Mr. Campbell failed because of his willingness to grant too many accomodations to customers who never paid. After this failure he took up the business of insurance, at which he labored until called by death at his home at Orchard Lake, September 9, 1883. The kindly, genial gentleman of the Scotch Store will be remembered as long as any patron of that store survives. His partner for so many years, Mr. Linn, was as kindly and courtly as himself. Isaac S. Rowland was the son of Major Thomas Rowland. He was born in Ohio in 1811 and came to Detroit with his father after the War of 1812 was concluded. Here he was educated, in part, and subsequently entered the Military Academy at West Point but did not complete the course. Returning to Detroit he studied law and was admitted to the bar at the same time with Stevens T. Mason and George N. Palmer, December 11, 1833. He was a member of the City Guards, a military organization of Detroit, until it ceased to exist. As a captain in the City Guards he marched to Chicago in 1834 with Gen. John R. Williams to protect that village against the Indian, Black Hawk. He was one of the original members of the Brady Guards, which was organized in the Smart Block in 1836. Of this organization he was the first Captain. The immediate cause of the organization was to provide for the protection of the city against a threatened riot of laboring men who were engaged in filling in the river front of the Cass farm, near Third Street. It was the duty of the Brady Guards during the Canadian Rebellion of 1836-7 to watch the frontier and prevent the Americans from invading Canada as well as to prevent the Canadian troops from crossing the river to Detroit. Rowland was Captain of the Brady Guards at this time and had under him some men whose names were prominent in after years. Among them were Lieutenants Alpheus S. Williams, Edmund Kearsley and James S. Armstrong and Sergeants George C. Bates, John Chester and George Doty. In 1839 he married Catherine, the sister of Governor Mason of Michigan. The practice of the law did not diminish his military ardor and when the Mexican War broke out he was still a Captain in the Brady Guards. His former lieutenant, A. S. Williams, had become a lieutenant colonel. Rowland started for Mexico with his company but never engaged in any battle as the war was practically over before he arrived at that country. He died in January, 1850, probably from disease brought on by exposure on his Mexican trip. William B. Wesson was born in Massachusetts in 1820 and came to Detroit in 1833. He attended school in the university building on Bates 'Street and entered the University of Michigan in its first class (1845). He did not graduate but was, in 1873, given the degree of A. B. by that institution, "nunc pro tune" as it is explained in the catalogue. He studied law in the office of Van Dyke & Emmons and was admitted to practice, but formed the partnership with Mr. Crane and both devoted themselves to the real estate business. In this they were exceedingly successful and the great fortune that Mr. Wesson left at his death indicates the results of his continued devotion to his life's work. He was one of the founders, and during his entire life, the president of the Wayne County Savings Bank, one of the largest savings institutions in the state. Mr. WessOn, in 1852, married Lacyra Eugenia Hill, the eldest daughter of Lyman Baldwin. They had two children, a son who died in early manhood

Page  1151 Alfred Russell Charles I. Walker Divie B. Duffield Sylvester Lamed OLD PORTRAITS OF PROMINENT DETROIT MEN

Page  1152

Page  1153 CITY OF DETROIT 1153 and a daughter, Mrs. Edith W. Seyburn, wife of Col. S. Y. Seyburn. Mr. Wesson died June 18, 1890. Mr. Jackson was born in the State of New York in 1814 and came to Detroit in 1838. The following year, as a member of the Detroit bar, he was appointed Master in Chancery of the Circuit Court. He was a member of the Common Council elected for the years 1846 and 1847. He continued the practice of the law, interspersing this vocation with publishing the Free Press and other outside work, until 1857. In 1856 he was a member of the Board of Education. The General Navy Register contains the following item regarding him, "Purser 17 July 1857. Pay Inspector 3 March 1871, Pay Director 24 October 1871. Retired list 27 August 1876." During this time he was absent from Detroit on his duties in the Navy but after his retirement he returned home but so broken in health that he did not undertake active practice. The Free Press of January 20, 1F63, has this announcement: "Personal.-C. C. Jackson, an old resident of Detroit, and now purser in the navy, is stopping in the city." He died in D:trtit in 1883. Moses F. Dickinson was the owner of a block on the East side of Woodward Avenu-, of which he occupied the groupd floor for a hardware store. The second floor was fitted up for law offices but it did not long retain occupants of that profession. The tendency of the lawyers was towards Woodward and Jefferson avenues above the hill and in the city directory of 1850, Elisha Taylor, George B. Throop and B. F. H. Witherell, were the only attorneys still remaining in the "Law Building." Marshall J. Bacon was a son of John F. Bacon of Albany, N. Y. He came to Detroit about 1833 and was admitted to the bar December 5, 1834. He was a Justice of the Peace in 1835, president of the Young Men's Society the same year and also secretary of the first Constitutional Convention of the State of Michigan. After that constitution was approved by the people, Congress refused to admit the state except upon fixing the boundary lines of the new state so as to exclude Toledo from it and place it in Ohio. A convention of delegates was called to pass upon that matter and it was resolved not to accept the terms held out by Congress. A short time later another convention was called for the same purpose. This convention met at Ann Arbor and is usually called the "Convention of Assent." It was there resolved to accept the boundary lines provided by Congress and the state was so admitted. Bacon was a delegate from Wayne County to this convention. In 1835 Sheldon McKnight was an applicant for the position of postmaster of Detroit and had enlisted in his interest, the influence of John Norvell, the retiring postmaster and afterwards the first Senator from this state. Some time before this McKnight had, while under the influence of liquor, struck a Mr. Avery in such a manner as to cause Avery to fall to the ground, killing him instantly. McKnight was indicted for the crime of murder and was tried, but succeeded in proving that the death was an accident, and he was acquitted. Wh le this trial was proceeding his name was presented for the office of postmaster. The name of Marshall J. Bacon was also presented for the same office. Norvell used all his influence to obtain the appointment of McKnight and succeeded. He wrote to Bacon that if he could not obtain the appointment for McKnight he would lend his aid to secure the appointment for Bacon. McKnight's acquittal brought to his aid the influence of some who thought

Page  1154 1154 CITY OF DETROIT he had been unjustly treated in the proceedings brought against him in the Avery matter, and with this assistance he obtained the appointment in 1836. Bacon was a member of the City Guards that went to Monroe in 1835 in the "Toledo War" and he was one of the organizers of the Brady Guards in the succeeding year. He was one of the persons chiefly instrumental in obtaining for Stevens Thomson Mason, the nomination as first governor of the new state, the other men interested with him being David C. McKinstry, John Norvell, Lucius Lyon and Henry Newberry. In 1837 Bacon was president of the Young Men's Temperance Society and in 1839 he had returned to New York. It may have been only a passing visit to that city, for he was soon again at his law practice in Detroit. In 1849 he was "Captain of the Watch" in Detroit, an organization made necessary by the lawlessness of some persons then in the city. At this time Mr. Bacon was recorder of the city and it was before him that the persons who tore up the track of Detroit & Pontiac Railroad were brought. These men were acquitted. Bacon only remained in Detroit two years longer, when he returned to New York. George C. Bates is one of the most picturesque characters of the early Detroit. After several years absence he returned to the city in 1877 and wrote a series of articles for the Free Press on the "By-Gones of Detroit." At the time these articles were written there stood on the southeast corner of Griswold and Fort streets a red brick dwelling house that was built by James Abbott and in which he lived and died. This dwelling house had been vacated by the descendants of Judge Abbott and in 1877 had been converted into a restaurant. Taking this restaurant as the starting point of his rambles, Mr. Bates painted in language of which he was an adept, the old times in Detroit. Many of the items in this work are culled from these "By-Gones." I remember Mr. Bates well at the time he was writing these articles. His figure, upon the street, was such as to attract the notice of every one. Mr. Robert Ross, in writing of him says, "his face was of classic mold with a rather high forehead, bright blue eyes, light auburn hair, a flexible handsome mouth, a finely molded chin, a fresh and healthy, but not rosy complexion and small aristocratic hands and feet." He was born in 1813 and was 64 years old at the time of the visit spoken of, but time had apparently not changed him, save that his hair was white and the crowds of friends with whom he associated in his early days, had left him; some to move to other scenes of activity and some to die. His articles are tinged with the sadness of one who is left alone. When he left Detroit he knew everyone and was known by all. When he returned he found himself among strangers. He, also, came from New York and after studying law some time in the office of Cole & Porter, applied for admission to the bar. The committee on examination consisted of B. F. H. Witherell, Daniel G. Goodwin and Charles Lamed. The report was satisfactory and Bates was admitted May 26, 1834. The following year he was elected president of the Young Men's Society and in 1839 he was a member of the Common Council. He was a member of the City Guards and one of the organizers of the Brady Guards. He was United States District Attorney from 1845 to 1850 and again in 1852. While holding this office he prosecuted the case of the United States against King Strang-the Beaver Island Mormon King. The effort was to convict Stang of treason, but that could not be shown and the charge was

Page  1155 CITY OF DETROIT 1155 then changed to the more ordinary crime of obstructing the mails. Even on this charge Strang was acquitted. In 1836 Bates was associated in the law business with John L. Talbot and in 1849 he had for a partner John V. Wattson. He married Mrs. Eleanor (or Ellen Manon )Wolcott, the first white child born in Chicago, May 25, 1836. Mrs. Wolcott was the daughter of John Kinzie and her first husband was Dr. Alexander Wolcott. Major Kinzie Bates was the only issue of this marriage. By reason of his marriage he became interested in the controversy over the "Lake Front" in Chicago and carried on the litigation over the title to this property for many years. Fortune turned against him and he lost nearly all of his property. No more pathetic picture of his decline in life can be written than that given by himself in one of his articles on "By-Gones": "But the lights are gone, the music has passed away, and nearly all that gay and happy crowd sleep the last sleep in Elmwood, and here I sit alone, a stranger, with not one single familiar face today to beckon me beside it, not one friendly hand to bid me to that table where so long ago I was a welcome guest. Such is life. Thomson Mason, Governor Woodbridge, Generals Brady and Lamed, and Forsyth and Kercheval and Moran and Witherell and Farnsworth and Bernen and Brush, where are they? And of all the crowd around these tables in this restaurant, what one single person either knows or cares that they, gentlemen and ladies of 'by-gone times' were ever here. And here in the Detroit of today, with its broad streets, beautiful river, magnificent railways, immense and growing commerce, we find that all is changed, and that, though wealth has increased by millions, business of all kinds outgrown the hopes of the most sanguine, that while there are more churches, more schools, more banks, more business places yet that in elegant hospitalities, true fraternity, kindness of heart and the practice of Christ's most beautiful command 'Thou Shalt love thy neighbor as thyself' the by-gones were the truest and the best. My coffee was ended, my sandwich disposed of and as I turned from the doors of the restaurant I felt as the dove did when first coming from the ark it found no resting place for its foot, but I offered up a heartfelt prayer for the spirits of our departed friends, and for all who joined in that housewarming long, long time ago of the Detroit restaurant." Samuel G. Watson was another New Yorker who came to pass his life in the practice of the law in Detroit. It would seem from the records, that his first appearance in Michigan was as a resident of Pontiac where he was practicing law in 1840. Within a short time after that he came to Detroit and passed here the remainder of his life, dying November 27, 1859 at the age of 49 years. He returned to New York in the fall of 1840 and on the eighth of October in that year was married to Miss Juliet Phelps of Watervliet (near Albany). He was appointed Master in Chancery for Wayne County in 1846 and the same year entered into a partnership with George C. Bates which continued for some time. In 1849 he probably had an office in Cincinnati. In 1850 he was appointed Commissioner for the United States Courts. Henry H. Wells was a prominent lawyer of the city during the time he made it his home. He was president of the Fire Department Society in 1862. His wife was Millicent Hunt, a granddaughter of Judge John L. Leib and through her he became possessed of a considerable part of the Leib farm. He was the partner of William A. Cook for some years and like Cook, he removed from the city and spent his last days in the state of New York.

Page  1156 1156 CITY OF DETROIT William A. Cook was a lawyer of prominence and ability. He married the daughter of Sheriff Lyman Baldwin and thus became the brother-in-law of William B. Wesson. Mr. Cook was city attorney in 1848 and 1849, and in 1854 was elected recorder. He removed to New York where he died in 1899. Eben N. Willcox was born in Detroit in 1821. His father was a hatter who had lived in the place for some years before the birth of Eben. Eben was born in a cottage then located on the site of the present Hotel Pontchartrain. After being admitted to the bar he entered into partnership with William Gray and continued with him for some years. He was one of the executors of the will of James A. Van Dyke and that took much of his time. He abandoned the active practice of the law and moved out Woodward Avenue some distance from the city and engaged in stock raising-giving particular attention to the raising of fine sheep. He still devoted some time to his law business and had, at different times, for partners his brother Gen. Orlando B. Willcox, and Albert G. Boynton. He was one of the original incorporators of the Street Car System of Detroit, the other incorporators being Cornelius S. Bushnell, John A. Griswold and Nehemiah D. Sperry. He was a member of the Board of Education for two terms. He married Marie Louise, daughter of Harry S. Cole the wit of the Detroit bar. Mr. Willcox died in 1891. One of his sons, James Van Dyke Willcox, is a member of the Detroit bar and was, for some years, assistant United States District Attorney. William Gray was born in Ireland and brought with him to his adopted country a fund of Irish wit. Like his partner, Willcox, he was greatly loved by his associates of the bar and even now, forty years after his death, he is affectionately referred to as "Billy Gray." He made application for admission to the bar on the twenty-seventh day of June, 1845 and, after an examination, was admitted on the twenty-fifth of the following month. He did not become a full-fledged citizen of the Republic until June 13th of the following year. His partnership with Eben N. Willcox began in 1847 and in 1848 he married Miss Mary Stewart, daughter of Charles H. Stewart, a lawyer of Detroit. Mr. Gray at one time prepared to return to his former home in the old country and a farewell dinner was given him by the citizens of Detroit. It is not now known whether or not this was one of his practical jokes, but if it was not he soon reconsidered his plan and remained in Detroit. He died in June, 1869. Two of his sons, William J. Gray and Robert Toms Gray are among the most respected lawyers of the city at this time. George E. Hand was born in Connecticut and came to Michigan while it was still a territory. He was the last appointed judge of the Probate Court, the office being given him by Governor Mason a short time before the organization of the state. He was successful, from a money point of view, in the practice of the law. His first partner was Judge William A. Fletcher and his second was Judge Daniel Goodwin. He was also, at one time, in partnership with the late Edmund Hall and through that association became interested in purchasing lands in Wayne County which he clung to through life. He became incompetent in his old age and was sent back to his old home in Connecticut, where he died in 1889 at the age of eighty-one years. He was never married. Elisha Taylor came to Detroit about 1837 and was admitted to the bar May 4th, 1839. He held many important public offices by appointment and election. He was Master in Chancery of Wayne County in 1842, City Attorney

Page  1157 CITY OF DETROIT 1157 in 1843, member of the Board of Education 1844, and Register of the Land Office, 1847 to 1849. In 1848 and 1849 he was clerk of the Supreme Court when that court held its sessions in the old Seminary Building that was situated on the easterly side of Griswold Street where the city hall is now located. He was elected Circuit Court Commissioner in 1850 and was Pension Agent from 1854 to 1857. He retired from active business many years ago and died at his home in this city August 12, 1896. In the early part of 1836 there were several applications for admission to the bar and on the second day of May the Circuit Court entered an order appointing Henry S. Cole, Benjamin F. H. Witherell, William Woodbridge, Alexander D. Fraser and Daniel Goodwin a standing committee to whom was to be referred all applications for admission. The object in appointing the committee was to facilitate the workings of the court and to relieve it of making the repeated orders as had been previously done. The next day after this committee was appointed, James Churchman applied to be admitted and the application was referred to the standing committee. Either the members of the committee did not comprehend their duties or were unwilling to act, for they would not or did not take up Mr. Churchman's petition. The affair being reported to the court, another committee was appointed for the occasion, consisting of Charles Cleland, George C. Bates and Francis Sawyer, Jr. Mr Churchman was soon examined and admitted. Two or three applicants were referred to special committees and it was not until the latter part of June that a better feeling was evinced by the "Standing Committee." Elon Farnsworth was added to the committee on June 22d and they worked in harmony thereafter for some time. William Hale filed his application to be admitted to the bar, November 24, 1836 and it was referred to the Standing Committee. Mr. Hale passed the required examination and was duly admitted four days later. At this time he was about 27 years of age, having been born in Oneida County, New York in 1809. His business and popularity increased and he dabbled in politics. In 1845 he was elected State Senator and held the office two years. In 1846 he was elected prosecuting attorney and retained the office until 1849, at the same time acting as clerk of the Supreme Court in 1847 and Register in Chancery for 1846 and 1847. He was attorney general of the state from 1851 to 1855 and alderman of the Second Ward, Detroit, for 1859 and 1860. It was while holding this office that he made the desperate and, most fortunately for the city, unsuccessful, effort to abolish Cass Park. In his effort to accomplish this object he had a pamphlet issued and circulated picturing that park as a swamp which could never be made an ornament or a place of recreation for the city. It was fortunate for our city that his notions did not prevail. The probable reason of Hale's objection to Cass Park and to the acceptance of the Cass Market, was his personal feeling against General Lewis Cass. In 1857 he purchased the National Hotel of Crane & Wesson, enlarged and refitted it and placed it under the management of W. H. Russell. It was then renamed the Russell House, a name it has continued to bear until very recently. William J. Chittenden, Mr. Hale's brother-in-law, was the chief clerk under Mr. Russell and subsequently became the landlord. In 1862 Mr. Hale removed to California and engaged in the practice of the law in San Francisco, where he died Feb. 4, 1874.

