maize 13545967.0001.001 in

    Notes

    Introduction

    1. Laurel Thatcher Ulrich, Well-Behaved Women Seldom Make History (New York: Knopf, 2007).

    2. Nelson Lichtenstein, A Contest of Ideas: Capital, Politics, and Labor (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2013), 29–30.

    3. Lee Marks, “Students on Diag Debate ‘U’ Faculty Suspensions,” Michigan Daily, May 14, 1954.

    4. Doris Lessing, “A Small Personal Voice,” in Declaration, ed. Tom Maschler (London: MacGibbon and Kee, 1957), 185–201; Iris Murdoch, “A House of Theory,” in Conviction, ed. Norman MacKenzie (London: MacGibbon and Kee, 1958), 230; E. P. Thompson, “At the Point of Decay” and “Revolution,” in Out of Apathy, ed. E. P. Thompson (London: New Left Books, 1960), 3–15, 287–308.

    5. Dick Flacks, personal communication to the author, March 7, 2014.

    6. Paul Potter, quoted in James Miller, “Democracy is in the Streets”: From Port Huron to the Siege of Chicago (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1987), 232.

    7. Michael Löwy, The Marxism of Che Guevara (New York: Monthly Review Press, 1973); Potter, quoted in Miller, “Democracy,” 232.

    Prologue

    1. Port Huron Statement, reprinted in Tom Hayden, The Port Huron Statement: The Visionary Call of the 1960s Revolution (New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 2005), 45.

    2. Ibid.

    3. Juan Gonzales, well known today for Democracy Now! and his columns in the New York Daily News, is a brilliant historian of our immigrant history. Less known is the fact that he was an SDS leader at Columbia University before joining up with the Young Lords Party in the late 1960s.

    4. “A holy time” is the phrase of Sandra Cason (a.k.a. Casey Hayden), my wife at the time, who cast a vast charismatic spell over the early SDS and SNCC workers.

    Convention Document #1

    1. William Faulkner, “On Privacy (The American Dream: What Happened to It?),” Harper’s, July 1955, 34.

    2. “Things are in the saddle” is a line in Ralph Waldo Emerson’s “Ode, Inscribed to W. H. Channing,” in Stephen Whicher, ed., Selections from Ralph Waldo Emerson (Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1960), 440.

    3. Iris Murdoch, “A House of Theory,” in Conviction, ed. Norman MacKenzie (London: MacGibbon and Kee, 1958), 227.

    4. Ibid., 228.

    5. C. Wright Mills, Causes of World War III (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1958), 130.

    Convention Document #2

    1. Quotation of the American satirist H. L. Mencken (1880–1956), Notes on Democracy (New York: Octagon Books, 1926), 148; reprinted in Andrew M. Scott, Political Thought in America (New York: Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1960), 485.

    2. Sheldon Wolin, Politics and Vision: Continuity and Innovation in Western Political Thought (Boston: Little, Brown, 1960), 389.

    3. Scott, Political Thought in America, 475.

    4. In his 1911 book, Political Parties: A Sociological Study of the Oligarchical Tendencies of Modern Democracy, trans. Eden and Cedar Paul (Glencoe, IL: Free Press, 1949), German sociologist Robert Michels (1876–1936) declared his “iron law of oligarchy,” claiming that even revolutionary socialist parties inevitably fall under bureaucratic leaderships whose interest in organizational survival leads the party to collaborate with the political status quo.

    5. Wolin, Politics and Vision, 353.

    6. A. A. Berle, The 20th Century Capitalist Revolution (New York: Harcourt, 1954), 182–83. Berle (1895–1971), coauthor with Gardiner C. Means of The Modern Corporation and Private Property (New York: Macmillan, 1933), was a prominent Democratic Party liberal who belonged to Franklin Roosevelt’s “Brain Trust” and headed President John Kennedy’s task force on Latin American Affairs.

    7. Philip Selznick, The Organizational Weapon: A Study of Bolshevik Strategy and Tactics (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1952), 284, 291. In the 1950s, Selznick (1919–2010), a Berkeley sociologist and one-time socialist, became a prominent organizational theorist and critic of authoritarian practices in Communist parties.

    8. Herbert Blumer, “Collective Behavior,” in New Outline of the Principles of Sociology, ed. A. M. Lee (New York: Barnes and Noble, 1946), quoted in Daniel Bell, The End of Ideology: On the Exhaustion of Political Ideas in the Fifties, rev. ed. (New York: Free Press, 1962), 23.

    9. The phrase derived from José Ortega y Gasset’s 1930 book The Revolt of the Masses, which criticized the conversion of the modern democratic idea of popular sovereignty into the “sovereignty of the unqualified individual, of the [generic] human being as such,” as opposed to highly motivated individuals who sense they are “special” and thus different from “the mass.” See Ortega y Gasset, The Revolt of the Masses (New York: Norton, 1932), 23. In The End of Ideology, Daniel Bell presents Ortega’s phrase as “judgment by the incompetent.” Bell, End of Ideology, 23.

    10. Selznick, Organizational Weapon, 277.

    11. Erich Fromm, May Man Prevail? An Inquiry into the Facts and Fictions of Foreign Policy (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1961), 234–35. Fromm (1900–1980) was a German-born émigré social psychologist in the United States and member of the Socialist Party of America in the 1950s, known for his 1961 book advocating “Marxist humanism,” Marx’s Concept of Man (New York: Frederick Ungar, 1961), and his advocacy of nuclear disarmament with the organization SANE (National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy), formed in 1957 and winning the support of Martin Luther King Jr. in 1958.

    RE: manifesto

    1. Michael Harrington (1928–89), prominent young socialist, renowned for his book The Other America: Poverty in the United States (New York: Macmillan, 1962), and informal “adviser” to SDS in its first years. He represented the parent group, League for Industrial Democracy, at the Port Huron meeting and criticized SDSers for their “anti-anticommunism.”

    2. “Realignment” was the political program promoted by Harrington and Harrington’s mentor in the Socialist Party, Max Shachtman. It sought to exclude the segregationist “Dixiecrats” from the Democratic Party, their traditional home, which would then enable the Democrats to fully represent the labor movement. As a result, US politics would be “realigned” along a clear divide—a determined reform party on the center-left, expected to be the majority party (Democrats), versus a conservative party on the center-right (Republicans).

    3. See C. Wright Mills, Causes of World War III (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1958), 81–89.

    4. Erich Fromm (1900–1980), social psychologist and Socialist Party member who had a prominent public profile and influence in liberal circles, particularly through his work with SANE, the National Committee for a Sane Nuclear Policy.

    5. C. Wright Mills (1916–62), sociologist known for his self-consciously radical critique of the “power elite” in the United States, who had influence on both the British and US New Lefts; he suffered a fatal heart attack on March 20, 1962.

    6. Father Charles Coughlin (1891–1979), Roman Catholic priest in Royal Oak, Michigan, and radio preacher of the 1930s, known for assailing the New Deal in “populist,” anti-Semitic, and quasi-fascist terms.

    7. Dean Rusk (1909–94), secretary of state under presidents John F. Kennedy and Lyndon B. Johnson, 1961–69.

    8. Reinhold Niebuhr (1892–1971), Protestant theologian known for “neoorthodox” theology emphasizing the reality of human evil and his related doctrine of political “realism”; he was a left-wing socialist in the 1930s and a prominent public advocate of liberal anticommunism during and after World War II.

    9. Nicolas de Condorcet (1743–94), French philosopher of rational progress in human betterment, a moderate republican in the French Revolution.

    10. Southeast Asia Treaty Organization (1954–77), Cold War military alliance initiated and maintained by the United States.

    11. National Executive Committee of SDS.

    12. Erich Fromm wrote “The Case for Unilateral Disarmament,” Daedalus 89 (Fall 1960): 1015–28, which was, however, not a pacifist call for complete nuclear disarmament by the United States (without awaiting international negotiation) but rather a proposal for “graduated . . . unilateral initiative in taking practical steps towards disarmament.”

    13. Speaking at Westminster College in Fulton, Missouri, March 5, 1946, former British prime minister Winston Churchill helped define Cold War politics when he declared that an “iron curtain” divided Soviet-dominated Eastern Europe from the West.

    14. US Arms Control and Disarmament Agency, established in 1961.

    15. A lawsuit begun in the Tennessee county including Memphis claimed that failure to redraw legislative districts according to federal censuses gave undue political power to depopulated rural areas. The suit led to the landmark Supreme Court decision Baker v. Carr (1962), which opened state apportionment to federal court scrutiny; subsequently, the Supreme Court’s Reynolds v. Sims (1964) mandated redistricting on the principle of “one person, one vote.”

    16. European Common Market, formed in 1957.

    17. January 21, 1962, meeting of the Organization of American States (OAS) in Uruguay, where the United States secured a measure excluding Cuba from OAS representation.

    18. Referring to the Congressional Record, a ten-day filibuster in March 1962 by southern senators that delayed passage of a constitutional amendment banning poll taxes as a requirement for voting, later ratified as the Twenty-Fourth Amendment in 1964. Senator Thomas J. Dodd (Democrat, Connecticut) was one of a few northern senators who cooperated with southern Democrats in maintaining the filibuster to block passage of the poll tax ban. He spoke on irrelevant matters of judicial salaries and the United Nations.

    19. A public debate over the effects of automation as a new stage of mechanization and labor-saving technology was at its height in the early 1960s. Tom Hayden signed a 1964 statement known as the Triple Revolution Manifesto, warning that automation could either lighten labor and reduce the work week for all—or result in mass unemployment. See Stephen Ward’s chapter in this volume, “An Ending and a Beginning: James Boggs, C. L. R. James, and The American Revolution.

    20. According to some radical critics beginning in the 1940s, a “permanent war economy” derived from a need of the capitalist economy to check tendencies toward depression by maintaining high government expenditures on arms. Although first coined in 1944, the phrase in later use implied that the US government sustained the Cold War for reasons of economic stability.

    21. Joseph S. Clark Jr. (1901–90), a liberal supporter of civil rights from Pennsylvania, and James Eastland (1904–86), a Mississippi segregationist, were both Democratic senators. Senator Jacob Javits (1904–86) of New York was long known as a liberal Republican.

    22. Universal Military Training (UMT), the name given to the peacetime military conscription system, from 1951 to 1967, by an act of Congress.

    23. CD, or Civil Defense, is the government-mandated measures preparing for nuclear war—from air raid drills to fallout shelters—that peace activists assailed for encouraging the false notion that civilians could survive a battle of nuclear arms.

    Part I

    1. Casey Hayden and Mary King, “Sex and Caste: A Kind of Memo” (1965), reprinted in Timothy Patrick McCarthy and John McMillian, eds., The Radical Reader (New York: New Press, 2003), 417–20.

    Chapter 1: A Call, Again

    1. Port Huron Statement, reprinted in Tom Hayden, The Port Huron Statement: The Visionary Call of the 1960s Revolution (New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 2005), 169.

    2. Mark Rudd, Underground: My Life with SDS and the Weatherman (New York: Harper, 2010).

    3. David Gilbert, Robert Gottlieb, and Gerry Tenney, “Port Authority Statement,” in Revolutionary Youth & the New Working Class: The Praxis Papers, the Port Authority Statement, the RYM Documents and Other Lost Writings of SDS, ed. Carl Davidson (Pittsburgh: Changemaker Publications, 2011), 52–127.

    Chapter 2: Experiencing the Sixties at the Intersection of SDS and SNCC

    1. IF I HAD A HAMMER (The Hammer Song), words and music by Lee Hays and Pete Seeger, TRO-© copyright 1958 (renewed), 1962 (renewed) Ludlow Music, Inc., New York, New York. International copyright secured. Made in U.S.A. All rights reserved including public performance for profit. Used by permission.

    2. I did not enter these professions, but two of my sons did become doctors employed at the University of Michigan Medical System and the third became a practicing attorney.

    Chapter 3: Returning to Ann Arbor

    1. Constance Curry et al., Deep in Our Hearts: Nine White Women in the Freedom Movement (Athens: University of Georgia Press, 2000); Faith S. Holsaert et al., eds., Hands on the Freedom Plough: Personal Accounts by Women in SNCC (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2012); Tom Hayden, Inspiring Participatory Democracy: Student Movements from Port Huron to Today (Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers, 2012).

    2. Casey Hayden, “The Movement,” Witness 2, nos. 2–3 (Summer/Fall 1988): 244–48.

    3. Casey Hayden, “Port Huron: A Template of Hope,” in Inspiring Participatory Democracy: Student Movements from Port Huron to Today, ed. Tom Hayden (Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers, 2012).

    Chapter 4: Many Inheritances . . . One Legacy

    1. Pope Leo XIII, Rerum Novarum (1891), published as Rerum Novarum: Encyclical Letter of Pope Leo XIII on the Condition of Labor (New York: Paulist Press, 1940).

    2. Port Huron Statement, reprinted in Tom Hayden, The Port Huron Statement: The Visionary Call of the 1960s Revolution (New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 2005), 52, 53.

    3. Tom Hayden, Reunion: A Memoir (New York: Random House, 1988), 96.

    4. Port Huron Statement, 53.

    Chapter 5: Reflections on SDS and the 1960s Movements for Social Justice

    1. Wilhelm Reich, Where’s the Truth?: Letters and Journals, 1948–57 (New York: Farrar, Straus, and Giroux, 2012), 17.

    Chapter 7: The Evolution of a Radical’s Consciousness

    1. Port Huron Statement, reprinted in Tom Hayden, The Port Huron Statement: The Visionary Call of the 1960s Revolution (New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 2005), 51.

    2. “IONS Directory Profile, Biography, Edgar D. Mitchell,” Institute of Noetic Sciences, accessed May 18, 2014, [formerly http://noetic.org/directory/person/edgar-mitchell].

    3. Port Huron Statement, 51.

    Chapter 8: Port Huron: Where’s the Labor Section?

    1. Port Huron Statement, reprinted in Tom Hayden, The Port Huron Statement: The Visionary Call of the 1960s Revolution (New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 2005), 45.

    Chapter 10: Democracy, Labor, and Globalization

    1. SLID was the distant offspring of a 1905 organization—the Intercollegiate Socialist Society—started by prominent intellectuals including the novelists Upton Sinclair and Jack London and the great lawyer Clarence Darrow. In the course of its historical evolution it had become the student group of the social-democratic League for Industrial Democracy (LID).

    2. A. Javier Trevino, “Influence of C. Wright Mills on Students for a Democratic Society: An Interview with Bob Ross,” Humanity & Society 22, no. 3 (1998): 260–77; Robert J. S. Ross, “At the Center and Edge: Notes on a Life In and Out of Sociology and the New Left,” Critical Sociology 15, no. 2 (1988): 79–93.

    3. Maurice Isserman, The Other American: The Life of Michael Harrington (New York: Public Affairs, 2000), 105–74.

    4. Richard Rothstein, “Representative Democracy and SDS,” in Toward a History of the New Left: Essays from within the Movement, ed. R. David Myers (New York: Carlson, 1989), 49–62.

    5. Port Huron Statement, reprinted in Tom Hayden, The Port Huron Statement: The Visionary Call of the 1960s Revolution (New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 2005), 85.

    6. Ibid., 82.

    7. Immanuel Ness and Dario Azzellini, eds., Ours to Master and to Own: Workers’ Control from the Commune to the Present (Chicago: Haymarket, 2011).

    8. “America and the New Era,” Students for a Democratic Society, 1963, http://archive.lib.msu.edu/DMC/AmRad/americanewera.pdf.

    9. Dick Flacks was the lead drafter of “America and the New Era” with, according to Kirkpatrick Sale, “considerable help from the theoretical apparatchik: Booth, Haber, Hayden, Ross,” SDS (New York: Vintage, 1973), 90, http://www.antiauthoritarian.net/sds_wuo/sds_documents/sds_kirkpatrick_sale.pdf.

    10. Robert J. Ross, “Primary Groups in Social Movements: A Memoir and Interpretation,” Journal of Voluntary Action Research 6, nos. 3–4 (1977): 139–52.

    11. John Kenneth Galbraith, American Capitalism: The Concept of Countervailing Power (Piscataway, NJ: Transaction Books, 1993).

    12. Port Huron Statement, 168.

    13. Peter B. Levy, The New Left and Labor in The 1960s (Champaign: University of Illinois Press, 1994).

    Chapter 11: Lefts Old and New

    1. Saul D. Alinsky, Reveille for Radicals (1946; repr., New York: Vintage, 1969), 184.

    2. Wilhelm Reich, Listen, Little Man (1948; repr., Harmondsworth: Penguin, 1975), 38.

    3. Henry F. May, “The End of American Radicalism,” American Quarterly 2, no. 4 (Winter 1950): 291–302.

    4. Staughton Lynd, Living Inside Our Hope (Ithaca, NY: ILR Press, 1997), 67.

    Chapter 12: Of Little Rocks and Levittowns

    1. Port Huron Statement, reprinted in Tom Hayden, The Port Huron Statement: The Visionary Call of the 1960s Revolution (New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 2005), 45.

    2. Kirkpatrick Sale, SDS (New York: Random House, 1973), 50.

    3. Jo Freeman, At Berkeley in the Sixties: The Making of an Activist (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2003), 34.

    4. Port Huron Statement, 114–15.

    5. For two exceptions to this trend, see Wini Breines, Young, White and Miserable: Growing Up Female in the Fifties (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2001), and Mark D. Naison, White Boy: A Memoir (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2002).

