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POLITICAL DELUSION.

ON the eve of a day set apart for a literary feast of fat things, I have adjudged that a plain dish would be most ac∣ceptable. Indeed, had it been assigned to me to speak to you of Greece and Rome; of the inexhaustible treasures of Hebrew, Greek and Arabic, or to have discussed the height and diameter of the antediluvians, or to have explained the cause why a black man is not a white man, or why an elm tree does not bear apricots: you must have sat here in silence, and the spirit would never have moved me to address you. Avoiding literary discussion, I have selected as the theme of this occasion, THE EXTENT AND POWER OF POLITICAL DELUSION.

The character of delusion is most strongly marked at its first appearance in our world, when Satan (cidevant that old serpent, now called "the arch jacobin"*) practised his deceit on our federal mother, saying to her, "For God doth know that in the day ye eat thereof, then shall your eyes be opened and ye shall be as gods knowing good and evil." In the work of deceit, Satan has in all ages been uniform; he begins by quoting the knowledge of God in proof of that which is false; he wishes to persuade men to do that which they ought to avoid; he promises them good, and they suffer evil; those, who follow his advice, find the earth cursed for their sakes; thorns and thistles spring up in place of fruits and flowers; by the sweat of their faces they eat their bread, till they return to the ground: and as for Satan, sooner or later he ap∣pears to those, whom he has deceived, literally cursed Page  6above all cattle. I shall now leave Satan to that class of men, whose professional business is to detect his delusions, with this remark, that I doubt much whether they have rightly understood his political character.

The agents of delusion are, the great, the wise, rich and mighty men of the world. These, acting with powers of substitution, are very sagacious in choosing, and ••ccess∣ful in securing, fit instruments for their purposes. Delu∣sion prepares his prime agents with charming outsides, en∣gaging manners, powerful address, and inexhaustible ar∣gument. He furnishes them with an accurate knowledge of the heart, and opens all the avenues to the passions.

The means of delusion are, uniformly the walking in a vain show, hypocrisy assuming the garb of religion, pride of meekness, knavery of honesty, ambition of patriotism. As a full assumption of character is necessary to success, and as delusion naturally over-acts, you find the greatest impostors in our world to have appeared more holy, meek, honest and patriotic than other men.

The object of delusion is, to gain the wealth, honors and favors of men by cheap, false and insidious means.

The subjects of delusion are, the laboring and subordinate people throughout the world. Their toil goes to support the splendor, luxury and vices of the deluders, or their blood flows to satiate lawless ambition. Nearly the whole of Africa, and a considerable part of Asia, are subject to the delusions of Europe: slaves in immense troops must sweat under a scorching sun to bear or follow the palan∣quin of a lordly master: slaves by ship-loads must be dragged from their homes to serve imperious tyrants: immense multitudes must be bowing to stocks and stones, or kneeling before images and lighted tapers, to gratify the zeal of impostors.

The end of delusion is, the elevation of the deluders to a condition of power, splendor and infallibility, and the reduction of the deluded from knowledge to ignorance, from freedom to slavery, from wealth to want, from pre∣sent enjoyment to a destitution of all things, and from fu∣ture hopes to ceaseless doubt.

Having defined my subject, I shall exclude from dis∣cussion all ancient delusions, from a persuasion that to us Page  7the present moment, the present character of man, the present form and pressure of the times are infinitely more interesting than all the past.

I might here entertain you with some of the light skir∣mishes of delusion in the ordinary walks of life; but have preferred to lead you at once into the political field, where he brings into general action all his forces, and displays all his character.

Having no leisure to make long porches, or to take by house-row the measures of our government, I shall lead you at once into the commercial system—which, like a com∣mon ••all, gives you access to all the rooms of the federal building.

When republicans* complain of a Navy, of diplomatic corps, of Algerine tribute, or British treaty, the uniform reply of the agents of delusion is, "all these things are ne∣cessary to commerce, and commerce is the hand maid of industry; abridge our political arrangements, say they, and all your well-earned produce would perish; your ship-timber and ships would be of no value; your seamen would become towns-poor; your rope walks go to decay, and your merchants become bankrupt!"

Now every well informed merchant knows that there is not one word of truth in all this; yet, as Delusion has forged the story for his benefit, he is disposed not to dis∣credit it, and when such a plausible kind of things get a currency, they will pass like a well counterfeited bill, till by accident the deceit is discovered, by which time the counterfeiter has gained all his ends. Every reflecting man knows that if the most worthless produce in the world will attract our vessels to the most distant ports, laden with the staples of this country, then these staples would, from their intrinsic and unfailing value, together with the profits of the carrying trade, invite the merchants of those ports to come and purchase of us. At our own doors we can make better bargains than abroad; we lose nothing by dangers of sea, wastage, casualties or bankruptcy; we receive every thing at full weight and gauge, and our ar∣ticles Page  8are put off in the best possible order without any diminution.

Now, if with free ports and commerce thus conducted, our merchants could not live, then they live now merely by virtue of certain advantages tendered to them by the government, every one of which takes a million of dollars out of your pockets in order to enable you to gain half a million in another way. If the carrying trade is valua∣ble, and we retaining this trade by political arrangements secure it to our merchants, and yet Spain, Holland and Great-Britain are willing to exchange their manufactures in their own ports for our produce, then surely our pro∣duce would be in high demand, and an object of supreme competition, if government would suffer the carrying trade to operate as a premium in favor of our market.

The fundamental proposition, viz. that separate from the present system, our articles would not be in market is pointedly denied, and if this is false, the whole super∣structure falls.

The real object is diametrically opposite to the ostensi∣ble one. The agricultural interest, instead of being help∣ed is vitally attacked. This charming commercial system, so sedulously and artfully addressed to the yeomanry of our country, is a system of indebtedness and eventual bankruptcy. Confining the carrying trade to ourselves, opens an infinite field of credit to the merchant. Millions of property, belonging to the farmers, must constantly be in the hands of the merchants; for if the avails of our pro∣cedure are to come from all quarters of the globe, there must be an average credit given by the farmers till the re∣turns can be made. This draws on to the water an im∣mense quantity of property, and interests the farmers strongly in the success of the merchants whom they have trusted. This property on the water is within fiscal pur∣view and controul. Government has purposes to answer. The merchant is indirectly the collector of a great portion of the revenue. The merchant can lend ships and cargoes to government. The merchant can plan long, circuitous and hazardous voyages, apparently at his own risque; but really at the risque of the farmer; for all losses must eventfully fall on those who trust. These arrangement Page  9leading great capitals in trade, great bankruptcies and great fortunes. They fill the sea with vessels and sailors, valuable auxiliaries and reverberators to a naval system. This last being calculated to protect the merchants, se∣cures their perpetual attachment, and they freely advocate the extraordinary expenses of an armament. Their influ∣ence is thrown directly in the scale opposed to the farmer, and government has thereby secured a number of capitalists to whom resort may be had in the day when grinding runs low at the treasury.

Before the adoption of this system, silver and gold mov∣ed according to the laws of industry; but now banks are introduced, giving to paper a forced and unnatural circu∣lation, taking the command of the medium of all business from the agricultural interest,* and yielding it wholly to the commercial.

It is no wonder that in the complexity of this policy, the farmer is lost in the midst of paper bills, boundless credit, crouded harbours, princely estates, and made to cry out? O! the depth of the wisdom of administration! little dreaming that he has in fact paid and is paying an∣nually the whole profits of the carrying trade, the whole of the Algerine tribute, the expence of all commercial treaties—of all the consuls abroad—the amount of all the losses by sea—of all bad markets, and of all navy ex∣pences —that the money, which he pays suffers many sweatings before it gets to the treasury, and that what he does not pay is placed on interest, and that the land from which he raises this produce, which excites such a fatherly care of government, is pledged for the payment of princi∣pal and interest, and that his children may always see the date and amount of the mortgage by calling on the sur∣veyors of the revenue. Little short of miracle can redeem men from such masterly strokes of delusion.

This mercantile system leads up an appearance of im∣mense Page  10prosperity, the reality of which is craftily ascribed to government; but individuals appear to the world most thrifty, when they are thriftily expending the price of their mortgaged estates: nations appear most busy and thriving in seasons of the greatest expence and public dis∣sipation: for such occasions draw all the money into view and give it a rapid circulation. When a dollar changed owners once in a week it counted only for a dollar; but when by the magic power of a forced commerce it changes owners an hundred times in a week it counts for an hun∣dred dollars. If all the property of a town like this were to be transported every day through all the streets, there would be great commotion and a great show of business and wealth, and the gaping world might admire the thrift of the place, and might lend money on the credit of it. Just like such a farce is that of the great public prosperity now enjoyed. The people are not more industrious than they were before the revolution: they are certainly more extravagant, mortages abound more on the records—in∣cluding public and private indebtedness, there never was a season before this when the people were so deeply in∣volved. Burn all your paper-bills, and your paper evi∣dences of debt, public and private, worlds full of which would not add one cent to the real worth of any country, or collect the debts evidenced by these papers, and which now lie as a heavy weight on the houses, lands and indus∣try of the people, and this delusive vision of prosperity would vanish: but this delusion answers the political pur∣poses of unsettling the public mind, of destroying frigid ideas of oeconomy and of making tolerable many public projections, which otherwise would be detested.

