New Records of the Lincoln-Douglas Debate at the 1854 Illinois State Fair: The Missouri Republican and the Missouri Democrat Report from Springfield

AFTERNOON.

Just after dinner a cry of fire ran through the city. The car shop attached to the P. C. & M. R. R.,[77] took fire and burned down. In it were three new passenger cars, just finished, and then in the hands of the painters. The building was a large brick edifice, one story high, and the loss must be severe. The fire is supposed to have originated in the paint room.

At half-past one, P.M., the cannon began to roar, announcing that Senator Douglas was about to make his great speech on the Nebraska act. It was intended that he should speak in a pretty grove near town, so that all could hear, but the change in the weather forbid it, and all repaired to the State House. By the way, at noon of this day, a handbill was issued by the Managers of [t]he State Fair, deprecating the practice of politicians who follow up the Fairs to gain popular strength, and inviting the people to frown down all such movements.

The Representatives Hall, the largest room in the building, was crowded to the utmost, many ladies gracing the galleries. There were from ten to twelve hundred persons present, all expectant and anxious to hear the "Little Giant." The meeting was called to order, and Gov. Matteson[78] elected President and Gov. John Moore, Col. Dunlap, and another gentleman whose name we did not catch, were nominated and elected Vice-Presidents.

The following is a faithful synopsis of this speech, compiled from copious notes taken during its delivery:

SPEECH OF SENATOR DOUGLAS.

I do not deem any introduction necessary in addressing you, fellow-citizens. Our mutual acquaintance extends back more than twenty-one years. We have met to discuss the great political questions of the day, and should do so frankly and fairly. But before I proceed to speak upon these topics, I will mention that it is understood by some gentlemen that Mr. Lincoln, of this city, is expected to answer me. If this is the understanding, I wish that Mr. Lincoln would step forward, and let us arrange some plan upon which to carry out this discussion. I dislike very much upon all these occasions to make speeches first and to have them answered by opponents, thus giving them constantly the closing speech. I wish to meet the many slanders and gross abuse heaped upon me by all these opponents. Will Mr. Lincoln step forward? [Senator Douglas waited some moments, and calls were made for Lincoln, but met with no response, when he proceeded.] The question to which I ask your attention is the so-called "Nebraska Bill."[79] You have all heard of that same Nebraska Bill, no doubt. [Applause.]

Yet while all this cry is raised against it, not one Whig or Abolitionist paper has ever published that bill, to my knowledge. If it was such a bad act, why do they not publish it? If it is such an iniquitous measure, why not prove it to the world? The reason is, the very bill itself openly and clearly refutes their assertions. (Applause.) But they contend that there is no necessity for its introduction, and that it was a ruthless, wanton act on my part. But, fellow-citizens, I can assure them that this is no new proposition. Ten years ago I was called upon to legislate upon this proposition. This same principle has been sustained four times—twice in the Senate, and twice in the lower House of Congress. In 1852–3 this question was up, and Yates[80], among others, voted for it. If it was necessary to legislate upon this Territory then, why is it now unnecessary? The necessity of opening this vast Territory is self-evident to every candid, intelligent mind. The thousands of emigrants crossing the plains could not go through that Territory without breaking the Indian intercourse law, and subjecting themselves to heavy fines and imprisonment. Such is the actual fact. Should not this Indian barrier be broken down? Is that vast country to remain a perpetual wilderness? Is the march of Christianity and civilization to stop there; and are our railroads and highways to the Pacific there to end?

If, however, the object is to open up that country to emigration and to the California and India trade, we must take the necessary steps to accomplish that object.

What plan should be determined upon to settle it? Now, I admit that this is a matter of debate.

I have been Chairman of the Committee on Territories, in Congress, for the past ten years, and it was my duty to act in this matter and bring forward this bill. I was no volunteer in this matter. It devolved upon me as a duty. The Missouri Compromise line was adopted in 1820. In 1845 it was continued through Texas, as far as our Government claimed the territory. Consequently, when New Mexico came in, I went for that line, not that I approved of its principles, but considered it better than to stir up a great sectional excitement. That proposition was voted down by Northern votes.—[Applause.]