Page  1158 1158 CITY OF DETROIT Samuel T. Douglass was born in Rutland County, Vt., but in his youth removed to Fredonia, New York, where he was educated. He came to Detroit in 1837 at the age of 23 years and was admitted to the bar on the twenty-first day of December in that year. In 1843 he was elected president of the Detroit Young Men's Society and at the same time was a member of the Board of Education. He was again elected a member of the Board of Education in 1859. He served as judge of the Circuit Court for the Third Circuit for 1851 to 1857. At this time the judges of the various circuits constituted the Supreme Court. He was reporter of the Supreme Court in 1845 and two of the first reports of that court were compiled by him. His first partners were Henry N. Walker and Asher B. Bates, but in 1849 he was in partnership with James V. Campbell. In 1856 he married Elizabeth Campbell, sister of his partner. The latter years of his life were spent at his home on Grosse Ile and although he retained an office in the city with his partner Herbert Bowen and his nephew, Samuel T. Douglass (II), he considered himself as retired from active practice. He died at his Grosse Ile home in 1898. James V. Campbell was always active in affairs connected with the city and state. His father, Henry M. Campbell, was a business man of the city where he had come from Buffalo in 1826. His father was judge of the County Court in 1828. James Valentine Campbell was born in Buffalo, February 25, 1823 and admitted to practice at the bar in Michigan November 15, 1844. He was Master in Chancery of Wayne County in 1844 and held the same office and that of Commissioner in the United States Court in 1847. In 1848 he was president of the Detroit Young Men's Society. We have already seen that he was a partner with Judge Douglass in 1849 and this partnership lasted for some time. In 1853 he was secretary of the Detroit Bar Library and in 1854 secretary of the Detroit and Milwaukee Railroad. He was a member of the Board of Education in 1854 and 1855 and appointed to the Detroit Public Library Commission in 1880. He was the author of a standard work of the history of the state, published at the time of the National Centenary subtitled "Outlines of the Political History of Michigan." A great student of an early history of the northwest and a poet of considerable ability, his assistance was in frequent demand at celebrations and anniversaries. His productions were always well received and appreciated. His chief work-the work of his life-was in the judiciary of Michigan. He was elected Judge of the Supreme Court at its organization under the present form, and served by continued reelections during his entire life. At the time of its greatest potency-when its decisions were received and approved by the entire English speaking world, Mr. Campbell was one of the "Great Four" that composed the Bench. The others were Judges Cooley, Christiancy and Graves. He died March 26, 1890. It was written of him some years before his death, "no man is more universally loved and respected by the people of Michigan" and he carried that love, increasing as his years increased, to the end. Elon Farnsworth was born in Woodstock, Vermont, February 2, 1799 and came to Detroit in 1822. At the time of the advent of Mr. Farnsworth the judges of the Supreme Court were Augustus B. Woodward, John Griffin and James Witherell. There was a change in the form of the composition of the Supreme Court in 1823 and Judges Woodward and Griffin were retired

Page  1159 CITY OF DETROIT 1159 and the new court was composed of James Witherell, Solomon Sibley, John Hunt and James Duane Doty. The last named judge had jurisdiction of the Green Bay district and removed to that place. He never presided in Detroit. In the County Court the attorneys whose names appear in the records are Charles Lamed, John Hunt (composing the firm of Larned & Hunt), Solomon Sibley, Andrew G. Whitney (comprising the firm of Sibley & Whitney), William Woodbridge, Samuel T. Davinport, Charles James Lanman (who was frequently associated with his kinsman, William Woodbridge), George McDougall and James Duane Doty. This list comprises the attorneys who were practicing before the reorganization of the court. Charles Larned was the prosecuting attorney, Thomas Rowland was clerk and Charles C. Trowbridge was the deputy clerk. Spencer Coleman was admitted to the bar August 8, 1820, and George Alexander O'Keefe was admitted January 25, 1821, William G. Taylor appears as an attorney in 1823, John L. Leib in 1825 and Joseph W. Torrey and Cyprian Stevens in 1827. Some of the records in this old court are interesting to read now that nearly a century has passed since they were the living issues of the day. In June, 1819, Joseph Andre was indicted for accepting a challenge to fight a duel with Alexis Barward. It would be interesting to know what the cause of the quarrel between the two men was and how the affair ended. We only know that the man was never tried and that the case was dropped by the prosecuting attorney. Philip Warren sued "The University of Michigania" "For work done on the building of the University from March 15, to July 25, by order of Oliver Williams, Superintendent." The amount of the claim was for labor $400 and lumber $7.60. The plaintiff was not able to prove his claim and was beaten at the trial, probably because the debt was due to him from the contractor and not from the University itself. John Biddle, afterwards Delegate to Congress from the territory, was indicted for an assault on Thomas Vickory. He was convicted at the trial in 1820 and was fined fifteen dollars. Aaron Thomas, Joseph Bates, Thompson Maxwell, Joshua Chamberlin, William Pangburn and Joseph Vannetta appeared before the court at different dates and proved that they were soldiers in the War of the American Revolution and entitled to pensions for their services. Perhaps the most interesting name among these is Thompson Maxwell whose services extended over the Indian war of 1763, the Revolution and the War of 1812. Austin E. Wing was sheriff in 1820 and appointed Robert Garrett his under sheriff December 11th of that year. John Strong became a citizen by operation of this court in 1831. He was born in Oxfordshire, England, in 1799 and came to America in 1825. The usual method of commencing suits at this time was by the issuance of a capias and the taking of the body of the defendant. If he could procure bail he was set at liberty to answer the call of the case for trial at any time, but if he was so unfortunate as to have no friends who could go on his bail bond he was committed to the care of the sheriff and confined in jail. In 1823 Ezra Baldwin had obtained a judgment against Robert H. McNiff (son of the old surveyor) for $20.3012 and as McNiff was unable to pay he was turned over to the care of Austin E. Wing as sheriff. For some reason not disclosed by the record, Wing permitted McNiff to escape, or McNiff escaped without permission. No matter how he got away, he was not long confined Vol. 11-20

Page  1160 1160 CITY OF DETROIT in jail and Baldwin sued Wing for the amount of the judgment. The case came on for trial January 10, 1823 before a jury composed of Charles Jackson, Alva Gage, Perez Merritt, Charles Deslisle, Obed Wait, Jeremiah Moors, Joseph Riddle, Orville Cook, William Anderson, Adna Merritt, John Smyth and Joseph Jackson. It would be interesting now to know what influenced the jury to decide as they did. The case was evidently hotly contested, and the verdict was for the defendant. An echo of the War of 1812 came up in a suit begun by Oliver Williams, surviving partner of the firm composed of himself, Amos Lee and Joseph Farewell against William Hull late Governor of Michigan. This suit was begun January 1, 1816 and as Hull was not in the territory at that time, an attachment was issued and levied upon "a large brick house, in possession of the U. S. Medical Department; also a brick stable or barn, a summer house and the lot on which the buildings are erected, situated at the N. E. end of the town of Detroit, the property of the defendant." This property was the old home of Governor Hull, the site of the present Biddle House, at the southeast corner of Randolph Street and Jefferson Avenue. The "large brick house" was afterwards converted into a hotel called the American House. The account sued upon by Mr. Williams, was very long and complicated, extending over a number of years and the parties agreed that it should be sent to referees, rather than heard in open court. The referees chosen were Thomas Rowland, Austin E. Wing and John Whipple. They decided in favor of the plaintiff, allowing him $229.99. The Circuit Court was presided over by the judges of the Supreme Court. The first case called for trial was James Allen versus DeGarmo Jones, December 14, 1825 and Judge James Witherell was the judge on the occasion. The court was held in the Council House, on the southwest corner of Jefferson Avenue and Randolph Street, but the session of December 27, 1826 was held at the house of Benjamin Woodworth, on the northwest corner of Woodbridge and Randolph streets. The judges who presided after 1827 were William Woodbridge, Solomon Sibley and Henry Chipman, Judges Witherell and Hunt having dropped out that year. In 1828 a man by the name of Levi Willard was tried for murder. The trial occupied the court for several days, beginning June 7, 1828 and ending on June 16th with a verdict of manslaughter. A few days later Willard was sentenced to two years at hard labor. At that time there was no prison in the territory other than the county jail, and the letter of the sentence could not be carried out. The sentence then states "that until proper buildings are erected for the confinement of prisoners to hard labor, the sentence of imprisonment shall be considered as extending to confinement in the gaol of the County of Wayne." Three years later, on June 15, 1830, Robert McLaren was tried for manslaughter, convicted and sentenced to be confined in the county gaol at hard labor for three months. Almost at the same time Ulysses G. Smith was tried for arson in setting on fire the office of the Detroit Gazette. This office was on the east side of Griswold Street below Jefferson Avenue. The office and paper were completely destroyed. Smith was convicted July 6, 1830 and sentenced to be imprisoned for ten years. At the same time with these trials came that of Stephen G. Simmons for murder. Little need here be said of this matter for it has been written of very

Page  1161 CITY OF DETROIT 1161 fully in other places. Simmons was convicted and hung, the last public execution in the territory. It was during the period of these trials that Mr. Elon Farnsworth conducted his professional business in the city. Soon after entering active practice he was appointed City Attorney and held the office from 1826 to 1829 and again from 1830 to 1832. He was elected a member of the Sixth Legislative Council of the Territory in 1834. The judicial work for which he is chiefly remembered was in the office of Chancellor, or Judge of the Court of Chancery. This court was organized in 1836 and he remained chancellor from its organization till 1842. Randolph Manning was his successor and after his term ended the court was abolished. He was attorney-general of the state from 1843 to 1845. Mr. Farnsworth had the entire confidence of the people of the city and his advice was much sought for and generally followed. His work, therefore, became more of an office than of a court business and he did not appear in court as often as many other lawyers. He was one of the organizers of the Detroit Savings Fund Institute, of which more will be said hereafter and continued his relations with that institution to the last. He died March 24, 1878. The career of Governor Stevens Thomson Mason, the first governor of the state, forms an interesting chapter in the history of Michigan. Mason was a brilliant fellow, of wonderful personality and ability, but was stricken by death January 4, 1843, when he was but thirty-one years of age. The incidents connected with the life of James May have been described elsewhere in this volume, also George McDougall. Andrew McReynolds, in addition to his success as a lawyer, was a soldier of renown in three wars. George Morell was associate justice of the territorial Supreme Court, 1832-36, and after organization of the state was associate justice of the State Supreme Court. He also acted as judge of the first judicial district of Wayne County. He was born in 1786 and died in 1845. John Norvell (1789-1850), the third postmaster of Detroit, was one of the two first United States Senators from Michigan. Cornelius O'Flynn (1810-1869), lawyer and politician, came to Detroit in 1834 and here had a notable career as a lawyer. He was at one time a probate judge. George A. O'Keefe (1792-1853), was a native of Cork, Ireland, and was the first probate judge in Wayne County elected by the people. Samuel Pitts (1810-1868) came to Detroit in 1831, practiced law, but eventually turned to the more profitable pursuit of lumbering. Augustus S. Porter (1798-1872) came to Detroit in 1827, was Recorder in 1830, Commissioner of Schools in 1833, Mayor in 1838, and U. S. Senator from Michigan in 1840-45. The later years of his life were spent in retirement at Niagara Falls. Theodore Romeyn (1810-1885) was one of the most distinguished of the early bar of Detroit and came to this city in 1835. Judge Ross Wilkins, honored jurist of early Detroit, was a Pennsylvanian, born in 1799. He was appointed judge of the Michigan Territorial Supreme Court in 1832 and served until 1837. He was then made United States District Judge which position he held until 1870, when he retired. He died at Detroit May 17, 1872.

Page  1162 1162 CITY OF DETROIT Alpheus S. Williams (1810-1878) a distinguished soldier in the Rebellion, was a Detroit citizen from 1837 to 1838. Williams was Probate Judge, Detroit Postmaster, Minister to San Salvador, South America and Congressman for several terms. The review of those members of the Detroit bar who made their marks during the nineteenth century could be carried on indefinitely. The legal history of Detroit is a tale of distinct accomplishment and of individuals who have carried their talents far. Others of the 1830-50 period who were generally prominent with those mentioned above were: George R. Griswold, Edmund Hall, David E. Harbaugh, Fisher A. Harding, Ebenezer B. Harrington, H. H. Hobart, Benjamin F. Hyde, David Irwin, Henry C. Knight, Charles James Lanman, George F. Porter, Samuel H. Porter, Kintzing Pritchette, Stephen P. Purdy, Elijah J. Roberts, Horace S. Roberts, Robert B. Ross, Thomas Rowland, Franklin Sawyer, Ezra C. Seaman, Garwood T. Sheldon, Sears Steevens, Cyprian Stevens, Charles H. Stewart, David Stuart, Levi B. Taft, John L. Talbot, Anthony Ten Eyck, Jeremiah V. R. Ten Eyck, Henry D. Terry, George B. Throop, Enos T. Throop, II, Tobert P. Toms, Joseph W. Torrey, Charles Tryon, Jeremiah Van Rensselaer, Edward C. Walker, Henry N. Walker, Samuel Gilbert Watson, Daniel Fletcher Webster, Charles W. Whipple, Orlando B. Willcox, Gershom Mott Williams, Theodore Williams, George W. Wisner, B. F. H. Witherell, James B. Witherell and William B. Yerkes. In the '30s and '40s the lawyer's offices were all on Jefferson Avenue between Randolph and Shelby streets, and on Woodward Avenue between Jefferson Avenue and the river. Coming up into the latter part of the Nineteenth Century, the number of attorneys and jurists runs into the hundreds. Many of these are covered in the biographical volumes of this work. DETROIT BAR ASSOCIATION The Detroit Bar Association was organized on May 4, 1881, under the provisions of an "Act to authorize the formation of incorporations of associations of members of the bar," which was approved by Governor Jerome on the 25th of the preceding month. At the time of the organization Theodore Romeyn was elected president; George V. N. Lothrop, first vice president; Charles A. Kent, second vice president; Hoyt Post, corresponding secretary; Henry M. Cheever, recording secretary; Robert P. Toms, treasurer. In addition to the above officers, the charter members of the association were: W. F. Atkinson, H. L. Baker, John H. Bissell, H. F. Brownson, F. H. Canfield, John D. Conely, S. M. Cutcheon, Don M. Dickinson, John C. Donnelly, Samuel T. Douglass, Alexander D. Fowler, Henry A. Harmon, John G. Hawley, D. C. Holbrook, George S. Hosmer, William Jennison, Otto Kirchner, Willard M. Lillibridge, William C. Maybury, A. B. Maynard, George W. Moore, Ervin Palmer, George H. Penniman, Ashley Pond, George H. Prentis, C. J. Reilly, Alfred Russell, John J. Speed, Charles I. Walker. According to the articles of incorporation, "The objects of the said Association shall be to maintain the honor and dignity of the profession of the law, increasing its usefulness in promoting the due administration of justice and cultivating social intercourse among its members." Officers are elected at the annual meeting in May and hold office for one year. Aside from the annual meeting, few meetings are held for the trans