This commercial system presents to the world an im∣mense tonnage, which not only fortifies the appearance of prosperity; but affords employment to a numerous class of men on land, who must feel grateful for a system which yields them wealth; and it employs a number of masters and mates, who must kiss the hand which feeds them; and sailors, who are most valuable astringents in the ingredient of power, and may answer for lining to wooden walls; and delusion whispers that by these things all the money is saved among ourselves. Though this is Page  11among Delusion's weak tricks, yet it is too often successful. It has been well said that it will cost two ducats to keep one in prison. To the man who is able to pay for mo∣ney, it matters not whether that which is to fill his coffers be now in his own town, or in Madrid or Canton: his industry will draw it from the ends of the earth. If we lived on an isthmus or an island, the suggestion of saving the money might be more plausible; but living in a coun∣try of immense extent, capable of employing more than ten times its number of inhabitants, capable of infinite in∣ternal defence, and of keeping tributary to us all nations so long as natural or artificial wants shall be known in the world, it is an idle suggestion—and the time will come, when it will be hard to make the readers of history believe that Americans in the infancy of society, of settlement and agriculture, did seriously undertake to fight their way through nations, whom they could not buy nor bribe, to carry the necessaries of life to the men of those nations who were perishing for the want of them, and then with a return-cargo of far less useful produce to fight their way home again—and that all this was done with the full and free consent of the men who raised the exports, and who could have sold them without hazard for a better price at their own doors.

Commerce, aided by banks, draws property into the hands of men without the medium of industry. Such men not knowing the earning of money are adventurous and extravagant. They become embarrassed—and nearly one half of the people in our populous cities are running after the other half in consequence of this embarrassment. The debtor walks quick when he is avoiding his credtior. The creditor moves quick after him—The bankrupt sells rapidly his stock on hand—The vendue-rooms receive the refuse. These are domestic scenes of prosperity! On the water we are losing ships and cargoes, and lives, and to foreign courts are dancing attendance or paying tribute for these privileges.

On this commercial subject delusion is strong; it pre∣sents imaginary advantages, demonstrable on paper, but false in fact, and these can be presented in every variety and succession, Impressions are easily made: loss or gain Page  12equally stimulate the spirit of adventure. Commerce draws into its vortex one class of men after another, and when the farming interest yields decidedly to this fascinating system but a few years elapse before commerce commands all the wealth of the country. A navy becomes necessary, and the same necessity which last year led up sloops of war, this year leads up frigates and the next ships of the line: sloops can only beat off gun-boats; frigates and ships can only meet equal guns; the principle of power demands that we be the most powerful; increased debt and taxes are inevit∣able; the enormous expense of supporting a navy* justi∣fies other eno•mous expenses. When a national debt is beyond redemption, the addition of a few millions is of little moment; it lightens the burden of the present gene∣ration; they and their task-masters will soon be out of the region of murmuring. The next generation will open their eyes on a bright sun—fertile country—splendid ci∣ties —national debt—and though they may wonder for a time at the artificial evils of society; yet they will surely have philosophy enough to compose themselves under ca∣lamities which they cannot avoid, and to consider it as the lot of man that the evil shall be set over against the good, that man may literally find nothing after him. In that day the principles of our revolution will be either forgot∣ten, or considered as the ravings of visionaries; the systems of great nations will be adopted in their extent. In that day will be no murmuring democrats, no deadly disor∣ganizers: government will move strong, as did the Church of Rome. when the tortures of the Inquisition could sup∣ply the place of convincing argument, and the thunders of heaven be hurled at pleasure on the devoted heads of heretics.

Ask the merchants, can you support commerce and pay the expences of its protection? They will readily answer, no. Then it is clear that commerce is not paying for it∣self; the people are paying for it more than it is worth; but the system of naval defence secures the mercantile in∣terest; Page  13the clergy are gained by the confidence reposed in them, and the smiles which they get for their influence; the army and government printers, and collectors, and officers of all descriptions are secured by the treasury; and to support all these establishments, you the people of the United States, have been paying more than 20,000 dollars a day ever since the new government has been in operation; that is, in eleven years you have paid more than eighty three millions of dollars, and in the present year it is costing you more than 1,700 dollars an hour to support the public burdens. It goes from you in cents and small change, and the return of expenditures is in gross millions. The President's salary and the compen∣sation to members of congress, so often complained of, form but a very small part of the bill. The interest of the national debt is a standing dish. The federal city, begun on a system rivalling in expense and magnificence ancient Babylon, has been a fink for your money. The military establishment and navy are immensely expensive.* Your great men abroad need some pocket money. The Dey of Algiers can account for 24.000 dollars a year, beside the frigate Crescent and some extras. Should you get involv∣ed in war, imperious necessity would demand new loans. Your houses and lands are apprized; you have paid one ground-rent for them, and they will be good security for any additional debt. The present system of measures will lead to war. You cannot keep a navy long afloat with∣out receiving insults, or provoking hostilities. You can∣not mix with foreign courts and avoid foreign policy. When causes of discontent increase, ministers have found it their interest to engage directly in war. During the season of war the minister has an army and navy at com∣mand —war requires expense, hushes clamor, and veils in mystery all cabinet measures. I shall now open to you the appropriate delusions of the WAR SYSTEM.

War presents to all the country a commission to seize and carry to legal adjudication the commercial property of an adverse nation. War opens all the flood-gates of the human passions. War calls into the employment of go∣vernment Page  14an immense multitude. Contractors through all the mechanical arts pronounce a blessing on war.— The grazier adores the administration. The legions at∣tached to admiralty courts, insurers, dealers in stock, bankrupts, and to all men to whom change of times must be for the better, bless the government. The capitalist who has long kept his money for the public, blesses the occa∣sion, and over them all the chaplain pronounces an hearty amen. In the midst of all, the straggling patriots, unwil∣ling to be outdone by their brethren, bring their offer∣ings of rags to the treasury, and from the midst of ex∣pence and national dissipation forth comes the govern∣ment immensely rich in all the magnificence of paper.

Though delusion has played this farce a thousand times over and has always successfully compassed the means, it has never concealed the end. That end is uni∣formly the degrading of morals and religion—derange∣ment of business—increase of national debt, leading to a long train of public burdens—decrease of private and so∣cial happiness, and a certain sinking of the people beneath the civil, military and naval functionaries of this mighty farce.

The tribes of Africa fight, because Europeans will buy their prisoners. Cabinets wage wars, because by them they are sure of their object, which is to exalt themselves and to humble those who are beneath them. This has al∣ways been the case and always will be, so long as the peo∣ple give the reins out of their own hands, so long as they bestow more power on government than is absolutely ne∣cessary, so long as they suffer themselves and their opin∣ions to be despised. Wars have been the means by which these cabinets have effected their purposes. The great, wise and rich men well understand the art of inflaming the public mind and generally present at the outset the delusive bubble of national glory, a thing in which nine tenths of so∣ciety have no kind of interest; but which well managed turns into crowns and diamonds in the hands of the blow∣ers. Courtiers tell slaves that liberty is in danger, or that infidels abound and the church is in hazard, or of plots at home or invasions and insults abroad. Courtier's waiters echo the alarm. Court-telegraphs spread the sound.— Page  15Court-casuists find it typisied in the pentateuch. War is decided on; armies are raised; the legions, who depend on war for support, are all in motion; the papers are full of news; public curiosity is on the stretch. The cabinet, which in time of peace was occupied only in the means of internal order, has now to consult the balances of foreign governments—to receive letters weighing five ounces in ships of 500 tons sailing in ballast—is thronged with ex∣presses; great scenes are opening; the naval armament, which but for this had been laid up in dry docks, and the army, which in time of peace was in no estimation, rise into importance; prize masters arrive with the ill-gotten wealth of honest adventurers. The country abounds with proof prints of admirals and generals and naval engage∣ments, forts stormed and all the dignified array of carnage and desolation.

Here delusion opens batteries, which are never silen∣ced till liberty and public happiness are gone forever; for a war system is fatal to them both.

When courtiers tell you that such a system can alone preserve peace, fly or sight the delusion. Mark you that the man who learns the art of fencing in his youth is sel∣dom contented with having received his lessons, you will hear of him in a duel. An army or a navy well officered and manned is always restless in a sta•e of peace; war must and will be had at some rate. After a few years of war and a few bullet-holes through admirals' hats and some flesh-wounds and broken limbs, the bill for services be∣comes greater than can be paid with money; honors, stars and ribbons or pensions must go towards an instalment. A nation which makes greatness its polestar can never be free; beneath national greatness sink individual greatness, honor, wealth and freedom. But though history, experi∣ence and reasoning confirm these ideas; yet all-powerful delusion has been able to make the people of every na∣tion lend a helping hand in putting on their own setters and rivetting their own chains, and in this service delu∣sion always employs men too great to speak the truth, and yet too powerful to be doubted. Their statements are be∣lieved —their projects adopted—their ends answered and the deluded subjects of all this artifice are left to passive Page  16obedience through life, and to entail a condition of une∣qualified non-resistance to a ruined posterity.

To this delusive war-system are we indebted at the pre∣sent time for the redundance of national gasconade. When the pompous statesman safe in the cabinet, insults the brave men of all nations and cries 〈◊〉 arms! when boasting words comes from great generals, who never saw service but on a parade-day, and whose whole courage lies in the seal which graces their fair-wea•her commissions, depend upon it that some poor deluded men are to bleed. When by accident or force one of our infant navy succeeds in capturing the adverse vessel, straight we are told that the sun-shines not on a people, who bids as fair as we do to be a great maritime nation. Just like the boy, who, because he has caught a tame rabbit, imagines that he is to be a mighty sportsman. Why are not the people told that several of the maritime powers of Europe have in every year disco∣vered inflances of prowess superior to ours:* that their ships are larger, stronger and better manned, and that at least a century must elapse, and 100,000 lives of Ameri∣cans be lost, beside the after-bills of wounding and dismem∣berment, before we can expect to be on a footing with the most powerful nation—and that this footing must always be sustained by an enormous expense of blood and trea∣sure —that naval glory is at best uncertain—that privates must bleed by thousands for the glory of admirals, commo∣dores and post-captains, and that the only glory to which the sailor or marine can arrive, is to have his name pub∣lished in the papers, and against it, "thigh badly fractured, since amputated and likely to recover," and in a few months after published again, "bravely fighting in the main-top, cut in two by a chain shot,"† and just under it, "we are happy to announce that though not quite succes•ful this time: yet the admiral and officers are in high spirits, and having put into Jamaica to resit,‡intend to look at them again." Delusion, these are thy trophies!