Sectional feelings then were very strong, occasioned by the refusal of Congress to accede to this line. The Abolition papers denounced me then, as they do now, for advocating it. If the Missouri Compromise line had been extended, then all this trouble would have been avoided. The gallant Henry Clay would not have been called to leave his retirement at Ashland.—The rejection of the Missouri Compromise line then created the necessity for passing the Compromise Measures of 1850. Every Abolition paper, at the time it was rejected, placed my name in black lines: "Stephen A. Douglas—the solitary exception." They say I have changed—then so must they, for we are certainly not alike. [Applause.]

Polk signed the Oregon bill with that especial understanding; yet how soon it was voted down. How was it with the three Presidential candidates in 1848—Van Buren, Taylor, and Cass[81]? Van Buren's Buffalo platform prohibited slavery both North and South of that line, and thus virtually rejected the compromise line. I have conversed with many of the Van Buren electors of Illinois, since then, and they admit that, and it is too well known to be disputed. This party were unsuccessful, and therefore failed in what they tried to do, and for doing which they now call me Traitor. [Applause.] If it were an act of infamy to destroy that compromise line, why did they try to do it? [Applause.] The truth is, friends, there is only this difference between us: they could not, I did. So much for the Abolitionists; and now we come to the Whig party, and when I speak of it, it is with great respect. I have battled against the old Whig party for twenty-one years, and now that it is dead, with none to preach its funeral sermon, [applause,] I will not denounce or abuse it.—Clay and Webster[82], and their followers—men who fought valiantly for their principles—are entitled to profound respect. But in 1848, the Whig party favored prohibiting slavery from all new Territories, and went totally against the compromise line. Then they would not have it, and censured me for standing up to it. If it is a sacred compact with the Whigs in 1854, how was it in 1848? If I am a traitor now, how was I then?—[Applause.] If you condemn me now, you condemn yourselves. You may, therefore, make yourselves out base, but you are incompetent witnesses against me.—[Applause.]

The Democratic position in 1848 was against the Missouri Compromise. Every man was against it, I alone excepted, according to the Abolition papers of that time. All parties thus condemned the Compromise, but on different grounds. Some wished to remove all restrictions, others to impose all restrictions. Why did I change? Because every party was against me; [I was][83] stripped of all power to carry out my views. Why deprive me of power to carry out my views, bind me wholly to yours, and now abuse me for it? [Great Applause.]

Thus it was that all parties repudiated the Missouri Compromise line, and rendered necessary the new compromise measures of 1850, which were ushered into existence and supported by these great leaders of parties, Clay, Webster, and Cass. This latter Compromise became a law, and I returned from Washington, an invalid, on crutches, and found rebellion in Chicago against the National Government. Open anarchy reigned there. I made a speech and showed that the Compromise of 1850 stood upon the broad doctrine of popular sovereignty.

Resolutions were unanimously passed at that meeting, and the next day the City Council of Chicago rescinded their Nullification Resolutions by a vote of twelve to one. I defended that principle then the same as I do now. [Applause.] Our Legislature met soon after and passed strong resolutions supporting me in this position.

[Mr. Douglas here read the resolutions, but we have not them at hand.]

This then follows—that the Missouri Compromise was then considered a restriction upon this great principle, and that it should be wiped out.

Thus in 1851—but three years ago—you instructed me to carry out this principle, and now can you blame me? [Applause.] Did the people abandon, hang in effigy and burn those members of the Legislature who thus instructed me? I never heard of such a thing. How was it then? Why[,] every Democratic member voted for that resolution. Who blames them now?—[Voices cried, "nobody."]

I will read the names of members who voted for that instruction. All the Democrats, and every Whig but four, voted for it.[84]

How was it in the Presidential campaign of 1851? Scott and Pierce[85] both stood on the Baltimore Platforms. What did this mean? Was it not that this principle should stand, and be applied forever to all new Territories? Were not Scott and Pierce both Compromise men, and was not the struggle between them which was the more sound on that question? Thus, but two years ago all the people were for this principle. If right two years ago, why this charge, that it is wrong now?