Page  1163 CITY OF DETROIT 1163 action of general business, that feature of the work being taken care of by committees, to wit: The executive committee, the committee on amendment of the laws, committee on Federal legislation, committee on law reform, judiciary committee, committee on grievances and committee on general affairs. In addition to these standing committees, special committees are appointed from time to time as occasion demands. In carrying out the work of these committees, the members of the association are always ready and willing to lend their aid. The library committee, of which Sidney T. Miller was chairman, arranged for the purchase and establishment of a law library, to be the property of the association. The library, with all its appurtenances, was installed at a cost of $32,000, being bonded for that amount and the bonds sold to attorneys to provide the necessary funds, the Detroit Trust Company acting as trustee under the mortgage. In recognition of his work in establishing the library, a complimentary dinner was tendered to Mr. Miller at the Hotel Pontchartrain on February 3, 1917. A legal aid bureau is an active branch of the association work. It handles a large number of cases each year for poor and deserving people who need legal advice and are unable to pay an attorney. These cases include collection of accounts, landlord and tenant cases, domestic relations (except divorce proceedings), and special attention is given by the bureau to cases involving the guardianship of orphans. The cost of this bureau is approximately one hundred dollars a month. Its work has been so complete that it has been copied by bar associations in several large cities of the country. During the World War the association, through this bureau and special committees, rendered important service to a large number of soldiers and their dependents who were in need of legal counsel. The association numbers about eight hundred members, sixty-two of whom served in the army or navy during the war. The presidents of the Detroit Bar Association have been: Theodore Romeyn, 1881-1885; Charles I. Walker, 1885-1889; George V. N. Lothrop, 1889-1896; Don M. Dickinson, 1896-1900; John C. Donnelly, 1900-1902; James H. Pound, 1902-1904; William J. Gray, 1904-1906; Alfred H. Wilkinson, 1906-1908; George B. Yerkes, 1908-1909; Samuel T. Douglass, 1909-1911; Allen H. Frazer, 1911-12; Sidney T. Miller, 1912-1915; Augustus C. Stellwagen, 1915-1916; Frank D. Eaman, 1916-1918; Henry C. Walters, 1918-1921; Stewart Hanley, 1921. WOMEN LAWYERS ASSOCIATION In August, 1919, there was organized the Women Lawyers Association of Michigan with five members. In 1921 the members were: Theresa Doland, Henrietta Rosenthal, Mary Wetsman, Mrs. Carl Rix, Mrs. Robert L. Davis, Mrs. J. J. Mulheron (honorary member), Frances A. Keusch, Harriett A. Marsh, Mrs. Matilda Zlotorzynski, Catherine D. Doran, Dorothy McCormick, Lillian Griffin, and Alice Donovan. DETROIT COLLEGE OF LAW The Detroit College of Law opened its doors to students on December 20, 1891, with Charles D. Long, of the Michigan Supreme Court, as president, and Floyd R. Mechem, for many years an instructor in the law department of the University of Michigan, as dean. At first the course consisted of two, year's work, recitations being held three evenings in each week, and the school

Page  1164 1164 CITY OF DETROIT was located in the building of the Detroit College of Medicine. In 1897 the course was extended to three years and students were required to attend five, evenings in each week. In 1910 a day school was established in addition to the evening school, the courses in the two being identical. From 1891 to 1915 the school was a privately owned institution, being controlled by Malcolm McGregor and William C. Weatherbee, two of Detroit's prominent attorneys. In the latter year the college passed to the control of the trustees of the Young Men's Christian Association and the recitations were transferred to the building of that association, where an entire floor was set apart for the use of the College of Law. More than twoscore of Detroit's active and successful members of the legal profession have acted as instructors since the school was started. Among these men may be mentioned: Charles D. Long, William L. Carpenter and Flavius L. Brooke, of the Michigan Supreme Court; Alexis C. Angell and Arthur J. Tuttle, of the United States District Court; Judges Fred H. Aldrich, George S. Hosmer, Alfred J. Murphy, Cornelius J. Reilly and Philip T. Van Zile, as well as a number of the leading practioners in the city. The school has over one thousand alumni, many of whom are actively engaged in practice.

Page  1165 CHAPTER XLVII THE MEDICAL PROFESSION ALSO THE STORY OF MEDICINE IN DETROIT BY J. H. DEMPSTER, M. D., F. A. C. P. THE ORIGIN OF MEDICINE AND THE ART OF HEALING-EARLY DETROIT PHYSICIANS THE STORY OF MEDICINE IN DETROIT, BY DR. J. H. DEMPSTER-THE DETROIT COLLEGE OF MEDICINE-HOMEOPATHY-MEDICAL JOURNALISM IN DETROITHEALTH CONDITIONS IN DETROIT-THE WAYNE COUNTY MEDICAL, SOCIETYHOSPITALS-BOARD OF HEALTH. The history of the healing art dates back to the beginning of the human race. When the first man who "felt out o' sorts" sought for and found some simple remedy to relieve his distress, he no doubt imparted a knowledge of his discovery to his neighbor. Information regarding such discoveries was exchanged, new remedies tested, etc., and in this way began a materia medica which doctors and chemists through the subsequent centuries have developed to its present high standard. Every ancient civilization had its system of medicine and every ancient nation, without consultation or collusion with others, developed a school devoted to the treatment of human ills. It may be of interest to the physician and the lay reader alike to note briefly the leading characteristics of these ancient schools-so different in practice-yet all having the same object in view. The Chinese were the first people to establish a system of medicine, though its early history is shrouded in tradition and fable. It is said to have originated with the Emperor Hwang-ti, who reigned about 2660-2500 B. C. The Chinese physicians knew nothing of anatomy, although they noted the action of the pulse without comprehending its real significance or importance in physical diagnosis. The remedies they used were a strange conglomeration of substances from the animal, vegetable and mineral kingdoms, such as pulverized spiders, certain stones soaked in milk, etc. They used poultices, plasters and lotions of various kinds over the seat of pain and were no doubt the originators of massage. No improvement was made in their methods until a knowledge of modern methods was carried to the empire by missionaries, and even then the Chinese practitioner was slow to accept the new ideas. The oldest known medical records are those of Egypt. The "Ebers papyri," which date from the sixteenth century B. C., contain much information that for centuries has been only traditional. In Egypt the healing art, as most others, was vested in the priests, who adopted an extensive formulary, consisting of elaborate ceremonies, spells and incantations. Recent discoveries indicate the Egyptians had specialists, such as gynaecologists, army surgeons, etc., as well as general practitioners. For countless generations little progress was made, one physician or priest communicating his knowledge to another, but few had sufficient initiative to "begin where the other left off." That the Egyptians had a 1165

Page  1166 1166 CITY OF DETROIT knowledge of anatomy is evidenced by their methods of embalming by which human bodies have been preserved as mummies for centuries. F. H. Baas, in his "History of Medicine," published in 1899, says: "Most of the Egyptian medical lore is contained in the last six volumes of the Sacred Book, and in completeness and arrangement rival the Hippocratic collection, which they antedate by a thousand years." Most of the medical knowledge of the ancient Hebrews was derived from the Egyptians during the captivity, though they later developed a far more comprehensive system and may be said to have been the originators of hygiene and public sanitation. In the early years of the Hebrew civilization, disease was looked upon as a punishment for sin and the casting out of evil spirits constituted one of the principal remedies. The Levites were the only ones authorized to practice medicine and were the "licensed physicians," so to speak, of the Hebrew nation. The Talmud shows that the Jewish doctors had a limited knowledge of anatomy and performed surgical operations, though such operations were of the crudest character. "The physicians of India," says Baas, "combined a close observation of pathological phenomena with a genius for misinterpretation, so their study availed them little." Only the Brahmins were allowed to practice, and they had to undergo a long training before being permitted to prescribe for patients. Demonology played a conspicuous part in their treatment. The system also embraced drugs of many kinds and some attention was given to bathing, diet, etc., a feature that was lacking in most of the ancient medical schools. Among the Greeks and Romans Aesculapius, a pupil of Chiron the Centaur, was regarded as a "god of healing." The first shrine to Aesculapius was erected at Athens about 420 B. C., though later temples were built in some two hundred cities and towns. His followers formed a separate cult. Their treatment consisted of the interpretation of dreams, propitiatory sacrifices, mysterious ceremonies, etc., as well as the use of drugs. What was of more importance, they taught the importance of diet, bathing, and correct habits of living. The Aesculapian era is known as "the sacred period of medicine." The system finally degenerated into a sort of mysticism and lost much of its prestige. It was succeeded by the "philosophical period of medicine," which was introduced by Hippocrates, who has been called the "Father of Medicine," and has been frequently referred to as the "first great apostle of rational medicine." The Hippocratic school was really founded after the death of Hippocrates (about 400 B. C.) by his sons, Draco and Thessalus, and his son-in-law, Polybius, who originated the famous "Hippocratic oath," which contains many of the fundamental principles in the ethics of the profession in the twentieth century. With the founding of the Alexandrian Library, after the death of Alexander the Great (320 B. C.) the anatomic-period of medicine began. This celebrated library was founded by Ptolemy, one of Alexander's lieutenants, and the City of Alexandria became the center of thought and learning. Between 320 and 280 B. C. there were two well defined schools of medicine-the Dogmatic and the Empiric. The former followed the teachings of the rationalist school of Hippocrates and the latter taught that the only trustworthy remedies were those suggested by experience. It has been claimed by some writers on medicine that Herophilus, one of the teachers of the Alexandrian school, was the first to dissect a human body, but the claim is not well established. Galen, who lived from 130 to 201 A. D., made a radical departure from the

Page  1167 Joseph F. Marsac, Pioneer Interpreter I T Dr. Herman Kiefer Dr. Marshall Chapin OLD PORTRAITS OF PROMINENT DETROIT MEN

Page  1168

Page  1169 CITY OF DETROIT 1169 Dogmatic school. He wrote over one hundred volumes, some of them treating of anatomy, but his works would hardly be adopted as textbooks by the medical colleges of the present age. The precepts taught by Galen were followed by physicians, with certain modifications, for several centuries. No doubt the first systematic study of anatomy was made by Andreas Vesalius, who was born in Belgium in 1514. The fact is pretty well established that he was the first to dissect a human body, which gave rise to the story that he began his dissection before life was extinct. For this offense, which was committed when he was about thirty-five years old, he was sentenced to death by the Inquisition, but his life was spared through the intervention of Philip II of Spain. In 1550 he became physician to the court of Philip and while in that position published his "Obervations on Anatomy." The sixteenth century witnessed great advancement in medical science, especially in England. In 1540 Sir William Gilbert, physician to Queen Elizabeth, published the first work on medicine written by an English author. William Harvey, another English physician, was born in the latter part of this century, graduated at Padua in 1602, and in 1616 discovered the circulation of the blood. His publication of the fact brought forth much opposition and ridicule. Prior to this time it was known that the blood moved through the veins, but it was generally believed that the arteries contained only air, as they were always found empty after death. Doctor Harvey lived long enough to see his theory generally accepted by his profession and his original diagrams illustrating the circulation of the blood are still preserved by the Royal College of Physicians and Surgeons. During the next two hundred years the progress of the medical profession was "slow but sure." The nineteenth century saw many great improvements introduced. The germ theory, established by such eminent physicians as Virchow, Lister and Pasteur, came to be almost unanimously accepted by intelligent practitioners. Sulphuric ether was first used as an anesthetic by Morton in Boston in 1846, and the next year chloroform was used for the same purpose by Simpson of Edinburgh, Scotland. Serums, antitoxins and prophylactics have been introduced and the Roentgen rays have in recent years been of incalculable benefit to physicians, but more particularly to surgeons, in certain classes of cases. In fact, it keeps the physician of the present day "on the jump" to keep up with the progress of his profession. EARLY DETROIT PHYSICIANS The first white man, of whom there is any record, to practice medicine in Detroit was Dr. Antoine Forrestier, who came with Cadillac in the summer of 1701 and practiced until his death in 1716. Beyond the appearance of his name in the records at intervals, little is known of him. The records of Ste. Anne's Church for May 9, 1710, contain the name of M. Henri Bellisle "Chirurgien," but no further mention of him has been found. Doctor Forrestier was succeeded in 1718 by Dr. Jean Baptiste Chapoton. The post records show that he practiced until 1758, a period of forty years, when he retired and gave his attention to the improvement of a tract of land granted to him by the French government. He was a great friend of the Indians and in May, 1763, he and Jacques Godfrey were selected by Major Gladwin to hold a parley with Pontiac and obtain, if possible, his consent to a treaty of peace, or at least to a truce. That they failed in their mission was through no fault of Doctor Chapoton, who used his most persuasive eloquence to bring peace to the besieged town.

Page  1170 1170 CITY OF DETROIT Dr. George C. Anthon came with the first English troops in 1760 as medical officer of the post at "5s per day." He was a graduate of Eisnach and of the College of Physicians and Surgeons of Amsterdam, Holland. Soon after receiving his degree he became a surgeon in the navy. His vessel was captured by a privateer and he was taken as a prisoner to New York. Subsequently he was a surgeon in the military hospital at Albany, then assistant surgeon of the Sixtieth Regiment, Royal Americans, with which he came to Detroit. With his family he occupied the dwelling afterward known as the Cass house. Judge Campbell, in his poem entitled "Cassina," says: "Behind the dormer windows That open on the strait First cradled were the Anthons, Renowned in church and state. The good and wise physician, Of all the red men known, Had lore of the German forest, Of star, of mine and stone; And the slender, dark-eyed mother That held them on her knees, Sang songs of the Spanish border, The land of the Pyrenees." Doctor Anthon's son, John, born in the old Cass house in 1784, was the author of several essays, etc.; Charles, another son, and Charles E., a grandson, were well known in literary and educational circles. Dr. William Brown came to Detroit in 1783 and practiced for many years after the American occupation in 1796. He was pupolar with both the French and Americans. Ague and intermittent fever were then prevalent in Michigan and Doctor Brown combatted these maladies with Peruvian bark, before the sulphate of quinine became an article of commerce. He was elected a member of the last board of trustees of the Town of Detroit under the incorporation of 1802; one of those who signed the protest to Colonel Proctor in February, 1813, against his treatment of American citizens; was one of the organizers of the bank of Michigan in 1818, and the same year was elected county commissioner; was one of the first board of trustees of the University of Michigan when that institution was reorganized in April, 1821; was elected to the Legislative Council in 1828 and again in 1830. This was his last public service. Dr. Gabriel Christopher le Grand was listed as a physician at Detroit in 1755, but he departed five years afterward for France, when the British came into control. Doctor McClosky was a contemporary of Doctor Brown in 1783 and later and was a popular doctor of the day. Doctor Henry was another early physician, some time after the day of McClosky and Brown. At the time of the Asiatic cholera epidemic in Detroit in 1832-4 the list of doctors then practicing and who fought the spread of the disease included such names as Drs. Marshall Chapin, R. N. Rice, Ebenezer Hurd, H. P. Cobb, Robert McMillan, Hardin, F. B. Clark, Douglass Houghton, Zina Pitcher, Arthur L. Porter, J. B. Scoville, N. D. Stebbins, Abram Sager (1835), George B. Russell (1837), Adrian R. Terry, and Lewis F. Starkey. Other medical men of a former generation who were well known were: Drs. William McCoskry, J. L. Whiting, Shelomith S. Hall, Robert McMillan, E. A.