Page  17 But admiral Harvey has said that our 44 gun frigates were 74's in disguise! well, perhaps, he had heard that they cost as much as 74's, or that under the guise of these frigates was concealed a plan of an immense navy, the ex∣pense of which would eternize our national debt and en∣sure a perpetuity of energetic government. But our ships are not only strong as mountains, they are swift as eagles, captain Tryon says so himself: and not only strong and swift, but so full of courage "that men are run through the body for looking pale," says lieutenant Sterret.— Surely all these things might have been omened from the success attending their launching.

The sun rises with unusual splendor, and strange to tell, it rises in the east! The birds chaunt their matin songs. Out bounces from his bed that wonder of all wonders— once a boat-builder, afterwards a ship-wright, now a fede∣ral navy architect. Formerly a ship-wright might have built a ship merely by virtue of his skill; but now if it be not constructed by federal axes, adzes and mallets, wielded by federal hands, it will certainly sink. Straight collect from all quarters the ingenious men, who by force of iron bolts and cramps have been able to keep wood to∣gether, and all those labourers who conveyed the timber and plank from where it grew to where it did not grow. Soon all the country is collected; the adjacent houses and sences are lined with beauty and strength; old Neptune with his trident walks forty miles up a river to see the show; every heart palpitates in unison, and prayers are sent up for success. With admirable skill every thing has been prepared, and with an easy graceful motion the ship glides on to the bosom of the waters, which receive the present from the earth with humble gratitude. At this moment the fish throughout the ocean thrill with rapture, and the ships of hostile nations feel a shock evincive of their danger; the attending throng fill the an with shouts; the little hills on every side rejoice, and the mountains echo the scene.*

Surely after such a launch, a ship ought to be stronger, and swifter, and fuller of brave men than all the other Page  18ships on the ocean. A few more such delightful launches will launch this country from liberty to slavery, from a republican to a monarchical government. The great dis∣tinctions, enormous expenses, and cruel wars, which na∣vies lead up, are all calculated to destroy a condition of equal rights, and to sacrifice private competence and so∣cial happiness on the altar of national greatness. Now, if all this scenery of gasconade was a mere sport, no harm might follow from it. There might be some expense about it, and nations might consider us cowardly, just as we consider an individual cowardly who is always boast∣ing of his own courage; but even in this miserable work, delusion is playing a deep game. All this boasting actu∣ally amuses the people, and by degrees they get habituat∣ed to an idea that a powerful navy is a very respectable thing, as well as a good defence to commerce. To the tune of "hearts of goak are our ships, hearts of oak are our men,"* have thousands of brave British seamen danced into eternity, and the wealth, freedom and private inde∣pendence of the nation have not long survived them.

I am aware that the frigate John Adams, and the brig Pickering, may like the Royal George, and the Pitt-East-India-man, make certain names immortal as plank and spikes—and the Merrimack, the Connecticut and the Phi∣ladelphia gun-boats may attach the people of certain dis∣tricts to the success of the navy; yet, though these are very pleasant things, a republican will hardly be recon∣ciled to them while he regards even the naming of the ships as among the hair-strokes of delusion.

The army has not been favored with occasions capable of exciting any very pompous encomiums—but it is in proof before the public, that the inspector-general, while a clerk in a compting house, accepted a challenge which was sent to his master, and behaved bravely, though he did not fight. This proves conclusively that he is the bravest man in the world, and that Buonaparte, Moreau, Page  19and Massena ought to hide their diminished heads; but if government did not know of this compting-house story at the time of appointing him, I am unable to assign the reason of his being placed over the heads of experienced patriot generals born in our own country. But the army, though they did not fight, stood their ground boldly in their cantonments—Buonaparte and his army, whom they were raised to crush, being less than 8000 miles distant from them through the diameter of the earth. To demo∣cratic eye there was no prospect of his visiting us, except he perforated the earth with his army, and like Baron Trenck watched an occasion to unearth himself: yet had he arrived, they would doubtless have given him a warm reception: but for a short time only were they kept in the field: the French did not arrive: the army was dis∣banded. I have thus turned my periods much as they did theirs. Some have said that this army was raised to ensure the success of certain measures, or to influence elections, or to keep the democrats in awe, or to enable general Hamilton to exemplify his declaration, that our constitution was a mere temporary expedient, and that this coun∣try could never be governed without an hereditary monarch: these speculations I wave in order to remark to you,

That however plausible may be the arguments of delu∣sion on the subject of an army, a country can never be free unless they depend for protection on the body of the people, whose rusty gun-barrels can send certain death from a distance to every bird or beast fleeting through the air or on the earth. These are the men who will always fight bravely for their altars and their homes; but how absurd is it to rely for defence on men, who care not for altars, and who have no homes! The only earthly ob∣jection to reliance on the body of the people is, that with arms in their hands they might repel domestic aggressions.

If the present state of things shall continue, you will soon be told that bright gun-barrels are more respectable than rusty ones, and that our own guns made by federa∣lists at 13 dollars, are surer of their aim than foreign guns of equal quality bought at 6, and that thus all the money is saved.* Soon it will be polite to level your piece at Page  20your enemy only breast high, and not to take aim, fol∣lowing the exmaple of the British soldiery; for if you take aim, say they, it is murder; but if you fire away at ran∣dom 30 rounds of his majesty's powder, and one of them takes full effect, why the man is dead! but he had a fair chance for his life. Soon it will be deemed scandalous for a man to be fighting in his country's defence behind a tree or a stone wall. No! he must join the standard, be dressed in uniform, and if mortally wounded, must languish sweetly into eternity under the notes of drums and trumpets. Thundering noises must drown the cries of your brethren and children in the agonies of death.— No father to watch the symptoms of decaying life! No mother to drop a tear over a dying son! No sister to stretch out the hand of faithful affection, and to soften the pillow in the moment of dissolving nature!

These are scenes of standing armies. Should our na∣tion ever advance so far, as after having presented a go∣vernment wholly variant in detail from that which was contemplated by the people; should one party violently hold to itself all power, and oppress the other party; should they discover a want of confidence in the people, and even that they despise their opinions; should they take the people's money to buy guns, and bayonets, and slaves to keep them under, rest assured that the more in∣telligent among the oppressed will rouse, they will remon∣strate loudly, they will continue to remonstrate till they are imprisoned: then it power should be extended to the taking of life, they will employ the precious remnant of days between sentence and execution to prepare lessons which posterity shall read with admiration, when their op∣pressors shall be laid in inglorious dust.

Every attempt to place the defence of the country on other ground than on that of the bravery and integrity of the people: every attempt to create great distinctions of rank; all acts of intolerance in the ruling party; all ex∣pressions of contempt on public opinion, are so many approaches to that dreadful order of things. In this coun∣try you can never make a host of great men without a host of little ones: these last cannot be produced without op∣pression. The people may bear oppressions gradually and Page  21to a certain point; but if the impetuosity of the lordlings shall push it beyond that point, the people whom they now call federal, and who have been such merely by an honest misplaced confidence, will find themselves betray∣ed, and though not among the first, will be found among the firmest avengers of their wrongs.

In the delusions of the commercial and army systems, I have presented two very powerful aristocracies; both de∣riving strength, emolument and exclusive privileges from the government; both operating with immense force in favour of national greatness, and against the interests of the body of the people.

Of the funding system I can only say as of the great fire in London, 'tis past without recal; it is an awful calam∣ity; it has ruined thousands, but this system has also led up an aristocracy more numerous than the farmers-general in France, more powerful than all others, because it combines the men of wealth, and give efficiency to all the rest.

These aristocracies sink the people. They can stand alone against kings or presidents and courts; but when the great rich, wise and mighty among their brethren can be drawn, through an extended system of favor, to ope∣rate against them, they are in imminent danger—and to crown this danger, delusion associates with principalities and powers, those who profess to be officers of a kingdom not of this world; they pray and preach for measures; they, in their most sacred services, offer incense to the great talents, tried patriotism, and celestial virtues of the mighty men in place; they baptize your children, and follow the remains of your friends to the grave, and they take your weak moments to persuade you that the president and his party are as a munition of rocks to the church.

We have heard that the national religion of England has been held in requisition to support the government, and that the Romish religion has been employed to the same effect in all Catholic countries. Their test acts, oaths and inquisitions have been so many state-engines to subordinate mankind to the great and little tyrants, who for centuries have held society in bondage; but surely the good sense of Americans is ready to repel the first at∣tempts Page  22to bind us with ecclesiastical fetters, and to say to the clergy, "your business is to teach the gospel; the sheep will never thrive, if the shepherd, instead of lead∣ing them to green pastures, is to be constantly alarming them with the cry of wolves."*

How much, think you, has religion been benefited by sermons, intended to show that Satan and Cain were jaco∣bins? How much by sermons in which every deistical ar∣gument has been presented with its greatest force as being a part of the republican creed? Is this, men of God, fol∣lowing the precept, "feed my sheep, feed my lambs?"— The people, instead of being alarmed lest religion should suffer under a new administration, ought to be infinitely solicitous to wrest the protection of it from those who are using it as a state engine. The kingdom of heaven now suffereth political violence. Think you that the bishop of Ephesus, if now with us, would have left the care of souls to ascertain the number of votes which his favorites could get for a seat in Congress? Would Paul of Tarsus have preached to an anxious listening audience on the propriety of sending envoys? I ask these questions serious∣ly, because on this subject the people feel seriously, and because here delusion is playing a most cruel game.

