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Chapter 7: Mobility: Families on the Move in the United States

Barbara H. Settles

Groves conferences have examined issues of internal displacement due to policy decisions, forced displacement and discrimination directed at Native Americans, African Americans, Latin Americans, Asian Americans, and Islamic Americans. Native Americans have been a focus in sessions and field trips at Groves Conferences in Alaska (Steele & Steele, 2001) where both Indian tribes and Eskimos were included, and in North Carolina with the local Cherokees (Coleman & Ganong, 2000). The entire conference in 2005 was devoted to issues relevant for Native American families (Feldman & Rubin, 2005). Margaret Feldman and Roger Rubin organized the conference in Washington, D.C. at the newly opened Smithsonian Institution’s National Museum of the American Indian as a resource and tapped policy leaders in the federal government and NGOs to highlight the controversies and strategies currently being proposed.

African Americans were involved in conferences with Ernest Groves from the beginning even when separate facilities and meetings were required in the South. Later conferences met only in facilities that would include all Groves members and presenters without reference to race. Some conferences dealt specifically with African American family and policy issues. At the 1989 Groves conference held in Savannah, Georgia, Charles Burnett and Sharon Price included in the family health theme a historic tour that highlighted Page  176the history of slavery and Black families after the Civil War. Harriette McAdoo (1983) organized a conference dealing with not only current issues but also how our perceptions and ideas have been shaped by the way history and the arts portrayed Africans and African Americans. Held in Freeport, Bahamas, a local-contact event where delegates made home visits helped attendees realize the importance of involving local family professionals in Groves conferences. This imperative is especially true of international conferences in terms of collegiality and professional insights. From this conference McAdoo developed her major book on diversity and people of color and their families. Patricia Bell-Scott and Patrick Mc Kenry organized the 1993 program around racial, cultural, and class boundaries in caring relationships. The Perdido Beach, Mobile, Alabama setting included a tour into Mobile where Groves’ members requested a visit to the African American community. The Oklahoma City meeting in 2004 included a day in Boley, Oklahoma, one of the four remaining African American towns in the U.S., and Groves’ members attended the annual Boley Rodeo (Hicks & Koepke, 2004).

Latin American families have been of interest in many of our conferences, most often in policy workshops and professional practice presentations. Leigh Leslie wrote a chapter on refugees from El Salvador for a 1993 book on immigration. At the conference in San Antonio in 1987 much of the program was devoted to Latinos both as immigrants and as second- and third-generation families. Barbara Settles organized the conference in 1994 in Costa Rica which asked members to share the practical programming they do with families (Settles & Ingianna, 1994). It involved both Costa Rican and Panamanian family professionals and university professors who presented information on Latin American families and programs. An issue of Family Science Review co-edited by Barbara Settles and Isabel Vegas of the University of Costa Rica documented this conference and included papers from local scholars as well as Groves members. Whenever immigration and mobility were discussed, an emphasis on Hispanic and Latino was central.

Asian families have received less attention, but some specific sessions stand out. Judith Landau-Stanton presented an informative video presentation of her work in counseling young Laotian Page  177immigrants at the 1987 meeting (Settles & Fischer). She found that for these young people, older fictive kin could be extremely helpful as the youth missed their family ties so much. Islamic families have recently come to attention. The Groves Conference in Detroit provided an opportunity to become aware of the large Middle-Eastern-origin population in Detroit and Dearborn and to turn attention to the situation of Muslims and other groups from the region as they faced challenges post-9/11 (De Reus & Blume, 2007, 2010). As frequently happens at Groves meetings, the locale provided an enriched program that goes further than the theme. Other groups such as Hindus, Pacific Rim, Brazilians and Africans have been less often addressed.

Migration is a fundamental historic process in the U.S., and family mobility has both geographic and socioeconomic components. While the push-and-pull dynamics are similar to those discussed on immigration (see chapter 6, this volume), the open borders of the states have made it easy to move and return. In contrast to the many countries where domicile registration and travel papers are required within the country, Americans can visit and change residences without restriction. The culture is also receptive to moving about for personal preferences and jobs. In our history, the frontier provided an opportunity to start over and reconstitute one’s identity and life goals. The elderly and extended kin were often left behind, yet American restlessness was seen as a positive process. In the 20th century the great trek from the South to the North of African Americans provided opportunities—but not without many costs. Marks (1993) developed the theme of pioneering of Black women in domestic service as they dealt with the barriers and the new options for their children and moved north. Americans still have great impatience when individuals who are out of work do not see moving as a way of finding opportunity. Areas of depressed economies are less often seen as targets for redevelopment than as places to escape. Jurich, Collins, and Griffen (1993) reviewed the farm crisis of the 1980s and how it had pushed families off the farm and changed their way of life. Leaving the countryside has characterized population movement, with each census showing a population center further west.