Page  1171 CITY OF DETROIT 1171 Theller, E. G. Desnoyers, Francis Breckenridge, Justin Rice, Linus Mott, J. H. Bagg, E. W. Cowles, Pliny Power, Moses Gunn, J. C. Gorton, E. Batwell, C. S. Tripler, Ira M. Allen, J. M. Alden, Richard Inglis, E. H. Drake, George Bigelow, E. M. Clark, A. L. Leland, J. J. Oakley, Isaac S. Smith, N. D. Stebbins, S. B. Thayer, S. M. Axford, Rufus Brown, D. Day, E. Kane, A. B. Palmer, L. C. Rose, M. P. Stewart, S. G. Armor, A. S. Heaton, D. O. Farrand and Samuel P. Duffield. In 1864 there were practicing in Detroit among others, the following: Drs. Zina Pitcher, N. D. Stebbins, James A. Brown, James F. Noyes, Morse Stewart, Moses Gunn, S. G. Armor, Herman Kiefer, Peter Klein, Richard Inglis, D. Henderson, Lucretius Cobb, E. M. Clark, D. O. Farrand and Edward W. Jenks. Dr. Douglass Houghton was one of the leading physicians of his time, as was Doctor Pitcher and Doctor Rice. Dr. Ebenezer Hurd was very prominent and married a daughter of Judge James Witherell. Dr. William McCoskry was a very early physician, as he came to Detroit in 1796 as an army surgeon with Wayne; he lived on the southeast corner of Woodbridge and Randolph streets. He was the uncle of Samuel Allen McCoskry, bishop of Detroit. Dr. Marshall Chapin was elected mayor of Detroit in 1831, running against John R. Williams. He established a drug store which, though variously changed in the succeeding years, may be considered to have been the foundation of the Michigan Drug Company. He died December 26, 1838. Dr.. John Hendrie lived on the south side of Jefferson, on the site of the future Michigan Exchange. Stephen Chambers Henry, an exceedingly skillful surgeon, died of the cholera at Detroit August 12, 1834. Dr. Thomas B. Clark had his office in a small building on the south side of Jefferson Avenue, between Griswold and Woodward. When the Gazette office was burned in 1830 the spectators pulled Doctor Clark's small office out into Jefferson Avenue in order to prevent the spread of the fire. Clark then opened his office and drug store on the northwest corner of Woodward and Jefferson. Justin Rice, a prominent physician, was one of the owners of the Detroit and Black River Steam Saw Mill Company. Dr. John L. Whiting also, like many other physicians of the early day, engaged in other work besides his profession. He had for a partner John J. Deming in the forwarding business and for a time engaged in the land and tax business. THE STORY OF MEDICINE IN DETROIT BY DR. J. H. DEMPSTER The history of the medical profession in Detroit is that of a revolution rather than an evolution, so far as medical standards are concerned. In fact, medicine itself has been revolutionized during the past quarter of a century. Prior to 1883, there was no legislative restriction to the practice of medicine in the state, the only requirement being that the person aspiring to the position should hold himself out to the public as a physician or surgeon. Any one was privileged to prefix the term "Doctor" to his name or to use the letters M. D. The citizen had no protection whatsoever from the numerous mountebanks and charlatans that infested the state. In 1883, a bill known as the Howell Medical Act, a very mild measure, provided for the registration of all persons who had practiced medicine for at least five years preceding the passage of the Act, and that all persons graduating from a legally authorized medical college anywhere in the world might register. No regard whatsoever was paid to the candidate's education or personal fitness to practice the healing art. The law was very seldom enforced and conditions

Page  1172 1172 CITY OF DETROIT showed very little improvement. A certain healer's right to practice medicine being questioned, he produced a diploma on which he had been practicing for years. Upon it being pointed out that the document was a dental diploma and not medical, he replied: "It is very funny: I paid for the other kind and supposed I had it." Numerous successive attempts were made for restrictive legislation, none being more active in his efforts than the late Dr. E. L. Shurly. So indifferent were the legislators in the matter of protecting the public health that it is said the governor of the state was about to sign a restrictive measure when a visit from an itinerant cancer quack caused him to change his mind and to withhold his signature. Little progress was made until the Chandler Act of 1899. This act was introduced by Dr. B. D. Harison, at the time a resident of Sault Ste. Marie, now a resident of Detroit. This legislative measure provided for a registration board of ten members appointed by the governor of the state, and confirmed by the senate. This dates the beginning of the Michigan State Board of Registration in Medicine, which was empowered to administer the act through its secretary, Dr. B. D. Harison, who has held that office since 1899. Since 1906 the office of the board has been located in Detroit. The Chandler Act resulted in the purging of the state of some 2,200 healers who were denied the right to practice. The most important restrictive medical legislation was the Nottingham Medical Act of 1903. This measure was much more radical, providing, as it did, for the examination, rejection, licensing and registry of physicians and surgeons, and for the punishment of offenders against this act. This left the matter of medical education as well as pre-medical education in the hands of the Michigan State Board of Medical Registration. This body has exercised its powers, so strenuously and always with the moral support of the great body of the medical profession that the standard of medical education in the state is equal to that of the foremost states of the Union, or to any province of Canada, where for half a century strict attention has been paid to medical education. At the present time pre-medical requirements consist in a full high school course of four years, followed by two years collegiate training. The professional requirements are four years attendance in a medical college whose standards conform with the demands of the Council on Medical Education of the American Medical Association. A fifth year spent as interne in an approved hospital is now required. The two medical institutions of the state, the Detroit College of Medicine and Surgery and the University of Michigan, conform to these standards and are classed A 1. In the matter of medical standards and practices, Detroit has undergone the experience of other municipalities in regard to medical education. Our methods of medical instruction were imported from England and Scotland. Briefly it was as follows: A young man desiring to study medicine became apprentice to a medical practitioner for a period of three to four years, and a relationship existed known as that of preceptor and student. Their duties have been thus defined: Living under the same roof, the preceptor would look after both the mind and morals of his pupils. The fledgling, in return for the instruction received at the hands of the master, performed many of the menial services about the house and office. It was he who prepared the powders, mixed the concoctions, made pills, swept the office, kept the bottles clean,

Page  1173 CITY OF DETROIT 1173 assisted in operations, and often by main force in pre-anesthetic times supplied the place of the anesthetic of today. He rode about with the doctor from house to house, profiting by his personal experience and jotting down on the pages of his notebook and the tables of his memory the words of wisdom that fell from his master's lips. In this country, combined with this custom, was education in private schools of medicine for those who had the price. Public taxation for the provision of medical education is a late innovation here. The old-time preceptor has now ceased to exist even in name, which appeared up to within a decade ago in the catalogues of the medical colleges of this city and state. Immediately after the Civil war all the medical colleges, with one or two exceptions, were owned by private corporations, one of the two exceptions being the medical department of the University of Michigan. When the Detroit College of Medicine was founded the only condition of acquiring a charter was a subscription of $30,000, one-fourth of which was paid in. THE DETROIT COLLEGE OF MEDICINE AND SURGERY The Detroit College of Medicine was, in a sense, the outgrowth of medical conditions following the Civil war. In 1864, many disabled soldiers were quartered in an army hospital located near the site of Harper Hospital, at Martin Place and John R Streets. It appeared to a number of progressive minds that great advantage might be had in the study of medicine by the utilization of the abundant clinical material. Drs. E. W. Jenks, Theodore A. McGraw, George P. Andrews, Samuel P. Duffield and David A. Farrand were the leading spirits of this early movement in the matter of medical education. The first session was held on February 2,. 1869, in two of the Harper Hospital buildings. Harper, St. Mary's and St. Luke's Hospitals afforded clinical facilities. In 1882 the college acquired the property of the Young Men's Christian Association on Farmer Street, where it was located until September, 1893. During the early years of the Detroit Medical College, so greatly were doctors in demand that applicants were accepted without regard to their preliminary education, and were graduated after two sessions of five months each. The courses of study comprised anatomy, chemistry, physiology, medical botany, materia medica and therapeutics, practice of medicine, surgery, obstetrics and diseases of women and children, ophthalmology, otology and medical jurisprudence. Beginning with the opening session, September, 1880, the course was lengthened to three terms of six months each. and an examination was demanded on the preliminary education of each candidate. In 1889, the Detroit College of Medicine was housed in a building newly erected on the northwest corner of St. Antoine and Mullett Streets. In 1891, the faculty secured arrangements with the House of Providence for obstetric teaching. Later the Woman's hospital and the Children's hospital became available for clinical teaching. From now on the college began to expand so as to comprise a department of pharmacy, of dental surgery, and of veterinary surgery in 1891. The Detroit College of Medicine, during this time and up to 1912, was a stock company owned in large measure by the faculty of the institution. The departments of veterinary medicine, pharmacy and dentistry were eventually closed, that of veterinary surgery in 1899, of pharmacy in 1906, and of dental surgery in 1909, owing to the inability

Page  1174 1174 CITY OF DETROIT to support and maintain these institutions from the fees of attending students. The teaching force of the institution gave their services without any recompense other than that incident to imparting instruction to others. "To teach is to learn." The very presence of the Detroit College of Medicine, proprietary school though it was, was a stimulus to the medical profession of Detroit. Meanwhile medical education throughout the United States was becoming standardized and, owing to the demands of the committee on medical education of the American Medical Association in the way of increased laboratory facilities, full-time professors and instructors, the non-subsidized or proprietary school was doomed sooner or later to bow to the state-owned subsidized school. In 1913 came a critical moment in the life of the old college. The stockholders consented to a renewal of the charter and with the help of a large number of alumni and other physicians a new organization was effected under the title, The Detroit College of Medicine and Surgery, and plans were laid for an endowment fund of $1,000,000 to broaden and improve the work so well carried on by the old Detroit College of Medicine. The new institution was incorporated under the Education Laws of Michigan, August 19, 1913. It has been founded as a membership organization without profit-sharing stock. All powers and obligations of the corporation are vested in a permanent board of trustees. The teaching faculty had been reorganized, including the addition of ten full-time salaried professors and assistants. The clinical facilities of the newly organized college include every hospital but one in Detroit. The matter of combining the Detroit College of Medicine and Surgery with the medical department of the University of Michigan had been advocated from time to time. The scheme for such union has eventually ceased to be a matter of discussion evidently for all time to come. On July 1, 1918, the Detroit College of Medicine and Surgery was taken over by the municipality of Detroit as a city-owned institution under the direct control of the board of education. This act was confirmed by the state legislature a few months later, removing all barriers to a city-owned medical college. One result has been the removal of a recrudescent subject of endowments and a very material reduction in fees for students from the city, thus affording a medical education to the ambitious young man of moderate means. The perpetuation of the college is likewise insured. Detroit has had other medical institutions, which, having "strutted and fretted their brief hour upon the stage, are seen no more". The Michigan College of Medicine was organized in June, 1879, and on November 17th was opened in the three-story building still standing on the southeast corner of Catherine and St. Antoine streets. From here this institution was moved to the corner of Second and Michigan Avenue, where it was housed in the Emergency Hospital, which institution supplied the clinical facilities for the school. A new building, now occupied by the Artcraft Lithographing Company, was built for medical training, but owing to changes taking place in medical standards the institution was short-lived, and went the way of hundreds of proprietary institutions throughout the land. For years the destinies of this institution were in the hands of the late Dr. Hal C. Wyman, dean, and the late Dr. E. B. Smith, secretary. The proprietary school has had its day, yet many of the best men, men honored in the front ranks of the profession, were educated in these institutions.

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Page  1177 CITY OF DETROIT 1177 HOMEOPATHY Homeopathy was introduced into Detroit the same year, 1843, that Hahnemann, the founder of the school, died. Dr. S. S. Hall, the first homeopath to locate here in the year.mentioned, practised many years. Dr. John Mosher (1785-1856) was probably the first homeopathic physician to locate in this state, having opened his office in 1842 at Somerset (then called Gamblesville), Hillsdale County. Homeopathy won popularity as a protest against the huge medicinal dosage that characterized the dispensing of the members of the regular medical profession. Scientific medicine, however, has undergone such a revolution that its present devotees can scarcely be looked upon as the lineal descendants of the regular, as they were derisively known as "Allopaths", a meaningless word applied to them by the homeopathic school. In 1871 there were over three hundred homeopathic physicians in Michigan who worked hard to secure a department at the University of Michigan for the teaching of homeopathy. Up to this time there had been a struggling college at Lansing. Eventually, in 1871 and 1872, a college was opened in Detroit. The college rented Coyle's Hall for four years, from May 1, 1872. Coyle's Hall was on the corner of Woodward Avenue and the Campus, over the present (1921) Elmer's store. Subsequently the college was located at the corner of Lafayette and Third, where it remained until closed, along with two or three regular medical schools in the state, which were unable to meet the demands of the Council on Medical Education of the American Medical Association. Homeopathy is taught in this state at the present time by the homeopathic medical department of the University of Michigan. The doctors connected with the Detroit College were: Lancelot Younghusband, President; C. B. Kellogg, E. R. Ellis, Cornelius Ormes, Lucy M. Arnold, A. B. Spinney and F. X. Spranger. Lectures began in Merrill Hall on March 12, 1872. Among the most notable members of the Homeopathic Medical School were: Drs. Cornelius Ormes, Rolin C. Olin, Francis Woodruff, Henry L. Obetz, Christopher C. Miller, William M. Bailey, F. X. Spranger, Otto Lang and H. P. Mera. MEDICAL JOURNALISM IN DETROIT Detroit has been a veritable graveyard of medical journalism. One of the first professional publications of a medical nature was the Michigan Journal of Homeopathy, edited by Drs. John Ellis and E. H. Drake, which began in November, 1848, but closed out within a year. The Peninsular Journal of Medicine was originally published at Ann Arbor, beginning in July, 1853, but was moved to Detroit in July, 1855, where Drs. Zina Pitcher, A. B. Palmer, William Brodie and E. P. Christian were editors. After March, 1858, this paper was united with the Medical Independent. The Medical Independent was edited by Drs. H. Goadby, E. Kane and L. G. Robinson and was started March 1, 1856. In March, 1857, Moses Gunn and L. G. Robinson became editors and the magazine was called The Peninsular and Independent. The last number was issued in March, 1860. The Michigan Homeopathic Journal appeared in October, 1853, edited by Drs. John Ellis and S. B. Thayer, and lasted one year. The American Homeopathic Observer, a monthly, was established by Dr. E. A. Lodge in January, 1864, and was discontinued in December, 1885.

Page  1178 1178 CITY OF DETROIT The Detroit Review of Medicine and Pharmacy was established in April, 1866, by Drs. G. P. Andrews, E. W. Jenks, T. A. McGraw, S. P. Duffield, W. H. Lathrop, A. B. Lyons and Leartus Connor, and was later merged, in January, 1877, with the Peninsular Journal of Medicine, the second publication of its name. The latter paper, a monthly, was started in July, 1873, and continued until December, 1876. The Detroit Medical Journal was published for a time in 1877 by Drs. Leartus Connor and J. J. Mulheron. The Michigan Journal of Homeopathy, the second paper with this title, issued quarterly by Dr. R. E. Ellis. lasted from July, 1872, until April, 1873. The Medical Advance was established as a quarterly in January, 1877, by Dr. C. H. Leonard and was published for three years, when it was succeeded by Leonard's Illustrated Medical Journal in 1880. This latter paper was purchased by J. F. Hartz and merged with the Detroit Medical Journal, which was in its twenty-second year of publication. The Detroit Medical Journal was a monthly publication devoted to the publication of papers of a general scientific interest, absolutely non-sectarian in policy. It has been edited successively by Drs. Arch Stockwell, Frank B. Tibbals, H. M. Rich, and for the past twelve years by J. H. Dempster. The Detroit Medical Journal was sold in December, 1920, to Medical Life of New York City. The Therapeutic Gazette, incorporating Medicine (established 1895) and Medical Age (established 1878), appeared in January, 1880. This paper had been originally started in January, 1877, by George S. Davis and edited by C. H. Leonard as New Preparations. In 1885 the editorial offices were changed to Philadelphia, although the office of publication has been continuous and is now located in Detroit. The publisher is E. G. Swift, of Parke, Davis & Company. The editors are: Dr. H. A. Hare, professor of therapeutics in the Jefferson Medical College, and Dr. Edward Martin, professor of surgery in the University of Pennsylvania. The Therapeutic Gazette is devoted largely to the therapeutic phase of medicine. The American Lancet, edited by the late Drs. Leartus Connor and H. A. Cleland, was first published in 1878 as The Detroit Lancet; the name was changed in January, 1876. The Michigan Medical News, by Dr. J. J. Mulheron, was issued first in January, 1878. Geo. S. Davis bought it in January, 1883, and named it the Medical Age. The Detroit Clinic was established January 4, 1882, with Drs. H. O. Walker and 0. W. Owen as editors and owned by Geo. S. Davis, who combined it with Michigan Medical News at the time he changed the name of the latter to Medical Age. The Leucocyte, 1895, a medical journal, has appeared for nearly a quarter of a century (the present is Volume XXVIII) as the organ of the Alumni Association of the Detroit College of Medicine. Its policy has been largely confined to the reporting of papers and clinics of the alumni association, and it contains as well a students' department which is in control of the undergraduates of the Detroit College of Medicine and Surgery. A thriving little weekly has appeared for a number of years under the editorship of Drs. Roland Parmeter, Ray Connor, Hugo Freund, J. H. Dempster, Wesley Taylor, R. C. Jamieson and B. C. Lockwood. The Wayne County Medical Bulletin, the organ of the Wayne County Medical Society, as it is called, reproduces the papers presented each week, as well as the weekly announcements of the medical society. The American Journal of Roentgenology, a national publication, had its