Have you not read that the head of the church will sus∣tain his own cause, and that this cause will never be per∣fected, till wars and rumours of wars shall cease from un∣der the whole heaven? The Captain of salvation is not so weak as to need an army and navy and a majority in Con∣gress to support his cause. The systems of enmity, pride, vice and abandonment, which characterise all modern governments are hostile to religion.† The Savior would be ill received in levees, in fields of battle, or on board of hostile ships. He takes no delight in the flowing robes and masquerade dress of the lords spiritual. The morals of courts and camps never rise up before his throne as sweet incense. Courts and camps have in all modern ages been the hot-beds of immorality, the nurseries of in∣fidelity. That religion, which you so highly value, is Page  23suffering a gradual, certain and painful extermination by the very means which affect to support it. While every nerve is stretched to obtain wealth and greatness, that cause, which began in poverty and thrives best in the shades and retirements of life must mourn. Our great po∣litical arrangements are like so many armaments against religion;* yet the men who oppose them are denounced as atheists, and no proof of their atheism is required but their opposition to federal measures.

I shall not in this place pursue further this article of elerical delusion;† but my respect for well-starched banns and fashionable surplices will never restrain me from pre∣senting it to your marked disapprobation.

In the profession of the law delusion has secured to go∣vernment an aristocracy highly intelligent and operative; and to these is entrusted the ladder of promotion, which they hold with as much power and claim of prescription as the Pope holds the keys of St. Peter; and in these northern states you find lawyers on every round of it, as∣cending and descending as were the angels of God in the vision of Jacob: though the two classes of characters are upon very different business. Though in this profession the habits of acquiring property and the indiscriminate de∣fence of right and wrong might seem to disqualify for the business of legislation; yet delusion has impressed it upon the people, that those who talk fluently must be knowing —and that through much debating cometh truth: hence these men are the first in market for congress and the offi∣ces of government—and excellent stuff for transportation to foreign courts; and it has been lately discovered that a thorough knowledge of the law will qualify a man‡ to be secretary of the war department.

All these aristocracies and measures which I have no∣ticed correspond exactly with the systems of monarchical government. At the end of eleven years, the American nation (formerly called the United States) have with great Page  24industry got into a good state of preparation for an here∣ditary monarch. Mr. Lyman tells us that 'the ruling party is united in their object though divided as to the means—the first is for bold strokes, the last for address and reasoning.' We will not run in debt to this defunct fed∣eralist for a definition of this object. It cannot be a repub∣lican government; that the people have long prayed for in vain. It cannot be to get more money out of the people; for you, federalists, are now sunk up to your necks in their pock∣ets. It cannot be to send more ambassadors and consuls ab∣road; for they have already glutted every market. It is not to fund more debt; all claims have been de•uged with the li∣berality of government. Why the object is to crush opposi∣tion: these two segments of federalism, after having made arrangements obnoxious to one half of the country, are to crush that half, and then the first chapter is completed; but they are united in another object, viz. an energetic, aristocratic, monarchic government, which can move with∣out controul; both parts are united to subjugate the re∣publicans, and now call for a few years more to complete the work.*

My evidence of the existence of such an intention on the one part, (which must be the intention of the other if they are united) might result from the declaration of gen∣eral Hamilton already quoted, or from a declaration of President Adams to the same effect;† for these men know precisely what the leaders are seeking: but I choose to rely for proof on the complexion of federal measures al∣ready submitted. We have a sure key to the feelings of the federal party in their joy at the supposed capture of Moreau's army; their triumphs on the success of Nelson; their exultation at the infamous and perjured story of Barbaczy, that the Directory had caused the murder of their own envoys at Rastadt; their strong affection for Suwarrow; their zeal for the success of the British arms and for the humiliation of republicans in France, Hol∣land Page  25and Ireland. Everything abroad which looked like the downfal of freedom was published and echoed here with triumph.

If personal declarations, public acts, and federal papers can be relied on, we have a strong party in this country, who wish for a season when congress shall be opened with a speech from the throne to my lords and gentlemen: they wish to have the papers announce that the princess royal was at the theatre—that the young prince had fallen from his horse, and received a slight contusion in the joint of one of his fingers, which had been declared by one of his majesty's surgeons not to be mortal—that the carriage of the gentleman unsher of the black rod had been broken down, but without accident; or they wish to hear of brilliant levees and splendid drawing-rooms, and if any insane man should happen to shoot at the precious royal pageant, they would have all the bulbous marquisses and bedizened earls, with the whole bevy of dukes, viscounts and lords run to see who should first gain the senate-house, and announce in faint and almost breathless accents to the lords temporal and spiritual, the knights of the woolsack, "my lords, the king has been shot at!"* Just God, and have not thousands, yea millions of his subjects not only been shot at, but shot and killed for his cause? Have not the decks of his ships of war been paid over with the blood of dying agonizing man? My lords, the king has been shot at! Thousands fell in battle† to gain him his crown, tens of thousands to support his dignity; millions have endured hardships and death to supply the splendors of his throne, and the artificial wants of the sycophants who surround it—My lords, the king has been shot at! By the politics of that king, thousands of families have been deprived of their head and support—mourning, lamentation and woe have been heard in every part of his dominion—the East Page  26and West-Indies, and the United States have been made so many fields of blood; even the ocean has been swelled with the blood of murdered man—carnage on the conti∣nent has furnished only the interludes of royal cruelty; while the cries and tears of widows and orphans, of sacked towns and a convulsed world, which dared not be ex∣pressed on earth, have risen up in memorial before God: My lords, the king has been short at! And if all the kings and emperors of the earth, with all their minions could be shot and deposited in one grave, all the republicans throughout the earth might collect and say, "The Lord hath taken away, and blessed be the name of the Lord;" and all the royalists might assemble about the grave and howl and lament saying, here lies all that was mortal of his Turkish majesty, who was once called "shadow of God, brother to the sun and moon, disposer of all earthly crowns!" Here lies mixing with common earth, the de∣sender of the faith with his most christian majesty! Here lies the Emperor of Ruslia, with the kings of Spain and Denmark! and the king of the Romans, with the king of the Goths and Vandals, the great prince of Findland! with the knights of the star and garter, and the red eagle, and the golden lion! Here lie disregarded the keys of St. Peter, with cardinals bonnets and golden crosses! Here lie the generalissimo's and admiralissimo's of our world!

Was man made but a little lower than the angels, and yet has he sunk so low as to stoop to such slavish mockery?

Sleep on ye, who when alive, by your delusions, made the earth one great aceldama, the resurrection will wake you to lessons, which you never learnt nor taught on earth.

Having discussed the artful means, and dreadful end of political delusion, I shall now mark to you in distinct characters the AGENTS OF DELUSION. A question is often proposed, how is it possible that our greatest and most pious men should betray us? I answer, because you have every thing to lose, and they every thing to gain. Who under the ancient government of France deluded the people, and held them in vassalage? The greatest men, the most pious men! Who hold in subjection the people Page  27of Russia, Germany and Poland? The greatest and most pious men! Who in England delude the people with dreams of national prosperity in the midst of national bankruptcy? The lords spiritual and temporal! Who have been filling the world with desolating wars for many centuries? The dignitaries of church and state: men, whose elevated births or talents have raised them to ele∣vated stations, and given them an immense influence over the people. Wealth and talents are like the mines of Peru to crowned heads: they know well how to seek, alchymize and improve their treasures. The tendency of all governments is towards monarchy: discrimination of rank is among the first objects. When the leaders have compassed this, the body of the people sink into a stupid mass, to be thereafter ranked as in the first class of cattle to be driven to the military slaughter-houses, o• to be ship∣ped abroad for foreign consumption, or to be dragging about their hated lives at homes, subject to the lash and command of imperious lords, raised from nothing by the power of delusion practised on themselves.

Greatness and littleness are only ideas of comparison: the base of the mountain is in the depth of the valley; the base of great men is in the lowness, poverty, igno∣rance and humility of the people. Pride stimulates the knowing to be great: power furnishes the means. When they would enslave the people, they present to them pictures of liberty; when they would impoverish them, they present pictures of wealth; when they would lead them to war, they present pictures of peace and security. Delusion can never succeed by exhibiting unadorned fact. Even the powers of reason and eloquence, which may be turned to infinite good, are often devoted to the production of infinite evil. When the British treaty was in discussion, had the cool reason of the country been addressed, that instrument had never been ratified; but when an eloquent statesman.* pushing beyond this cold region, addressed the passions of the country, alarm∣ed the farmer with fears of danger, and roused the mer∣chant by hopes of indemnity, he gained attention; when Page  28he presented on the sea coast "vast losses uncompensated; on the frontier, Indian war; on our territory, actual en∣croachment; national discord and abasement," he wrought strong impressions; but when fathers were called to witness the corn-fields fattened with the blood of their sons, and mothers to hear the war-whoop waking the sleep of the cradie, he became irresi•stible, and to the tune of such har∣monious songs the people of every country are in danger of dancing away their rights. When every measure fatal to liberty can be made to appear conducive to it, there is need of infinite vigilance. Our great men are ready enough to preach to us peace and safety, even while they are leading us into systems, which will ensure to the earth a drenching of human blood through all generations, and will waft us to the sound of the war-whoop from all the military nations of the earth.