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Homelessness was first counted in the U.S. Census in 1990, and Dail (1993) developed an analysis of homelessness in contemporary life that included the dynamics of poverty, failure to develop community mental health facilities, housing itself as a crisis, and public sheltering problems. Rereading this essay I was struck by how recalcitrant this problem has become.

The 2010 U.S. Census has directed attention to the changing dynamics of population growth and change. People of Latin American origin now constitute the largest minority sector of the nation. The southern and border states have experienced growth due to this immigration. The Latin American sector is younger and represents a growing proportion of the children in the U.S. The fact that the United States still has a fertility rate above simple stability rests on these young, slightly larger families. Some areas, such as the Great Plains and the rust-belt cities have lost population at rates that make them difficult to serve with basic services. In addition, some return migration of African Americans to the South has been related to greater opportunities both economically and in terms of lifestyle.

Types of moves include forced, imposed, and preferential according to Glick (1993). Mobility for most families, however, was usually more limited confining to changing residences within an area that leaves it relatively easy to keep up with relatives and close friends (Glick, 1993). Adams (1968) referred to the 75-mile or one- hour-plus drive limit. Among forced moves were natural disasters, being displaced by urban renewal, or eviction. Post World War II, corporations developed for their training and promotion policies for managers an imposing of moves often across the country. Roma Hanks and Marvin Sussman (1993) proposed an alternative similar to athletes moving about in the leagues so that families would be less disrupted and managers could move between companies. Tolliver (1993) commented on the challenges to Black executives in relocation and loss of social networks. Kouri and Lasswell (1993) explored the challenges of Black-White mixed marriages. The increased dual employment and dual careers that became typical of most families altered the relationships with companies and other work places. Some families were already choosing where to live in terms of splitting the difference in commutes for working couples or Page  179maintaining separate residences to continue dual careers (Anderson & Spruill, 1993). Today families may maintain split residences as they seek new employment in hard times.

It is not a surprise that families find themselves trying to find times and places for family reunions and holidays near airports and interstate routes. The highway system that has supported suburban growth and trucking provides the infrastructure for the trips home at Thanksgiving and the retreat to warm climates for retirees in the winter.

Some regions and states have had great stability over the years. Others have had recurrent downturns or occasional new prosperity. World War II created many new jobs in new places and stimulated migration and resettlement (Marks, 1993). Growth of the auto industry in Michigan attracted Appalachian migrants for many years, and as plants were built elsewhere many relocated. Areas like Silicon Valley and the beltway of Boston have served as magnets to changing economic opportunities. Infrastructure, such as the interstate highway system, has produced development alongside junctions. Other areas have proven to be persistent economic “black holes.” Even with governmental and charitable investment, much of Appalachia has not prospered, and in much of small-town Midwest the younger population has moved for more economic options.

In 2006 my Groves speech included a section on family migration within the United States and focused on a brief case study of the Katrina/Rita disasters in 2005 in New Orleans and the Gulf Coast (Fischer, Caldera, & Tacon, 2006). It was based primarily on media accounts and my own media experience of witnessing the events. Over the years, more academic research and analysis has become available. In the meantime, the long-term recovery of the area has been slow and remains unfinished. The added impact of the 2009 Gulf oil spill provided both a major economic hit and an emotional and social depression. The recent 2011 floods in the Mississippi river system called attention to the systemic problems in the flood strategy. The 2011 Groves conference in New Orleans developed an in-depth look at displacement due to natural and man-made disasters where we were faced with both the progress in rebuilding Page  180and the continuing barriers to recovery (Malia, 2011). In the rest of this chapter, I build on that section of my talk and connect it to other Groves interests in family responses to disaster and economic displacement. The following is a revision of the section of my 2006 plenary address which updates to 2011 and shows how this Diaspora continues to resonant for families.