The Kansas and Nebraska bill needs no proof that it conforms to the Compromise of 1850. The very same provisions of the bill organizing New Mexico, are in the Nebraska bill.

[Mr. Douglas here read the fourteenth clause of the Nebraska bill, which states that the object of the bill is neither to legislate slavery in nor out of that Territory, but leave it to the people themselves to settle.]

The Whigs voted for this principle three years since—now every Whig says the object was to legislate slavery in. But the Nebraska bill says emphatically that it does not, and therefore when they assert it, they either have not read the bill or they willfully assert a falsehood. [Applause, and cries of shame, shame on them.] And yet they burn in effigy, and get up mobs, and incite to insurrection, not daring to publish the bill, yet they dare not meet it. This is a simple matter, and easily settled. Shall the people of the Territories determine their local affairs for themselves? We say that they shall—our opponents, that they shall not.

Now, why are not the Nebraska Emigrants capable of self-government? Where did they come from? They came from Virginia, Rhode Island, Kentucky, Tennessee, and all the old States. Were they not capable before they went, or did they lose their knowledge when they crossed the Missouri river. [Great applause.] Do you hold the idea of some Eastern people, that the pioneers are but frontier barbarians? Of course our Eastern relations think we are an exception, and sympathize with us for living in such a hard country. [Applause.] Now, I maintain that we are as smart as people East—indeed, more so, for this reason: If a man has two sons, one smart and energetic, the other dull and stupid, it is not the active one that consents to be the drone at home with his parents. Yes, the smart sons come out here, make their farms and homes, and then go back, pick out the prettiest girls in the country for their wives, and here they are. [Great applause.]

Why cannot we of the West govern ourselves, then, with the smartest men and best of women? Truly we will control ourselves in this matter, and as we sow, so we must reap, and if we do wrong we hope to see our error and do better.

But you say this slavery is a great crime, and different from everything else. Now, why? Crime is but one thing, in greater or less degrees, and the very same principle applies to it. Does Congress legislate upon horse stealing or anything else in the Territories? Who is the tribunal if the people err in this matter? Will you go to a King, Pope, or Czar? No! You must go back to the people themselves. We of the States, or in Congress, cannot enjoy the benefits or suffer the curse of laws we make for the Territories- [sic]

How is it that the Abolitionists are so fond of Congressional interference? It is of late cocurrence [sic], suddenly and without a reason. How is it with Whiggery now? They have changed their name, and now call themselves Republicans!

Honest men rarely have need to change their names. The Whigs and fusionists don't claim the word National Republican. That name, with Henry Clay, covered the whole Union. Now see what they advocate—read their platform! A negro appears in every clause! [Great applause.] Therefore I call them the Black Republican party. [Continued applause.]

[Mr. Douglas here read the new Fusion Platform, which repudiates the Fugitive Slave Law, and which refuses to admit more Slave States upon any condition.][86]

Now Whigs must subscribe to this platform. The Utah and New Mexico organic acts declare that the people may do as they choose, yet now this principle, voted for by the Whig party of 1850, is denied. Fillmore[87] acted up to this principle, and it made him his popularity. The contest now is a great fight between Abolitionists and National Republicans[88]. Those who follow me about in this State—Giddings, Chase, and Ichabod Codding[89]—slander and abuse me and make excitable speeches to the people, inciting section against section, and not a national pulse beats in them. National parties must have national principles. Even the churches have split upon this question, and if there is not charity and Christian forbearance there, where will we find it? Our Creator gave us good and evil to choose, and as we choose so must we abide the result. Thus in the Nebraska bill we neither legislate slavery in nor out, but let the people decide for themselves.