Page  1179 CITY OF DETROIT 1179 beginning in Detroit under the editorship of Dr. P. M. Hickey. In 1916 the office of publication was removed to New York. Dr. James T. Case of Battle Creek was succeeded by Dr. Hickey, who has been himself succeeded by H. M. Imboden, New York, the present editor. The Journal of the Michigan State Medical Society, now published at Grand Rapids, was, up to March, 1913, edited and published in Detroit. It is a monthly journal now in its twentieth year of publication. HEALTH CONDITIONS IN DETROIT Located in a more or less level area on the bank of the Detroit River, Detroit has not been wholly free from diseases incident to a moist and more or less rigorous climate. In the early years of the settlement the Savoyard River ran parallel to the Detroit River, crossing Woodward Avenue near Congress Street. This stream became unsanitary and effectually fulfilled the function of a sewer. There are no endemic diseases in this city, although the early settlers here suffered from fever and ague or, as we know it, malaria, which persisted until the early forties of last century. Whiskey was at first widely used as an antidote and remedy for this condition until later quinine was found to be a specific. Smallpox is said to have been prevalent in this locality in 1703 and in the year 1785 it was so virulent that the population of that day became greatly alarmed. Again, in 1832 there was an outbreak of cholera, and in July of the same year a boatload of 370 soldiers arrived en route to Chicago under the command of Colonel Twiggs to take part in the Black Hawk war. One of the soldiers died of cholera, and the boat was interned at Hog Island, now Belle Isle. Later it proceeded as far as the southern end of Lake Huron, when owing to so large a number of the soldiers being attacked, the voyage was abandoned. Two Detroit citizens having died of cholera on July 6, 1832, the settlement was at once thrown into a panic. Bridges were torn up and fences built across the road to prevent egress from the city to villages in the vicinity. There were ninety-six deaths in the city during the epidemic. Cholera again broke out in 1834, as many as sixteen deaths being recorded in a single day. Seven percent of the population died within a month.' Among those physicians who gave special attention to the treatment of cholera patients were Doctors Whiting, Rice, Chapin, Desnoyers, Chandler, Farmer and Carpenter. In the year 1849, and again in 1854, Detroit was visited by cholera. The humid climate, especially in the winter and spring, has been particularly hard on tuberculosis patients. The city has kept pace with others of its size in the matter of sanitation, although during the past decade, which has witnessed unprecedented growth, the medical profession and the department of health have been taxed to the utmost in the way of suppression of infectious diseases. The system of sewerage is quite adequate and the water supply has been found, on the whole, to be free from any serious contamination. The housing problem of late has proved a vexatious matter in the way of reducing mortality due to infectious diseases. The automobile industry has resulted in great influx of immigrants from Europe. Probably no other city in the United States has had forced upon it the problem of the assimilation and Americanization of the so-called foreign element as has Detroit. The city has been a veritable "melting pot". As a result, perplexing problems of health and sanitation have arisen. The earliest report of the Board of Health of Detroit dates from 1882 when

Page  1180 1180 CITY OF DETROIT O. M. Wright, M. D., was medical health officer. Dr. Wright was succeeded in 1885 by Dr. Samuel P. Duffield. Dr. Duncan McLeod was appointed health commissioner in 1893, but was succeeded by Dr. Samuel P. Duffield again in 1896. Dr. Heneage Gibbs was appointed to the position in 1898 and succeeded by Dr. W. R. Baker in 1900. Dr. Guy L. Kiefer followed Doctor Baker in 1902 and continued in office until 1912, when he resigned to reenter private practice. During the first decade of the health department's recorded history, the great problem was apparently how to keep within bounds the scourge of diphtheria. This was in pre-antitoxin days: the average mortality during the first decade, namely, 1882 to 1893, was 250 deaths a year, or over 25 percent of the cases. With a much greater population at the present time the mortality from this infectious disease has been reduced to less than four percent. Dr. Kiefer's comparatively lengthy administration was marked by some very important innovations, namely:the establishment of an infants' clinic, the tuberculosis clinic of the Board of Health and the dental inspection of schools. It was during his regime that the new city isolation hospitals were constructed, known as the Herman Kiefer Hospital, after Doctor Kiefer's father. Doctor Kiefer was succeeded by Dr. William H. Price, who had long been connected with the Milk and Dairy Inspection Department of the city. Doctor Price carried on the work of his predecessors in a very efficient manner. He has proved himself a statistician of good ability. Among other things Doctor Price set about to improve the housing conditions of Detroit, which had become a vexed problem owing to the unprecedented growth of Detroit's population, which has continued to the present time. He was succeeded in 1917 by Dr. J. W. Inches, formerly of St. Clair, Michigan. After over a year's incumbency, Doctor Inches was appointed Police Commissioner by Mayor Couzens, and the position of Health Officer was awarded to Doctor Vaughn. The autumn and winter of 1918-1919 saw one of the worst epidemics in the history of the city, that of influenza, but through the efforts of the Health Department and the medical profession the city came through it comparatively well. THE WAYNE COUNTY MEDICAL SOCIETY No account of the medical profession would be complete without the history of the Wayne County Medical Society, its vicissitudes and growth to its present place among similar organizations in the United States. As at present constituted it is a branch of the Michigan State Medical Society, and membership in it is a prerequisite for fellowship in the American Medical Association. The first medical organization in Detroit dates back to 1846, when the "Sydenham Society" was organized with Dr. Charles N. Ege as president. This organization gave place three years later to the Wayne County Medical Society, organized as a branch of the Michigan State Medical Society. The life of this local society was very brief, inasmuch as it was followed four years later by the Detroit Medical Society, the first president of which was Dr. Morse Stewart. This association was active until 1858, when it disbanded. Following this, for a period of eight years, Detroit and Wayne County were without a medical society. On May 31, 1866, a second Wayne County Medical Society was formed with the following officers; Dr. Zina Pitcher, president; Dr. H. F. Lyster, secretary. The meetings were held quarterly. Early in 1876 it adjourned, and was

Page  1181 CITY OF DETROIT 1181 followed in August of the same year by a third Wayne County Medical Society with Dr. William Brodie as chief. The same was incorporated under the laws of the State of Michigan, in 1902, under the presidency of Dr. Samuel Bell, when its constitution and by-laws were amended to conform to the constitution and by-laws of the state society. The Wayne County Society was granted a charter as a branch of the state society. At this date there combined with it the Detroit Medical and Library Association, which constituted a branch of the profession which did their utmost to facilitate the unification of the medical profession of the city and Wayne County. Among them are: Detroit Academy of Medicine (1868-1919), The Quarter Century Medical Club (1902-1915). With the latter combined the Detroit Obstetrical and Gynecological Society (1884-1887) and the Michigan Surgical and Pathological (1891-1899). "Since the first state society (1819-1851) served all the purposes of a county society in Wayne, the present organization may fairly be said to have begun in 1819 and with slight interruptions continued its evolution to the present, a period of ninety-six years. Under its own name the Wayne County Medical Society began operations sixty-nine years ago. Drs. George B. Russell and Peter Klein, and Morse Stewart, took an active part in the earliest of these stages of development." In 1906 the Defense League was formed as an integral part of the society. The purpose of the league is to conduct the defense of any member of the society accused of malpractice. The success of this defense feature of the Wayne County Medical Society was so evident that in 1910 it was taken over by the Michigan State Medical Society and made a part of the constitution of that body. As it exists today, the bona-fide members of every county society within the state are granted the protection of the Defense League if required. Prior to 1909 the Wayne County Medical Society was without a permanent meeting place. For a time it was housed in a room in the Wayne County Court Building. In 1910, the Society was incorporated and a board of trustees was elected and authorized to purchase premises for a permanent meeting place. As a result a commodious house was purchased, 33 High Street, East, the present home of the Society. The price paid was $30,000, defrayed by subscriptions from the members of the Society. It was not long before the membership outgrew the housing accommodations, necessitating the erection of a hall to the rear of the original building. The first meeting in the new hall was held February 2, 1914. Weekly meetings are held from September to June 1st, each year, at which scientific papers covering all phases of medicine and surgery are read and discussed. These weekly programs constitute a most powerful stimulus to study and research among the members of the profession. The social feature is by no means a minor feature among the members of a calling the very nature of which tends to make its members individualistic. The medical library, under the management of a trained librarian, is housed in the medical building. As this is a branch of the Detroit Public Library, not only the medical profession but likewise the laity have access to it. It consists at present of 10,000 volumes, including bound volumes of medical periodicals. The fact that no other organization gives so much for the fees collected from its membership ($12) is attested by the healthy growth in membership, which now numbers over 1,000 besides honorary and associate members. The medical profession of Detroit and Wayne County showed their loyalty

Page  1182 1182 CITY OF DETROIT during the war and made probably as great a sacrifice as any other organization in the city. Nearly four hundred of the Detroit profession served in uniform either at home or overseas. Two medical units were organized under the leadership, respectively, of Dr. Angus McLean and Dr. B. R. Shurly. A number enlisted and served with the Canadian or British forces before the United States had actually gone into the war. A large tablet containing approximately three hundred and sixty-five names was unveiled at the Wayne County Medical Society with appropriate ceremony during the spring of 1920. The call to military service of so many of Detroit's medical profession left an added burden upon those who remained at home, who worked assiduously on draft boards besides taking care of the civic population during one of the worst epidemic periods in the history of the locality. The fatalities among the medical profession represented in France consisted of Doctor Post, killed in actual service; Dr. V. C. Vaughan, Jr., who was drowned. Since the close of the war the medical profession of Wayne County has shown a greater enthusiasm than ever in its history. The auditorium on nights of meetings is frequently taxed to its utmost capacity to accommodate its members. So much interest has been manifested that the time is not far distant when the medical society must look for new and more commodious quarters. HOSPITALS The first hospital in the City of Detroit was St. Mary's, established by four Sisters of Charity, in an old log building on the southwest corner of Randolph and Lamed streets. It was opened for patients June 9, 1845, under the name of St. Vincent's. After about five years of service in the first location the Sisters erected a building on Clinton Street near St. Antoine, and the name was then changed to St. Mary's. This building was first opened November 6, 1850. On November 21, 1879, a new structure facing St. Antoine Street was formally opened. The Harper Hospital was established through the beneficence of Walter Harper, a wealthy resident of Philadelphia, who came to Detroit about 1832 and lived here quietly until his gift, dated February 4, 1859. This deed gave nearly one thousand acres, near Detroit, also three residences in Philadelphia, to a board of trustees for the purpose of establishing a hospital. The only consideration attached to his gift was that he was to receive a certain annuity. In March of the same year, Mrs. Ann Martin deeded to the hospital a fiveacre lot in Detroit and fifteen acres in the Ten Thousand Acre Tract. The hospital was incorporated May 4, 1863. During the Rebellion, the trustees bought five acres on Woodward Avenue adjoining that which they already owned and offered the use of the site to the government as a military hospital, providing the latter would erect suitable buildings. The offer was accepted and during the war hundreds of sick and wounded soldiers were cared for here. The hospital was opened for ordinary patients in January, 1866. A new building was constructed on the old John R. Street grounds and opened June 19, 1884. Subsequent additions have been made to keep pace with the rapid increase of patients attendant upon the growth of the city. Grace Hospital had its inception in 1869, when Amos Chaffee gave a lot on the northeast corner of Willis Avenue and John R. Street as a site for a homeopathic hospital. During 1879 a society called The Detroit Homeopathic Association was incorporated. Nothing further was done until 1886, and then


Page  1184 A

Page  1185 CITY OF DETROIT 1185 James McMillan gave $100,000 for the erection of a building and later John S. Newberry offered $100,000 as an endowment for operating costs. This was the beginning of the present Grace Hospital, which has two locations in Detroit, 277 West Grand Boulevard and 4160 John R Street. The Herman Kiefer Hospital on Hamilton Boulevard was established in memory of Dr. Herman Kiefer, eminent physician and author. The Henry Ford Hospital was founded with the purpose of making it one of the largest and best equipped hospitals in the country. This large institution, partially completed in 1917, was then turned over to the government for use as a base hospital. After the close of hostilities the work of completing the vast building was undertaken. The institution is now operated as a closed hospital, in that the staff attached to the hospital cares for all the patients. Detroit's municipally-operated hospital located at St. Antoine and Macomb streets cost the city about $250,000 and was opened October 12, 1915. It was established by the Poor Commission, now known as the Department of Public Welfare. It serves as an emergency hospital and clearing house for accident or injury cases occurring on public thoroughfares or of a public nature, and a psychopathic hospital for the safe and humane handling of the mentally disturbed, and is under the control of the Welfare Commission. Other wards of the hospital are devoted to the care of medical and surgical patients unable to pay for treatment in other hospitals. The receiving hospital is of service to the various courts and departments of the city in holding persons for medical care or observation pending a proper disposition of their cases and the saving made thereby is large. Before the Receiving Hospital was opened the cost of caring for the city's sick poor in private hospitals was approximately $110,000 per year, which has now been reduced to about $45,000 per year; the cost of maintenance of the Receiving Hospital to the City of Detroit is approximately $70,000 per year. The Board of Health of the City of Detroit was organized on the first day of March, 1895, under an act of the Legislature approved February 27, 1895, and consists of four members, who are electors and freeholders in the City of Detroit, appointed by the Mayor. Two of them and no more must be graduates in medicine. The Board of Health has authority such as ordinarily pertains to such bodies, has power to make orders and regulations as they shall think necessary or proper for the preservation of public health; and other and extensive powers, especially granted by said act; and also the right to elect a president and appoint a health officer and secretary. Perhaps one of the most notable additions to the facilities of Detroit for the relief of its afflicted is the Detroit Tuberculosis Sanitarium recently completed at Northville. The work on this place was started on March 3, 1920. The Sunday preceding representatives of John Finn & Son, general contractors, visited the site and laid out roughly where the commissary buildings were to be placed, the construction office and other buildings, such as the blacksmith shop, garage, cement shed, etc. By the middle of the same week two bunk houses and a temporary diningroom building were under roof and the first of the following week a crew of eighty men was on the job. Two weeks later the first concrete footings were poured and the excavations were well under way. The roofs on all the sani

Page  1186 1186 CITY OF DETROIT tarium. buildings were completed by Thanksgiving of 1920 and the entire sanitarium plant was substantially completed by May 1, 1921. The sanitarium plant will be totally completed, ready for full occupancy by early spring. The sanitarium will accommodate both adults and children, about three hundred adults the year around, one hundred children in winter and two hundred children in summer. Dr. A. H. Garvin is superintendent of the sanitarium. Although thirty-three children are already accommodated, to relieve overcrowding in Detroit, the full staff of the sanitarium will not be organized until the first of the year. Other hospitals of Detroit, in addition to those covered under the head of "Charitable Institutions," are: Children's Free Hospital, 5224 St. Antoine. Cottage Hospital, 54 Oak, Grosse Pointe. Detroit Eye, Ear, Nose and Throat Hospital, 62 W. Adams. Delray Industrial Hospital, 7125 W. Jefferson. Detroit Osteopathic Hospital, 188 Highland. Dunbar Memorial Hospital, 576 Frederick. Evangelical Deaconess Hospital, 3245 E. Jefferson. Fernwood Hospital, 3818 Northwestern. Grand River Hospital, 5964 Grand River. Highland Park General Hospital, Glendale Avenue. Hart Hospital, 2838 Trumbull. Lincoln Hospital, 1051 25th. Mercy Hospital, 668 Winder. Michigan Mutual Hospital, 1366 E. Jefferson. Roosevelt Memorial Hospital, 2920 Mt. Elliott. Providence Hospital, 2500 W. Grand Boulevard. St. Luke's Hospital, 228 Highland. Salvation Army Woman's Hospital, W. Grand Boulevard and W. Fort. Samaritan Hospital, Grand Boulevard and Milwaukee.