    6. Thomas J. Sugrue, Sweet Land of Liberty: The Forgotten Struggle for Civil Rights in the North (New York: Random House, 2008), 222–28.

    7. Ibid., 200–212.

    8. Matthew J. Countryman, Up South: Civil Rights and Black Power in Philadelphia (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006), 53.

    9. Sugrue, Sweet Land of Liberty, 170–99; Mary Jo Frank, A History of the Desegregation of the Ann Arbor Public Schools, 1954–76 (Ann Arbor: Program for Educational Opportunity, School of Education, University of Michigan, 1976); Jim Schutze, “Race Story,” in When Race Becomes Real: Black and White Writers Confront their Personal Histories, ed. Bernestine Singley (Chicago: Lawrence Hill Books, 2002), 3–20.

    10. The Philadelphia Commission on Human Relations, “Annual Report, 1960,” Commission on Human Relations papers, box 148, folder 1, Philadelphia Municipal Archives.

    11. Sugrue, Sweet Land of Liberty, 130–62.

    12. Peter Countryman, “Autobiographical Sketch,” n.d., 27, in author’s possession. Countryman is the author’s father.

    13. On CORE’s campus chapters, see Freeman, At Berkeley in the Sixties, 87–107, and Naison, White Boy, 38–49. On the NSA Liberal Caucus, see Tom Hayden, Reunion: A Memoir (New York: Random House, 1988), 36–42, 50–52. On the Free Speech Movement, see W. J. Rorabaugh, Berkeley at War: The 1960s (New York: Oxford University Press, 1990), and Robert Cohen and Reginald E. Zelnick, eds., The Free Speech Movement: Reflections on Berkeley in the 1960s (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002). On NSM, see D’Army Bailey with Roger Eason, The Education of a Black Radical: A Southern Civil Rights Activist’s Journey, 1959–1964 (Baton Rouge: Louisiana State University Press, 2009), 156–58, 179–208, and Wesley Hogan, Many Minds, One Heart: SNCC’s Dream for a New America (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009), 100, 111, 135–37.

    14. Breines, Young, White and Miserable, 1–24.

    15. Hayden, Reunion, 14.

    16. David M. P. Freund, Colored Property: State Policy and White Racial Politics in Suburban America (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2010), 243.

    17. Hayden, Reunion, 6–16; “Expert Report of James D. Anderson,” Gratz, in The Compelling Need for Diversity in Higher Education: Gratz, et al. vs. Bollinger, et al., no. 97-75231 (E.D. Mich.): Grutter, et al. v. Bollinger, et al., no. 97-75928 (E.D. Mich.).”

    18. Freeman, At Berkeley in the Sixties, 2–6, 69.

    19. Countryman, “Autobiographical Sketch,” 26–27.

    20. Ibid., 27–28.

    21. Mario Savio, “Thirty Years Later: Reflections on the FSM,” in Cohen and Zelnick, eds., The Free Speech Movement, 58.

    22. Todd Gitlin, The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage (New York: Bantam Books, 1987), 1–77.

    23. James Miller, “Democracy is in the Streets”: From Port Huron to the Siege of Chicago (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1987), 31–33; Sharon Jeffrey Lehrer, “The Evolution of a Radical’s Consciousness: Living an Authentic Life,” in this volume.

    24. Bettina F. Aptheker, Intimate Politics: How I Grew Up Red, Fought for Free Speech, and Became a Feminist Rebel (Berkeley: Seal Press, 2011), 33–86; Margot Adler, Heretic’s Heart: A Journey Through Spirit & Revolution (Boston: Beacon Press, 1997), 1–67.

    25. Marilyn Lowen, “I Knew I Wasn’t White, but in America What Was I?,” in Hands on the Freedom Plow: Personal Accounts by Women in SNCC, ed. Faith S. Holsaert et al. (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2010), 540–52.

    26. Naison, White Boy, 31–32, 45–46.

    27. Ibid.,14.

    28. Ibid., 46–47.

    29. Krystal D. Frazier, “Till They Come Back Home: Transregional Families and the Politicization of the Till Generation,” in Freedom Rights: New Perspectives on the Civil Rights Movement, ed. Danielle McGuire and John Dittmer (Lexington: The University of Kentucky Press, 2011), 137–62; David Halberstam, The Children (New York: Fawcett Books, 1999), 135–45; Cheryl Lynn Greenberg, A Circle of Trust: Remembering SNCC (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1998), 45; Stokely Carmichael with Ekwueme Michael Thelwell, Ready for Revolution: The Life and Struggles of Stokely Carmichael (Kwame Ture) (New York: Scribner, 2003); Prathia Hall, “Freedom-Faith,” in Holsaert et al., 172–80; James Forman, The Making of Black Revolutionaries (Seattle: University of Washington Press, 1997); Robert P. Moses and Charles E. Cobb Jr., Radical Equations: Civil Rights from Mississippi to the Algebra Project (Boston: Beacon Press, 2002); Martha Prescod Noonan, “Captured by the Movement,” in Holsaert et al., Hands on the Freedom Plow, 483–503.

    30. Susan Sward, “Carolyn Craven, Reporter for KQED’s Newsroom,” SFGate, November 22, 2000, http://www.sfgate.com/news/article/Carolyn-Craven-Reporter-For-KQED-s-Newsroom-2695415.php; Phil Hutchings, interview by Joseph Mosnier, Library of Congress, September 1, 2011, http://www.loc.gov/item/afc2010039_crhp0042.

    31. William L. Strickland, “Remembering Malcolm: A Personal Critique of Manning Marable’s Non-Definitive Biography of Malcolm X,” Black Commentator, October 13, 2011.

    32. “About Representative Byron Rushing,” Health Disparities Council, http://www.mass.gov/hdc/about-representative-byron-rushing.html; Joan Countryman, interview with Matthew Countryman, March 16, 1994; Joan Cannady Countryman is the author’s mother; Charyn Sutton, interview with Matthew Countryman, March 5, 1994; John Churchville, interview with Matthew Countryman, February 16, 1994; Carl Wilmsen, “The Civil Rights Movement and Expanding the Boundaries of Environmental Justice in the San Francisco Bay Area, 1960–1999: Oral History Transcript,” 2003, Regional Oral History Office, University of California, archive.org/stream/civilrightsmove00carlrich/civilrightsmove00carlrich_djvu.txt; Mike Heichman, “Chuck Turner’s Story—Chapter 1: A Lifetime of Service,” Green Mass Group, July 1, 2011, http://www.greenmassgroup.com/diary/599/chuck-turners-storychapter-1-a-lifetime-of-service.

    33. Charyn Sutton, interview.

    34. Joan Countryman, interview.

    35. Carmichael, Ready for Revolution, 60–109.

    36. Charyn Sutton, interview; Joan Countryman, interview; Phil Hutchings, interview.

    37. Carmichael, Ready for Revolution, 100–101.

    38. Countryman, Up South, 181, 188.

    39. Freeman, At Berkeley in the Sixties, 63–102; Wilmsen “The Civil Rights Movement and Expanding the Boundaries”; Waldo Martin, “Holding One Another: Mario Savio and the Freedom Struggle in Mississippi and Berkeley,” in The Free Speech Movement: Reflections on Berkeley in the 1960s, ed. Robert Cohen and Reginald E. Zelnick (Berkeley, CA: University of California Press, 2002), 83–103; Terry H. Anderson, The Pursuit of Fairness: A History of Affirmative Action (New York: Oxford University Press, 2004), 76.

    40. Heichman, “Chuck Turner’s Story—Chapter 1”; Paul Lyons, The People of this Generation: The Rise and Fall of the New Left in Philadelphia (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2003).

    41. Jennifer Frost, “An Interracial Movement of the Poor”: Community Organizing and the New Left in the 1960s (New York: New York University Press, 2001), 71–173.

    Chapter 13: The Lightning Bolt That Sparked the Port Huron Statement

    1. James B. McKee, Sociology and the Race Problem: The Failure of a Perspective (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993).

    2. Gunnar Myrdal with the assistance of Richard Sterner and Arnold Rose, An American Dilemma: The Negro Problem and Modern Democracy (New York: Harper and Brothers, 1944), xxxiii.

    3. Lawrence Bobo, “Reclaiming A Du Boisian Perspective On Racial Attitudes,” The Annals of the American Academy of Political and Social Science 568, no. 1 (March 2000): 186–202.

    4. See Martha Prescod Noonan’s chapter, “Experiencing the Sixties at the Intersection of SDS and SNCC,” in this volume.

    5. W. E. B. Du Bois, Black Reconstruction In America, 1860–1880 (New York: Harcourt, Brace and Company, 1935).

    6. Ralph Ellison, Invisible Man, 2nd ed. (New York: Vintage International, 1995), 3.

    7. C. Wright Mills, The Sociological Imagination (London: Oxford University Press, 1959), 5–6.

    8. Stanley Aronowitz, “On Tom Hayden’s Radical Nomad,” in Radical Nomad: C Wright Mills and His Times, Tom Hayden (Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers, 2006), 25.

    9. Dick Flacks, “C. Wright Mills, Tom Hayden, and the New Left,” in Hayden, Radical Nomad, 1–20.

    10. Aldon Morris, Origins of the Civil Rights Movement: Black Communities Organizing for Change (New York: Free Press, 1984); Belinda Robnett, How Long? How Long?: African American Women in the Struggle for Civil Rights (Oxford University Press, 1997).

    11. Aldon Morris, “Black Southern Student Sit-In Movement: An Analysis of Internal Organization,” American Sociological Review 46, no. 6 (1981): 744–67.

    12. Tom Hayden, Reunion (New York: Random House, 1988), 39.

    13. Ibid., 41.

    14. Tom Hayden, “The Rise of White Power,” The Peace & Justice Resource Center (blog), June 18, 2014, http://tomhayden.com/home/the-rise-of-white-power.html.

    15. Ibid.

    16. Hayden, Reunion, 35–36.

    17. Ibid., 39–40.

    18. Ibid., 62.

    19. Ibid., 63.

    20. Ibid., 55.

    21. Sara Evans, Personal Politics (New York: Vintage Books, 1980); Jo Freeman, “On the Origins of the Women’s Liberation Movement from a Strictly Personal Perspective,” in The Feminist Memoir Project, ed. Rachel Blau DuPlessis and Ann Snitow (New York: Three Rivers Press, 1998).

    22. Hayden, Reunion, 56.

    23. Jo Freeman, “On the Origins of the Women’s Liberation Movement from a Strictly Personal Perspective,” 1995, http://www.jofreeman.com/aboutjo/persorg.htm (this is an extended version of the essay that appeared in The Feminist Memoir Project).

    24. Evans, Personal Politics, 100.

    25. Hayden, Reunion, 54.

    26. “Statement of Purpose,” Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee, Spring 1960, wps.prenhall.com/wps/media/objects/173/177665/28_state.HTM.

    27. Hayden, Reunion, 44.

    28. Port Huron Statement, reprinted in Tom Hayden, The Port Huron Statement: The Visionary Call of the 1960s Revolution (New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 2005), 45.

    29. Ibid., 152.

    30. “Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee Founding Statement,” The Sixties Project, 1993, http://www2.iath.virginia.edu/sixties/HTML_docs/Resources/Primary/Manifestos/SNCC_founding.html.

    31. Martin Luther King Jr., “Loving Your Enemies” (sermon, Dexter Avenue Baptist Church, November 17, 1957), http://mlk-kpp01.stanford.edu/index.php/encyclopedia/documentsentry/doc_loving_your_enemies.

    32. Port Huron Statement, 53.

    33. Ibid., 53.

    34. Ibid., 55.

    35. Ibid., 53.

    36. Carol Mueller, “Ella Baker and the Origins of ‘Participatory Democracy,’” in Women in the Civil Rights Movement: Trailblazers and Torchbearers, 1941–1965, ed. Vicki L. Crawford, Anne Rouse, and Barbara Woods (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1990), 53.

    37. Hayden, Reunion, 44.

    38. Port Huron Statement, 45.

    39. Ibid., 111.

    40. Ibid.

    41. Ibid.

    42. W. E. B. Du Bois, The Souls of Black Folk (Chicago: A. C. McClurg and Company, 1903).

    43. Port Huron Statement, 112.

    44. Ibid.

    Chapter 14: A New Left Philosophical Itinerary

    1. Ronald Aronson, After Marxism (New York: Guilford Press, 1995), 12–13.

    2. Ronald Aronson, “Dear Herbert: A Letter to Herbert Marcuse,” Radical America 4, no. 3 (1970): 3–18.

    3. Jean-Paul Sartre, Being and Nothingness (1956; repr., New York: Washington Square Press, 1992), 703.

    4. Ronald Aronson, introduction to Jean-Paul Sartre, We Have Only This Life to Live: The Selected Essays of Jean-Paul Sartre 1939–1975, ed. Ronald Aronson and Adrian van den Hoven (New York: New York Review Editions, 2013), vii–xxiv.

    5. Jean-Paul Sartre, Sartre on Cuba (New York: Ballantine, 1961), 7.

    6. Sartre, “The Wretched of the Earth,” in Sartre, We Have Only This Life to Live, 393.

    7. Sartre, “The Wretched of the Earth,” 397.

    8. Albert Camus, The Myth of Sisyphus (New York: Vintage 1991), 121.

    9. Ronald Aronson, Camus and Sartre: The Story of a Friendship and the Quarrel That Ended It (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2006), 52.

    10. Albert Camus, The Plague (New York: Vintage, 1948), 232–33.

    11. Albert Camus, “Neither Victims nor Executioners,” originally published in Combat in 1946; English translation published in Politics 4 (July–August 1947): 141–45.

    12. Jean-Paul Sartre, What Is Literature? (1965; repr., New York: Washington Square Press, 1960), 283–84.

    13. Paul Berman, Terror and Liberalism (New York: Norton, 2003).

    14. “Sartre and Terror,” Terror Symposium, North American Sartre Society, Loyola University in New Orleans, March 2002; accessed February 2, 2015, http://www.is.wayne.edu/raronson/Articles/Terror%20Symposium.pdf.

    Chapter 15: Participatory Art as Participatory Democracy

    1. John Dewey, Art as Experience, ed. Jo Ann Boydston (Carbondale: Southern Illinois University Press, 1989), 352.

    2. Ibid., 110.

    3. Tom Hayden, The Port Huron Statement: The Visionary Call of the 1960s Revolution (New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 2005), 53.

    4. Todd Gitlin, The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage (New York: Bantam Books, 1993), 85.

    5. Norman O. Brown, Life Against Death: The Psychoanalytical Meaning of History, 2nd ed. (Hanover: University Press of New England, 1985), 64.

    6. Kathryn Mills and Pamela Mills, eds., C. Wright Mills: Letters and Autobiographical Writings (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2000), 112.

    7. C. Wright Mills, The Sociological Imagination (New York: Oxford University Press, 1959), 214.

    8. Ibid.

    9. Port Huron Statement, 47.

    10. Ibid., 9.

    11. Jack Kerouac, Good Blonde and Others (San Francisco: Grey Fox Press, 1993), 81, 74.

    12. Tom Hayden, Rebel: A Personal History of the 1960s (Los Angeles: Red Hen Press, 2003), 16.

    13. Harold Rosenberg, The Tradition of the New (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1965), 33.

    14. Ibid., 27.

    15. On high modernism, see Robert Genter, Late Modernism: Art, Culture, and Politics in Cold War America (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2010).

    16. Kerouac, Good Blonde, 74.

    17. Port Huron Statement, 59.

    18. Ibid.

    19. Gitlin, The Sixties, 134.

    20. Port Huron Statement, 51.

    21. Ibid., 52.

    22. Ibid.

    23. Ibid.

    24. Ibid., 32.

    25. James Miller, “Democracy is in the Streets”: From Port Huron to the Siege of Chicago (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1987), 143–46.

    26. Quoted in Kay Larson, Where the Heart Beats: John Cage, Zen Buddhism, and the Inner Life of Artists (New York: Penguin Press, 2012), 194.

    27. John Cage, For the Birds: John Cage in Conversation with Daniel Charles (Boston: Marion Boyars, 1981), 80.

    28. Port Huron Statement, 7.

    29. Dewey, Art as Experience, 9.

    30. Joseph Jacobs, “Crashing New York à la John Cage,” in Off Limits: Rutgers University and the Avant-Garde, 1957–1963, ed. Joan Marter (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1999): 65–99.

    31. Allan Kaprow, Essays on the Blurring of Art and Life, ed. Jeff Kelley (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 6.

    32. Ibid., 7.

    33. Richard Kostelanetz, The Theatre of Mixed-Means (New York: RK Editions, 1980), 3.

    34. Kaprow, Essays, 21.

    35. Owen F. Smith, Fluxus: The History of an Attitude (San Diego: San Diego State University Press, 1998).

    36. Quoted in Thomas Kellein, The Dream of Fluxus (London: Edition Hansjörg Mayer, 2007), 72.

    37. Ibid.

    38. Quoted in Smith, Fluxus, 165.

    39. Port Huron Statement, 8.

    40. Quoted in Kostelanetz, Theatre of Mixed-Means, 130.

    41. Port Huron Statement, 5.

    42. Gitlin, The Sixties, 123.

    43. Ibid., 213.

    44. Miller, “Democracy is in the Streets,” 253.

    45. Bradford D. Martin, The Theater Is in the Streets: Politics and Performance in Sixties America (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2004).

    46. Hannah Higgins, Fluxus Experience (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002).

    47. Claire Bishop, Artificial Hells: Participatory Art and the Politics of Spectatorship (New York: Verso, 2012); Carla Blumenkranz et al., eds., Occupy!: Scenes from Occupied America (New York: Verso, 2011).