Katrina & Rita: A Case of Dislocation

Migration within the United States provides the context for this case study. The Katrina & Rita hurricanes of 2005—which affected New Orleans and large portions of the delta area—were a dramatic illustration for the American public and the international community of how people may be displaced suddenly and without a sufficient institutional response in a developed country. The question of being a refugee in one’s own country could be seen as 400,000 fled the city (Lukensmeyer, 2007). As forced evacuation was initiated following the levee break, even those families whose houses were intact were pushed to leave (Berenson & Sewall, 2005). By September 10, the Federal Emergency Management Agency (FEMA) chief had been sent back to Washington, D.C., and an experienced Coast Guard admiral was asked to take overall management (Kenny, 2005). In addition to the main receiving centers in inland Louisiana, Texas, Tennessee, and Georgia, many found shelter in their relatives’ and friends’ homes all over the nation. Within the month, Hurricane Rita had displaced almost a million in the larger region of the Gulf coast —including many who had fled to Houston or to the coast from Corpus Christi, Galveston, and the entire Louisiana coast (Romero, 2005). The second storm, Rita, was less deadly because evacuation was more successful (Dewan & Longman, 2005).

In the Gulf-south area of Louisiana and Mississippi, economic growth had been stagnant with in-bound mobility centered in recent years on retirement, relocation, second homes, gambling, and other entertainment industries. Structural unemployment and low wages have been common. The historical importance of the Louisiana Purchase for this region was not so much acquiring the western land but rather the strategic nature of the river and port functions. It is Page  181still one of the largest U.S. ports in terms of shipping volume. The big floods of the early 20th century on the Mississippi, its tributaries, and delta had been addressed by the national government by the Army Corps of Engineers with a variety of dams, canals, diversions, dredging and dikes. A thorough history and technical analysis of the 2005 tragedy of New Orleans weather events and drainage schemes can be found in the report of the Independent Levee Investigation Team (ILIT, 2006). New Orleans has had repeated damage with flooding from six hurricanes in the past century. This technical report pointed to the need to resolve dysfunctional relationships among federal, state, and local agencies in terms of commitment, coordination, and oversight of the projects needed.

Although many commentators after the hurricane stated that no one could have expected such a catastrophe, there had been both academic and public criticism of the state of these fixes and the lack of preparation for dealing with a disaster. For example, National Geographic published an article in which Bourne (2004) described an account of a fictional August hurricane’s impact on New Orleans. In four paragraphs his narrative was so close to what really happened in 2005 that it belies the oft-repeated governmental and media defenses that no one could have possibly predicted the impact of the disaster. He discussed the oil industry and the possibilities and problems of the river and the ports. Even with the Homeland Security reorganization and investments after 9/11, disaster planning and readiness were not up to coping with the situation. Evacuation had been assumed to be possible using automobiles, with little understanding of how many people in the city—especially in the low-lying poorer districts—had no ability to easily relocate (Lipton, Drew, Shane, & Rohde, 2005). Approximately 27 percent of the population did not own a car (Ignatieff, 2005). Hospitals, nursing homes, and prisons were in no way able to respond appropriately, so we had picture of prisoners standing and sitting on a highway bridge and stories of triage and neglect in health facilities (Rodhe, McNeil, Jr., Abelson, & Dewan, 2005). Prisoners ended up in the bus station as a temporary jail (Berenson & Sewell, 2005). Unplanned triage resulted in accusations and the likelihood that the very sick were taken last or left behind after being given overdoses of pain medications (Fink, 2009). School buses which could have helped were locked and fenced with no one Page  182able to commandeer them for use. The governor could not get buses to rescue the superdome refugees. (Lipton, Srew, Shane, & Rohde, 2005). Interstate 10 was damaged with misaligned and missing pieces as was the Lake Pontchartrain Causeway in the midst of the storm with major sections swept away (Treaster & Kleinfield, 2005). Many walked to the stadium downtown as the only major gathering point for relief, but on September 1 officials stated that they had just learned of the thousands at the superdome (Ignatieff, 2005).

In this initial phase, the country was able to see—via the media— the distress, and particularly the people, for whom early escape was most problematic. Some had refused to leave or had not been allowed to leave when they wanted to take their pets. Lost animals roamed the streets and were among the casualties. Not everyone was equally affected. Many were able to drive away and find shelter with relatives and friends. Some were rescued by boat; others were relocated by governmental efforts. The African American faces of urban poverty were especially dramatic. Television recorded the very real divisions of access and response to misfortune. This coverage and the national response to it “exposed the tensions of race and class” (Lukensmeyer, 2007, p.1)

Since the disaster occurred in early September when classes were beginning across the U.S., it was particularly effective in raising awareness among youth. [It was for me an impressive moment when my family studies classes actually wanted to talk about class, ethnicity, and family mobility.] Later, as clearing the wreckage and rebuilding got under way, young people went to New Orleans and many returned over and over again to participate in clean up and reconstruction]. While the nation could see haphazard but often impressive private and local relief efforts, cities and rural areas in the immediate disaster area were cut off from media, communication, and news. It was extremely difficult for individuals and their families to get information on missing or lost members. When the immediate problems were addressed, cell phone and e-mail address lists did help communities and families reconnect. While families and close-knit communities are often viewed in the development literature as impediments to modernization, in this sort of traumatic event they proved to be the most dependable assets.