Page  1187 CHAPTER XLVIII DETROIT IN LITERATURE AND ART BY WILLIAM STOCKING DETROIT'S PLACE IN LITERATURE AND ART-THE FIRST HISTORIANS AND CHRONICLERS-THE FRENCH AND ENGLISH PERIODS-EARLY AMERICAN WRITERS -MEN WHO COMBINED STATESMANSHIP AND LITERATURE-MANY PASTORS WITH READY PENS-MODERN HISTORICAL PUBLICATIONS-DETROIT'S CONTRIBUTIONS TO POETRY AND FICTION-THE DETROIT INSTITUTE OF ARTITS HISTORY AND PROSPECTS-NOTES ON INDIVIDUAL ARTISTS. In the French dominions of North America every administrative official was a historian and every priest an annalist. The letters and dispatches of the commandants and the seventy-three volumes of the "Jesuit Relations" furnish the basis for much of the connected history that has been written about these regions. Some of the officials were also masters of a more finished literature, and Cadillac, the founder of Detroit, was in the latter class. He wrote memoirs on Acadia, a geographical term that was then applied to a long stretch of coast, and in these he described the coast and islands from Nova Scotia to New York. He wrote a memorandum on Michilimackinac, including accounts of the appearance, traditions and customs of the. Indian tribes of that post and beyond. Of the style of his writings Farmer's History says: "He was equally successful in describing the customs of the Indians, in suggesting means for outwitting the English, and in exposing the malice and intrigues of those who opposed him. His writings sparkled with bon mots and epigrammatic sentences, some of them remarkable for concentrated thought. His reasoning powers were of a high order and his arguments were clear, logical and forcible. His opinions were definite and expressed with clearness and precision. His writings abound in tropes, and proverbs dropped easily from his pen." Among the conspicuous figures that arrived in Detroit with the first British occupation in 1760 was Maj. Robert Rogers who took part in the turmoils here and at Mackinac, having been in command at the latter post for several years. He was a writer as well as a fighter, and was the author of "Rogers' Journal," "A Concise Account of North America," also a tragedy entitled "Pontiac." Col. Arent Schuyler De Peyster was in Detroit as commander of the post from 1779 to 1784. His correspondence, orders and reports are scattered through 300 pages of the Haldimand Papers in the Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections. He had a cultivated literary taste and was the writer of many poems and sonnets containing allusions to local scenes and events. Among other poems is one on "Red River, a song descriptive of canoeing or sleighing upon the ice in the post of Detroit in North America." Among his 1187

Page  1188 1188 CITY OF DETROIT humorous conceits were verses to "The Ghost of Old Cocosh (a pig). Shot by the Guard in the King's Naval Yard at Detroit." A portion of his verses were collected in a quarto volume of 277 pages, printed in Dumfries, Scotland, after De Peyster's return to that country. He was a personal friend of Robert Burns, and to him were addressed that poet's verses on "Life," the last lines that he wrote. EARLY AMERICAN WRITERS Many of the officials in the early days of the American occupation made contributions to literature aside from their official papers. The first of the judges who came here in 1805, Augustus Brevoort Woodward, was the author of "Epaminondas on the Government of the Territory of Columbia," a work on "The Substance of the Sun," published in 1809; "The System of Universal Science," published in 1816 and "The Presidency of the United States," published at New York in 1825. He was also the author of the extraordinary prospectus of the "Catholepistemiad or University of Michigania," with its didaxum or professorship on anthropoglassica, physiognostica and others: Pruned of its excrescences, this institution became the University of Michigan. Gabriel Richard, the priest of Ste. Anne's parish, brought the first printing press to the territory in 1809, and printed the first weekly newspaper. With a long look into the future he wrote a pamphlet urging that this country open trade with China. His carefully kept annals are among the dependable sources of information about that period. The memoirs of Gen. Lewis Cass on his journey of exploration were an important contribution to the general knowledge of the lake country, and the Indian tribes inhabiting it. His political letters and addresses were, of course, very numerous. He was a frequent contributor to the old North American Review. He also wrote "France, Its King, Court and Government," published in 1841, and a treatise on "The Right of Search," published in 1842. Henry R. Schoolcraft lived in Detroit in 1820 and again from 1836 to 1840. He accompanied General Cass on his explorations, made others on his own account, and was the chief student of Indian affairs of that period. He wrote six large volumes on "Archives of Aboriginal Knowledge" and ten or twelve other books on the Indian tribes. Charles C. Trowbridge, who accompanied General Cass as his private secretary, and who was active in Detroit affairs for over half a century wrote an interesting volume on "Detroit, Past and Present." Douglas Houghton, who was a resident of Detroit and twice its mayor, was the first to make a scientific study of the mineral wealth that underlies the Upper Peninsula, and was the author of a number of state and United States Geological reports. His reports hastened the development of the iron, copper and salt resources of the state. C. Edwards Lester, a great grandson of Jonathan Edwards, was a man of fine mental qualities and wide learning and was a prolific writer. In 1843 he published "The Condition and Fate of England," and three years later he issued an excellent work entitled "The Artists of America." His other works were: "The Light and Dark of the Rebellion" (1863); "The Glory and Shame of England" (1866); "Life of Charles Sumner," "Sam Houston and His Republic," "The Life and Voyages of Americus Vespucius," "The First Hundred Years in the Life of the United States," and many others.

Page  1189 CITY OF DETROIT 1189 William Woodbridge, who was successively territorial secretary, delegate to Congress, justice of the supreme court, governor and United States senator, made an industrious use of his pen in all these positions, and wrote a number of addresses outside of his official work. His residence in Detroit was for several years after 1825 the home of his father-in-law, John Trumbull, author of the long poem, "Me Fingal." Elkanah Watson, who was one of the promoters of the Erie Canal, wrote "Recollections of the Revolutionary War" and a "History of the Rise, Progress and Completion of the Western Canals of New York." Alpheus Felch, bank commissioner, supreme court justice, governor and United States senator made a few important contributions to state historical writing. In his message as governor in 1846 he gave an account of the whole internal improvement movement in Michigan. He also wrote an entertaining account of the wild cat banking craze, which was printed as a United States Senate document, and which was the basis of many subsequent accounts of that financial orgy. RELIGIOUS AND THEOLOGICAL LITERATURE Aside from their sermon writing the clergy of Detroit have been prolific contributors to religious literature. The itinerary of the Methodist Episcopal church naturally gave to leading clergymen of that denomination short pastorates in Detroit. The city has also been an inviting field for leading divines in other denominations. The following represents some of their principal contributions to book literature. William Aikman, for several years pastor of the Westminster Presbyterian Church, was the author of "The Future of the Colored Race in America," "Life at Home, or The Family and Its Members," "The Moral Power of the Sea" and several other works. Dr. Orestes A. Brownson, one of the most prominent lay writers in the Roman Catholic Church, spent the last years of his life in Detroit. He was the editor and publisher of Brownson's Quarterly Review, "Essays and Reviews," and other works, which were collected for publication in a series of volumes by his son Henry F. Brownson. Frederick Baraga, after whom one of the counties in the Upper Peninsula was named, lived in Detroit in 1854-5. He wrote a dictionary of the Ojibway language and several other Indian works. Rev. William E. Boardman, pastor here in 1851-2, was the author of a book on "The Higher Christian Life" that had wide circulation. Dr. Alfred Brunson, a veteran of the War of 1812, and an early Methodist pastor of Detroit, wrote "The Western Pioneer" and a "Key to the Apocalypse." Rev. J. M. Buckley, one of the leading Methodists in the country, had a pastorate at the Central Methodist Church. He wrote many controversial pamphlets and a number of books. Among them were "Supposed Miracles," "An Appeal to Persons of Sense and Reflection," "Oats and Wild Oats." Dr. J. H. Brown, at one time pastor of St. Peter's Church, wrote a volume of 320 pages on "The Pious Dead of the Medical Profession" and a shorter work on "New Treatment of Consumption." Rev. D. D. Bush, pastor of the Central Methodist Church, wrote a book of 300 pages on "The Christian Virtues Personified." Rev. Thomas Carter, pastor of the French Methodist Church, was the author

Page  1190 1190 CITY OF DETROIT of "The Great Reformation in England and Scotland," a volume of 373 pages, and of several minor works. Rev. George Duffield, for thirty years pastor of the First Presbyterian Church, was one of the most industrious of workers. While pastor of a church at Carlisle, Pennsylvania, he published an octavo of 615 pages on "Spiritual Life or Regeneration." A question as to the strict orthodoxy of this work led to the severing of that pastoral relation and a move to Detroit. During his pastorate here Doctor Duffield published half a dozen or more volumes, prominent among them being "Dissertations on the Prophecies" and "The Claims of Episcopal Bishops." In addition to his religious works Doctor Duffield wrote occasionally to the local papers on material interests of the city. Dr. Zachary Eddy, pastor of The First Congregational Church, wrote a volume of 750 pages on "Immanuel or The Life of Christ," and assisted in the compilation of two church hymnals. Rev. George Field, pastor of The New Church, wrote "Memoirs, Incidents and Romances of the Early History of the New Church," and three or four other books explaining the tenets of that order. Bishop Samuel S. Harris, of the Protestant Episcopal Church, was the author of "The Relation of Christianity to Civil Government," and Samuel A. McCoskry, an earlier bishop of the same church, published a volume on "The Episcopal Bishops, the Successors of the Apostles." Two of Detroit's clergymen laid especial emphasis in their writings on the temperance question. They were Rev. J. S. Smart, who wrote the "Funeral Sermon of the Maine Law," and Rev. George Taylor who wrote an account of the "Rumsellers' Indignation Meeting," and a poem on "The Satanic Agency in Drunkard Making." Rev. R. J. Laidlaw, pastor of the Jefferson Avenue Presbyterian Church, wrote a book on "Religion as It Was and Is." Rev. John Levington, pastor of the Simpson Methodist Church, was the author of three books entitled "Scripture Baptism," "Power with God and with Man," and "Watson's Theological Institutes Defended"; Rev. J. H. McCarthy of the Central Methodist wrote "Black Horse and Carry All," and "Inside the Gates," and Rev. E. H. Pilcher of the same church wrote a book on Protestantism in Michigan, with special reference to the history of the Methodist Church. Rev. L. P. Mercer published a volume on "The Bible, Its True Character and Spiritual Meaning," and Rev. James Nall one on "Practical Atheism Detected and Exposed." Rev. J. H. Potts, for a long time Editor of the Michigan Christian Advocate, was the author of "The Golden Dawn, or Light on the Great Future," and "Pastor and People or Methodism in the Field." Rev. W. H. Poole furnished a striking volume on "Anglo Israel, or the Saxon Race, the Lost Tribes of Israel," and one on "History the True Key to Prophecy." Bishop Edward Thomson of the Methodist Church published half a dozen books, among them "Evidences of Christianity," and "Moral and Religious Essays." Robert Turnbull, pastor of the First Baptist Church in 1836-7, wrote a number of works, among them "Pulpit Orators of France and Switzerland" and "Christ in History, and Rev. W. W. Washburn one on "The Import of Jewish Sacrifices."

Page  1191 CITY OF DETROIT 1191 Leonard Bacon, in later years one of the most noted of New England divines, also president of Yale University, was born in Detroit in 1802. One of the best known of his works was "The Genesis of the New England Churches." HISTORICAL PUBLICATIONS Histories of Detroit, and histories of Michigan in which Detroit occupies a prominent part, have been numerous. Known for its wide scope and wealth of detail is Silas Farmer's "History of Detroit and Michigan," 1884, 2 volumes, pp. 2,504. This covers every phase of Detroit life from the earliest date to the year of publication, and is a marvel of individual industry. Few cities in the country have so complete a historical record in a single publication. One of the earliest and one of the most quoted records is Mrs. SheldonStuart's "Early History of Michigan." Its interest is enhanced by the amount of personal reminiscence that is woven into it. Justice James V. Campbell published in 1876 "Outlines of the Political History of Michigan," a book of 600 pages which covers the ground in a very thorough and interesting manner. It was written by request in connection with the country's centennial celebration. "Landmarks of Detroit," edited by Robert B. Ross and George B. Catlin, and published by the Evening News Association in 1898, is one of the most voluminous of local compilations, making about 1,200 pages. Paul Leake's History of Detroit published in 1910, by the Lewis Publishing Company of Chicago, is another large compendium of facts about Detroit. Both these publications treat the subject topically rather than chronologically. The historical part of Mr. Leake's book is comprised in one volume of 403 pages, and there are two large volumes of biography besides. The historical publication of which this chapter is a part was issued in 1922 by The S. J. Clarke Publishing Company of Chicago. It was written in the years 1920 and 1921 under the editorial supervision of Mr. Clarence M. Burton, with some chapters and portions of others from the pen of Mr. William Stocking. The vast resources of the Burton Historical Collection, also the many articles by Mr. Burton relative to the early history of Detroit, were utilized in preparing this work. Charles Moore's "Northwest Under Three Flags," published by Harper Brothers in 1900, covers in a very graphic way the section of country of which Detroit and Michigan were a part. In the preparation of this work Mr. Moore had the advantage of access to documents which were not available for earlier writers Henry M. Utley of Detroit and General B. M. Cutcheon of Grand Rapids collaborated in a history of Michigan as a province, as a territory and as a state. It was published in four volumes in 1906 by the Michigan Publishing Society. Judge Charles I. Walker was more of a collector than author, but he prepared a number of historical addresses, and wrote a valuable monograph on "The Northwest During the Revolution." In 1879 William Stocking, in celebration of the twenty-fifth anniversary of the organization of the Republican Party, prepared an elaborate account of the convention at Jackson, Michigan, which founded and named the party, and of the events which led up to this action. This was printed in The Post and Tribune, and then in pamphlet, was expanded into several chapters of "The History of the Republican Party" which was published by William Livingstone Vol. 11-2 2

Page  1192 1192 CITY OF DETROIT in 1900 and was rewritten in still longer form for,"Under the Oaks," published by the Detroit Tribune in 1904. A valuable contribution to Michigan biography and history was "The Life of Zachariah Chandler," written in 1879 by members of the editorial staff of The Post and Tribune, and edited by Charles K. Backus, then the principal editor of that paper. Mr. Backus also compiled for several years "The Michigan Almanac," a very useful reference publication, and an equally useful pamphlet on "The Resources of Michigan." A book exceedingly popular among the old residents was Robert E. Robert's "Sketches and Reminiscences of the City of the Straits and Its Vicinity," published in 1884. Bela Hubbard's "Memories of Half a Century" appealed strangely to the same class of readers. Friend Palmer's "Detroit in 1849" belongs to the same class of publications. Mrs. Marie Godefroy Hamlin, a descendant of one of the oldest French families, struck a new vein in her "Legends of Le Detroit" a book of 317 pages, published by Thorndike Nourse in 1884. The book abounds in the mysterious and the supernatural as reflected in the minds of the Indians and the early French habitants. Henry A. Ford and his wife, Kate Brearly Ford, who lived in Detroit for several years, were joint authors of a number of city and county histories. The Wayne County Pioneer Society was organized April 21, 1871, with Levi Bishop as president and Stanley G. Wight, secretary. Out of this grew several other county societies, and eventually the State Pioneer and Historical Society. The publications of the latter comprise thirty-nine volumes of "Pioneer and Historical Collections," twenty numbers of the Michigan History Quarterly and a few other volumes. These volumes have rescued from oblivion the reminiscences of a host of pioneers and constitute a vast storehouse of historical material. POETRY AND FICTION The longest aboriginal poem written by a Detroiter was "Teuchsagrondie," written by Levi Bishop, a lawyer of local fame. The title is the Indian name of Detroit and the verse treats of the legendary and imaginary history of the place. Mr. Bishop also dropped occasionally into minor verse. One of his efforts gave expression to his emotions on meeting a bear; whereat J. Logan Chipmen produced some responsive verses giving the emotions of the bear on meeting Levi Bishop. Henry R. Schoolcraft, whose writings were mostly scientific, wrote some acceptable descriptive verse. His tribute to the white fish, "Choicest of all Fishes" is the one most often quoted. Judge James V. Campbell wrote a large number of household poems, which were intended first for family and friends. Some of them were printed in local publications, but they were never gathered in a volume. William K. Coyle had a volume of his poems in print, when the whole edition was destroyed by fire in 1853. It was again published in 1883. His address to the old French pear trees, written at the request of a friend in 1849 is the best known of his poems. Andrew Wanless, published in 1873 a volume, 180 pages, of miscellaneous verse, chiefly in the Scotch dialect. It was dedicated to the St. Andrews Society of which Mr. Wanless was a zealous member.