    48. Port Huron Statement, 48.

    Chapter 16: Facing the Abyss

    1. Port Huron Statement, reprinted in Tom Hayden, The Port Huron Statement: The Visionary Call of the 1960s Revolution (New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 2005), 47.

    2. Leon Festinger, Henry W. Riecken, and Stanley Schachter, When Prophecy Fails: A Social and Psychological Study of a Modern Group that Predicted the Destruction of the World (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1956).

    3. Port Huron Statement, 63.

    4. Walter Sullivan, “Babies Surveyed for Strontium 90,” New York Times, November 25, 1961. The second paragraph consisted of an on-the-other-hand qualification: “However, the radioactive material that is absorbed becomes a lifelong component of the teeth and skeleton.”

    5. The information in this paragraph is derived from a PBS documentary, The Man Who Saved the World, MPEG video, 53:10, from Secrets of the Dead television series, Bedlam Productions, October 23, 2012, http://www.pbs.org/wnet/secrets/episodes/the-man-who-saved-the-world-watch-the-full-episode/905, and Martin Sherwin, “The Cuban Missile Crisis Revisited: Nuclear Deterrence? Good Luck!” Cornerstone, July 16, 2012, http://cornerstone.gmu.edu/articles/4198.

    6. Jean-Paul Sartre, foreword to Aden, Arabie, by Paul Nizan, trans. Joan Pinkham (1960; repr., New York: Monthly Review Press, 1968), 28.

    7. John F. Kennedy, “American University Commencement Address,” American Rhetoric Top 100 Speeches, June 10, 1963, http://www.americanrhetoric.com/speeches/jfkamericanuniversityaddress.html.

    8. Ron Rosenbaum, How the End Begins: The Road to a Nuclear World War III (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2012), 53.

    9. Todd Gitlin, “How to Reverse a Slow-Motion Apocalypse,” TomDispatch, November 21, 2013, http://www.tomdispatch.com/post/175775.

    10. C. Wright Mills, The Causes of World War III (New York: Ballantine, 1959), 89ff.

    11. Albert Camus, The Myth of Sisyphus and Other Essays, trans. Justin O’Brien (New York: Vintage, 1955), 119ff.

    Chapter 17: Beyond Port Huron

    * This chapter appeared in a different form in Alan Wald, “The Audacity of American Trotskyism: The Indiana ‘Subversion’ Case Fifty Years Later,” Against the Current, July-August 2013. Reprinted with permission.

    1. This chapter is dedicated to Ralph Levitt, who taught me how to think politically and historically. Some of the aspects of the events of October 24, 1962, and subsequent defense case are in dispute. A somewhat different version of this chapter was published as “The Audacity of American Trotskyism: The Indiana ‘Subversion’ Case Fifty Years Later,” Against the Current no. 165 (July–August 2013): 27–31. It contains several footnotes of details and documentation cut by the editors of this volume for reasons of space. We are grateful for permission to reprint.

    2. “Thousands of Students Smash Cuba Sympathizers’ Protest at I. U.,” Indianapolis Star, October 25, 1962, 1, 17.

    3. Francesca Poletta, Freedom Is an Endless Meeting: Democracy in American Social Movements (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2004), 123–24.

    4. The Young Socialist Alliance (1960–92), was a revolutionary socialist youth organization in solidarity with the Trotskyist SWP. The Fair Play for Cuba Committee (1960–63), was established by members of the SWP and others to mobilize support for Cuba in the face of US efforts to suppress the revolution.

    5. To my knowledge, only two books have substantially discussed the case in recent decades: Mary Ann Wynkoop, Dissent in the Heartland (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002), 13–18; Barry Sheppard, The Party: A Political Memoir, vol. 1 (Chippendale, Australia: Resistance Books, 2005), 86–92. Both are accurate about the events, with Wynkoop focusing principally on the impact on the university and Sheppard providing excellent firsthand details about the stages of the legal process and his own activities in the defense campaign.

    6. This is a famous quotation from E. P. Thompson, The Making of the English Working Class (London: Gollancz, 1963), 12. Others who assisted in providing various information for this chapter, including all the Bloomington Three, are cited in various footnotes. I especially wish to acknowledge Jeff Mackler, National Secretary of Socialist Action; Michael Tormey, a retired transit worker who was assigned to the Boston office of CABS; George Shriver, a translator; Barry Sheppard, author of several books about the SWP; the late Gerry Foley (a pseudonym for Gerry Paul), a Marxist journalist and member of Socialist Action at the time of his death; and the late Don Smith, a Chicago public school teacher who was a member of Workers World Party at the time of his death.

    7. Ralph Levitt, personal communication, e-mail to author, May 28, 2000.

    8. Little public information is available about McRae beyond his role in the Bloomington Case. He came from Pennsylvania and attended law school at Pennsylvania State University. In the fall of 1962 he ran on the SWP ticket for attorney general of New York, when he listed his occupation as a compositor. While National Organizational Secretary of the YSA, he participated in civil rights and Fair Play for Cuba Committee activities. Although he was widely admired for talent and leadership skills, his name disappeared from all available records of the SWP a year or so after the case was launched. Paulann Sheets (formerly Paulann Groninger) believes that attorney Louis Boudin subsequently uncovered evidence that McRae was an FBI informer, but this has not been confirmed by actual documentation and such allegations, spread sometimes by the FBI itself, must be treated cautiously. Paulann Sheets, personal communication, e-mail to author, June 12, 2013.

    9. References to the sexual orientation of individuals in the pre-Stonewall era can be a tricky and often thankless task, but the historian who remains silent on such matters only contributes to an erasure of the gay and lesbian presence in the far left, which is much more significant than has been acknowledged. One of the two individuals, Gerry Paul, was not present at the demonstration, having transferred to the University of Wisconsin, but is credited with creating the fighting spirit of the Bloomington YSA. What is known about his intimate life is only a long-term partnership in his later years with a male companion named Pete who described the relation as a gay one. Jeff Mackler, personal communication, e-mail to author, June 21, 2012. The other, Leonard Boudin, head of the defense team for the Bloomington Three, was a legendary womanizer who had a passionate sexual relationship with anarchist Paul Goodman, according to the research in Susan Braudy, Family Circle: The Boudins and the Aristocracy of the Left (New York: Knopf, 2003). Therefore, the description “gay or bisexual” seems apt, although several former Bloomington YSA members object to this. Details about the personal lives of many of the other actors are simply not known.

    10. Some of the information comes from George Shriver, “On Gerry Foley’s Death Today” (personal communication, e-mail to SA-News at yahoogroups.com, April 12, 2012). See also the excellent obituary by Jeff Mackler, “Gerry Foley: A Life Dedicated to the Socialist Revolution,” International Viewpoint, May 2, 2102, http://internationalviewpoint.org/spip.php?article2597.

    11. Gerry Foley, personal communication, e-mail to author, June 4, 2000.

    12. Ralph Levitt, personal communication, e-mail to author, May 26, 2000.

    13. Ibid.

    14. George Shriver, personal communication, e-mail to author, April 22, 2013.

    15. These reminiscences, along with many additional (and fascinating) details, appear as a commentary in an early version of this chapter, Alan Wald, “The Indiana ‘Subversion’ Case 50 Years Later,” solidarity-us.org/site/node/3936.

    16. Ralph Levit, personal communication, e-mail to author, May 26, 2000.

    17. Ibid.

    18. This is from Frost’s 1915 poem, “A Servant to Servants,” although the exact meaning has been disputed.

    19. This claim was based on information that during the winter of 1962, YSA and YPSL members brought canned goods and groceries to striking coal miners in Harland County, Kentucky; on one occasion, shots were fired at Jack Marsh, Jim Bingham, and Charlie Leinenweber. Tom Morgan, personal communication, e-mail to author, April 12, 2013.

    20. Gregory Hildebrand, personal communication, e-mail to author, September 19, 2013.

    21. Ibid.

    22. John Crowley, personal communication, e-mail to author, December 7, 2013. The footage of the demonstration may exist in an archive of Bird.

    23. Tom Morgan, personal communication, e-mail to author, April 13, 2013.

    24. Todd Gitlin, personal communication, e-mail to author, September 13, 2013.

    25. Tom Hayden, personal communication, e-mail to author, December 14, 2013.

    26. Richard Flacks, personal communication, e-mail to author, December 13, 2013.

    27. James Bingham, personal communication, e-mail to author, April 13, 2013; Barry Sheppard, personal communication, e-mail to author, May 23, 2002.

    28. Ralph Levitt, personal communication, e-mail to author, May 26, 2000.

    29. This is based on a recollection of Don Smith, telephone interview by author, July 22, 2000. In addition, Levitt stated in an e-mail to the author on May 23, 2013, “I recall that we were warned against holding the demonstration. This would probably have been a phone call since the matter was urgent and pressing.” However, in an email to the author on May 23, 2013, Sheppard states that he has no recollection of any such warnings.

    Part III

    1. Naomi Klein, “Reclaiming the Commons,” in A Movement of Movements: Is Another World Really Possible?, ed. Tom Mertes (London: Verso, 2004), 220.

    Chapter 18: Refugees from the Fifties

    1. Quoted in Ruth Rosen, The World Split Open: How the Modern Women’s Movement Changed America (New York: Viking Penguin, 2000), vi.

    2. Sheryl Burt Ruzek, The Women’s Health Movement: Feminist Alternatives to Medical Control (New York: Praeger, 1978), 52–57.

    3. Elaine Brown, A Taste of Power (New York: Pantheon Books, 1992), 367.

    Chapter 19: The Empire at Home

    1. Port Huron Statement, reprinted in Tom Hayden, The Port Huron Statement: The Visionary Call of the 1960s Revolution (New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 2005), 46.

    2. Vincenzo Petrullo, Puerto Rican Paradox (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 1947), offered the first use of this term. For an excellent orientation to the legal and constitutional framing of this contradiction, see Christina Duffy Burnett and Burke Marshall, eds., Foreign in a Domestic Sense: Puerto Rico, American Expansion, and the Constitution (Durham: Duke University Press, 2001).

    3. Margaret Power, “The Puerto Rican Nationalist Party, Transnational Latin American Solidarity, and the United States during the Cold War,” in Human Rights and Transnational Solidarity in Cold War America, ed. Jessica Stites Mor (Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 2013): 21–47; Miñi Seijo Bruno, La Insurrección Nacionalista en Puerto Rico, 1950 (San Juan: Editorial Edil, 1989); David Helfeld, “Discrimination for Political Beliefs and Associations,” Revista del Colegio de Abogados de Puerto Rico 25, no. 1 (1964): 5; Stephen Hunter and John Bainbridge, American Gunfight: The Plot to Kill Harry Truman—and the Shoot-Out That Stopped It (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2005); Irene Vilar, A Message from God in the Atomic Age: A Memoir (New York: Pantheon Books, 1996); Federico Ribes Tovar, Lolita Lebrón: La Prisionera (New York: Plus Ultra Educational, 1974). The argument in this chapter rests on the expanded analysis of Cold War era debates about Puerto Rico’s status in Andrea Friedman, Citizenship in Cold War America: The National Security State and the Possibilities of Dissent (Amherst: University of Massachusetts Press, 2014).

    4. Ramón Bosque-Pérez and José Javier Colón Morera, eds., Puerto Rico Under Colonial Rule: Political Persecution and the Quest for Human Rights (Albany: State University of New York Press, 2006); Helfeld, “Discrimination”; Carlos Rodríguez Fraticelli, “US Solidarity with Puerto Rico: Rockwell Kent, 1937,” in Colonial Dilemma: Critical Perspectives on Contemporary Puerto Rico, ed. Edwin Meléndez and Edgardo Meléndez (Boston: South End Press, 1993), 189–98.

    5. Paul R. Dekar, Creating the Beloved Community: A Journey with the Fellowship of Reconciliation (Telford, PA: Cascadia Publishing, 2005), 97–100; Richard G. Fox, “Passage from India,” in Between Resistance and Revolution: Cultural Politics and Social Protest, ed. Richard G. Fox and Orin Starn (New Brunswick: Rutgers University Press, 1997), 65–82; Joseph Kip Kosek, Acts of Conscience: Christian Nonviolence and Modern American Democracy (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009), 183–86; James Farmer, Lay Bare the Heart: An Autobiography of the Civil Rights Movement (Fort Worth: Texas Christian University Press, 2013), 149–52; Conrad Lynn, There Is a Fountain: The Autobiography of a Civil Rights Lawyer (Westport, CT: Lawrence Hill and Company, 1979), 85–91.

    6. Reynolds Oral History, folders 1 and 2, box 45, Ruth M. Reynolds Papers, Archives of the Puerto Rican Diaspora, Centro de Estudios Puertorriqueños, Hunter College, City University of New York; [illeg.] to The Socialist Party of New York, January 23, 1944, folder 7, box 22, Reynold Papers.

    7. Reynolds Oral History, folder 3, box 45, Reynolds Papers.

    8. Pearl S. Buck to Dear Friend, March 22, 1945, folder 5, box 18, Reynolds Papers; “Statement of Position of The American League for Puerto Rico’s Independence,” folder 4, ibid.; “For Immediate Release,” July 21, 1945, ibid.; Jay Holmes Smith and Ruth M. Reynolds to President Truman, September 5, 1945, Government-Status-Independence-For-General Folder, box 863, RG 126, National Archives and Records Administration, College Park (NARAII).

    9. Ruth M. Reynolds, Campus in Bondage: A 1948 Microcosm of Puerto Rico in Bondage, Carlos Rodríguez Fraticelli and Blanca Vázquez Erazo, eds. (New York: Centro de Estudios Puertorriqueños, 1989), 286–87.

    10. James L. Dietz, Economic History of Puerto Rico: Institutional Change and Capitalist Development (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986); César J. Ayala and Rafael Bernabe, Puerto Rico in the American Century (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 2009), esp. 179–200.

    11. Since 1917, Puerto Ricans had been empowered to elect a bicameral legislature, but its actions were subject to approval by federal authorities. They also had (and still have) a nonvoting Resident Commissioner intended to represent their interests to the US House of Representatives. Of course, they have never had any rights to vote in national elections.

    12. “Statement by Dr. Fernos-Isern,” Department of State Bulletin, December 7, 1953, 802; Kathleen McLaughlin, “India Disputes US over Puerto Rico,” New York Times, September 2, 1953. On mid-century reforms in Puerto Rico, see Surendra Bhana, The United States and the Development of the Puerto Rican Status Question, 1936–1968 (Lawrence: University Press of Kansas, 1975); José Trías Monge, Puerto Rico: The Trials of the Oldest Colony in the World (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997).

    13. Carl Colodne to Ruth Reynolds, October 12, 1951, folder 8, box 2, Reynolds Papers; Colodne to Reynolds, October 20, 1951, ibid.; Conrad Lynn to Ruth Reynolds, October 24, 1951, ibid.; “The Case of Ruth M. Reynolds,” folder 3, box 24, ibid.; Reynolds to George P. Rawick, January 11, 1953, folder 7, box 23, ibid.; “Visit to Puerto Rico,” October 6, 1951, folder 8, ibid.; “Peacemakers’ Manifesto to the People of Puerto Rico,” ibid. On the gag law, see Ivonne Acosta-Lespier, “The Smith Act Goes to San Juan: La Mordaza, 1948–1957,” in Bosque-Pérez and Morera, Puerto Rico under Colonial Rule, 59–66.

    14. Julius Eichel to President Truman, October 31, 1950, folder 7, box 18, Reynolds Papers; Ruth Reynolds to Marc [Vito Marcantonio], 1950, folder 2, box 9, ibid; “A Call to Protest Political Imprisonment of Puerto Ricans,” folder 6, box 23, ibid; “Peacemakers Manifesto to the People of Puerto Rico,” folder 8, ibid. On Puerto Rico’s militarization, see Humberto García Muñiz, “US Military Installations in Puerto Rico: Controlling the Caribbean,” in Colonial Dilemma: Critical Perspectives on Contemporary Puerto Rico, ed. Edwin Melendez and Edgardo Melendez (Boston: South End Press, 1993), 53–65; César J. Ayala and Viviana Carro-Figueroa, “Expropriation and Displacement of Civilians in Vieques, 1940–1950” in Bosque-Pérez and Morera, Puerto Rico under Colonial Rule, 173–205.

    15. J. Edgar Hoover to James P. Davis, July 10, 1950, Withdrawn Item Tab 2A, box 355, Classified Files, 1951–71, RG 126, NARAII; Pedro Albizu Campos FBI file, vol. XII, frames 85–86, 91, in “The FBI Files on Puerto Ricans,” The Center for Puerto Rican Studies at Hunter College, City University of New York.

    16. Scott Bennett, Radical Pacifism: The War Resisters League and Gandhian Nonviolence in America, 1915–1963 (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2003), 188–91; n.d. “Statement of Ralph Templin,” folder 6, box 23, Reynolds Papers; Ruth M. Reynolds, “Puerto Rico and the Bomb” (reprint from the magazine Liberation), folder 1, box 12, ibid.