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In 2006 when I spoke about this event there were still unidentified bodies, many missing persons, and over half of the city’s population had not returned (Lukensmeyer, 2008). This great evacuation extended affected regions to Texas, up-river to Baton Rouge and Memphis, east to Atlanta, and eventually scattered all over the U.S. Very quickly, children were enrolled in schools elsewhere (Kenny, 2005). [For a couple of years we had a wonderful chef from New Orleans working at a little Chesapeake Bay seafood restaurant—until he found a way to return home.] The Red Cross data base of 160,000-plus did not include the poor, the folks who did not need to find others, those whom no one reported. As with many other disasters—both natural and manmade—people left without their treasured items and often without important papers, so they had little or no identification, proofs of ownership, access to their money, or how to reach others close to them in social networks. Pursuing assets, opening security boxes, and even claiming insurance turned out to be very complicated if one was without the right papers. Families were split and ended up in different regions and in different types of shelter. Vulnerable people, the elderly, children, and the handicapped continued to be more at-risk. A year later, The New York Times Magazine focused on the “Children of the Storm” and reported that many children were still gone from New Orleans, with only about 18 percent of the children from New Orleans back in school (De Parle, 2006). Kennally (2006) focused on the housing situation and the limited rebuilding for public housing. At that time almost nothing had been rebuilt in the Ninth Ward—a central African American sector of the city.

Some governmental strategies were criticized both for inadequacy and laxness. “The choice to implement [cleanup and] construction through private contractors and to waive regulation assuring low income jobs skews the benefits to homeowners and higher income taxpayers” (Gotham & Greenberg, 2008, p.6). This approach was accompanied by special tax-incentive deals for corporate rebuilding. A large group of travel trailers which were meant for brief stays were still being used as the program was winding down and residents were not finding other shelter. FEMA trailers remain a symbol of the inadequacy of the response and of the hard life many families have had (Kennally, 2006). In addition, there were complaints about Page  184the quality of air in these trailers. Overall lack of transparency and accountability—coupled with inequities—continues to haunt the rebuilding.

While the city of New Orleans was “closed,” many people who remained had never left. Some of the hotels in the old French quarter sheltered workers, and boats were also used to house rescuers and repair workers. Many uplifting stories were told such as the rescues by the bass boat fishermen and stores that opened their doors to give supplies away, but the search for negative incidents, such as looting or attacks on persons, were also part of the narrative. The difference in how acts were depicted racially swirled around two Associated Press pictures of people carrying supplies. The Black person was labeled as looting; the White couple was carrying food and drink (Rolli, 2005). The final searches for bodies were delayed as money ran out for the fire department (Dewan, 2006). Mardi Gras was a moment that brought attention back to the city “stripped of all but its pride” (p. 1). Fewer than half of the population had returned and proportionately many more Black residents were missing. Masset and Company constructed 70 floats as opposed to it usual 200. In a city where police were still living on a cruise ship, only 7 public defenders were available, only 3 hospitals and 19 of 117 schools had reopened. The much diminished Mardi Gras was a petit miracle.

Following the initial phase of response, preparations for repair, return, and redevelopment created substantial controversies. One of the most interesting conflicts arose over the perception of how many immigrants and undocumented workers were involved in clearing and rebuilding. Where were the jobs for former residents? There was also concern that race and poverty cut two ways: once in the lack of support for the Diaspora and again in the inability to return to an assured place in the economy and residential community. The destruction of the Third Ward, a low-lying, primarily African American community, and the different views of what should happen in either reconstruction or relocation has been a mighty drama. As early as September 22, 2005, the future of the ”shotgun house” as the iconic and long-lasting lower-income home was being discussed (Starr, 2005). The concern was “why not treat these thousands of lower income homeowners with the respect due to Page  185them as citizens, rather than objects of social experiments” (p. D7). Early discussions of priorities among the “Bring New Orleans Back” group convened by Mayor Ray Nagan emphasized rebuilding in the less risky areas; however, this approach was negatively viewed by many citizens. In response, in 2006 a foundation supported efforts to create a United Plan which was based on broad citizen participation (Lukensmeyer, 2007). This planning effort reached out into the Diaspora, including many cities across the country, with a resulting realignment of priorities. While governmental and community leaders had signed on to the United Plan, it is not clear that citizen participation influenced the quality of private sector contracting and implementation. Bulldozing of public housing was assumed because of new trends in public housing nationwide, even though some of the projects were potentially salvageable (Ouroussoff, 2007).