I now come to speak of another new element, the Know-Nothings. I have reason to pay particular attention to them, for they of late have been after me: armed bodies of men, determined to put down free speech, and who meet in secret conclave to rule the destinies of the nation. Their principles are these: They are sworn to proscribe men of foreign birth, or of foreign parents. Why proscribe a man for his birth? Do not all countries turn out good men, and great rogues? Is it consistent with our Republican principles? Look over the Declaration of Independence, and see all sects and religions embodied in the signatures there. No Know-Nothings there. Then principles made men. If that new test had been in Washington's army, what would have become of Lafayette, Steuben[90], and others who, in our early struggles for independence, poured out their blood like water in the defence of their adopted country? And what would they do with "the fourigner" [sic] Robert Morris[91], whose money and efforts saved Gen. Washington's army from overwhelming defeat? If Robert Morris were alive he would be proscribed by them now, and his son after him. [Much excitement was here exhibited by the audience.]

How was it with the foreign soldiers in the last war, and how in Mexico? And what did Gen. Scott say in regard to them? And my brave-hearted colleague, Gen. Shields, who has shed more blood in defence of his country than all these Know-Nothings put together. He is to be proscribed as a foreigner. [Much excitement again prevailed.]

Religious persecution in the old world was the means of settling the old States, and shall the descendants of these emigrants now pursue that same course which in olden times drove their fathers from their homes and native land, to seek an asylum in the wilds of America?

At this juncture the interest became intense, and persons crowded upon the reporter's desk, obstructing the light, and preventing his following the speaker. Senator Douglas spoke about fifteen minutes longer on this topic, and then, after thanking his audience for their courtesy and attention, and hoping that he had wounded no one's feelings by his warm and unguarded expressions, he sat down. Three tremendous cheers were then given for him, three more for Nebraska, and three more for Thos. L. Harris, the Nebraska candidate for Congress in this district.

The meeting passed off pleasantly, in every respect, and nothing occurred to mar the good name of the city of Springfield.[92]

At seven o'clock, P.M., a large concourse of people were again attracted to the Capitol in anticipation of another Nebraska speech, from General Singleton, of Brown county, Illinois; the affair having been announced at the conclusion of the meeting in the afternoon. A large number of farmers also gathered in the Hall of Representatives about the same time. The political meeting was held in the Rotunda. Gen. Singleton mounted the steps and spoke for two hours and a half. His speech was very entertaining to his vast auditory, and he was frequently interrupted with uproarious applause, which at times disconcerted the farmers in the vicinity and within hearing, [sic]

Finding his speech in most respects repetition of the arguments and principles advanced and discussed by Mr. Douglas, we paid an early visit to the farmers' assembly.

The meeting was organized by calling Dr. Kennicut[93] of Cook county, Vice President of the State Agricultural Society, to the chair, in the place of Mr. J. N. Brown, President, who was absent.

The President stated that the meeting was for the Friends of Agriculture and the Mechanic Arts. A resolution was read expressive of their disapprobation of political leaders taking advantage of Agricultural meetings for the purpose of making political capital out of their gatherings, which was unanimously adopted. In connection with this resolution the President made a few apt remarks, which were well received. He stated that the farmers, from all parts of the State, had collected for the purpose of holding a Fair—to exhibit their improved stock and farming implements for mutual benefit, and that the town was filled with political demagogues, who were endeavoring to engross the whole public attention—that nothing was heard in the hotels and streets but "Nebraska" and "Anti-Nebraska," and the extending or abolishing of Missouri Compromise lines. He did not approve of it for his part, and the spirit with which his remarks were greeted indicated that few persons present did.

All this time a continuous uproar was being kept up without, and the doors of the Hall were ordered to be closed to prevent interruption.

A few of the farmers present then made remarks on the same lively subject. They all seemed to consider the political tendency of the town at this time an imposition and not to be tolerated, and advised the members of the press, if there were any present to [sic], notice the matter, and endeavor to bring about a different state of things by next year.

The objects of the meeting were then briefly stated by the President. He said that it was highly important, to accomplish their object, that the farmers from various parts of the State should meet together to discuss subjects connected with husbandry; that there should be a free and honest interchange of thought and opinion on experimental farming and the most approved implements in use in tilling the soil; that facts in relation to farming were necessary to be known in order that all might derive advantage from the experience of each individual, and thus enable them sooner to arrive at a true and practical standard of farming economy. It would also strengthen the ties of brotherhood to which common interests would naturally give birth.