    17. J. Edgar Hoover to U. E. Baughman, June 7, 1951, Campos FBI file, vol. VIII, frames 46–52; October 8, 1953, memo re Pedro Albizu Campos, ibid., vol. XI, frames 20–25; “Petition and Brief,” folder 7, box 27, Reynolds Papers; Thelma Mielke, “Report of a Visit to Pedro Albizu-Campos,” folder 2, box 31, ibid.; February 12, 1954, Memorandum, ibid.; “Doris Torresola on Prison Conditions Surrounding the Trial in July-August 1952,” August 29, 1954, folder 6, box 28, ibid.; “Memorandum on Experiences Phenomenal, Mostly in the Princesa Hotel,” folder 1, box 16, ibid.; Reynolds Oral History, folders 5–6, box 46, ibid. On these women prisoners’ experience, see Margaret Power, “Puerto Rican Women Nationalists vs US Colonialism: An Exploration of Their Conditions and Struggles in Jail and Court,” Chicago-Kent Law Review 87, no 2 (2012): 1–17. On Puerto Rico as a medical laboratory, see Laura Briggs, Reproducing Empire: Race, Sex, Science, and US Imperialism in Puerto Rico (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002); Pedro Aponte Vázquez, The Unsolved Case of Dr. Cornelius P. Rhoads: An Indictment (San Juan: René Publications, 2005); Susan E. Lederer, “‘Porto Ricochet’: Joking About Germs, Cancer, and Race Extermination in the 1930s,” American Literary History 14, no. 4 (2002): 720–46.

    18. David Dellinger to Albert Einstein, February 24, 1954, folder 3, box 31, Reynolds Papers; February 1, 1954, Meeting minutes, folder 5, ibid.; January 30, 1954, Sworn Statement by Herminia Rijos, folder 3, box 28, ibid.; Dave [Dellinger] to Reynolds, February 15, 1954, folder 6, box 3, ibid.; Reynolds to Dr. Buttrick, February 15, 1954, folder 4, box 9, ibid.; Sidney Aberman, David Dellinger, Ruth Reynolds, and Harold Wurp to Dr. Franklin Miller, February 17, 1954, ibid.; Reynolds to Herbert Jehle, February 18, 1954, ibid.; Reynolds to Dr. Victor Patschkiss, February 18, 1954, ibid. On recent evidence of government-sanctioned experimentation on prisoners and others during the early Cold War, including the use of both irradiation and psychotropic drugs, see Susan E. Lederer, “The Cold War and Beyond: Covert and Deceptive American Medical Experimentation,” in Military Medical Ethics, vol. 2, ed. Thomas E. Beam and Linette R. Sparacino (Washington, DC: Borden Institute, 2003): 507–31; Andrew Goliszek, In the Name of Science: A History of Secret Programs, Medical Research, and Human Experimentation (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 2003); Stephen Foster, ed., The Project MKULTRA Compendium: The CIA’s Program of Research in Behavioral Modification (privately printed, 2009).

    19. Statement of Purpose, 1954, folder 4, box 20, Reynolds Papers; Waldo Frank and Norman Mailer to Dear Friend, 1954, ibid.; A. J. Muste to David Dellinger, March 23, 1954, folder 5, box 20, ibid.

    20. For example, see Julius Eichel to Dave [Dellinger], April 6, 1951, folder 4, box 24, Reynolds Papers.

    21. For examples of the civil liberties argument, see “Statement of Purpose,” folder 4, box 20, Reynolds Papers; Waldo Frank and Norman Mailer to Dear Friend, 1954, ibid.

    22. “Hear Ye! Hear Ye!” folder 1, box 24, Reynolds Papers; “Free Puerto Rico,” ibid.; Julius Eichel to Jim Peck, July 25, 1954, folder 5, box 20, ibid.

    23. Call to the Peacemaker Puerto Rican Project, September 15, 1958, folder 6, box 23, Reynolds Papers; “Peacemaker Peace and Good Will Walk Across Puerto Rico,” November 25, 1958, ibid.; Personal Statement of Albert Uhrie, ibid.; press release, December 22, 1960, ibid.; “We cross Puerto Rico on foot,” folder 7, ibid.; John Forbes to Peacemakers, September 18, 1958, folder 9, ibid.; Bob Pope to Peacemakers, November 29, 1958, ibid.; Annot Jacobi to Valerie Aldrich, November 26, 1958, ibid.

    24. Reynolds Oral History, folder 5, box 46, Reynolds Papers.

    25. Andrés Torres and José E. Velázquez, eds., The Puerto Rican Movement: Voices from the Diaspora (Philadelphia, Temple University Press, 1998); Darrel Enck-Wanzer, ed., The Young Lords: A Reader (New York: New York University Press, 2010); Margaret Power, “From Freedom Fighters to Patriots: The Successful Campaign to Release the FALN Political Prisoners, 1980–1999,” Centro Journal 25, no. 1 (2013): 146–79.

    Chapter 20: Radical Pacifism in the Long 1950s

    1. Holley Cantine to Ernest Bromley, October 22, 1960, Ernest Bromley Papers (hereafter cited as Bromley), carton 4, “Correspondence-1960(1),” private collection; quote from narrator, Polaris Action (New York: Hilary Harris Films, 1960), 16mm. For descriptions of Henry and Martin’s protests, see also Polaris Action Bulletin 16, December 3, 1960, author’s collection; Richard H. Parke, “Biggest Submarine in the Polaris Fleet Launched by U.S.,” New York Times, November 23, 1960, 1, 3. Articles and photos also appeared in papers across the country, including the New York Post, the Christian Science Monitor, and the Chicago Daily News. See press clippings from October 20 and November 22, 1960, Polaris Action Scrapbook (Oct 1960–Jan 1961), box 23, The Papers of the Committee for Nonviolent Action (hereafter cited as CNVA), Swarthmore College Peace Collection, Swarthmore, PA. Fox Movietone purchased film footage of the event and aired it on television as well as in cinemas across the nation. See Polaris Action Bulletin 16, December 3, 1960, author’s collection.

    2. Brad Lyttle, interview by author (tape recording), April 25–26, 1997. See also Barbara Deming, “The Peacemakers,” in Revolution and Equilibrium, ed. Barbara Deming (New York: Grossman, 1971), 25; Richard Ahles, “Pacifists at Work,” Hartford Courant, September 25, 1960; Ed Sanders, telephone interview by author (tape recording), August 13, 1998.

    3. On the impact of the Gandhian model of nonviolent action on American pacifists, see Marian Mollin, Radical Pacifism in Modern America: Egalitarianism and Protest (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2006); Maurice Isserman, If I Had a Hammer: The Death of the Old Left and the Birth of the New Left (1987; repr., Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 1993), 127–69; Joseph Kip Kosek, Acts of Conscience: Christian Nonviolence and Modern American Democracy (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009); Scott Bennett, Radical Pacifism: The War Resisters League and Gandhian Nonviolence in America, 1915–1963 (Syracuse, NY: Syracuse University Press, 2003); Lawrence Wittner, Rebels Against War: The American Peace Movement, 1933–1983 (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1984), 257–75. The Committee for Nonviolent Action (CNVA) published extensive reports on their activities of the late 1950s and early 1960s in the Omaha Action, Polaris Action, and CNVA bulletins, most of which can be found in the CNVA papers at the Swarthmore College Peace Collection. The radical pacifist newspaper, Peacemaker, published in Ohio but distributed nationally, also chronicled these events in great detail.

    4. “Atom-Lopers to Quit State After Prayer Vigil at Test Site Today: Guilty 11 Get Year Probation,” Las Vegas Sun, August 7, 1957. See also, “Summary Information on Non-Violent Action Against Nuclear Weapons” (July 1957), box 2, Lawrence Scott Papers, Swarthmore College Peace Collection; “Hold Major Protest Demonstration at Mercury, Nevada Atomic Test Site,” The Peacemaker 10, August 26, 1957; George and Lillian Willoughby, interview by author (tape recording), November 15, 1996.

    5. Lawrence Scott to Ernest and Marion Bromley, December 22, 1957, carton 4, “Correspondence–1957,” Bromley. For more on the protest voyage of The Golden Rule, see Mollin, Radical Pacifism, 82–87; Albert Bigelow, The Voyage of the Golden Rule: An Experiment with Truth (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1959); George and Lillian Willoughby, interview with author (tape recording), November 15, 1996. For information about the Omaha Action campaign, see Mollin, Radical Pacifism, 90–96.

    6. On radical pacifists and Third Camp politics, see Bennett, Radical Pacifism, 173–212; David Dellinger, From Yale to Jail: The Life Story of a Moral Dissenter (New York: Pantheon Books, 1993), 155–69. In 1950, radical pacifists called for the release of Eugene Dennis, General Secretary of the Communist Party USA, Harry Justiz, Miguel Magana, and Louis Miller, all accused Communist Party members and part of the Joint Anti-Fascist Spanish Refugee Committee. See “Protest Political Jailings,” The Peacemaker 2, July 26, 1950.

    7. Laura McEnaney, Civil Defense Begins at Home: Militarization Meets Everyday Life in the Fifties (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 2000), 152.

    8. On the notion of prefigurative politics and the New Left, see Wini Breines, Community and Organization in the New Left, 1962–1968: The Great Refusal (New York: Praeger, 1982); Barbara Epstein, Political Protest and Cultural Revolution: Nonviolent Direct Action in the 1970s and 1980s (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1991).

    9. Mollin, Radical Pacifism, 30–31, 49–59.

    10. David Dellinger paraphrased in “Report from August Conference,” Bulletin of the CNVR, September 1, 1947, 2, box 4, The Papers of Igal Roodenko, Swarthmore College Peace Collection. For more on these early pacifist communes, see Mollin, Radical Pacifism, 58–59, 66–72; Dellinger, From Yale to Jail, 145–52; Alice Lynd and Staughton Lynd, Stepping Stones: Memoir of a Life Together (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2009), 45–59.

    11. Mollin, Radical Pacifism, 62–66, 78–82, 87–96, 107–50.

    12. Sara McDonough, “Breaking Boundaries: Battling Race and Gender in Twentieth-Century America” (essay, Brian Bertoti Innovative Perspectives in History Graduate Conference, Virginia Tech, Blacksburg, VA, April 2012), in author’s possession; James Farmer to A. J. Muste, Memorandum On Provisional Plans for Brotherhood Mobilization, January 8, 1942, series A, box 7, The Papers of the Fellowship of Reconciliation, Swarthmore College Peace Collection. On efforts to link a kind of strenuous and muscular masculinity to the concept of pacifist resistance during World War II, see Mollin, Radical Pacifism, 8–21.

    13. George Houser, “A Personal Retrospective on the 1947 Journey of Reconciliation,” typescript (1992), 6, box 1, Papers of the Congress of Racial Equality, Swarthmore College Peace Collection; Marjorie Swann, interview by author (tape recording), March 4, 1995. On the gendered limitations of the 1947 Journey of Reconciliation, see Mollin, Radical Pacifism, 36–42.

    14. Jhan and June Robbins, “You Are a Bad Mother,” Redbook, August 1960, 98; text of letter from “A Participant in Omaha Action” to Marj Swann, reprinted in “Friends of Marj Swann” to “Friends of Marj Swann and Sympathizers with her Concerns” (Fall 1959), box 4, The Papers of Horace Champney, Swarthmore College Peace Collection. On the celebration of pacifist maternalism among nonviolent direct action activists in the late 1950s, see Mollin, Radical Pacifism, 87–96. On the power of this trope in the early 1960s, see Dee Garrison, “‘Our Skirts Gave Them Courage’: The Civil Defense Protest Movement in New York City, 1955–1961,” in Not June Cleaver: Women and Gender in Postwar America, 1945–1960, ed. Joanne Meyerowitz (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994); Amy Swerdlow, Women Strike for Peace: Traditional Motherhood and Radical Politics in the 1960s (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1993).

    15. Beverly Kanegson, text of letter to Judge Anderson on the occasion of Bill Henry’s sentencing, Polaris Action Bulletin 20 (March 1961), author’s collection; Ed Sanders, “Jail,” Polaris Action Bulletin 26 (August 30, 1961), author’s collection; Polaris Action Bulletin 9B (August 16, 1960), author’s collection; caption with label of “unidentified women” under photograph of June 1960 Pioneer Polaris Peace Walk, Polaris Action Bulletin 4 (July 13, 1960), author’s collection. On the opportunities and challenges that women experienced as part of the 1960–61 Polaris Action campaign, see Mollin, Radical Pacifism, 119–23.

    16. Isserman, If I Had a Hammer, and James Tracy, Direct Action: Radical Pacifism from the Union Eight to the Chicago Seven (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1996), both suggest that the radical pacifist movement, or, at the least, its emphasis on moral absolutism, helped lay the groundwork for the violent militancy of the later 1960s. For other influential studies that pay less attention to radical pacifism but similarly emphasize the paradigm of radical declension, see James Miller, “Democracy in the Streets”: From Port Huron to the Siege of Chicago (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1987); Todd Gitlin, The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage (New York: Bantam Books, 1987). Wini Breines challenged this framework of declension, and its characterization of both a “good” early sixties and a “bad” late sixties quite forcefully in her review article, “Whose New Left?” The Journal of American History 75, no. 2 (September 1988): 528–45.

    Chapter 21: An Ending and a Beginning

    1. C. L. R. James, “Black Power,” in The C. L. R. James Reader, ed. Anna Grimshaw (Oxford: Blackwell, 1992), 62.

    2. James, “Black Power,” 367.

    3. “Remarks by James Boggs on ‘The Political Economy of Black Power,’ by Ray Franklin, Socialist Scholars Conference, New York, September 10, 1967,” James and Grace Lee Boggs Papers, box 3, folder 14, Archives of Labor and Urban Affairs, Walter P. Reuther Library, Wayne State University.

    4. Stephen M. Ward, ed., Pages from a Black Radical’s Notebook: A James Boggs Reader (Detroit: Wayne State University Press, 2011): 171–79. The quotation appears on page 174.

    5. Ibid., 7–8.

    6. Ibid., 8–18.

    7. Letter dated November 5, 1956, no signature or addressee, Glabernman Papers, box 5, folder 6, Archives of Labor and Urban Affairs, Walter P. Reuther Library, Wayne State University (emphasis in original). James wrote, “I want to repeat, and I say so because it will you some time to understand; the Hungarian Revolution is the greatest political event since the October Revolution of 1917.” C. L. R. James to Martin Glaberman, December 13, 1956, Glaberman Papers, box 5, folder 7.

    8. J (C. L. R. James) to Friends, November 15, 1956, 3, Glaberman Papers, box 5, folder 6.

    9. Jim to J (James Boggs to C. L. R. James), November 28, 1956, Glaberman Papers, box 5, folder 6.

    10. Ibid.

    11. C. L. R. James, The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L’Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution (New York: Vintage, 1989).

    12. C. L. R. James to Martin Glaberman, February 8, 1957, Glaberman Papers, box 5, folder 9.

    13. J (C. L. R. James) to Friends, March 3, 1957, Glaberman Papers, box 5, folder 10.

    14. C. L. R. James to Everybody, March 20, 1957, Glaberman Papers, box 5, folder 10. All quotations in this paragraph are from this letter (emphasis in original).

    15. Ibid.

    16. J (C. L. R. James) to Friends, March 21, 1957, Glaberman Papers, box 5, folder 10.

    17. C. L. R. James to Friends, March 25, 1957, Glaberman Papers, box 5, folder 10, published in Grimshaw, The C. L. R. James Reader.

    18. Ibid.

    19. Ibid.

    20. Ibid.

    21. Ibid. All quotations in this paragraph are from this letter.

    22. C. L. R. James, Grace C. Lee, and Pierre Chaulieu, Facing Reality (1958; repr., Detroit: Bewick Editions, 1974), 27.

    23. “Tide of Afro-American Nationalism Is Rising in the United States,” Correspondence, April 8, 1961.

    24. Marty Glaberman to C. L. R. James, January 25, 1961, Glaberman Papers, box 6, folder 8.

    25. James Boggs to Friends, December 30, 1961, Glaberman Papers, box 6, folder 12.

    26. C. L. R. James to Secretary, Resident Editorial Board, January 15, 1962, Glaberman Papers, box 6, folder 13.

    27. For more on the context out of which the book emerged, its place in Boggs’s trajectory, and for the full text of the book, see Part II of Ward, Pages From a Black Radical’s Notebook.

    Chapter 22: The Religious Origins of Reies López Tijerina’s Land Grant Activism

    1. Winthrop Yinger, Cesar Chavez: The Rhetoric of Nonviolence (Hicksville, NY: Exposition Press, 1975). The more unsavory aspects of Chavez’s personality can be read in Matt Garcia, From the Jaws of Victory: The Triumph and Tragedy of Cesar Chavez and the Farm Worker Movement (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2012).

    2. Reies López Tijerina, Mi lucha por la tierra (México: Fondo de la Cultura Económica, 1978), 163; Rodolfo Acuña, Occupied America: The Chicano’s Struggle Toward Liberation (San Francisco: Canfield Press, 1972), 222–46; George Mariscal, Brown-Eyed Children of the Sun: Lessons from the Chicano Movement, 1965–1975 (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2005).

    3. F. Arturo Rosales, ed., Testimonio: A Documentary History of the Mexican American Struggle for Civil Rights (Houston: Arte Público Press, 2000), 272.

    4. Felipe Cabeza de Vaca, The Legend of the Town of San Joaquín del Río de Chama (Santa Fe: Synergetic Press, 1983).

    5. Reies López Tijerina, They Called Me “King Tiger”: My Struggle for the Land and Other Rights (Houston: Arte Público Press, 2000), 77–91; Peter Nabokov, Tijerina and the Courthouse Raid (Berkeley: Ramparts Press, 1969).

    6. Rose Tijerina, in Larry Calloway, “June 5, 1967: The Courthouse Raid Recalled 40 Years Later,” Crestone Conglomerate (blog), June 5, 2007, http://larrycalloway.com/courthouse-raid.