These great men, who are to gain by every system inju∣rious to freedom and equal government, are the best in∣formed men in society. They are well versed in languages and history, and political science, and are able to say more and argue better on the wrong side of the question than the people are on either side of it. In all governments they are retained in favor of measures, if not by offices and bribes, yet by hopes of office, of emolument, of honors and influence. All their hopes are pledged on a perfect un∣derstanding of every part of the subject. Their passions combine with their interests to make them eagle-eyed and diligent to know what the people will bear—to watch the fit moment—to attack the weak side and to make entry wherever they find a loose clap-board. Such men har∣angued the country at the opening of our government, by telling them "that the people would be sovereign—that the poor would be favored—that the agricultural interests would be held sacred and especially that taxes would be light." But when a heavy debt was created, oftensibly from mo∣tives of justice to the soldiers, though few had any inte∣rest in it, the air was filled with protestations of gratitude and honesty. The people were indignant; but these art∣ful men silenced the rising murmurs. Delusion fat alost and smiled at the subtility of her sons.

These men can prove conclusively that a national debt Page  29is a blessing or a curse; that an army destroys or cherishes freedom; that the friends of government are the guardian angels of liberty, and that the opposers are a part of Sa∣tan's chosen legion. They can prove that the people virtually choose electors, when the men, chosen to desig∣nate the manner of the people's choosing, say* that they are the people and will choose for themselves. They can prove that counsellors† and members of Congress, chosen by men who never saw nor knew them, are more cauti∣ously and judiciously chosen, than if their constituents were their own neighbors; because in the last case parti∣ality or passion might influence, which never could be the case when they know nothing about them.‡ They can prove that the country grows rich in proportion to the taxes paid; just as a trench grows wide in proportion to the lands taken from it.

Subtle arguments, well directed and eloquently en∣forced, sometimes lead men astray on questions of mere right and wrong. Shall we then wonder that men should be deluded on subjects far more complicated?

The end to be answered by these arguments is immense; it compasses all the objects at which delusion has been aiming ever since it appeared in Eden. Do you see any worldly motives in these eloquent patriots? Have you never known that a director of a bank wishes for a large capital subject to his arbitrament? that a judge is pleased with an extension of his jurisdiction? that a ge∣neral is anxious for an encrease of the army establishment? and that a sea-captain likes an addition of tonnage and guns to the ship which he is to command? These men, who talk thus persuasively to you either are, or expect to be, sharers of the power which they wish you to delegate, or trustees of the confidence which they wish you to re∣pose, or managers of the money which they wish you to Page  30pay. Hence their zeal: hence their persuasive eloquence! If you seem to doubt them, they will ask, are not we of you? are not our interests the same as yours? They are indeed of you: so is the oak, which shades all the smaller trees and draws its nourishment from their roots, a part of the grove. They are of you: they tread the earth which you cultivate; they feed on the luxuries which your in∣dustry supplies, and if an earthquake should swallow the country, they must condescend to sink with you; but by circumstances of fortune, birth, or superior bestowments of mind, or better education, they have ceased to be as you; their political condition is immensely variant from yours: they are to govern, you are to be governed. They are well-born, you are base-horn!

Who are the men constantly praising the measures of government? Those great, well-born! all interested in the subject of their praises; all craftsmen, who live by making images for the worshippers of the great goddess, or those really base-born men, who have been in the habit of following these great men faithfully as hounds do the horn. These wise, pious leaders are crafty enough to speak to their followers truly and rationally on common subjects, and by this they gain their confidence; like the retailer, who wishing to get cent. per cent. profit on arti∣cles not well understood, will sell his pins and needles for less than prime cost. Multitudes of men, whose rights are daily abridging, follow on in admiration of go∣vernment. They are made to believe that religion is at∣tacked, or that the French are coming upon us, or that the democrats are raising an army, or that the rays of presidential favor, after melting down all the great men above them, may finally honor them with a scorching. A great temptation with the base-born is, that by thus doing, they keep the track of the great, dignified and wealthy; exactly the company which despises them, and which they ought to avoid. If among these base-born should be any abstract philosophers, who seeing that great beasts devour little ones, and great fish the smaller, and are willing to devote themselves by hecatombs to the ra∣pacity and gluttony of these great men, I wish them ma∣ny consolations as they are experiencing the work of mas∣tication Page  31and digestion. Surely devoured they will be; provided their learned, pious, juggling leaders should serve them, as such men have served their followers in every age of the world.

The uniform language of these great men, is, "a little more patience, a little more money, in a short time sun∣beams will be in abundance." yet never was such a pro∣mise realised. When delusion is detected, and disap∣pointment succeeds, it sometimes happens, that an heroic patriot dares to say as Tell* to Gresler, "Tyrant, this arrow is for thy heart"—but it is stupid to bear and suffer voluntarily, or like Carthusians to beat ourselves, till ex∣excessive pain stimulates to vengeance on the system. A free people would always continue free, if they were as vigilant as their rusers; but a dormant acquiescence will forever land them in servitude. Single man is depraved; uncontrouled he would be intolerable. Men placed to∣gether without restraint, and made strong with power and money will usurp.

But say these great men, "It is impossible for the men in power to usurp: our government is well surrounded by a constitutional fence." I ask, what avails a fence against a herd of deer? That constitution† is perhaps as well wrought as language would admit: but language is very elastic. The men, whose interest it is to stretch it to the extent, are, or have made themselves judges of it. They know well the force and power of every word—the east, west, north and south of every semi-colon, and can extract power from every dash of asterism. They have mostly been practitioners in this work and understand it as the engineer does the force of his ordnance.

That constitution delegated powers calculated for the contingencies of centuries; but it is a singular fact that all those contingencies have occurred in the course of ele∣ven years of peace, and that these great men actually pro∣ceeded, under the power of raising armies expressly con∣fined to Congress, to provide that an army of 80,000 men Page  32might be raised at the pleasure of the President. As well might they have said 800,000, or have lest the number wholly indefinite, or they might have made a general law that the President of the United States should always ex∣ercise the functions of the legislature under this article.— They might have gone further, and enacted laws which, like the collects of the Roman ritual, would have answer∣ed all purposes and then have ordained that the president might bring into operation those laws, whenever he judg∣ed best, and then have adjourned without day. These great men made a sedition act, which however constitu∣tional in terms, was unconstitutionally and basely direct∣ed towards placing one class of our citizens at the feet of the other. They made an alien act which was a very in∣genious thing; but it would not go! and finally, having exhauste their other powers, they raised a battery against the remonstrances of the people, manned by a committee of privileges* and began to work secretly under the general clause, empowering them to make all laws which should be necessary and proper for carrying into execution the foregoing powers and all other powers vested by the con∣stitution in the government of the United States, or in any department thereof.' This, as they were about to work it, was to operate as a wide open gate out of this lot which was so well fenced. They even attempted to take from the state legislatures the power which these last had wrested from people, of choosing electors. The machinery of this bill was perfect, but it would not go.

Well, say these great men, the constitution is not yet vi∣olated: and let me say, on your vague principles, it never can be violated: but the constitution is in fact violated, whenever an act is passed without the motives or causes, which that constitution contemplated as the basis of such act: for example, the constitution says, you may borrow money on the credit of the United States; may coin money; raise and support armies; provide and maintain a navy; appoint ambassadors;" now if money is unnecessarily bor∣rowed, or coined at great expence and without occasion; war declared; armies raised & navies provided without just Page  33cause; if ambassadors are sent abroad to see whether water is fluid, what are the expenses of living abroad, and what a wicked world we live in, surely in all these cases the con∣stitution is violated; for the power is exercised under circum∣stances which will not warrant its exercise. Even if the con∣stitution had said, "do whatever your hands find to do with all your might;" yet this would not have sanctioned the enaction of one useless, oppressive or intolerant law, nor have justified the waste of a cent of public money, nor the imposition of one unnecessary tax.

It is de•usion's self which is constantly crying to you that the constitution is your sacred bulwark, and that it is yet inviolate. You, the people, must be the bulwark of that constitution or it will never preserve your rights: your sentiments, your actions, your very •ouls must ani∣mate that constitution and give life and effect to its lan∣guage. When the spirit of the people is lulled by the lost zephyrs of delusion into security in the lap of the con∣stitution—when it relies on inanimate paper for security of rights, that people is in the first stage of slavery. Of what avail think you was the magna charta of Great Bri∣tain to the millions who have been pressed into naval or military service; to the authors and printers, who have perished in dungeons, or to the tens of thousands, who for asserting some privileges under the magna charta of the great God, have been transported to Botany Bay or suffer∣ed on a gibbet at home? yet this magna charta. this pre∣cious boon of a king, benignantly restoring to the people one half of their rights, has been kept literally inviolate.

In a free government the rulers must resign their pride, vanity and avarice, and in consideration of the trust re∣posed in them must make sacrifices in order to yield to the people the blessings of a republic: but our rulers are not tempered to such bargains: they like the money, the pow∣er, the titles and distinctions; but avoiding the sacrifices, are pushing hard to have the substance of aristocratic go∣vernment under the form of a republic. Hence their con∣stant demands for energy to crush opposition; but the seeds of opposition are sown in the cabinet.