Page  1193 CITY OF DETROIT 1193 Lewis J. Bates, for a long time one of the editorial writers of the Daily Post, wrote many short poems, a collection of which was made in "Waifs and Their Authors." D. Bethune Duffield varied his legal pursuits with occasional verse writing, as well as with historical and political addresses. William H. Sexton published in 1908, a volume of 200 pages of verse, sentimental, humorous or religious; the book was entitled "Truth and Near Truth." A favorite for a good many years among verse makers was Will M. Carleton, author of numerous farm ballads. He was first known to the public as a contributor to the Detroit Advertiser and Tribune, and was attached to the staff of that paper for two or three years. The most prolific and versatile of modern verse makers in Detroit is Edgar A. Guest, "The poet of the home." He is a regular contributor to the Breakfast Table column of the Free Press, frequently furnishes verse for special public occasions, has appeared in public at Detroit and other cities, and has published two large volumes in book form. In modern fiction Detroit has had two conspicuous names. Robert Barr began his literary career in Detroit, and was for many years connected with the Free Press. He was the author of "From WhoSe Bourne," "In a Steamer Chair" and other strong stories. Mary Catherine Crowley wrote fascinating stories picturing the life of the early French inhabitants and their Indian neighbors. Another Detroiter who has won distinction in recent years by his works of fiction is Clarence Budington Kelland, formerly editor of The American Boy. Most of Mr. Kelland's work has been published serially prior to its issue in book form. Among earlier writers was Prof. Jacques Edward, who wrote a scientific novel of several hundred pages and a satirical story on "John Bull, Uncle Sam and Johnny Crepaud." Morgan E. Dowling was the author of a novel entitled "Southern Prisons, or the Heroine of Florence." In 1866 Harper Brothers published a story entitled "The Hidden Sin." It was written by Mrs. Bela Hubbard, but at her request this fact was not made public until after her death. General O. B. Wilcox was the author of a story entitled "Walter March," and J. Logan Chipman wrote "George Pemberton, or Love and Hate." Edward G. Holden, for many years an editorial writer of distinction, published in 1880 a political novel entitled "A Famous Victory." It was afterwards republished in several editions under the title "How He Reached the White House." Col. O. T. Beard, of The Post and Tribune staff, wrote a number of political and war stories as newspaper serials. One of them "Bristling with Thorns" had a large circulation in book form. Writers of fiction for Sunday School publications, the magazines and the local press have been too numerous to catalogue. MISCELLANEOUS PUBLICATION Of professional works, law and medical, Detroit has furnished its full proportion. Of works on geology the principal are the reports of Douglass Houghton, to

Page  1194 1194 CITY OF DETROIT which reference has already been made; reports written by his brother, Jacob Houghton on "The Geography, Topography and Geology of Lake Superior," 1846 and a report by Bela Hubbard and John Burt on "The Geology of the South Shore of Lake Superior." Mr. Burt also wrote an account of the origin of the solar compass. Among the prolific early writers was Ezra C. Seaman, who published in 1846, a book on "The Progress of Nations." He also wrote "Views of Nature" and a series of commentaries on the Constitution and Laws of the United States. Richard Storrs Willis published a number of musical works including "Church, Choral and Choir Studies," "Pen and Lute" and "Our Church Music." Gen. Alexander Macomb was the author of a military manual, "Macomb's Tactics," and Gen. Philip St. George Cooke, who lived in Detroit several years wrote, "Cavalry Tactics of the United States," "Scenes and Adventures in the United States Army," and "The Conquest of New Mexico and California." Two of Detroit's writers specialized in genealogies, Fred Carlisle, who made this a particular study, and Christian Denissen, priest of St. Charles Church, who traced the genealogies of a number of the old French families. Mrs. C. M. Kirkland, for a long time a teacher in the academy on the site of the present city hall, was the author of many published essays and sketches. Henry Gilman furnished to the Smithsonian Institution in 1877 a monograph on "The Mound Builders in Michigan." Giles B. Stebbins, who was a pioneer advocate of manual training in the public schools, furnished among numerous other publications a strong treatise on "Industrial Education." Among its numerous other writers Detroit furnished one dramatist of distinction, Bronson Howard, whose numerous plays found prominent place on the New York and London stage. PROMINENT DETROIT PAINTERS The earliest Detroit painter of whom we have record is J. O. Lewis, who lived in the city till 1827, and was a friend of Governor Cass. His most noted portrait was that of Black Hawk, the Indian chieftain, who was escorted on a visit to Washington by Lieutenant Jefferson Davis, and who stopped at the Biddle House, Detroit, on his return. The most industrious of Detroit artists was Alva Bradish who executed over 500 paintings. One of his portraits was a full length of Governor Cass, intended for the city hall, Detroit, and one of Douglass Houghton, which is now in the state capitol at Lansing. He also painted portraits of President Tappan of Michigan University, Washington Irving and Thurlow Weed. Charles Burnham's name appears modestly in the Detroit Directory as "draughtsman, 55 Franklin Street." He was a brother of George P. Burnham, one of the editors and publishers of the Evening Spectator. During his stay in Detroit he painted a picture which will hand down his name to future generations. It was a representation of the election of 1837 in this city, wherein Governor Mason and all notabilities of the city are represented in graphic and comic style. Leon Dabo, the "poet in color" and his brother, Theodore Scott Dabo, were born in Detroit of French parents and did their early work here. Leon left here at the age of sixteen. He did ecclesiastical decoration, and painted many

Page  1195 CITY OF DETROIT 1195 Hudson River scenes. Examples of the work of both these artists are in the the permanent collection at the institute. J. M. Stanley was born in Canandaigua, New York, in 1814, came to Detroit in 1834, and commenced painting portraits in 1835. He traveled extensively over the western prairies, and painted many of the leading warriors in full costume. One hundred and fifty-two of his Indian paintings were stored in the Smithsonian Institution at Washington, awaiting transfer to the United States Government, when they were destroyed by fire. He subsequently painted many others. One of the most famous, the Trial of Red Jacket, was exhibited in many cities through the country. Among Mr. Stanley's pupils were Robert Hopkin and Lewis T. Ives. Hopkin was born in Glasgow, Scotland in 1832 and came to Detroit with his parents eleven years later. He was educated in the public schools of this city, learned house painting and after that scene painting. He fitted the scenes to the stages of many of the leading theaters in the country. He then turned to marine painting in which he became one of the leading artists in the country. In November, 1907, there was an exhibition of seventy-five of Hopkin paintings all gathered from homes in Detroit. His "Setting the Range Lights," is in the permanent collection at the institute. Lewis T. Ives was a lawyer by profession and was in practice for several years as assistant attorney for the Grand Trunk Railway. He was assiduous in his devotion to painting in such leisure as he could get, and eventually devoted his whole time to that art. He was regarded as the best portrait painter of his time in Detroit, and put upon canvas a large number of the leading citizens of this part of the state. A room at the Art Institute is named after him. Percy Ives, son of Lewis T., was born in Detroit, June 5, 1864. He had the benefit of his father's instruction and advice and at the age of eighteen entered the Pennsylvania Academy of Fine Arts. In 1885 he spent six months traveling in Scotland, England, the Netherlands, Germany and Italy, and subsequently studied at the Academy Julien and The Ecole des Beaux Arts, Paris. Returning to Detroit, he succeeded his father as the most prominent portrait painter in Detroit. He was an instructor in the Art Museum and was one of the founders of the Society of Western Artists. His portrait of Sen. Thomas W. Palmer is in the senate chamber at Lansing. Francis P. Paulus was born in Detroit in 1862, studied at the Pennsylvania Academy of the Fine Arts and in Paris and Munich. He painted and taught art classes in this city for a number of years, and then took up his residence at Bruges. Belgian scenes have since been the principal objects of his brush. Miss Marie Perrault studied in the Detroit Art Museum, in Paris, The Hague and Brussels. She lived long in Holland and has painted many Dutch scenes. She is preeminently a painter of children. Julius Rolshoven is one of the best known of contemporaneous painters. He was born in Detroit in 1858, studied in Diisseldorf, Munich, and Paris, and has lived long in Florence. He has had art classes in three of these cities. He is a member of the Soci6et des Beaux Arts in Paris and has a long list of honors to his credit. He has been a frequent exhibitor at the Detroit Art Institute where one of his pictures, "The Refectory of San Daniamo," is in the permanent collection. Mr. Rolshoven's paintings in recent years have been mostly of the Indian and desert life in the Southwestern United States. He is a member of the Santa Fe colony of artists.

Page  1196 1196 CITY OF DETROIT Gari Melchers was born in Detroit in 1860 and at the age of seventeen went to Germany, studying first in Diisseldorf and afterwards in Paris. He settled in the north of Holland, and many of his paintings are of Dutch peasant scenes. He has received many honors from foreign societies, and has received much attention in the art magazines. Two of his pictures, "The Fencing Master," and "The Wedding," are in the permanent collection at the Detroit Art Institute, both presented by E. Chandler Walker. William B. Conely, one of Detroit's veteran artists, came to this city in 1868, after studying in the New York Academy, and devoted himself enthusiastically to his work. He opened one of the first art schools in the city and established the first life class. He achieved distinction in portraiture and paintings of still life. He painted the portrait of Richard Storrs Willis which he presented to the Detroit Art Institute in 1906. Joseph W. Gies, dean of Detroit artists, was born in Detroit. He was a pupil of Bougereau and Robert Fleury in Paris and studied also in Munich. Much of his work was done in Detroit, where also he has had art classes. At the 1912 exhibition in the Detroit Art Institute he entered eleven canvases. The portraits of Robert Hopkin and Donald G. Mitchell in the permanent collection are his work. Letitia Crapo Smith was born in Detroit and studied here with William M. Chase and Julius Rolshoven, and also at the Julien Academy, Paris. She has taken her subjects for painting in Holland, Brittany and Normandy. She had pictures hung on the line at the Paris Salon in 1901 and 1902, and these were both loaned to the Detroit Art Museum in 1907. Myron Barlow was born in Ionia, Michigan, but laid the foundation of his career by studies at the Detroit Art Museum. There were seven of his canvases at the exhibition in 1907. Irving R. Bacon was born in Detroit, and after studying three years in Europe returned to this city in 1909. He later made his residence in Munich, and remained there till this country entered the war. Animal painting is his special delight, and he has been a frequent exhibitor at the Detroit Art Institute.

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Page  1198 Alexander Chapoton Frederick Bates John Winder George Jerome OLD PORTRAITS OF PROMINENT DETROIT MEN

Page  1199 CHAPTER XLIX DETROIT MEN IN PUBLIC LIFE BY WILLIAM STOCKING DETROIT MEN IN PUBLIC LIFE-NEW ENGLAND'S CONTRIBUTIONS DURING THE FORMATIVE PERIOD-MEN WHO ESTABLISHED THE CHARACTER OF THE NEW COMMONWEALTH-DISTINGUISHED GOVERNORS AND EMINENT JUDGES-A LONG LINE OF UNITED STATES SENATORS FROM DETROIT-A FEW CABINET OFFICERS AND FOREIGN MINISTERS. Many of the activities of the Michigan men who were most prominent in public life are recounted in other chapters of this publication, but the men themselves may properly be grouped in this chapter. The most striking fact about the history of the state in its formative period is the great preponderance of men of New England birth. In 1823 when representative government first took form the governor, the territorial secretary, all four of the supreme court judges and more than half of the territorial council were from that section. The two men, Cass and Chandler, who were successively the dominant figures in Michigan politics from 1813 to 1879, were from one little corner of New Hampshire. Every New England state furnished Michigan with one or more governors and eleven United States senators had their birthplace in the same prolific area. The career of General Cass occupies first place in the early history of the state. He was born at Exeter, New Hampshire, October 9, 1782. He started for the Northwest Territory in 1801, crossed the Alleghany Mountains on foot, studied law in Marietta, Ohio, and practiced there and in Zanesville till 1812, when, as colonel of the Third Ohio Militia, he accompanied General Hull's army to Michigan. He was appointed governor of the territory in 1813, and held that office for eighteen years. As governor he promoted the security and expansion of the settlements in the Northwest by Indian treaties, made wide journeys of exploration, inaugurated a comprehensive system of territorial roads and promoted the adoption of representative government in territory, county and town. He was secretary of war in President Jackson's cabinet, 1831-6; minister to France, 1836-42; United States senator, 1845-8 and 1849-57; democratic candidate for president in 1848 and might have had the same honor in 1856 but declined it. He was secretary of state in President Buchanan's cabinet, 1857-60. He was chairman of an immense union meeting in Detroit, April 24, 1861. The last act of his public life was to appear on the platform at a recruiting meeting in Hillsdale, August 13, 1862, and lift his voice once more for the preservation of the Union. The most intimate associate of Governor Cass in territorial affairs was William Woodbridge, who was born in Norwich, Connecticut, August 20, 1780. He followed his father to Marietta, Ohio, in 1791, and lived alternately in 1199

Page  1200 1200 CITY OF DETROIT Connecticut and Ohio till 1806 when he was admitted to the bar ih the latter state. He was a member of the Ohio assembly and senate, and prosecuting attorney of his county. He came to Michigan in 1819 as territorial secretary and ex-officio collector of customs and was the first delegate in congress from the territory. He cooperated with Governor Cass in promoting local self government and in securing the territorial roads. He was presiding justice of the territorial supreme court from 1828 till 1832, and was elected governor in 1839, the only whig governor ever chosen in this old democratic state. He was elected United States senator in 1840 by vote of the democrats and a few whigs who had bolted their party nominee, J. Wright Gordon. It was this event, together with the succession of two other governors to the senatorship during that period which led to the adoption in the constitution of 1850 of a clause which made the governor ineligible to any office or appointment from the legislature. Intimately associated with these executive officers in moulding the character of the young commonwealth were the judges of the supreme court. When the executive, legislative and judicial departments were separated in 1823 this court was reorganized. James Witherell was appointed -chief justice; Solomon Sibley, John Hunt and James Duane Doty, associates. Judge Doty was assigned to remote parts of the territory. The other three were resident in Detroit, where they all took part in public affairs as well as performing their judicial duties. Judge Witherell had a varied career. He was born in Mansfield, Massachusetts, in 1759, enlisted as a private in the Revolutionary Army when sixteen years old and served through seven years of the war. He then settled in Connecticut, studied medicine, went to Vermont to practice, then took up the study of law, served on the bench, in the legislature and in Congress. In 1808 he was appointed one of the judges of Michigan territory and contributed to the unique history of the governor and judges' rule. When the War of 1812 broke out he took command of the local militia, known as the legion, as its colonel. He refused to surrender his command in compliance with the terms of Hull's capitulation, and told his men to disband and go home. He was, himself, taken prisoner and held till 1814 when he was paroled and returned to his judicial duties. His term as chief justice expired in 1828, when he became territorial secretary and continued in that office till the retirement of Governor Cass in 1831. Solomon Sibley was born in Sutton, Massachusetts, in 1769, and came to Detroit in 1797. Two years later he was elected to represent Wayne County in the general assembly of the Northwest Territory, and was largely instrumental in securing the act incorporating the town of Detroit in 1802. He was the first mayor after the town was incorporated as a city in 1806. He was auditor of the territory from 1814 to 1817, United States district attorney from 1815 to 1823, elected delegate in congress in 1821 and was a justice of the supreme court through four national administrations from 1824 to 1837. He was characterized as "one of the wisest and best men that ever lived in Michigan." The third supreme court justice, John Hunt, was a native of Massachusetts and came to Michigan in 1819. He was active in politics, especially in the exciting four cornered congressional campaign of 1823 when he was manager for Austin E. Wing, the successful candidate. He died in 1827 and was suc