    7. See the articles Patricia Bell Blawis wrote for The Daily World, the newspaper of the Communist Party of the United States, and her book, Tijerina and the Land Grants: Mexican Americans in Struggle for the Heritage (New York: International Publishers, 1971).

    8. Michael Jenkinson, Tijerina: Land Grant Conflict in New Mexico (Albuquerque: Paisano Press, 1968), 12–13; Maulana Ron Karenga, “People of Color: We Shall Survive,” box 34, folder 24, Reies López Tijerina Papers, University of New Mexico. I thank Brian Behnken for providing me with a copy of the “Treaty of Peace, Harmony, and Mutual Assistance between the Spanish-American Federal Alliance of Free City States and _________,” which originally was published in La Raza Magazine, October 29, 1967.

    9. Box II, folder 22, item 18, page 5, Peter Nabokov Papers, Zimmerman Library, University of New Mexico.

    10. Nabakov, Tijerina and the Courthouse Raid, 198.

    11. Maria Escobar Chávez, interview with author, September 23, 2006.

    12. Ibid.

    13. Tijerina, They Called Me “King Tiger,” 77–91.

    14. Nabokov, Tijerina and the Courthouse Raid, 201.

    15. The Albuquerque News Chieftain, a local community newspaper, gave Tijerina a weekly column in which he reported how the cause of the Alianza and the restoration of the mercedes advanced between 1963 and 1967.

    16. Carrol W. Cagle and Harry P. Stumpf, “The Trial of Reies López Tijerina,” in Great Courtroom Battles, ed. Richard E. Rubenstein (New York: Playboy Press, 1973), 193–221; Nabokov, Tijerina and the Courthouse Raid, 264.

    17. Larry Calloway, “JUNE 5, 1967: The Courthouse Raid Recalled 40 Years Later,” Crestone Conglomerate (blog), June 5, 2007, http://larrycalloway.com/courthouse-raid; Tony Hillerman, The Great Taos Bank Robbery and other True Stories of the Southwest (New York: Perennial, 2001), 128–53.

    18. Reies Lopez, “Tijerina, ‘Letter from the Santa Fe Jail, August 15, 1969,’” El Grito del Norte, September 26, 1969.

    19. Rosales, Testimonio, 272, 361–63.

    20. Ramón A. Gutiérrez, “Chicano Struggles for Racial Justice: The Movement’s Contributions to Social Theory,” in Mexicans in California: Emergent Challenges and Transformations, ed. Gutiérrez and Zavella (Urbana: University of Illinois Press, 2009), 94–110; “Internal Colonialism: The History of a Theory,” Du Bois Review: Social Science Research on Race 1, no. 2 (Summer 2004): 281–96.

    Chapter 23: Before the Birth of Asian America

    1. I wish to thank Tamio Wakayama for sharing his unpublished memoir and oral history, Chizu Iiyama and Patti Iiyama for sharing their oral histories, Renee Roberts for her research assistance, interview preparation and transcription, and Anisah Ali for her interview transcription.

    2. See Daryl Maeda, Rethinking the Asian American Movement (New York: Routledge, 2012) and Chains of Babylon: The Rise of Asian America (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 2009); Michael Liu, Kim Geron, and Tracy Lai, The Snake Dance of Asian American Activism: Community, Vision, and Power (Lanham, MD: Lexington Books, 2008); William Wei, The Asian American Movement (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1992).

    3. James Miller, Democracy Is in the Streets: From Port Huron to the Siege of Chicago (1987; repr., Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1994), 28.

    4. Maurice Isserman, The Other American: The Life Of Michael Harrington (New York: Public Affairs, 2000), 146.

    5. Sheila Muto, “Berkeley’s History of Tolerance Not Forgotten by Japanese Americans,” Asianweek, April 21, 1995.

    6. “Yamada, T. Robert,” San Francisco Chronicle, June 27, 2004, http://www.sfgate.com/news/article/YAMADA-T-Robert-2745914.php.

    7. Tamio Wakayama, telephone interview by Daryl Maeda, September 14, 2012; Tamio Wakayama, “Soul on Rice: A Nikkei Narrative of the 60s” (unpublished manuscript).

    8. Ken Adachi, The Enemy That Never Was: A History of the Japanese Canadians (Toronto: McClelland and Stewart, 1976); Greg Robinson, Tragedy of Democracy: Japanese Confinement in North America (New York: Columbia University Press, 2009).

    9. Wakayama, “Soul on Rice,” 5.

    10. Ibid., 7–11.

    11. Wakayama, interview; Wakayama, “Soul on Rice,” 7.

    12. Wakayama, interview; Wakayama, “Soul on Rice,” 13.

    13. Wakayama, interview.

    14. Wakayama, “Soul on Rice,” 12.

    15. Wakayama, interview; Wakayama, “Soul on Rice,” 14–15.

    16. Wakayama, “Soul on Rice,” 17.

    17. Ibid., 18.

    18. Helen Gym, “‘A high moral enterprise’: Philadelphian Ed Nakawatase reflects on SNCC and 50 years of progress,” Young Philly Politics, accessed October 7, 2012, [formerly http://youngphillypolitics.com/quota_high_moral_enterprisequot_philadelphian_ed_nakawatase_reflects_sncc_and_50_years_progress]. On Seabrook Farms, see Mitziko Sawada, “After the Camps: Seabrook Farms, New Jersey, and the Resettlement of Japanese Americans, 1944–47,” Amerasia Journal 13, no. 2 (1986–87): 117–36.

    19. Wakayama, “Soul on Rice,” 23–27.

    20. Clayborne Carson, In Struggle: SNCC and the Black Awakening of the 1960s (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1981), 133–52.

    21. Wakayama, “Soul on Rice,” 28–29.

    22. Wakayama, interview.

    23. Wakayama, “Soul on Rice,” 44, 54.

    24. Ibid., 57.

    25. Wakayama, “Soul on Rice,” 57–69; Wakayama, interview.

    26. Wakayama, “Soul on Rice,” 76.

    27. Ibid., 73–80.

    28. Ibid., 81–84.

    29. Chizu Iiyama, telephone interview by Daryl Maeda and Renee Roberts, Part I, August 8, 2012, and Part II, August 9, 2012; Patti Iiyama, telephone interview by Daryl Maeda, October 12, 2012.

    30. Jere Takahashi, Nisei/Sansei (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1998), 66–74; Chizu Iiyama, interview, Part I.

    31. Patti Iiyama, interview.

    32. Chizu Iiyama, interview, Part I; Glenn Omatsu, “Always a Rebel: An Interview with Kazu Iijima,” Amerasia Journal 13, no. 2 (1986–87): 94.

    33. Chizu Iiyama, interview, Part I.

    34. Greg Robinson, “Nisei in Gotham,” Prospects 30 (2005): 581–95; Chizu Iiyama, interview, Part II.

    35. Patti Iiyama, interview.

    36. Chizu Iiyama, interview, Part II. Dates of moves are approximate, based on the date of an Ernie Iiyama–authored article in JACD Newsletter, dated April 1944 (Robinson, “Nisei in Gotham,” 595n33).

    37. Patti Iiyama, interview.

    38. Ibid.

    39. Ibid.

    40. Ibid.

    41. Ibid.

    42. Fred Halstead, Out Now! A Participant’s Account of the American Movement Against the Vietnam War (New York: Monad Press, 1978), 162.

    43. Ibid., 349.

    44. Ibid.

    45. Maeda, Chains of Babylon, 97–126.

    46. Patti Iiyama, interview.

    47. Tom Wells, The War Within: America’s Battle over Vietnam (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1994), 193–94, 399.

    48. Patti Iiyama, interview.

    49. Ibid.

    50. Ibid.

    51. Harvey C. Dong, “The Origins and Trajectory of Asian American Political Activism in the San Francisco Bay Area, 1968–1978” (PhD diss., University of California, Berkeley, 2002).

    52. Daryl J. Maeda, “Black Panthers, Red Guards, and Chinamen: Constructing Asian American Identity through Performing Blackness, 1969–1972,” American Quarterly 57, no. 4 (December 2005): 1079–1103.

    53. Max Elbaum, Revolution in the Air: Sixties Radicals turn to Lenin, Mao and Che (London: Verso, 2002).

    54. Liz Highleyman, “Kiyoshi Kuromiya: Integrating the Issues,” in Smash the Church, Smash the State!: The Early Years of Gay Liberation, ed. Tommi Avicolli Mecca (San Francisco: City Lights Books, 2009), 17–21; Daniel C. Tsang, “Slicing Silence: Asian Progressives Come Out,” in Asian Americans: The Movement and the Moment, ed. Steve Louie and Glenn Omatsu (Los Angeles: UCLA Asian American Studies Center Press, 2001), 221–23.

    Chapter 25: New Indians in the New Frontier

    1. Port Huron Statement, reprinted in Tom Hayden, The Port Huron Statement: The Visionary Call of the 1960s Revolution (New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 2005), 169.

    Chapter 26: The German New Left and Participatory Democracy

    * This essay appeared in a different form in The Port Huron Statement: Sources and Legacies of the New Left’s Founding Manifesto, ed. Richard Flack and Nelson Lichtenstein (Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press, 2015).

    1. The term “new left” was especially introduced in the Autumn 1958 edition of The New Reasoner: A Quarterly Journal of Socialist Humanism, a journal edited by E. P. Thompson and John Saville.

    2. E. P. Thompson, “Country and City,” in Persons & Polemics: Historical Essays (London: Merlin Press, 1994), 244.

    3. E. P. Thompson, ed., Out of Apathy (London: New Left Books, 1960).

    4. Ibid., 9.

    5. Ibid., 19–55.

    6. C. Wright Mills, “Letter to the New Left,” New Left Review 5, nos. 3–4 (September–October 1960): 18–23.

    7. Raymond Williams, The Long Revolution (London: Chatto and Windus, 1961).

    8. “Für Freiheit Westberlins” [For West Berlin’s freedom], neue kritik 8 (November 1961): 9–10.

    9. Port Huron Statement, reprinted in Tom Hayden, The Port Huron Statement: The Visionary Call of the 1960s Revolution (New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 2005), 121.

    10. Ibid., 122.

    11. Ibid., 124–25.

    12. Belinda Davis et al., eds., Changing the World, Changing Oneself: Political Protest and Collective Identities in West Germany and the U.S. in the 1960s and 1970s (New York: Berghahn Books, 2010), 278, 281.

    13. This is more fully described in Martin Klimke, The Other Alliance: Student Protest in West Germany and the United States in the Global Sixties (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010), 28–39.

    14. Although Mitbestimmung is typically translated in English as “codetermination,” its fuller meaning is “democratic participation in decision making.”

    15. Arnold Kaufman, “Human Nature and Participatory Democracy,” in The Bias of Pluralism, ed. William E. Connolly (New York: Atherton Press, 1969).

    16. Ibid., 272.

    17. Ibid., 282.

    18. Ibid.

    19. Ibid.

    20. Ibid., 281.

    21. Heinrich Popitz et al., Das Gesellschaftsbild des Arbeiters (Tübingen: Mohr, 1957); Ludwig von Friedeburg, Soziologie des Betriebsklimas (Frankfurt: Europäische Verlagsanstalt, 1963).

    22. Wilma Aden-Grossmann, Monika Seifert. Pädagogin der antiautoritären Erziehung. Eine Biographie (Frankfurt: Brandes and Apsel, 2014).

    23. Michael Vester et al., Soziale Milieus im gesellschaftlichen Strukturwandel (Frankfurt: Suhrkamp, 2001). A short English outline is given in Michael Vester, “Class and Culture in Germany,” in Rethinking Class: Cultures, Identities and Life-Styles, ed. Fiona Devine et al. (Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2005), 69–94.

    24. Michael Vester, “Schöne neue Welt?,” neue kritik 15 (March 1963): 3–8; Michael Vester, “Die Linke in den USA,” neue kritik 17 (July 1963): 6–14; Michael Vester, “Falsche Alternativen,” neue kritik 18 (November 1963): 5–11.

    25. Klimke, The Other Alliance, 35.

    26. Gerhard Brandt, “Die Neue Linke in England,” neue kritik–informationen 6 (June 1961): 22–30.

    27. Michael Vester, “John Kenneth Galbraith und der ‘Amerikanische Kapitalismus,’” neue kritik–informationen 7 (July 1961): 18–29; Michael Vester, “Schöne neue Welt?,” neue kritik 14 (March 1963): 3–8; Michael Vester, “Falsche Alternativen,” neue kritik 19/20 (December 1963): 5–11.

    28. Tom Hayden and I each completed a study of Mills’s work in 1964. Thomas Hayden, Radical Nomad: Essays on C. Wright Mills and His Time (Ann Arbor: Center for the Research on Conflict Resolution, University of Michigan, 1964); Michael Vester, “Die politische Soziologie von C. Wright Mills” (diploma thesis in sociology, University of Frankfurt, December 1964).

    29. Vester, “Schöne neue Welt?,” 8.

    30. Michael Vester, “Die Strategie der direkten Aktion,” neue kritik 30 (June 1965): 12–20.

    31. Todd Gitlin, The Sixties: Years of Hope, Days of Rage (1987; repr., New York: Bantam, 1993); Richard Flacks, Making History: The American Left and the American Mind (New York: Columbia University Press, 1988); Thomas Hayden, The Long Sixties: From 1960 to Barack Obama (Boulder, CO: Paradigm, 2009).

    Chapter 27: European New Lefts, Global Connections, and the Problem of Difference

    1. Timothy S. Brown, West Germany and the Global Sixties: The Antiauthoritarian Revolt, 1962–1978 (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2013), 2. Here Brown offers a pointed critique of the “reductionist tendency” evinced by histories of the protest movements written by first-hand participants.

    2. Students for a Democratic Society, The Port Huron Statement (New York: Student Department of the League for Industrial Democracy, 1964), 3, 4.

    3. Jeremi Suri, Power and Protest: Global Revolution and the Rise of Détente (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2003), 105.

    4. Carole Fink, Philipp Gassert, and Detlef Junker, eds., 1968: The World Transformed (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1998).

    5. George Katsiaficas, The Imagination of the New Left: A Global Analysis of 1968 (Boston: South End Press, 1987), 4.

    6. James Miller, “Democracy Is In the Streets”: From Port Huron to the Siege of Chicago (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1987), 123. For a more recent and more thorough treatment of Vester’s role in fostering exchange between the American and West German SDS, see Martin Klimke, The Other Alliance: Student Protest in West Germany and the United States in the Global Sixties (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010), chap. 1; Michael Vester, “The German New Left and Participatory Democracy: The Impact on Social, Cultural, and Political Change,” in this volume.

    7. For more on the Atelier populaire des Beaux-Arts, see Kristin Ross, May ’68 and Its Afterlives (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002), 15–17; Rick Poynor, “Utopian Image: Politics and Posters,” The Design Observer Group, March 10, 2013, [formerly http://observatory.designobserver.com/feature/utopian-image-politics-and-posters/37739].

    8. Brown, West Germany and the Global Sixties, 3.

    9. Arthur Marwick, The Sixties: Cultural Revolution in Britain, France, Italy, and the United States, c. 1958–c. 1974 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1998).

    10. Dennis Dworkin, Cultural Marxism in Postwar Britain: History, the New Left, and the Origins of Cultural Studies (Durham: Duke University Press, 1997), 101.

    11. Jeremy Varon, Bringing the War Home: The Weather Underground, the Red Army Faction, and Revolutionary Violence in the Sixties and Seventies (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004).

    12. Richard Wolin, The Wind from the East: French Intellectuals, the Cultural Revolution, and the Legacy of the 1960s (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2010).

    13. Katsiaficas, Imagination of the New Left, 3.

    14. Klimke, The Other Alliance, 2.

    15. Ibid., 21.

    16. Ibid., 24.

    17. Ibid., 27.

    18. Maria Höhn, “The Black Panther Solidarity Committees and the Voice of the Lumpen,” German Studies Review 31, no. 1 (2008): 133–54, here 138.

    19. See Klimke, The Other Alliance, chap. 4.

    20. In addition to the authors I mention in the text, see also Donatella Della Porta, Social Movements, Political Violence, and the State: A Comparative Analysis of Italy and Germany (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1995); Michael Schmidtke, Der Aufbruch der jungen Intelligenz: Die 68er Jahre in der Bundesrepublik und den USA (Frankfurt: Campus Verlag, 2003); Jeremi Suri, Power and Protest (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2005); Jeremy Varon, Bringing the War Home (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2004); Gerd-Rainer Horn, The Spirit of ’68: Rebellion in Western Europe and North America, 1956–1976 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2006); Holger Nehring, Politics of Security: British and West German Protest Movements and the Early Cold War, 1945–1970 (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2013).

    21. Paul Kramer, “Is the World Our Campus? International Students and U.S. Global Power in the Long Twentieth Century,” Diplomatic History 33, no. 5 (2009): 775–806; Penny M. Von Eschen, Race against Empire: Black Americans and Anticolonialism, 1937–1957 (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 1997); Robin D. G. Kelley, Freedom Dreams: The Black Radical Imagination (Boston, Beacon Press, 2002); Nikhil Pal Singh, Black Is a Country: Race and the Unfinished Struggle for Democracy (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2005); Van Gosse, Where the Boys Are: Cuba, Cold War America, and the Making of the New Left (New York: Verso, 1993); Cynthia A. Young, Soul Power: Culture, Radicalism, and the Making of a U.S. Third World Left (Durham: Duke University Press, 2006).