There is a stout hardy race of men in this country, who fought and paid for a republic. They have learned tacticsPage  34which will enable them to out-general your obliqe ma∣noeuvres. They dont reason logically as your great men do; but they have learned to speak in language which kings and courtiers are obliged to understand—and should there be any very loud call for additional energies, noth∣ing but respect for the laws will restrain them from speak∣ing that language. They are even now insulted with all the arguments which have been used in favor of energetic governments ever since the days of Pharoah: but every one knew long before our revolution that an energetic go∣vernment could be supported: it is a piece of unfailing machinery invented many centuries ago and consists in governing as much, in collecting as many taxes, and in employing as much force as the governed will bear with∣out revolt. The patriarchal government of slaves is ener∣getie; it goes to the ••most verge of endurance. Peter the Great, who civilized lus subjects, suspending them by thousands over the Wolga in the most cruel tortures. was an energetic prince. The late Frederick practised all the tacties of energy. Henry 4th and Lewis 14th were ener∣getic. Nearly all the nations of Europe are groaning un∣der the blessings of an energetic government, and whenever the cry for energy with us overpowers the cry of the peo∣ple for freedom, we cease to have the government for which we bled. Should a season ever arrive, when no opinions are respected, except those which in courtly ora∣tions and sermons, or in addresses* or responses to ad∣dresses servilely adulate the measures of government, that season will be a dark morning to a dismal day for Ameri∣cans: rights once given up are never restored; principles once deserted never return.

Monarchy and republicanism part at this point; the first in fists on unity and energy; the last on such a divi∣sion of power that it cannot be dangerous. With such di∣vision no laws can be made and no plans projected, ex∣cept Page  35they be of general and obvious utility. There will be, then, no national greatness, destroying like a mighty monster every portion of social happiness; no men whose salaries shall absorb the earnings of hundreds. If it be said we can have no peace nor wealth, except we com∣mand it by force: no respectability except we conform to the policy and manners of other courts; then take that course with all its splendors. 'Tis not the course of a republic.

Delusion is ready to whisper, these are all idle vagaries; but they are not the vagaries of modern philosophy, all the subjugated people of the earth have found them to be solemn, humbling, dreadful realities. Nothing can pre∣vent their establishment here but the united and perseve∣ring efforts of those who are destined to be deluded.

Having presented a course of delusions under the head of these great men; you may be ready to ask, if these men are dangerous, how shall we get rid of them? I answer, that these great and dangerous men, whose feelings and interests are always opposed to equal rights generally com∣pose about one tenth of society. You have no other means to extricate yourselves; but by passing over that part of the nine tenths whom they have secured by favors or delu∣ded by their enchantments, and to choose from the re∣mainder the firmest and most intelligent. What cries one and another, will you leave our men of abilities and put in the base-born to govern us? Be composed gentlemen, the base-born support the government and suppose you should just let them have a peep through the key-hole of the treasury door; they may see what will amuse them.— But you may be comforted, these great men are made of very flexible materials, and as soon as they find power to be decidedly on the other side of the equation, they will be after it; and perhaps some of these base born may prove themselves to be better than they appear; you will recol∣lect that the citizens of this country are like trees all set out together: but through the influence of a system of fa∣vor one part of them have been nursed and watered and the earth about them enriched. They have had all the nou∣rishment of the ground, the others have been neglected: not only so, but the language to them has been "be ye accursed, let no fruit grow on ye forever." Are we to Page  36wonder that all passers by admire the thrift and flourish∣ing state of the first, and are disposed to say that the last ought to be cut down and gathered into bundles?

'Tis a real mistortune to the nine-tenths of society, that the other tenth should be opposed to them; but never let it be forgotten, that the argument drawn from the coinci∣dence of great and wise and holy politicians in public measures, is of all others the most alarming. These are the only men whom you have to fear. If some are apparently more holy than their neighbors, then if they meddle with your politics they are most capable of deceiving you; their holiness may recommend them to heaven; but is no guarantee for their political rectitude. This class, how∣ever, are generally set on by other great men: not by those who are great because they are rich; for these are the tools of another set who are the knowing ones. In Athens those who became too great and influential suffer∣ed ostracism; but in this country we ought to have pru∣dence enough to prevent any man or class of men from deserving such an honorable banishment.

For my own part I am willing to be governed by men greater, wiser and richer than myself: but have no opin∣ion of having men so great that their altitude must be ta∣ken by a quadrant and their width by a four-rod chain. Through excessive indulgence we have already a number of men too great for a republic. How arrives it that these great men are so very fit to govern? Internal govern∣ment is designed to control inordinate passions; great men are most proud, avaricious and tyrannical? Will you then select these to curb pride, avarice and tyranny? Re∣publican society is to protect the weak against the strong; but if the strong are to have all the power, the weak will be oppressed. But says one and another, what will be∣come of our great men? My answer is, that they always had address enough to work their own passages. The great host of mankind the nine-tenths are those, which a republican government ought to concern itself about, and if this is faithfully attended to, the other tenth will still gain such a portion of power and money as will make them useful instead of dangerous. They are the very men Page  37for your purposes whenever you have reduced them to the standard, weight and measure of the people.

I am well aware of the great convenience which many of you find in keeping close to these knowing men, in gathering the crumbs which fall from the tables of the rich; and in sailing under the lee of the ecclesiastical con∣voy ships; but you are taking a bad road; it is a broad road; it is the broad road: thousands have paid turnpike toll on it before you were born—and if you follow it, it may lead you to wealth and honors; it may ruin your country, but will certainly land you where it has landed all your predecessors.

Having little confidence in addressing placemen, court sycophants, and those who expect the wages of hirelings, I turn to the last general head of political delusion, which is the subject of ELECTIONS TO OFFICE.

If the career of delusion could be stopped at the end of every two or four years, and the people could be left to exercise free and unbiassed elections, all the evils proposed to you might be remedied; but delusion reserves his greatest strength and subtlety for these occasions, which in their turn demand from me an accumulated force of discussion.

Let me first present to you the delusions which have attended past elections. Formerly the people of this coun∣try had sense enough to originate and organize govern∣ment, and by their intelligence and energies to keep it in operation; now, by force of federal opiates, they have just sense enough to choose the wisest and greatest men; but as soon as the choice is over, they sink into a torpid state, and thus remain for two years, till the trump of a new election wakes them to new life and energy; but even then they have been so long dormant that sometimes the crew of a ship must be murdered; this murder must be registered in sermons for the edification of political saints: the men must continue bona side dead, till the, election is closed—miracles must be wrought at the bot∣tom of meal tubs—the Indian tribes must be all in motion to in vade the frontiers—mighty ships, with mighty men in them must be traversing the ocean on mighty, porten∣tous and unaccountable errands—the whole political stage Page  38must be veiled in darkness and mystery; clouds, tempests and coruscations must mask the sky: and in the midst of all this scenery, Satan, with his infernal host, must be ad∣vancing to take his long lease of the earth, and to make princes and nobles of those infernal opposers of religion and good government, whom all friends of order are called on to keep out of place. All this, in modern days, is ne∣cessary to wake the people to a recollection that the men, whom they chose last are the fittest candidates for another election. But mark how ineffectual are all these causes to produce the wished effect, till joining the wonder∣working host, the clergy (and as Cowper, to aid his verse, so I, my prose, ••th awe profound, repeat the sacred name, the clergy) heralds of the prince of peace, ambassadors of him who disclaimed for himself and his followers the ho∣nours of men; the clergy, preachers of the word of life deign for some days to wave their sacerdotal functions, to descend from their high seats, made venerable by the res∣pect of the people for religion, and as they advance to join and influence the throng, you may hear a shout from every quarter, THE CHURCH IS IN DANGER! This com∣pletes the scenery, and lethargy starts into life and vigor. As this moment, by the light of those great moral lumi∣naries Robinson* and Barruel, and by the aid of Rush∣light,† are discovered in all their deformity the atheistical opposers of funding systems, those delightful downy pil∣lows, on which have slept in everlasting repose the rights of man: the abandoned enemies of splendid American courts, of diplomatic legions, of foreign tribute. As this vision is passing, the people are called on to look at those disinter∣ested men, who, regardless of private interest, have sacri∣ficed years to their service, and who wish to serve them again only to show their zeal to the death. The election being satisfactorily closed, the people, like the birds, whom they represent, fly to their hiding places to wait for a biennial resurrection.

Page  39 Let no one imagine that I would represent the clergy as acting out of their sphere in all this scenery; for is it not said unto them, "Go ye into all the world and preach po∣litics unto every creature. When men oppose ye, call them ene∣mies of God, and trample them under your fe•t. Appoint fasts unto the Lord, and when the people are assembled, say to them that the Lord reigneth on the earth in the midst of men of power and wealth; that he delighteth in the proud, even in those who are lofty; that he will exalt the vain, and lay in the dust those who are humble in his sight; that the great men are gods; but that the little men are like the chaff, which he driveth before the wind; that in the day of his power he will shine mightily on those who are in power, and that he will make the people under them like the hay, and the stubble, and the sweepings of the threshing floo•." And when these mighty men shall say unto you, the church is in danger, then shall ye cry mightily unto the people, and say "the church is in danger,"* and when my people hear this, they shall gird on each his armour, and ye shall lead my people, and ye shall say unto them, "Though these mighty men be blasphemers, and though they are often seen in the seat where Satan dwelleth, yet for righteousness sake, they live and lie, and though ap∣parently the disciples of Satan, will in the end betray him," and the people shall hear you and shall fear you, and they shall say unto these mighty men, "ye have taken our cloaks, yet ye are cold; ye have taken our purses, yet ye are poor; ye have mortgaged our houses and our lands, yet ye are destitute: behold what remains to us, take of all that which seemeth to ye meet; for though ye be called our servants, yet we are servants unto you, and will serve you—we and our wives and our children."