Some neighborhoods made steady progress—mostly with homeowner leadership. In Broadmoor, where 8-10 feet of water had attacked these homes, two-thirds were restored and 55 percent had returned in two years (Shevory, 2007). Demonstrations have been advanced for architecturally interesting homes that have some features of the old neighborhood. However, the diversity of the Ninth Ward is not simple to bring back, and it is likely that large areas of open land interspersed with some upscale redevelopment may be the outcome. Competing visions of the potential of this long time African American neighborhood—along with the difficulties of reconstructing the legal and ownership records of the area—have hampered its redevelopment (Curtis, 2009). Private and public partnerships are seen as necessary in this huge enterprise. “Many people thought—many people still think—the Lower Ninth Ward should be abandoned” (Clarke, 2009, p.66). With this neighborhood a blank slate, with almost no houses salvageable, a variety of views of the future were put forward, and different initiatives were undertaken separately by funders and leaders. For example, Duleny—who had developed the model town of Seaside, Florida used for the movie Truman—was interested in porches but concerned about the building codes and titles which were not in keeping with the customs of the community prior to the destruction. Build Now emphasized the shotgun architecture with its high ceiling and cross ventilation, and took as their motto, “build new, build Page  186high, build now.” URBANPlan was initiated by Tulane University and promoted innovative materials such as plastic sheets. Habitat for Humanity built a musician’s village that had the look of the older houses with narrow lots, porches, and pitched roofs. The well known innovations of the Make It Right foundation (and Brad Pitt who did a great deal of hands on leadership, participation, and soliciting plus making financial contributions) included contacts with local stakeholders early on. Their plans emphasized safe affordable, sustainable technology and well-designed homes. Within the limits of a $150,000 cost, 40-foot wide lots, raised off the ground 8 feet ,with a hatch in the roof and a focus on sustainability, 14 firms were asked to submit designs. The goal was 150 houses of which more than 50 have been built (Strom, 2010). Whether these demonstrations will attract sufficiently greater construction to rebuild a functioning community, not just a rural fringe area, is not yet clear, but the attraction of interesting and colorful houses does bring tourists to the Ninth Ward and keeps the community in the public eye. Increasing awareness of ethnicity, shared history, and destiny across the nation has been one outcome which could be helpful in looking forward. Return to the damaged areas has been spotty and, while the French Quarter has remained an attraction, the total size of the city is much diminished. “New Orleans, New Orleans, New Orleans, you will come back. But will you be my New Orleans? I doubt it. Katrina and the politicians have made you a different New Orleans forever” (Gaines, 2006, p. 57).

Conclusion

In the spring of 2011, the Groves Conference returned to New Orleans and focused on the long-term effects of such events as described above. For example, a group from Alaska discussed the long-term impact of The Exxon Valdez spill and the redevelopment efforts. In informal conversation, several of us learned that Tulane University’s initial reaction to the Katrina disaster was to downsize the faculty and staff. The Freeman School of Business’s new dean let go 11 members—including 7 tenured faculty (Gloeckler, 2006). Charles Figley, a lifetime member of Groves and former President, had gone to Tulane as a named professor soon after the hurricane. Page  187He was instrumental in helping Tulane University be removed from the American Association of University Professors (AAUP) censure. He took constructive action to remedy its earlier move to downsize some departments and programs “due to natural disaster” without appropriate hearings and oversight. Moving and returning, moving and adapting, losses and recovery processes continue to be at the forefront of the national significance of the Hurricanes Katrina and Rita. Other incidents, such as the floods and tornados in the Mississippi river basin and the South and the nuclear disaster and tsunami in Japan of 2011, has kept attention directed in terms of families and their reactions to displacement. Safety and repairs remain a major controversy in terms of both planning ahead and evaluating the management of risk on a daily basis. Becoming aware of systems both locally and globally and understanding connections across events and regions is a challenge. As each community is fending for itself in the world system and as multiculturalism is often more a slogan than an accomplishment, the role of families in providing a safety net and resources for individuals becomes more crucial. All these factors and other issues became evident at the Groves Conference in New Orleans.

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