    22. Quinn Slobodian, Foreign Front: Third World Politics in Sixties West Germany (Durham: Duke University Press, 2011), 8.

    23. Slobodian, Foreign Front, 5–6.

    24. Ibid., 11.

    25. Wolin, Wind from the East, 3.

    26. Slobodian, Foreign Front, 28–29.

    27. For more on Ajala’s support from the DAAD, see Brown, West Germany and the Global Sixties, 40.

    28. Slobodian, Foreign Front, 53.

    29. Ibid., 54.

    30. Ibid., 54.

    31. For a more paternalistic reading of the relationship between Dutschke and the Latin American students in the international study group, see Ulrich Chaussy, Die drei Leben des Rudi Dutschke. Eine Biographie (Darmstadt: Luchterhand, 1983).

    32. Hagen, 164.

    33. The Argument Club was led by Wolfgang Fritz Haug and worked closely with the SDS. See Slobodian, Foreign Front, 73.

    34. Brown, West Germany and the Global Sixties, 39.

    35. Rudi Dutschke, Diaries, undated entry, 23. Quoted in Brown, West Germany and the Global Sixties, 39.

    36. Niels Seibert, Vergessene Proteste. Internationalismus und Antirassismus, 1964–1983 (Münster: Unrast, 2008); Katrina Hagen, “Internationalism in Cold War Germany” (PhD diss., University of Washington, 2008); Slobodian, Foreign Front; Brown, West Germany and the Global Sixties.

    37. Paul Deslandes, “The Foreign Element: Newcomers and the Rhetoric of Race, Nation, and Empire in ‘Oxbridge’ Undergraduate Culture, 1850–1920,” Journal of British Studies 37, no. 1 (1998): 54–90, here 59–60.

    38. Jordanna Bailkin, The Afterlife of Empire (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2012), 96.

    39. Bailkin, Afterlife of Empire, 97.

    40. Stuart Hall, “The ‘First’ New Left: Life and Times,” in Out of Apathy: Voices of the New Left 30 Years On, ed. Robin Archer et al. (London: Verson, 1989), 16–20.

    41. It’s worth noting that the early editorial boards of the New Left Review included Norm Fruchter, a founding figure of the American New Left, as well as Perry Anderson, Robin Blackburn, and Gareth Stedman Jones, who were part of the “younger” British New Left. See Hall, “The ‘First’ New Left,” 22. For more on Hall’s stature as the father of British cultural studies, see David Morley and Bill Schwarz, “Stuart Hall Obituary,” Guardian, February 10, 2014, A39; and William Yardley, “Stuart Hall, Trailblazing British Scholar of Multicultural Influences, Is Dead at 82,” New York Times, February 18, 2014, A24.

    42. Hall, “The ‘First’ New Left,” 23. For an in-depth analysis of the “first” New Left in Britain, see Michael Kenny, The First New Left: British Intellectuals after Stalin (London: Lawrence and Wishart, 1995).

    43. Tariq Ali, Street Fighting Years: An Autobiography of the Sixties (London: Verso, 2005), 113.

    44. Ali, Street Fighting Years, 254–55.

    45. Arthur J. Pais, “Rebel with a Cause,” India Abroad, November 14, 2008, http://search.proquest.com.proxy.lib.umich.edu/docview/362822134?accountid=14667.

    46. Ali, Street Fighting Years, 246.

    47. The concept of the “Third World” was first formulated by Alfred Sauvy in his 1952 article in L’Observateur entitled “Three Worlds, One Planet.” See Alfred Sauvy, “Trois Mondes, Une Planete,” L’Observateur, August 14, 1952, 257–75.

    48. James D. Le Sueur, Uncivil War: Intellectuals and Identity Politics During the Decolonization of Algeria, 2nd ed. (Lincoln: University of Nebraska Press, 2005), 230–38.

    49. Ross, May ’68 and Its Afterlives, 51; Wolin, The Wind from the East, 116.

    50. Claus Leggewie, Kofferträger: Das Algerien-Projekt der Linken im Adenauer-Deutschland (Berlin: Rotbuch Verlag, 1984), 9.

    51. Christoph Kalter, Die Entwicklung der Dritten Welt (Frankfurt: Campus, 2011).

    52. On the Maoists at the Renault factory, see Wolin, The Wind from the East, 32–33, 137–38. On the K-groups, see Geronimo, Fire and Flames: A History of the Autonomist Movement (Oakland: PM Press, 2012), 59–61. On the participation of K-groups and Spontis in the Ford Cologne wildcat strike, see Manuela Bojadzijev, Die windige Internationale: Rassismus und Kämpfe der Migration (Münster: Westfälisches Dampfboot, 2008), 157–60.

    Chapter 28: “Thought Is Action for Us”

    1. I would like to thank Howard Brick and Gregory Parker for their valuable feedback on this chapter. Norman Girvan, “New World and Its Critics,” in Caribbean Reasonings: The Thought of New World, The Quest for Decolonisation, ed. Brian Meeks and Norman Girvan (Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers, 2010), 8–9; Horace Campbell, Rasta and Resistance: From Marcus Garvey to Walter Rodney (Trenton, NJ: Africa World Press, 1987).

    2. Denis Benn, The Caribbean: An Intellectual History, 1774–2003 (Kingston: Ian Randle Publishers, 2004), 122.

    3. Girvan, “New World and Its Critics,” 3–4; David Scott, “Vocation of a Caribbean Intellectual: An Interview with Lloyd Best by David Scott,” Small Axe no. 1 (February 1997): 122.

    4. Brian Meeks, Norman Girvan, and Anthony Bogues, “A Caribbean Life—An Interview with Lloyd Best,” in Caribbean Reasonings: The Thought of New World, The Quest for Decolonisation, ed. Brian Meeks and Norman Girvan (Kingston: Ian Randle Publishers, 2010), 223; Scott, “Vocation of a Caribbean Intellectual,” 123.

    5. “Editorial Statement,” New World Quarterly 2, no. 1 (1965): 2; Girvan, “New World and Its Critics,” 4; Norman Girvan, “Caribbean Dependency Thought Revisited,” Canadian Journal of Development Studies/Revue Canadienne d’études du Développement 27, no. 3 (September 2006): 331.

    6. Scott, “Vocation of a Caribbean Intellectual,” 131; Meeks, Girvan, and Bogues, “A Caribbean Life,” 234–36.

    7. Scott, “Vocation of a Caribbean Intellectual,” 128–29.

    8. New World Group, The Sugar Industry: Our Life or Death? (New World Group, December 1967); New World Group, Devaluation—Occasional Pamphlet No. 3 (New World Group, January 1968); New World Group, Unemployment: What It Is, Why It Exists, What We Can Do About It (New World Group, 1967); New World Group, Freedom from Enquiry (New World Group, 1967); New World Group, The Withdrawal of Dr. Beckford’s Passport (New World Group, 1966).

    9. Meeks, Girvan, and Bogues, “A Caribbean Life,” 243; Girvan, “New World and Its Critics,” 5; Benn, The Caribbean, 122; Kari Levitt, “The Montreal New World Group,” in Caribbean Reasonings: The Thought of New World, the Quest for Decolonisation, ed. Brian Meeks and Norman Girvan (Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers, 2010), 71–80; David Austin, Fear of a Black Nation: Race, Sex, and Security in Sixties Montreal (Toronto: Between the Lines, 2013).

    10. Scott, “Vocation of a Caribbean Intellectual,” 119.

    11. Lloyd Best, “Independent Thought and Caribbean Freedom,” New World Quarterly 3, no. 4 (1967): 7.

    12. Eric Williams, Capitalism and Slavery (Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1994); C. L. R. James, The Black Jacobins: Toussaint L’Ouverture and the San Domingo Revolution, 2nd ed. (New York: Vintage, 1989).

    13. “Editorial,” New World Quarterly 2, no. 2 (1966).

    14. Carleen O’Loughlin, A Survey of Economic Potential and Capital Needs of the Leeward Islands, Windward Islands, and Barbados (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1963); Tripartite Economic Survey of the Eastern Caribbean, Report of the Tripartite Economic Survey of the Eastern Caribbean (London: Her Majesty’s Stationery Office, 1967).

    15. Richard Bernal, Mark Figueroa, and Michael Witter, “Caribbean Economic Thought: The Critical Tradition,” Social and Economic Studies 33, no. 2 (June 1984): 5–97; Andrew S. Downes, “Arthur Lewis and Industrial Development in the Caribbean: An Assessment” (essay, The Lewis Model after 50 Years: Assessing Sir Arthur Lewis’ Contribution to Development Economics and Policy, University of Manchester, UK, July 6–7, 2004), www.sed.manchester.ac.uk/research/events/conferences/documents/Arthur%20Lewis%20Papers/Downes.pdf.

    16. Lloyd Best, “On the Teaching of Economics,” in Essays on the Theory of Plantation Economy: A Historical and Institutional Approach to Caribbean Economic Development, ed. Lloyd Best and Kari Polanyi Levitt (Kingston: University of the West Indies Press, 2009), 6; Lloyd Best, “Chaguaramas to Slavery?” New World Quarterly 2, no. 1 (1965): 58; Lloyd Best and Kari Levitt, “A Historical and Institutional Approach to Caribbean Economic Development,” in Essays on the Theory of Plantation Economy: A Historical and Institutional Approach to Caribbean Economic Development, ed. Lloyd Best and Kari Polanyi Levitt (Kingston: University of the West Indies Press, 2009), 9–10; Bernal, Figueroa, and Witter, “Caribbean Economic Thought,” 35.

    17. New World Group, Unemployment.

    18. George Beckford, “Agricultural Development in ‘Traditional’ and ‘Peasant’ Economies,” Social and Economic Studies 15, no. 2 (June 1966): 151; George Beckford, “Why We Are Dispossessed,” Abeng, February 8, 1969; George Beckford and Michael Witter, Small Garden, Bitter Weed: Struggle and Change in Jamaica (Morant Bay: Maroon Publishing House, 1980); George Beckford, Persistent Poverty: Underdevelopment in Plantation Economies of the Third World (New York: Oxford University Press, 1972).

    19. Norman Girvan, “Why We Need to Nationalize Bauxite, and How,” in Readings in the Political Economy of the Caribbean, ed. Norman Girvan and Owen Jefferson (Kingston: New World Group, 1974), 217–40.

    20. Best, “Independent Thought and Caribbean Freedom,” 31.

    21. Marcus Garvey, “The Work That Has Been Done,” in The Marcus Garvey and Universal Negro Improvement Association Papers, vol. 7, ed. Robert A. Hill (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1983), 791.

    22. Best, “On the Teaching of Economics,” 2–4.

    23. Lloyd Best, The Afro-American Condition, no. 11 (Tunapuna: Tapia House, 1969).

    24. Alister McIntyre, “Some Issues of Trade Policy in the West Indies,” New World Quarterly 2, no. 2 (1966): 1–20.

    25. Best, “On the Teaching of Economics.”

    26. Beckford, Persistent Poverty, 233.

    27. On bricolage, see W. Knepper, “Colonization, Creolization, and Globalization: The Art and Ruses of Bricolage,” Small Axe, no. 3 (January 1, 2006): 70–86.

    28. Best and Levitt, “Approach to Caribbean Economic Development,” 11–12; Girvan, “New World and Its Critics,” 5–8; Norman Girvan, “Plantation Economy in the Age of Globalization,” in Essays on the Theory of Plantation Economy: A Historical and Institutional Approach to Caribbean Economic Development, ed. Lloyd Best and Kari Polanyi Levitt (Kingston: University of the West Indies Press, 2009), xviii–xix; Bert J. Thomas, “Caribbean Black Power: From Slogan to Practical Politics,” Journal of Black Studies 22, no. 3 (1992): 393–94.

    29. Lloyd Best and Kari Levitt, “Outline of a General Theory of Caribbean Economy,” in Essays on the Theory of Plantation Economy: A Historical and Institutional Approach to Caribbean Economic Development, ed. Lloyd Best and Kari Polanyi Levitt (Kingston: University of the West Indies Press, 2009), 19–39; Best, “On the Teaching of Economics,” 6.

    30. Beckford, Persistent Poverty.

    31. Scott, “Vocation of a Caribbean Intellectual,” 130.

    32. Best, “Independent Thought and Caribbean Freedom,” 21–22; Lloyd Best, “Race, Class, and Ethnicity in a Caribbean Interpretation” (essay, Third Annual Jagan Lecture, York University, Toronto, March 3, 2001), 337–38, http://www.yorku.ca/cerlac/abstracts.htm#; Best; Meeks, Girvan, and Bogues, “A Caribbean Life,” 283–86.

    33. Scott, “Vocation of a Caribbean Intellectual,” 134.

    34. Girvan, “Caribbean Dependency Thought Revisited,” 337.

    35. Best, “Independent Thought and Caribbean Freedom,” 21–22.

    36. Best, The Afro-American Condition, 3.

    37. Best, “Independent Thought and Caribbean Freedom,” 2.

    38. Meeks, Girvan, and Bogues, “A Caribbean Life,” 304–6.

    39. Girvan, “Caribbean Dependency Thought Revisited,” 333.

    40. Meeks, Girvan, and Bogues, “A Caribbean Life,” 286.

    41. Best, “On the Teaching of Economics,” 2.

    42. Alfie Roberts, “Why We Must Think for Ourselves,” Flambeau, November 1966, 6–7.

    43. “Editorial Statement,” 1–2.

    44. C. L. R. James, “The Making of the Caribbean People,” in You Don’t Play With Revolution, ed. David Austin (Oakland: AK Press, 2009), 29–49.

    45. Quoted in Kari Levitt, From Decolonization to Neo-Liberalism: What Have We Learned about Economic Development? (George Beckford Lecture Series; George Beckford Foundation and the University of the West Indies, 1996), 9.

    46. Lloyd Best, “Independence and Responsibility: Self-Knowledge as an Imperative,” in The Critical Tradition of Caribbean Political Economy: The Legacy of George Beckford, ed. Kari Levitt and Michael Witter (Kingston: Ian Randle Publishers, 1996), 8.

    47. Trevor A. Campbell, “The Making of an Organic Intellectual: Walter Rodney (1942–80),” Latin American Perspectives 8, no. 1 (1981): 51.

    48. Frantz Fanon, The Wretched of the Earth, trans. Richard Philcox (New York: Grove Press, 2004), 97–101.

    49. Ibid., 99.

    50. Ibid., 167.

    51. Thomas, “Caribbean Black Power,” 393–94.

    52. Brian Meeks, “Introduction: Remembering New World,” in Caribbean Reasonings: The Thought of New World, The Quest for Decolonisation, ed. Brian Meeks and Norman Girvan (Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers, 2010), xii–xiii.

    53. Ikael Tafari, Rastafari In Transition (Chicago: Research Associates School Times Publications/Frontline Distribution International, 2001), 28.

    54. Meeks, Girvan, and Bogues, “A Caribbean Life,” 278–79; Alfie Roberts, A View for Freedom: Alfie Roberts Speaks on the Caribbean, Cricket, Montreal, and C. L. R. James, ed. David Austin (Montreal: Alfie Roberts Institute, 2005); Paul Buhle, Tim Hector: A Caribbean Radical’s Story (Jackson: University Press of Mississippi, 2006).

    55. Best, “Independent Thought and Caribbean Freedom,” 29–31. Best expanded on the tensions between intellectual activity and political activism and the role of New World in “Whither New World,” New World Quarterly 4, no. 1 (1967): 1–6.

    56. Scott, “Vocation of a Caribbean Intellectual,” 138.

    57. For an example of Marxist analysis of West Indian history with a strong commitment to maintaining a focus on Caribbean thought, see Ken Post, Arise Ye Starvelings: The Jamaican Labour Rebellion of 1938 and Its Aftermath (The Hague: Martinus Nijhoff, 1978). For examples of West Indian Black Power, see Abeng, a short-lived but influential Jamaican newspaper which featured the writing of several thinkers associated with New World, available at http://www.dloc.com/UF00100338/00001/allvolumes?search=abeng. See also Selwyn D. Ryan and Taimoon Stewart, eds., The Black Power Revolution 1970: A Retrospective (St. Augustine: Institute of Social and Economic Research, University of the West Indies, 1995).

    58. Michael Witter and Louis Lindsay, introduction to The Critical Tradition of Caribbean Political Economy, ed. Kari Levitt and Michael Witter (Kingston: Ian Randle Publishers, 1996), xxii.

    59. Meeks, “Introduction,” xii–xiii.

    60. James Millette, “The New World Group: A Historical Perspective,” in Caribbean Reasonings: The Thought of New World, The Quest for Decolonisation, ed. Brian Meeks and Norman Girvan (Kingston, Jamaica: Ian Randle Publishers, 2010), 52–53; Levitt, “The Montreal New World Group,” 79. See also Girvan, “Plantation Economy in the Age of Globalization.”

    61. Girvan, “New World and Its Critics,” 21–24; Meeks, “Introduction,” xii–xiv.

    62. Best, “Race, Class, and Ethnicity,” 2–3.

    Chapter 29: On the Shores of Japan’s Postwar Left

    1. The epigraph—the title of one of Nakai Masakazu’s lead essays in a Popular Front newspaper—is lovingly invoked by the key actors in this chapter. Doyōbi, July 17, 1936, 7:2.