Hail mighty delusion, these are thy handy works!

Fortunately for us, most of these delusions have lost their effect. Robinson and Barruel can deceive no more. The seventeen philosophitical work-••ops of Satan, † have never been found: not one illuminatus, major or minor has been discovered in America, though their names have Page  40been published, and though their existence here is as clearly proved as was their existence in Europe. The cannibal's progress and bloody buoy, have destroyed each other; the political prayers sent up on former occasions have never reached the tops of the steeples, nor have they brought one blessing down: the pantomimical sermons which have graced political sabbaths are laughed at: the suggestions about Jefferson's atheism are despised, since many who make them are found to be men, who would sell all the temples and altars in the country for twelve frigates: the monstrous noise about ancient wickedness and infidelity is abated, since mankind have reflected that the sins of the antideluvians are not particularly chargea∣ble on democrats. The terrible outery about French atheism has met a similar fate, and the charges of French cruelty sink out of sight before the characteristic crimes of Britain, which fashion obliges us to read on the anniver∣saries of independence in the monumental act of our coun∣try, murders, and robberies on sea—plots and insurrec∣tions on land have all lost their effect—and all the little tricks of delusion, such as the prophecy of a remarkable boy in Vermont, about the great evils which this country might expect from the reign of democracy, together with Nelson's belts, Suwarrow's bonnets, Dan. Harrison and Moses Seymour's letters* are flying on the wings of obli∣vion into the realms of Erebus.

Better than this, the federal party† is divided. Porcu∣pine is gone, Fenno resigned, M'Henry missing, Picker∣ing dismissed—great confusion in the cabinet: Sedgwick, Harper, Lyman, and Co, taking leave of their constituents and publishing letters of advice, which are to fail down the stream of time as jolly-boats to the advice of Wash∣ington.

Lately our chief executive was the rock on which the storm might beat: then he was supposed to second the views of a party; then he was said to be the champion of Page  41a durable system, the unerring pilot of the political ship: now that party regard him as a frail sand-mole, over which washes every wave—of weak measures, a timid partizan; of a crazy ship, a blind pilot. Now they wish for some young energetic leader, who will bear no foreign insults, who will have wooden walls and regiments in abundance.*

In this confused state of the leading party, it is difficult to calculate in what form delusion is to attack you. Whe∣ther the diplomatic corps abroad are to operate, or whe∣ther sermons on a new construction are to be served up, is yet a matter of doubt. I shall, however, venture to pre∣sent you some of the probable delusions and certain ob∣structions which are to operate against your exercise of free election.

Look at once on the aristocracies which I have named to you, consider their wealth, their force, their sub∣tlety, the immense interests which they have at stake, remember that these furnish the men, who in the de∣finition of my subject were styled the prime agents of delusion, who know the heart and the avenues to the passions, and who can place before you with strong im∣pressions every conceivable motive of hope and fear.— Your treasury, supplied with your own money is to ope∣rate against your freedom of election. See the host of your brethren, who depend on that treasury. Tens of thousands of men in our country live on the people: but independent of them and their weight and influence is found mostly in the governing scale. If the first officers lose their election, the subordinate ones may lose their of∣fices and emoluments: therefore every new election has exactly all their influence, and generally that of all their connections to balance against an impartial issue, and by all that influence which is incalculably, •reat and increas∣ing, those in place have a chance of re-election superior to those not in place. This idea opens to you the induce∣ment which the higher officers have to lead up a funding Page  42system, an army, a navy, federal city, valuation tax.— All these things lead to new appointments in abundance, to a system of favor,* which engages a host of expectants in addition to the successful candidates, and whenever these offices amount sufficiently to create a moral certain∣ty of re-election,† the government ceases to be republi∣can: you may then call it an oligarchy or a monarchy; to the people it matters not what it is.

But these great men and privileged orders do not op∣pose to you their single votes; they have about them a host of sycophants or dependants, who must vote accord∣ing to orders: but not to this false influence alone is de∣lusion confined. The characters, principles and feelings of those who are opposed to present men and measures are to be torn in pieces. The election ball is not well opened till the republicans are bleeding at every pore. The 4th of July occasions, which you imagined yourselves to have earned, have been wrested from you, and they have been perverted into days for chastising the enemies of ad∣ministration by the odious characters of illuminatists, dis∣organizers and atheists; but as our native tribes when they are torturing a prisoner, suffer him, in the interval of his torments to sit and smoke or eat with them; so have these federal gentlemen, after a public wounding of you in every part, suffered you to dine with them, to toast men, whom you regard as despoilers of your rights and to join them in copious libations to principles and measures which you hold in abhorrence, and the penalty for your neglecting or refusing to do and suffer the whole measure of •orment has been to hold you up as a hissing and a bye-word, as jacobins, anarchists and fit companions for infernal spirits. Such has been part of the system of ty∣ranny which even before our own eyes has been acted re∣peatedly on the memorable anniversaries of our independ∣ence. Happy would it be were this confined to the great cities; but our government has led up a number of little Page  43aristocracies no bigger than pea-brush in our small towns —where either priest, or lawyer, or federal officers, or modern whigs and their associates must, like their superi∣ors, be lording it over the poor convicted democrats.

A great art on these public occasions has been to paint up a certain character in every deformity of vice, then to rob the infernal wardrobe to dress him, then to present this a democrat, disorganizer, jacobin and satanist. Their creed is to be as monstrous as their appearance, they are made to believe things incredible, to practise things hor∣rid, and to meditate mischiefs infinite. There say they, ladies and gentlemen, is a republican, and this is republi∣canism. Then to shew the power of contrast, you have presented, a charming, amiable, divine character, dressed in celestial robes, believing, practising and contriving all which is good and deserving. This say they, is a fede∣ralist, and this is federalism. They then proceed to mus∣ter up all the infernal actions of all the bad men in the world, and set them up as the admiration of these infer∣nals. They make them look complacently at blasphemy, smile at murder, and fall into a broad laugh at atheism. They then assign to them as companions all the wretches, who have in every age disgraced humanity, and on the other side, all the good actions throughout the world— all men famous for piety, goodness and science are pre∣sented as the objects of love and esteem for their celestials. They claim all holy men of every age as federalists. Then to crown the work, they send these infernal jacobins to the infernal world and translate the federalists to a state of glory.

Nearly every one who hears me knows this picture to be taken from the life—every one knows it to be sheer, palp•∣ble abusive delusion, combining the basest of means with the m•st abandoned of ends. There is a great host of intelligent re∣publicans in this country; not one of whom wishes for the abolition of religion and government; not one of w•om approves any of the unjustifiable measures of F•ance.

But delusion knows that many men fear to be on the •eak side; therefore these occasions are sometimes improv∣ed to shew that there are few or no d•••crats in these north∣ern Page  44states. I shall shew the fallacy of this by two flier traverses.

First, go about the country and ask the people, do you like Mr. Adams, Mr. Pickering, &c? they dont know.— Do you like the constitution? yes. Do you like the funding system, federal city, foreign intercourse, stamp∣act, army, navy—no, decidedly not one of them. But ask them whether they intend to vote for federal me•— they will answer yes, certainly for we are told that all the democrats are athe•sts and would pull down all religion and go∣vernment. Now surely a federalist must be ashamed that men, thoroughly republicans at heart, should be obliged to make war on their feelings, principles and liberties un∣der the influence of such a false, bare-faced delusion. The man, who told them this, knew it to be false: he never saw any man in his senses, who wished to destroy all reli∣gion, and surely he never believed that great exertions would be made by men to get into place, if their object was not other than to tear down the edifice of government and to bury themselves in its ruins. Multitudes of ration∣al men are for destroying that kind of religion, which is made a foot-ball or stalking horse and which operates on∣ly to dishonor God and ruin man; but the world at large are well disposed to have due homage paid to the source of being, though they may differ about the forms, in which that can be most acceptably rendered.

But let us try another traverse. From the whole num∣ber of reputed federalists deduct those, who depend di∣rectly or indirectly on government for support—deduct the expectants of federal office: these surely are not impar∣tial judge, then deduct the great host of men who are marked like a box of glass, with a keep this side up, who would be pleased with any government under a dey, bey, monarch, grand duke, grand seignior, or viceroy, provi∣ded they could share the power of it: men who praise all preachers, serve all great men, and are lacquies to every thing but truth and honesly—then deduct the great num∣ber of men who are wholly uninformed on the subject of government and who are federal merely because they are hauled about by a federal windlass—then deduct the men in advanced life, who have seen many changes and have Page  45been deluded in them all and who calculate that in any government things will be as bad as the men in power can make them.

After these deductions you may look round for federal∣ists, you will not see men as trees walking. Separate those who follow for the loaves and fishes, with those who ha∣bitually follow the multitude, from the sincere admirers of present men and measures, and the result would present the conclusions which your minds ought to admit.

But say these deluders, suppose there are a few demo∣crats, see who they are, a poor ragged, noisy company! but to these rags you owe your robes: these men have been taxed severely to support a government which glo∣ried in depriving them of the means. When a federal tax-gatherer appeared, they could not, as you could, resort to federal purses; but cast your eyes southward and you will see some men with whole clothes, correct morals and unquestionable intelligence, daring to oppose strength of argument and thunder of eloquence to your motley gar∣bled system of European politics.