In order more effectually to carry out these purposes, a variety of subjects had been selected to occupy their time in discussion, and it was particularly impressed on the members, that facts in farming, and practical experience, would be most acceptable in treating them. Every person present was entitled to speak on any of the subjects proposed, providing he was cognizant of any interesting facts concerning them, and the speeches were limited to five minutes in duration.

The first subject proposed was "The value of farming implements in facilitating labor on a farm."

Mr. Dunlap, connected with the Chicago press—also a farmer—was called on for a speech on this subject.

He spoke at some length, and cautioned the awarding committee to be actuated by no prejudice or outside pressure, in order that no implement should go from this Fair stamped with their diploma, and turn out a second or third rate article.

"Deep Plowing" was the next subject read for discussion. Brief statements were solicited from any persons present, on the utility or inutility of deep plowing. Mr. R. Ware advocated deep plowing, and stated that in his experience, an increase of from one-fourth to one-fifth more produce had resulted from it, and strongly advocated the practice.

"Trench Plowing" came next in order on the list of subjects, and was taken up. This is simply running one plow immediately after another, turning up the subsoil to the depth of from eight to ten inches. Mr. Dunlap spoke highly in its favor for the culture of corn and trees, and stated that in his soil it would produce at least double that obtained by common plowing. He especially advocated Trench Plowing for dry seasons. It was also said to be the most effectual mode to eradicate weeds and the blue grass of the prairies. Messrs Rouse, of Woodford county; E. C. Douglass, Madison county; C. R. Overman, Fulton county; M. Hughes, Henry county, and Dr. Fenbrook[94], Edgar county, spoke warmly in its favor for the corn crop.

Mr. Mills, of Salem, remarked that in his experience it had made no difference in the wheat crop, and stated that his soil was the black, prairie loam, with a clay subsoil. Mr. Johnson, of Hancock, also, spoke in this connection.

Mr. Dunlap endeavored to explain why wheat did not succeed with the Trench plowing as well as corn, &c., and gave some very satisfactory and philosophical reasons to substantiate his theory. Messrs. Wittman, of Tazewell county, and Wells, of Pike county, followed him with brief remarks. This discussion was very spirited and seemed to interest the whole assembly. As it occupied considerable time several of the subjects were passed over and set apart for another occasion, and the following question was propounded and opened for free discussion:

"Can Farmers and Mechanics be suitably educated in sectarian and other classical schools?"[95]

Here was a wide subject, and one fraught with great interest to the farmer. Dr. Kennicutt made a few remarks, taking the negative side, and advocating the necessity of a more efficient Common School system in the State. He was followed by Dr. Rutherford, who stated that he was incompetent to do the subject justice, but that suitable speakers would be provided at a more convenient time to discuss it fully. He said that there was too much indifference to practical education in the art of husbandry among farmers, and that the masses of Agricultural and Mechanical pursuits see that persons who are best educated are not the best farmers and mechanics, and this rendered them lukewarm and careless of cultivating their minds.

Mr. Wells of Pike county advocated a system of Agricultural Schools, wherein the youth of the land might make Agriculture their chief study, under professors, as the students of medicine, law, and divinity. The following named gentlemen all expressed themselves fully upon this subject—Mr. Dunlap, Mr. Wells, Henry Shaw, Tazewell co.; Mr. Mills, Salem; T.G. Forster, St. Louis; Mr. Johnson, Hancock; Mr. Garver, Springfield; Mr. Bakewell, McLane co; and Mr. Eames, Cass co. They were all of one opinion regarding the sort of education farmers should have, and various measures were suggested to ensure it to them.

They were all of one opinion in thinking that the farmers' sons should not be classed as a lower and more degraded race than professional men, and that they should receive equal education to make them in every respect equal with them. The meeting adjourned till seven o'clock to-morrow evening, when other subjects will be taken up and other speakers introduced.