    2. Wesley Sasaki-Uemura, Organizing the Spontaneous: Citizen Protest in Postwar Japan (Honolulu: University of Hawaii, 2001); Simon Avenell, Making Japanese Citizens: Civil Society and the Mythology of the Shimin in Postwar Japan (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2010); Kenji Hasegawa, Waging Cold War in 1950s Japan: Zengakuren’s Postwar Protests (PhD diss., Stanford University, 2007); Takemasa Ando, Japan’s New Left Movements: Legacies for Civil Society (Abingdon: Routledge, 2013).

    3. Tsurumi Kazuko, Social Change and the Individual: Japan Before and After Defeat in World War II (Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press, 1960), 308–9.

    4. Nihon Senbotsu Gakusei Shuki Henshū Iinkai, Kike, wadatsumi no koe (Tokyo: Tokyo University Seikyō, 1949).

    5. Tokumura Akira, “In Circumstances without Precedent.” Kodomo no mura tsūshin (Children’s Village Dispatch), 25:61, June 1, 2011, 3.

    6. Akira alludes to a JCP policy of dispatching groups of young party members and student activists abroad in “truck units.” Tokumura Tokiko and Tokumura Akira, interview by the author, Takinishi, Hokkaido, September 8, 2002.

    7. Ibid.

    8. Ibid.

    9. Sasaki-Uemura, “Tanigawa Gan’s Politics of the Margins in Kyushu and Nagano” Positions 7, no. 1 (Spring 1999): 140.

    10. Sasaki-Uemura, Organizing the Spontaneous, 5.

    11. Tokumura and Tokumura, interview.

    12. Ibid.

    13. Ibid.

    14. Fernando Coronil, “The Future in Question: History and Utopia in Latin America (1989–2010)” (lecture, Eisenberg Institute for Historical Studies, University of Michigan, April 7, 2011).

    15. Ando, Japan’s New Left Movements, 72.

    16. John Dower, “Peace and Democracy in Two Systems: External Policy and Internal Conflict,” in Postwar Japan as History, ed. Andrew Gordon (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1993), 22.

    17. Kurihara Akira, “New Social Movements in Present-Day Japan” in The Journal of Pacific Asia 5 (1999): 6–10.

    18. Sasaki-Uemura, Organizing the Spontaneous, 201; Avenell, Making Japanese Citizens, 210–13.

    19. Tokumura Akira and Tokumura Tokiko, Kodomo ga shujinkō (Tokyo: Komichi shobo, 1982), 14; Nakai Masakazu, “Chōshū zero no kōenkai (A lecture with no audience)” and “Chihō bunka undō hōkoku (Report from a local Culture Movement)” in Nakai Masakazu Zenshū vol. 4 (Tokyo: Bijutsu shuppansha, 1981).

    20. Ishii Momoko, Kodomo no toshokan (The Children’s Library) (Tokyo: Iwanami shinsho, 1965), iv–v.

    21. Tokumura and Tokumura, Kodomo ga shujinkō, 14–16.

    22. Ibid.

    23. Ibid., 16–17.

    24. Ibid., 24.

    25. Ibid., 24–25.

    26. Steven Platzer, ed. and trans., Educational Thought and Ideology in Modern Japan: State Authority and Intellectual Freedom (Tokyo: University of Tokyo Press, 1988), 214–18.

    27. Tokumura and Tokumura, Kodomo ga shujinkō, 25–26.

    28. Ibid., 28–32.

    29. Tokumura Akira and Tokumura Tokiko, Himawari bunko no denshō tezukuri asobi 1 [Traditional hand-crafted games 1] (Tokyo: Sōdo bunka, 1983), 7.

    30. Tokumura and Tokumura, Kodomo ga shujinkō, 92–93.

    31. Ibid., 45.

    32. Ibid., 119–20.

    33. Tokumura Akira and Tokumura Tikoko, Komodo no mura e (Bound for Children’s Village) (Tokyo: Komichi shobo, 1982), 10–11.

    34. Ibid., 150. The term “protean” echoes the language used by eminent public intellectual Tsurumi Shunsuke to describe the circle movement. Quoted in Simon Avenell, Making Japanese Citizens, 58.

    35. At the foundation of this new community, the Tokumuras envisioned a more inclusive and participatory democracy: “Here adults and children will have equal voting power; we’ll have noisy, heated debates.” Tokumura and Tokumura, Kodomo no mura e, 151–52.

    36. Ibid., 217.

    37. Tokumura Akira, Mori ni manabu (Learning from the Forest) (Tokyo: Kirara Shobo, 2003), 92–94.

    38. Ibid. Akira has been known to count the number of different kinds of trees in his small swathe of forest—at least eighty, he says—or identify the varieties of grasses in a single square meter—about twenty-five.

    39. Akira further developed this idea in a series of essays under the running title “Mori no shisō, mori no bunka,” [The forest: thought and culture], originally published in Children’s Village Dispatch and later collected in a self-published booklet, Mori wa mandara [The forest as mandala], 2009.

    40. Donald Worster, Nature’s Economy: A History of Ecological Ideas (Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 1977), 78.

    41. Tokumura Akira, Mori wa mandara, 52.

    42. Ibid., 71.

    Chapter 30: Ashamed of Being Middle Class

    1. This chapter is excerpted from the introduction and chapter one of Louise E. Walker, Waking from the Dream: Mexico’s Middle Classes after 1968 (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2013), 1–44. I am grateful for permission to republish.

    2. The PRI governed for an uninterrupted period from 1946 to 2000, and was heir to a political dynasty that had ruled since 1929. Most scholars thus refer to the PRI’s seventy-one-year rule from 1929 to 2000.

    3. My analysis of this archive draws on Sergio Aguayo, La charola: Una historia de los servicios de inteligencia en México (Mexico City: Grijalbo, 2001). For a historical analysis of specific spy reports and the methodological challenges and historiographical impact of this archive, see Tanalís Padilla and Louise E. Walker, eds., “Spy Reports: Content, Methodology and Historiography in Mexico’s Secret Police Archive,” special dossier, Journal of Iberian and Latin American Research 19, no. 1 (2013): 1–103.

    4. While the books, films, and essays that tell and retell the story of 1968 often fall outside the domain of scholarly history (defined as works that cite all references and sources and provide a full bibliography), the heroic narrative has also been reproduced in academic accounts, even by scholars who aim to nuance our understanding of the events. For example, although Elaine Carey advances an analysis of gender politics and chauvinism in the Mexican student movement, she largely replicates the heroic narrative by relying extensively on interviews with the official custodians of the movement. Diana Sorensen also studies gender politics in 1960s Latin America, but she focuses on the most prominent writers of the Boom generation, which produces a celebratory and nostalgic interpretation. See Elaine Carey, Plaza of Sacrifices: Gender, Power, and Terror in 1968 Mexico (Albuquerque: University of New Mexico Press, 2005); Diana Sorensen, A Turbulent Decade Remembered: Scenes from the Latin American Sixties (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2007).

    5. Carey, Plaza of Sacrifices, 49–50; Ariel Rodríguez Kuri, “Los primeros días: Una explicación de los orígenes inmediatos del movimiento estudiantil de 1968,” Historia Mexicana 53, no. 1 (2003): 179–228. The students came from a broad spectrum of middle-class families. Those at the IPN tended to come from the emerging and lower-middle classes, while students at the UNAM generally belonged to the higher echelons of the middle classes and the élite. Jaime Pensado, Rebel Mexico: Student Unrest and Authoritarian Political Culture During the Long Sixties (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 2013), 19–23.

    6. Elena Poniatowska, Massacre in Mexico (Columbia: University of Missouri Press, 1975), 53; Eric Zolov, Refried Elvis: The Rise of Mexican Counterculture (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1999), 120–23.

    7. Diane E. Davis, Urban Leviathan: Mexico City in the Twentieth Century (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1994), 193–94.

    8. Javier Mendoza Rojas, Los conflictos de la UNAM en el siglo XX (Mexico City: Universidad Nacional Autónoma de México, 2001), 146–52.

    9. “En el periódico ‘Universidad’ . . . ,” June 25, 1971, Dirección General de Investigaciones Políticas y Sociales (hereafter DGIPS), c. 619, exp. 3, Archivo General de la Nación (hereafter AGN).

    10. “Por medio de la circular . . . ,” April 14, 1972, DGIPS, c. 660, exp. 1, AGN.

    11. Herbert Braun, “Protests of Engagement: Dignity, False Love, and Self-Love in Mexico during 1968,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 39, no. 3 (1997): 540.

    12. Ignacio Salas Obregón, “Acerca del movimiento revolucionario del proletariado estudiantil,” Liga Comunista 23 de Septiembre folder, digital archive (CD-ROM) compiled by José Luis Moreno Borbolla (Mexico City, Centro de Investigaciones Históricas de los Movimientos Sociales A. C., 1973). Document in possession of author; CD-ROM in possession of Alexander Aviña. I am grateful to Aviña for sharing this document.

    13. “Inspección ocular . . . ,” June 12, 1971, DGIPS, c. 625, exp. 2, AGN.

    14. For a study of the positive aspects of student-resident collaboration in shantytowns, see Alejandra Massolo, Por amor y coraje: Mujeres en movimientos urbanos de la Ciudad de México (Mexico City: Colegio de México, 1992)

    15. Patrick Chabal, Amílcar Cabral: Revolutionary Leadership and People’s War (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1983), 174–82 (quote from 174).

    16. “Al estar repartiendo ropa . . . ,” November 7, 1971, DGIPS, c. 624, exp. 3, AGN; “Brigadas de ayuda estudiantil . . . ,” October 31, 1971, DGIPS, c. 624, exp. 3, AGN; “El comité de lucha . . . ,” October 28, 1971, DGIPS, c. 624, exp. 3, AGN; “Alumnos de las preparatorias . . . ,” September 26, 1973, DGIPS, c. 707, exp. 1, AGN.

    17. Andrew Hunter Whiteford, Two Cities of Latin America: A Comparative Description of Social Classes (Prospect Heights: Waveland Press, 1991), 98–106.

    18. Numbers are rounded. Coordinación General del Plan Nacional de Zonas Deprimidas y Grupos Marginados, Necesidades esenciales en México: Educación (Mexico City: Siglo Veintiuno, 1982), 54–58, esp. table 3.22.

    19. Pierre Bourdieu, Distinction: A Social Critique of the Judgment of Taste (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1984); Pierre Bourdieu, The State Nobility: Elite Schools in the Field of Power (Oxford: Polity Press, 1996).

    20. “Francisco de la Cruz Velazco . . . ,” June 1, 1973, DGIPS, c. 705, exp. 3, AGN.

    21. Ibid.

    22. Members of this group debated the sincerity of Echeverría’s democratic opening but decided to take advantage of it and, if it proved insufficient, to take it over (conquistarla). In the end, Paz and Fuentes abandoned the project and Heberto Castillo and Demetrio Vallejo formed the Mexican Workers Party (Partido Mexicano de los Trabajadores, or PMT). Echeverría directed some of his allies to form the Socialist Workers Party (Partido Socialista de los Trabajadores, or PST), which successfully confused many with its similar name. José Agustin, Tragicomedia mexicana 2: La vida en México de 1970 a 1988 (Mexico City: Planeta Mexicana, 1992), 106.

    23. “Se llevó a cabo el final . . . ,” November 13, 1971, DGIPS, c. 625, exp. 3, AGN; “A las 10.45 horas . . . ,” November 14, 1971, DGIPS, c. 625, exp. 3, AGN.

    24. Alterto Ulloa Bornemann, Surviving Mexico’s Dirty War: A Political Prisoner’s Memoir (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 2007), 113.

    25. Ibid., 54.

    26. Ibid., 49.

    27. Ibid., 47–49.

    28. Elena Poniatowska, Fuerte es el silencio (Mexico City: Ediciones Era, 1980), 201.

    29. “Explosión de un artefacto . . . ,” July 20, 1974, Dirección Federal de Seguridad (hereafter DFS), 38-0-74, legajo 2, h. 20–27, AGN; “Llamada anónima . . . ,” October 11, 1974, DFS, 11-235-74, legajo 22, h. 268, AGN; “Asalto a una caseta . . . ,” June 26, 1973, DFS, 34-9-73, legajo 2, h. 45, AGN; “Comandos armados ‘Lacandones’ . . . ,” March 1, 1973, DFS, 28-15-1-73, legajo 4, h. 30, AGN; “Liga Comunista 23 de Septiembre . . . ,” November 14, 1975, DFS, 11-235-75, legajo 34, h. 7, AGN; [no title], September 5, 1975, DFS, 11-235-75, legajo 32, h. 117, AGN.

    30. Régis Debray, Revolution in the Revolution? Armed Struggle and Political Struggle in Latin America (New York: Grove Press, 1967).

    31. Jean Franco describes how “the ‘liberated territory’ was a power fantasy of the period of the Cold War, a hope of liberation that would turn first Cuba, then Nicaragua, and finally Chile into political and cultural showcases that bore the burden of high expectations.” Decline and Fall of the Lettered City: Latin America in the Cold War (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2002), 86.

    32. The university-factory thesis is formulated, in extensive detail, in Salas Obregón, “Acerca del movimiento revolucionario del proletariado estudiantil.” See also Laura Castellanos and Alejandro Jiménez, México armado, 1943–1981 (Mexico City: Ediciones Era, 2007), 206; Alfredo Tecla Jiménez, Universidad, burguesía y proletariado (Mexico City: Ediciones de Cultura Popular, 1976).

    33. Salas Obregón, “Acerca del movimiento revolucionario,” 3–4.

    34. Ibid., 22.

    35. Ibid., 3.

    36. This raises serious methodological questions. These reports may tell us more about the state than about the guerrilla movement. It is likely that agents either over- or underestimated the threat, depending on the political expediency. I am not advancing an argument regarding the size or threat of the movement; rather, I am analyzing these documents for the middle-class background of the guerrilla fighters. As with other studies using police, secret police, or inquisition records, the information gleaned from them is corroborated in a variety of ways. Published, unpublished, and Internet testimonies, along with scholarship on this subject, help round out the information in these intelligence reports.

    37. “Grupo afín a Genaro Vázquez Rojas,” April 21, 1971, DFS, 100–10–16–2, legajo 3, h. 35–55, AGN. I am grateful to Alexander Aviña for this citation and for his suggestions regarding the tensions between the urban and rural guerrillas.

    38. Poniatowska, Massacre in Mexico, 34.

    39. Ibid.

    40. Ibid., 79.

    41. Ibid., 81.

    42. Ibid., 47.

    43. A complete bibliography cannot be listed here, but early influential texts include: Gastón García Cantú and Javier Barros Sierra, Javier Barros Sierra, 1968: Conversaciones con Gastón García Cantú (Mexico City: Siglo Veintiuno, 1972); Luis González de Alba, Los días y los años (Mexico City: Ediciones Era, 1971); Octavio Paz, Posdata (Mexico City: Siglo Veintiuno, 1970); Poniatowska, Massacre in Mexico (originally published in 1971); José Revueltas, México 68: Juventud y revolución (Mexico City: Ediciones Era, 1978). For analyses of the 1968 canon, see Braun, “Protests of Engagement”; Leslie Jo Frazier and Deborah Cohen, “Defining the Space of Mexico ’68: Heroic Masculinity in the Prison and ‘Women’ in the Streets,” Hispanic American Historical Review 83, no. 4 (2003): 617–60; Vania Markarian, “El movimiento estudiantil mexicano del 1968: Treinta años de debates públicos,” Anuario de Espacios Urbanos 46 (2001): 239–64.

    44. Field notes and recordings in possession of author. I attended more than fifty commemoration events in Mexico City in the summer and fall of 2008. There were remarkably few exceptions to this trend, among them talks by Soledad Loaeza, Ariel Rodríguez Kuri, Ilán Semo, Sergio Zermeño, and Eric Zolov.

    45. At “A 40 años del 68,” a colloquium at the Centro Cultural Universitario UNAM, October 2, 2008. Field notes and recordings in possession of author.

    46. This analysis comes out most clearly in Paul H. Lewis, Guerrillas and Generals: The “Dirty War” in Argentina (Westport: Praeger, 2002), 51–69. Lewis condemns the middle-class guerrillas for suffering existential angst and provoking the military coup in Argentina. In contrast, Alexander Aviña documents the process of political radicalization as a response to state-sponsored repression and the closing down of legal channels of reform: state-sponsored terrorism provoked some to take up arms, not vice versa. Aviña, Specters of Revolution: Peasant Guerrillas in the Cold War Mexican Countryside (New York: Oxford University Press, 2014).

    Chapter 31: New Left Melancholia, or Paul Potter Swallows Television

    1. Walter Benjamin, “Left-Wing Melancholy (On Erich Kästner’s New Book of Poems),” Screen 15, no. 2 (1974): 30.

    2. Walter Benjamin, “The Author as Producer,” in The Work of Art in the Age of its Technological Reproducibility, ed. Michael W. Jennings, Brigid Doherty, and Thomas Y. Levin (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2008), 88.

    3. Benjamin, “Left-Wing Melancholy,” 30–31.

    4. Wendy Brown, “Resisting Left Melancholy,” Boundary 2 26, no. 3 (Fall 1999): 19, 20, 21, 25.

    5. Jodi Dean, The Communist Horizon (New York: Verso, 2012), 171.

    6. Ibid., 173–74, 175.

    7. Paddy Chayefsky, The Collected Work of Paddy Chayefsky: The Screenplays, vol. 2 (New York: Applause Theater and Cinema Books, 2000), 195.