Page  1201 Judge Benjamin F. H. Wetherell Henry Ledyard William C. Maybury Hon. Benjamin G. Stimson OLD PORTRAITS OF PROMINENT DETROIT MEN

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Page  1203 CITY OF DETROIT 1203 ceeded by Henry Chipman who was born in Vermont in 1784. He studied law and was admitted to the bar in that state, but practiced for twenty years in Charleston and Waynesborough, South Carolina, before coming to Detroit in 1824. He was, for three years, one of the publishers of the Michigan Herald. He was on the supreme court bench from 1827 to 1832, and was active in whig politics and in public affairs for thirty years after that. In 1832, for political reasons, President Jackson appointed George Morell and Ross Wilkins in place of Woodbridge and Chipman. From that time until Michigan was admitted as a state in 1837, the judges resident in Detroit were Chief Justice Morell, and Associates Sibley and Wilkins. Judge Morell is described as a man of very commanding presence. He was over six feet in height, well proportioned, with an erect and dignified carriage, a large Websterian head, prominent nose, blond complexion, grayish blue eyes, firm, well-shaped mouth and thick, curly iron gray hair. On the bench he wore a blue coat with brass buttons, buff vest, high collar, black satin stock -and ruffled shirt. He was punctilious in manner, but considerate to litigants. A contemporary account of Judge Wilkins describes him as "a remarkable man. He was about five feet ten inches in height, well proportioned, lithe and graceful, with long hair, expressive eyes, and a facial resemblance to Lord Byron. His motions and his intellect were both quick and his reasoning was clear and lucid. While reading and studying the evidence and papers before him he was always moving restlessly in his chair, and when he had finished he would rise and going to the back part of the court room, would fill and light his long pipe and smoke as he walked around, always paying the strictest attention to the proceedings. When a case was finished he always had his decision ready. Some of his charges will compare favorably with the best efforts of both American and British courts." It has been said that the Bar of Michigan during this period was hardly surpassed by that of any other portion of the Union. The judges of this court were all men of strong character and aside from their judicial position were prominent in moulding the institutions of the territory. When in 1857 the state supreme court was organized in entire separation from the circuit courts, James V. Campbell of this city, then only thirty-five years old, was one of the four judges elected. He was retained on the bench by subsequent reelection till his death in 1890. It was during his incumbency that under the "illustrious four," judges Campbell, Cooley, Christiancy and Graves, the court attained its highest rank, being regarded as one of the ablest courts in the country. In the modern period the justiceships of the supreme court have been well distributed through the state. Those from Detroit in addition to Judge Campbell have been John W. McGrath, William L. Carpenter and Flavius L. Brooke. Detroit has had only one justice of the United States supreme court, Henry B. Brown, who was district judge at Detroit from 1875 to 1890 and in the higher court from 1890 to 1909. One of the most versatile men who ever figured in Detroit affairs was John R. Williams, whose activities covered the whole period from 1812 to 1850. In the course of that long period he held military, judicial, civic and political positions, his roll call of offices figuring up to about twenty. He was best known as mayor of the city, which position he held from 1824 to 1830 and in 1844. He had been considered invincible when running for this position, but

Page  1204 1204 CITY OF DETROIT was beaten by Zach Chandler in 1850. He was colonel of militia in 1812, commander of Michigan troops in the Black Hawk war in 1832 and was adjutant general of Michigan from 1818 to 1829. He was associate justice of the county court in 1818. At other times he held such diverse positions as official auctioneer, county commissioner, trustee of the University of Michigan, member of the board of education and member of the city council. In business he was a merchant, one of the founders of the Free Press, president of one bank and a director in two. He was a good Catholic, but the parish priest offended him by persisting in abandoning his church to become a member of congress. Williams left the church and never afterward attended it. It required two parallel streets to perpetuate his name, John R Street and Williams Street, though the latter was afterwards changed to Witherell. THE ROSTER OF GOVERNORS The governors of Michigan resident in Detroit have been as follows: William Hull, 1805-1812; Lewis Cass, 1813-1831; George B. Porter, 1831 -1834; Stevens T. Mason (secretary and acting governor: he was the first elected governor after the formation of the state in 1835), 1834-1839; William Woodbridge, 1840; Henry P. Baldwin, 1869-1873; John J. Bagley, 1873-1877; Russell A. Alger, 1885-1887; Hazen S. Pingree, 1897-1901; Alexander J. Groesbeck, 1921-. George B. Porter was appointed governor to succeed Lewis Cass when the latter was called to a seat in President Jackson's cabinet. He belonged to a distinguished Pennsylvania family, living at Lancaster, and was the head of the "Lancaster Regency," a potent factor in Pennsylvania politics, the other members of which were James Buchanan, Benjamin Champneys and Rhea Frazer. Surprise was expressed at his leaving such an influential position in one of the old states to come to this remote territory. He may have seen possibilities of future preferment through helping to mould the territory into a state and in helping to secure its admission into the Union. His career here was short, ending with his death from cholera during the epidemic of 1834. Stevens T. Mason, the "Boy Governor," was appointed territorial secretary from Virginia. Before he was of age he filled that position and was also acting governor during a prolonged illness and absence from the state of Governor Porter. He was the last governor of the territory and the first governor of the state. He was an enthusiast for internal improvements, and it was during his administration that the state entered upon its unprofitable experiments in canal digging and railroad building. His full length figure in bronze on Capitol Square is one of the very few fine monuments erected in Detroit in memory of its public men. Among the distinguished governors of the early period was Alpheus Felch, whose home was in Ann Arbor, but whose official duties in various positions kept him much in Detroit. He was born in Limerick, Maine, in 1805, came to Michigan in 1832, was a member of the first state legislature in 1835 and was reelected for the next two succeeding terms. He was one of only four members who voted against the general banking law, was one of the first bank examiners and was chiefly instrumental in breaking up the wildcat banks; was chosen auditor general in 1842, was a judge of the supreme court 1843-5, and was elected governor in the latter year. After serving fourteen months in this office he was elected to the United States senate. He was afterwards chairman

Page  1205 William Woodbridge John J. Bagley Henry P. Baldwin Hazen S. Pingree OLD PORTRAITS OF PROMINENT DETROIT MEN

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Page  1207 CITY OF DETROIT 1207 of the'commission to adjust Spanish and Mexican war claims in California. In 1879 he was appointed Tappan law professor in the University of Michigan and retained that position until old age compelled his retirement. The gubernatorial campaign of 1852, the last campaign before the whig party went to pieces, brought into rivalry two men whose paths crossed or coincided in after years. Robert McClelland was the democratic candidate and won. He served his term as governor and was afterward secretaryof the interior in President Pierce's cabinet. The whig candidate was Zachariah Chandler, of Detroit, and the free democratic, or free soil, as it was more commonly called, was Isaac P. Christiancy of the nearby town of Monroe. Two years later Christiancy was among the most active of the free soil leaders in bringing that organization into the union which formed the republican party. Chandler was equally prominent in advocating the same line of action for the whigs. In 1875 Chandler was nominated for a fourth election to the United States senate, but Christiancy was elected by a combination of democrats with a few bolting republicans. But senatorial duties were distasteful to him and in the latter part of 1878 he resigned to accept the position of ambassador to Peru, when Chandler was again elected to the senate. Mr. Christiancy's chief fame was not gained in the senate nor in the diplomatic service, but as one of the distinguished four who constituted the Michigan supreme court during its best days. Henry P. Baldwin's services as senator in the legislature of 1861 paved the way for his subsequent promotions. He was chairman of the finance committee in the senate and his wide acquaintanceship and high reputation were of immense value in negotiating the loans needed for the state's participation in the war. As governor and subsequently as United States senator he was an industrious and prudent official. John J. Bagley, before his nomination for governor, had served acceptably in the Detroit common council. He was the prime mover in securing legislation creating the metropolitan police department of Detroit and was on the first board of police commissioners. The distinctive feature of his administration as governor was the watchful care and development of the state educational and reformatory institutions. Hazen S. Pingree's energetic and progressive administration as mayor of Detroit opened the way to the governorship. A remodeling of the state assessment and taxation system was the most conspicuous result of his accession to the latter position. THE SENATORIAL LIST The United States senators resident in Detroit have been as follows: Lucius Lyon, 1836-1840; John Norvell, 1835-1841; Augustus S. Porter, 1840-1845; William Woodbridge, 1841-1847; Lewis Cass, 1845-1848, 1849-1857; Zachariah Chandler, 1857-1875, 1879; Jacob M. Howard, 1861-1871; Henry P. Baldwin, 1879-1881; Thomas W. Palmer, 1883-1889; James McMillan, 1889-1902; Russell A. Alger, 1902-1907. The activities of Senators Woodbridge and Cass, and the earlier services of Senator Chandler have been fairly well covered in other paragraphs of this publication. There were two notable incidents of Chandler's last term. In the closing hours of the Forty-fifth Congress a bill for pensioning soldiers in the Mexican war was pending. On a motion to exclude Jefferson Davis from the Vol. II-23

Page  1208 1208 CITY OF DETROIT benefits of any pension bill there were many eulogies of the former Confederate chieftain which called out from Senator Chandler a remonstrance commencing with the sentences: "Twenty-two years ago to-morrow, in the old Hall of the Senate, now occupied by the Supreme Court of the United States, I, in company with Mr. Jefferson Davis stood up and swore before Almighty God that I would support the Constitution of the United States. During four years I sat in this body with Mr. Jefferson Davis and saw the preparations going on for the overthrow of this Government. With treason in his heart and perjury upon his lips he took the oath to sustain the Government that he meant to overthrow." The speech was widely published and found a place in school declamations. The state campaigns of 1879 turned largely on the money question and Mr. Chandler was in great demand. He had not been popular with the Massachusetts politicians. He was not up to their standard of culture and he had been opposed to the civil service reform movement. He was greatly pleased that in combatting financial heresy cultured Boston should send an urgent request to the rough Westerner to "come over into Macedonia and help us." One of the best of his hard money speeches was made in Chicago on the night before his sudden death, November 1, 1879. Among the distinguished statesmen that figured in Michigan affairs during and after the Civil war, period was Sen. Jacob M. Howard. He was born at Shaftesbury, Vermont, July 10, 1805, graduated at Williams College in 1830, studied law at Ware, Massachusetts, and came to Detroit in July, 1832, and speedily took high rank at the bar. He was elected to the legislature in 1840, was active in promoting the Mass Convention at Jackson in 1854, and was chairman of the committee that gave to the new party its platform and name. He was nominated for attorney-general against his wish and served three terms in that office. In 1862 he was elected to the United States senate to fill the vacancy occasioned by the death of Kinsley S. Bingham, and was reelected for the full term in 1865. He was considered one of the best constitutional lawyers on the judiciary committee of that very able body, and was the author of the fifteenth amendment to the Constitution which is inscribed on his monument in Elmwood cemetery. During a large portion of the time which James McMillan was in the senate he was chairman of the committee on the District of Columbia which is the governing body of the city of Washington. He was largely instrumental in developing plans for the improvement of the city and for restoring, as far as possible, the original design made by L'Enfant under President Washington's direction. Although Russell A. Alger had been active in Michigan politics from the time of his first residence in Detroit in 1866, he did not appear in official life until 1884. He was a delegate to the republican national convention and the same fall was elected governor. In the national convention of 1888 he was, through thirteen ballots for president, third in the list. He was secretary of war in President McKinley's cabinet in 1897-9, and was elected to the senate in 1902. Up to 1873 Wayne County was in congressional districts with other counties. It was then for forty years a district by itself and since 1913 Detroit alone has had two members of the lower house. About a dozen members all told have been residents of this city. The member who reached the highest national reputation was William A Howard, who represented the district in the

Page  1209 : 7: r 7 Russell A. Alger Thomas W. Palmer James McMillan Zachariah Chandler OLD PORTRAITS OF PROMINENT DETROIT MEN

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Page  1211 CITY OF DETROIT 1211 Thirty-fourth, Thirty-fifth and Thirty-sixth congresses. He was one of the most effective stump speakers in the country. In Congress he headed the committee to investigate affairs in Kansas, and his report on this subject did more than almost any other one document to crystalize anti-slavery sentiment and make the election of Lincoln possible. Mr. Howard was a delegate at large to the republican national convention in Cincinnati in 1876, and was mainly instrumental in turning the Michigan delegation from Blaine to Hayes at a critical moment. CABINET MEMBERS AND FOREIGN MINISTERS Residents of Detroit have been members of presidents' cabinets as follows: Lewis Cass, secretary of war, 1831-6; secretary of state, 1857-61; Zachariah Chandler, secretary of the interior, October 19, 1875 to March 4, 1877; Don M. Dickinson, postmaster-general, December 6, 1887 to March 4, 1889; Russell A. Alger, secretary of war, March 6, 1897 to August 1, 1899; Truman H. Newberry, secretary of the navy, 1908 to March 5, 1909. Edwin Denby, a sketch of whom is presented in another volume of this work, was appointed secretary of the navy under the Harding administration in 1920. Three of these cabinet officers held numerous political positions as noted on other pages of this publication. Mr. Dickinson never held any elective office in city or state, though serving on local commissions and trusteeships. He was a brilliant lawyer, and one of the most active and prominent democratic leaders in the state, and the representative of Michigan on the national committee of that party. Mr. Newberry is a prominent Detroit manufacturer, was one of the organizers of the Michigan Naval Brigade in 1893, was in the naval service throughout the Spanish-American war, was both assistant secretary and secretary of the navy and was elected United States senator in November, 1918. Five residents of Detroit have represented the country at foreign courts: Lewis Cass, minister to France, 1836-42; Lewis Cass, Jr., minister to Rome, 1852-60; George V. N. Lothrop, minister to Russia, 1885-89; Thomas W. Palmer, minister to Spain, 1889-91; William E. Quinby, minister to the Netherlands, 1893-97. They were all eminently fitted by temperament and education for the diplomatic service. In 1921 Charles B. Warren, of Detroit, was appointed amabssador to the Japanese Empire and, with his family, sailed for his post in the early part of September. (A biographical sketch of Charles B. Warren may be found in another volume of this work.) General Cass was, at the time of his appointment, one of the leading men in public life in the whole country, a French scholar and an authority on international affairs. Lewis Cass, Jr., was the son of Gov. Lewis Cass; he died in Paris about 1879. Mr. Lothrop was a democrat during the long period of republican ascendancy in Michigan and therefore did not reach official preferment at home, though he was the candidate of his party for the highest political and judicial positions. He served on many local commissions and committees. He was at the head of the Detroit Bar and an eloquent and polished orator. Mr. Quinby was at the head of the leading democratic paper in the state, and was prominent in the party councils. Senator Palmer had lived in Spain during his student days and was familiar with the language.

Page  1212 PART VII RELIGIOUS HISTORY CHAPTER L EARLY HISTORY OF CHURCHES THE FIRST CHURCH IN DETROIT-FATHER GABRIEL RICHARD AND HIS WORKOTHER EARLY CATHOLIC PARISHES-A VIEW FROM THE YEAR 1849-PROTESTANT CHURCH BEGINNINGS-THE MORAVIANS-MIGRATION OF CHURCHES. The history of the church in Detroit begins with the history of Cadillac's village in 1701. Commencing with the little church of Ste. Anne, the religious development of Detroit has kept pace with its growth from a palisaded village to the fourth city in the United States, with over four hundred church parishes. In conjunction with nearly every subject treated in this history, pertaining to the early history of Detroit, there has been traced the history of early Catholicism, so any lengthy description in this connection would be merely repetition. The Catholic Church supplied one of the most unique and interesting figures of Detroit's history, that of Father Gabriel Richard. There have been several sketches of the life of Rev. Gabriel Richard, but no extended biography has ever been printed. The largest and most comprehensive biographical sketch is that prepared by Narcisse Eutrope Dionere, printed in French and never translated. Another sketch by James A. Girardin is in Volume I, Michigan Pioneer and Historical Collections, page 481. In all of these sketches it may be noted that the conflict between Catholicism and Protestantism is displayed. There is a constant effort on the part of the Catholic writers to extol the virtues of the priest and laud his work for the church, at the same time to ignore the peculiarities of his private character. On the other hand, the Protestant writers; likewise ignoring, or being ignorant of his private character, extol his workings for education and give him an occasional sly dig for his love of his church. It is evident that no one who has written concerning him has take