    8. Todd Gitlin, The Whole World is Watching (Berkeley: University of California Press, 1980), 30.

    9. Paul Potter, A Name for Ourselves, forward by Leni Wildflower (New York: Little, Brown, 1971), 165, 166, 214.

    10. Paul Potter, “Speech to the March on Washington to End the War in Vietnam,” in Landmark Speeches on the Vietnam War, ed. Gregory Allen Olsen (College Station: Texas A&M University Press, 2010), 60.

    11. Howard Brick, Transcending Capitalism (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2006), 124.

    12. Potter, “Speech to the March on Washington,” 61.

    13. Arundhati Roy, The Cost of Living (New York: Modern Library Paperbacks, 1999), 17; Joseph Campbell, The Power of Myth (New York: Random House, 2011), 178.

    14. Aniko Bodroghkozy, Groove Tube: Sixties Television and the Youth Rebellion (Durham: Duke University Press, 2001), 210.

    15. Gitlin, The Whole World, 56.

    16. Potter, “Speech to the March on Washington,” 60.

    17. Leni Wildflower, telephone interview by Michael Szalay, September 29, 2012.

    18. Potter, “Speech to the March on Washington,” 62.

    19. Potter, A Name, 120.

    20. Ibid., 148.

    21. Ibid., 147.

    22. Ibid., 182.

    23. Ibid., 42.

    24. Cited in Jefferson R. Cowie, Stayin’ Alive: the 1970s and the Last Days of the Working Class (New York: The New Press, 2010), 217, 218, 219.

    25. Sean McCann and Michael Szalay, “Introduction: Paul Potter and the Cultural Turn,” Yale Journal of Criticism, 18, no. 2 (Fall 2005).

    26. Lewis Coser and Irving Howe, “Images of Socialism,” in Legacy of Dissent: Forty Years of Writing in Dissent Magazine, ed. Nicholas Mills (New York: Simon and Schuster, 1994), 30.

    27. Sigmund Freud, “Mourning and Melancholia,” The Standard Edition of the Complete Psychological Works of Sigmund Freud, Volume XIV (1914–1916), trans. James Strachey, ed. James Strachey and Anna Freud (London: Hogarth Press, 1957), 244.

    28. Potter, A Name, 237.

    29. Freud, “Mourning and Melancholia,” 246, 247.

    30. Potter, A Name, 220.

    31. Ibid., 227.

    32. Ibid., 221.

    33. Ibid., 89.

    34. Ibid., 95, 148.

    35. Ibid., 134.

    36. Freud, “Mourning and Melancholia,” 245.

    37. Leni Wildflower, telephone interview by Michael Szalay, Septebmer 29, 2012.

    38. Freud, “Mourning and Melancholia,” 243.

    39. Potter, A Name, 11.

    40. Ibid., 220.

    41. Ibid., 191.

    42. Freud, “Mourning and Melancholia,” 248, 247.

    43. Richard Sennett and Jonathan Cobb, The Hidden Injuries of Class (New York: W. W. Norton, 1993), 98, 105, 173.

    44. Cowie, Stayin’ Alive, 215–16.

    45. Wendy Brown, Edgework: Critical Essays on Knowledge and Politics (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 2009), 54–55.

    46. Dean, The Communist Horizon, 174.

    47. The phrase “political liberalism” cited in Gitlin, The Whole World, 62.

    48. Gitlin, The Whole World, 62.

    49. Ibid., 83, 156.

    50. Ibid., 94, 129 (italics in original).

    51. Ibid., 91, 166.

    52. Ibid., 175.

    53. Ibid., 171 (italics in original).

    54. Ibid., 123 (italics in original).

    55. Ibid., 30.

    56. Ibid., 145.

    57. Ibid., 86.

    58. Ibid., 186; Potter, A Name, 41 (italics in original).

    59. Ibid., 216–17.

    60. Ibid., 57.

    61. Ibid., 58.

    62. Ibid., 165.

    63. Ibid.

    64. Ibid., 161.

    65. Chayefsky, Collected Works, 207–8.

    66. Potter, A Name, 166.

    67. Nicolas Abraham and Maria Torok, The Shell and the Kernal: Renewals of Psychoanalysis (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1994), 126–27 (italics in original).

    68. Ibid., 126.

    69. Ibid., 127.

    70. Ibid., 128.

    Chapter 32: Shulamith Firestone, Social Defeat, and Sixties Radicalism

    1. Ann Snitow, “On Shulamith Firestone,” n+1, no. 15 (Winter 2013), https://nplusonemag.com/issue-15/in-memoriam/on-shulamith-firestone.

    2. Shulamith Firestone, The Dialectic of Sex: The Case for Feminist Revolution (1970; repr., New York: Farrar, Straus and Giroux, 2003), 3.

    3. Shulamith Firestone, letter to the editor, Guardian, February 1, 1969.

    4. I have relied upon the version of events offered by Jo Freeman herself in Snitow, “On Shulamith Firestone.”

    5. This is noted by Dana Tortorici, “On Firestone: Preface,” n+1, Winter 2013, https://nplusonemag.com/online-only/online-only/on-shulamith-firestone-preface.

    6. Susan Faludi, “American Chronicles: Death of a Revolutionary,” New Yorker, April 15, 2013.

    7. Tax quoted in Alice Echols, Daring to Be Bad: Radical Feminism in America, 1967–1975 (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1989), 5.

    8. Faludi, “American Chronicles: Death of a Revolutionary,” 54.

    9. Carol Hanisch, “On Shulamith Firestone,” n+1, no. 15 (Winter 2013), https://nplusonemag.com/issue-15/in-memoriam/on-shulamith-firestone.

    10. See Firestone, The Dialectic of Sex, 81; Felicia Lee, “An Artist Demands Civility on the Street with Grit and Buckets of Paste,” New York Times, April 9, 2014.

    11. Willis quoted in Echols, Daring to Be Bad, 150.

    12. Faludi, “American Chronicles: Death of a Revolutionary,” 58.

    13. Anselma Dell’Olio quoted in ibid., 59.

    14. Firestone, The Dialectic of Sex, 37.

    15. Alice Echols, “‘Totally Ready to Go’: Shulamith Firestone and The Dialectic of Sex,” in Shaky Ground: The Sixties and Its Aftershocks (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002).

    16. Firestone, The Dialectic of Sex, 12.

    17. Ibid., 197–98.

    18. This was her sister Laya’s characterization, quoted in Margalit Fox, “Shulamith Firestone, Feminist Writer, Dies at 67,” New York Times, August 30, 2012.

    19. John Leonard, “Books of The Times: Adam Takes a Ribbing; It Hurts,” New York Times, October 29, 1970.

    20. Faludi, “American Chronicles: Death of a Revolutionary,” 59.

    21. Ibid., 60.

    22. Rosalyn Baxandall, “On Shulamith Firestone,” n+1, no. 15 (Winter 2013), https://nplusonemag.com/issue-15/in-memoriam/on-shulamith-firestone.

    23. David Hildago and Louie Pérez, “Revolution,” recorded by Los Lobos March 19, 1996, on Colossal Head, Warner Brothers.

    24. Faludi, “American Chronicles: Death of a Revolutionary,” 59.

    25. Eli Zaretsky, “Rethinking the Split Between Feminists and the Left,” History Workshop Online, September 30, 2013, http://www.historyworkshop.org.uk/rethinking-the-split-between-feminists-and-the-left; Alice Echols, “‘A Party Without Men’: Shulamith Firestone, Women’s Liberation and the New Left,” History Workshop Online, September 30, 2013, http://www.historyworkshop.org.uk/a-party-without-men-shulamith-firestone-womens-liberation-and-the-new-left.

    26. Ann M. Little, “Susan Brownmiller Comments on Faludi & Firestone: ‘You Need Nerves of Steel to Stay in for the Long Haul in a Radical Political Movement,’” Historiann (blog), April 15, 2013, http://www.historiann.com/2013/04/15/susan-brownmiller-comments-on-faludi-firestone-you-need-nerves-of-steel-to-stay-in-for-the-long-haul-in-a-radical-political-movement.

    27. Faludi, “American Chronicles: Death of a Revolutionary,” 59.

    28. Port Huron Statement, reprinted in Tom Hayden, The Port Huron Statement: The Visionary Call of the 1960s Revolution (New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 2005), 167.

    29. Janis Joplin quoted in Alice Echols, Scars of Sweet Paradise: The Life and Times of Janis Joplin (New York: Henry Holt, 1999), 11.

    30. Peter Coyote quoted in Nicholas von Hoffman, We Are the People Our Parents Warned Us Against (Chicago: Quadrangle, 1968), 131.

    31. Carl Gottlieb, quoted in Alice Echols, Shaky Ground: The Sixties and Its Aftershocks (New York: Columbia University Press, 2002), 49.

    32. Elizabeth Subrin, “On Shulamith Firestone,” n+1, no. 15 (Winter 2013), https://nplusonemag.com/issue-15/in-memoriam/on-shulamith-firestone.

    33. Firestone, The Dialectic of Sex, 207.

    34. Bob Seidemann, quoted in Echols, Scars of Sweet Paradise, 304.

    35. Ibid., 187.

    36. Hester Eisenstein, Feminism Seduced: How Global Elites Use Women’s Labor and Ideas to Exploit the World (Boulder, CO: Paradigm Publishers, 2010).

    37. Angela McRobbie, The Aftermath of Feminism: Gender, Culture and Social Change (London: Sage, 2009).

    38. On the counterculture functioning, in part, as “seedbeds for growth industries to come,” see Carol Brightman, Sweet Chaos: The Grateful Dead’s American Adventure (New York: Pocket Books, 1998), 223.

    Chapter 33: Envisioning Another World

    1. I have retained the now archaic gendered language of the original. For the text, see Port Huron Statement, reprinted in Tom Hayden, The Port Huron Statement: The Visionary Call of the 1960s Revolution (New York: Thunder’s Mouth Press, 2005), 53–55.

    2. “America and the New Era” is long out of print. A PDF file containing a facsimile of the mimeograph document is available at http://archive.lib.msu.edu/DMC/AmRad/americanewera.pdf. Material quoted here appears on page 20.

    3. “Maximum feasible participation” of community residents was a requirement of the community action programs created under the Economic Opportunity Act of 1964, the act that created the War on Poverty programs of the Johnson years.

    4. See The Real Utopias Project (conference and program website), http://www.ssc.wisc.edu/~wright/RealUtopias.htm.

    5. Gar Alperovitz, What Then Must We Do? Straight Talk about the Next American Revolution (White River Jct., VT: Chelsea Green Publishing, 2013).

    Chapter 34: The Wisconsin Uprising and Women’s Power

    * Portions of this essay appeared in a different form in Mari Jo Buhle, “Women and Power in the Wisconsin Uprising,” Dissent, Winter 2013, 70–73. Reprinted with permission of the University of Pennsylvania Press.

    1. Amanda Harrington quoted in Andy Kroll, “Wisconsin Gov. Scott Walker’s Abortion Crusade,” Mother Jones, March 21, 2011, http://www.motherjones.com/mojo/2011/02/wisconsin-scott-walker-abortion.

    2. Rachel Benson Gold and Elizabeth Nash, “Troubling Trend: More States Hostile to Abortion Rights as Middle Ground Shrinks,” Guttmacher Policy Review 15, no. 1 (Winter 2012), http://www.guttmacher.org/pubs/gpr/15/1/gpr150114.html.

    Chapter 35: Democracy and the Arab Upheavals of 2011 and After

    1. What follows is an interpretive chapter. For the book-length account with the Arabic sources see Juan Cole, The New Arabs: How the Millennial Generation is Changing the Middle East (New York: Simon and Schuster, 2014).

    2. Alfred Stepan and Juan J. Linz, “Democratization Theory and the ‘Arab Spring,’” Journal of Democracy 24, no. 2: (2013): 15–30.

    3. Matt Buehler, “Safety-Valve Elections and the Arab Spring: The Weakening (and Resurgence) of Morocco’s Islamist Opposition Party,” Terrorism and Political Violence 25, no. 1 (2013): 137–56.

    4. Paul Silverstein, “Weighing Morocco’s New Constitution,” MERIP Online, July 5, 2011, http://www.merip.org/mero/mero070511.

    5. Adria Lawrence, “Morocco’s resilient protest movement,” Foreign Policy, February 20, 2012, [formerly http://mideastafrica.foreignpolicy.com/posts/2012/02/20/moroccos_resilient_protest_movement].

    6. “Morocco,” Human Rights Watch World Report, 2014, http://www.hrw.org/world-report/2014/country-chapters/moroccowestern-sahara.

    7. Michele Penner Angrist, “Understanding the Success of Mass Civic Protest in Tunisia,” The Middle East Journal 67, no. 4 (2013): 547–64; Malika Zeghal, “Competing Ways of Life: Islamism, Secularism, and Public Order in the Tunisian Transition,” Constellations 20, no. 2 (June 2013): 254–74.

    8. Juan Cole, “Tunisia: Demos, Parliament Resignations and the Republic of Sidi Bouzid Secedes,” Informed Comment, July 27, 2013, http://www.juancole.com/2013/07/parliament-resignations-republic.html.

    9. Larry Diamond, “The Impact of the Economic Crisis: Why Democracies Survive,” Midan Masr, July 20, 2013, http://www.midanmasr.com/en/article.aspx?ArticleID=85.

    10. Cole, The New Arabs, 189–225; Mieczystaw P. Boduszyński and Duncan Pickard, “Libya Starts from Scratch,” Journal of Democracy 24, no. 4 (2013): 86–96.

    11. “Libya MPs ‘Agree on Early Elections,’” Daily Star (Beirut), February 16, 2014, http://www.dailystar.com.lb/News/Middle-East/2014/Feb-16/247515-libya-mps-agree-on-early-elections.ashx.

    12. Tomas Jivanda, “Fresh Gun Battles Erupt in Tripoli as Rival Libyan Militias Clash,” The Independent, November 16, 2013, http://www.independent.co.uk/news/world/africa/fresh-gun-battles-erupt-in-tripoli-as-rival-libyan-militias-clash-8944431.html.

    13. “Libya,” Foundation for the Future, 2014, http://foundationforfuture.org/en/Portals/0/PDFs/semi-final-libya.pdf.

    14. Sami Zaptia, “Zeidan Government Reveals It Received LD 50.48 Billion in 2013,” Libya Herald, February 11, 2014, http://www.libyaherald.com/2014/02/11/zeidan-government-reveals-it-received-ld-50-48-billion-in-2013/#axzz3QeScgWVB.

    15. April Longley Alley, “Yemen Changes Everything . . . And Nothing,” Journal of Democracy 24, no. 4 (2013): 74–85.

    16. Theodore Karasik, “Tough Times Ahead for Yemen’s Federation,” Al-Arabiya, February 16, 2014, http://english.alarabiya.net/en/views/news/middle-east/2014/02/16/Tough-times-ahead-for-Yemen-s-federation.html.

    17. Stephen Zunes, “Bahrain’s Arrested Revolution,” Arab Studies Quarterly 35, no. 2 (Spring 2013): 149–64; Toby Matthiesen, Sectarian Gulf: Bahrain, Saudi Arabia, and the Arab Spring That Wasn’t (Palo Alto, CA Stanford University Press, 2013).

    18. Paolo Gerbaudo, “The Roots of the Coup,” Soundings 54 (Summer 2013): 104–13.

    Chapter 36: Post-Occupy

    1. Guy Standing, The Precariat: The New Dangerous Class (London: Bloomsbury Academic, 2011).

    2. Italian philosopher Giorgio Agamben (b. 1942) is best known in the United States for his books Homo Sacer: Sovereign Power and Bare Life, trans. Daniel Heller-Roazen (Stanford: Stanford University Press, 1998), and State of Exception, trans. Kevin Attell (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2005).

    3. Thomas Frank, “To the Precinct Station,” The Baffler, no. 21 (2012): 31.

    4. David Graeber, Debt: The First 5,000 Years (Brooklyn: Melville House, 2011).

    5. Doug Henwood, personal communication, e-mail to author, October 28, 2012.

    6. Alexis Goldstien, “The Volcker Rule: Wins, Losses, and Toss-ups,” The Nation, December 13, 2013, http://www.thenation.com/article/177592/volcker-rule-wins-losses-and-toss-ups.

    7. Chris Maisano, “From Protest to Disruption: Frances Fox Piven on Occupy Wall Street,” Democratic Socialists of America, October 2011, http://www.dsausa.org/from_protest_to_disruption_frances_fox_piven_on_occupy_wall_street.

    Chapter 37: Movements for Real Democracy

    1. Walter Benjamin, Walter Benjamin: Selected Writings, 1938–1940, ed. Marcus Bullock and Michael W. Jennings (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1996), 402.

    2. All interviews cited in this chapter took place between 2011 and 2013, and many appear in Dario Azzellini and Marina Sitrin, They Can’t Represent Us! Reinventing Democracy from Greece to Occupy (London: Verso, 2014).

    3. Some sources fear increased repression (particularly in Greece and Spain) and prefer to not include their last names. Others have been omitted for consistency.

    4. Cheryl K. Chumley, “America Is an Oligarchy, Not a Democracy or Republic, University Study Finds,” April 21, 2014, Washington Times, http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2014/apr/21/americas-oligarchy-not-democracy-or-republic-unive.

    5. Martin Gilens and Benjamin I. Page, “Testing Theories of American Politics: Elites, Interest Groups, and Average Citizens,” Perspectives on Politics 12, no. 3 (September 2014): 564–81.

    6. “Auctioneer: Stop All the Sales Right Now!” YouTube video, 4:03, from Kings County Supreme Court, Brooklyn, NY, posted by “Organizing for Occupation,” October 14, 2011, https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=u3X89iViAlw.