We poor ragged democrats in these truly federal north∣ern states, who read the lying Bee, Aurora and Mercury, and dare not touch the Spectator, the Centinel nor the Connecticut Courant, •est the splendor of truth should de∣stroy our eye-sight: we who meet in barns to settle the nation, pray that our littleness may save us from the crushing power of your federal highnesses. We consess that for our sins we deserve to have an everlasting debt fixed upon us, due to men who despise the services for which the debt was contracted. We deserve to be kept under by an army and navy. We deserve to be made the victim of constructive treason, and have no claim to be afterwards treated as the monuments of presidential mer∣cy. Jails, fines, and gallowses ought to be our portion. We deserve even in the midst of suffering, to be jeered and laughed at by our tormentors; to be traduced in the news∣papers of federal truth, and to be ranked in fast and elect∣ion-sermons among infernal spirits. We deserve to be wholly cut off from all hope of Presidential favor and the blessings of society. Though some of us fought and bled for the revolution, yet we have fallen from our first estate Page  46into all the guilt and pollution of democracy, and had it not been for the sparing mercy of our true liege lords, we should long since have been cut off from our homes, and had our portions appointed among the democrats of a wretched world. Have mercy upon us! Have mercy up∣on us! ye well-sed, well-dressed, chariot-rolling, caucus-keeping, levee-revelling federalists; for we are poor, and wretched, and ignorant, and miserable.

I should hope that such a humble confession might save the poor handful of northern democrats from the mighty power of the northern federalists, and that these gentle∣men would turn their attention to the banks of the Hud∣son, Delaware and Potomac, where they may find as •ouch ability, integrity and eloquence as they can afford to meet; but if we must be persecuted, we shall probably increase, and perhaps in eight years more there may be some of our number, who can discern the difference between a government of equal rights, and a government, where in∣equality and distinction of rank form the most prominent feature.

Now let me seriously ask my brethren, the retailers of words and gestures on those anniversaries—Do you not know at least twenty democrats* in the United States, who possesses far more accurate and extensive knowledge on the subject of politics than you do? who have as large families and as much property to protect as you have, and whose reasonings and conclusions on the state of our country are likely to be full as ingenious and pertinent as yours? If you are ignorant of this, you ought to read.— Well have you any power of attorney from these men to abuse them? have you a patent for the exclusive use of all the opprobrious terms in the language? or do you claim to be key-keepers to that world, whither you have so often sent the democrats? how comes it that every ora∣tor on such occasions is able to call before him all the great, and brave, and wise men of ancient and modern days, of this and all other countries, and to catechise and curse Page  47them? There is something mighty farcical in all this bu∣siness. It is to be wished that these gentlemen would keep their curses for domestic consumption. Here it may be interesting to notice for a moment some of the strange stimulating logic dished up on such occasions—such as, that Voltaire was an atheist—that Voltaire was a French∣man —that all democrats are attached to the French, therefore, that all Frenchmen and democrats are atheists. Now this is good reasoning, but it renders no reason why I should pay an extra tax. But Rousseau, D'Alembert, and Diderot were infidels, and the masons in Europe have become faithless. This strengthens the argument; still the connection between all this and my money is wholly invisible: but perfidious France is murdering the honest Germans and Russians, and the Dutch have treated shame∣fully the Duke of York, and the Egyptians are in danger of a revolution; all this is very important. It proves that the measures of our government are perfectly right, and that there is no occasion for looking at home. But the Indians have sto∣len a horse! By all means raise an additional regiment. But Truxton has taken the Insurgent and we are now masters of the ocean! Make the forests ring with your axes, fill the sea with ships; put your liberties afloat, sailing will season them as it does liquors. But a foreigner infests your national coun∣cils. Amend your constitution. But a foreigner is at the head of your armies! Delusion commands silence. But a howling atheist who has crept into the third story of the federal building, is proclaiming that my neighbors opin∣ions will not pick my pocket nor break my leg!*This shews the importance of associating religion with government.

Not less delusive than the orations are the toasts on those days. It is well known that if you set up any thing and pray for it, and preach for it, and toast it, the thing becomes of consequence. But voluntary effusions will not answer: committees must be appointed, and they give you 1 st, the president, 16 cheers, three guns. Fede∣ralism used almost to fail in expression. He was Adams and liberty, he was the rock, the pilot, in short, every thing but a parish steeple; not a word about the Vice-President! Page  48Next, millions for defence, but not a cent for trib∣ute. Federalists rise; make the air ring, cannons make your speeches, and if any growling jacobin should damp the general joy by speaking of a tribute to the Dey of Al∣giers, blow him into the air. Then "confusion to the demo∣crats;" nine cheers. Now when one class of citizens be∣gins to exercise the other, the chances in favor of harmo∣ny and unanimity are wholly incalculable. Again, "The American fair, their frowns on democrats, and their exclusive smiles on federalists. There my good friends, your toasts wont help you; those smiles are to be merited; not won by toasting.

I have introduced this little specimen of toasts to swell the list of delusive arts which are practised to render pal∣atable the measures of administaation, and to give force to a remark, that on the side of government have been pray∣ers, sermons, orations, toasts, offices, influence and trea∣sury, and against the republicans, alien and sedition laws exclusion from office, abuse in and out of congress, revil∣ing in newspapers, and yet with all this, at the end of 11 years, if the officers of government could be chosen un∣der a new census, there is a moral certainty of a great ma∣jority in favor of the democratic candidatos. This shews in a strong point of view how little the administration has bottomed itself on the confidence of the people; the only basis on which a republic can rest.

When delusion has given command to attack the demo∣crats on the score of their attachment to the cause of France, the stage, the desk and the press have been alike at his service. Falsehood has borrowed the hundred tongues of fame, and each tongue has had full employ in detailing the enormities of the French, and in representing these enormities as the objects of affection with the republicans; but they have shrunk from the distinction between the cause of struggling freedom and the enormities in••para∣ble from a revolution.

To render such base delusions contemptible, let me call to your view the tottering chrones of Europe; the exliausted finances of royal tyrants: se• where ••ud•∣lism and vandalism had overspread kingdom, sunk in the calm of despotism, shrouded in the might of slavish Page  49delusion: see freedom like the lightning of the heavens bursting from the midst of darkness in rapid and tremen∣dous flathes; by this light see freemen mounting to the top of the waves in the "tempestuous sea of liberty."— Wa•t with patience, this sea will soon be quieted; that lightning will soon be succeeded by the day of freedom. Let not the convulsions which attend unparallelled strug∣gle for freedom alarm you, who witnessed the spasms of our partial revolution. If with excess of pair and strong cryings the blood returns into the veins of a man in a state of rescuscitation, shall we wonder at the strong con∣vulsions and inexpressible agonies which nations expe∣rience, when freedom, that vital fluid of society, after a suspension of 900 years, is again made to flow freely in its veins? Writers may tell you of the cruelties and excesses of the French revolution; British writers told the same of us when we contended against them. Summon up the faults of the best of men you may fill a page; those of the worst of men might employ a pamphlet: those of nations in a state of peace would require volumes, and in a state of war, if their enemies are to be their biographers, the world would hardly contain a catalogue of their crimes.

Lies, told about the French in English, Hamburg, Rus∣sian and German papers for months, all concentrated in one federal paper, present a most horrid character of that people. This concentration, even for years, is condensed into a cannibal's progress, and the picture becomes mon∣strous indeed. Suppose that all the true accounts of murders, robberies, extraordinary reptiles, duels, sen∣tences of courts and executions in America for one year, were to be republished with only the common exaggera∣tions of a second impression: then to these should be added, by those who are fond of the marvellous, many wonderful prodigies of fraud and cruelty, monstrous beast and reptiles, calculated to impress the reader with horror; then to these should be added all the commen∣taries, which in the course of that year had been made on these publications, by the decided and rancorous enemies of the people, government, climate, and manners of Ame∣rica; then that the whole should be published in the com∣pass of a pocket volume by an editor keenly determined Page  50to ruin our character; then that this should be read by a man resolved to believe the worst of us; pray what would be his impressions? Why he would consider America as the off-scouring of the earth, as a den of cruelty, and as a refuge for wild beasts and hideous reptiles. Just as good have been your means of intelligence about France. Not one person, who had any reputation of friendship for that nation has addressed you on the subject. Hence it has been thought regular for every royalist to deal out his curses on France, and to conjure up Satan to make up his dificiency of language to abuse them, and having sent them on a journey to the infernal world, the next task was to send after them all who retained a belief, that tho' many of their measures were indefensible on cool rational principles; that though in their mighty convulsions and tremendous wars they had sometimes been excessive, yet that their cause was good, and that the lord reigned and guided the storm.

On this subject of elections delusion always raises a great cry about the ins and outs and it is said by the ins, that the outs wish to be in. This is always said by the same class of men; but how can it be true in the present case; for, according to their own statement, the public officers retire poor, and the others could do better at home. Now one or the other side of this proposition must be true. If then theirs be true, that there are constant outgoings of disinterestedness and patriotism, why so unwilling that others should share the burden? Is it because they would not govern as well as you? Suffer me to say, you are mis∣erable judges on this point, and your modesty ought to preclude the suggestion. But suppose there are immense advantages attached to the ins, such as the holding as te∣nants in common all the power in the country, distribut∣ing all the money, all the offices, living on the best, keep∣ing the first company, forming important connections, and providing for friends.* "If, says the venerable Petatiah Webster, the ins do not know how to appreciate such ad∣vantages, I pity not them so much as the fools who send them." The six dollars a day, or four or five, or twenty five thousand dollars a year, form the smallest item in the Page  51account. Will you say, "we have responsibility to ba∣lance these extras?" Tell of the responsibility of nine∣pins and rattle boxes! pray where is your ability to res∣pond it by your mismanagem•••〈◊〉•ak• millions of mo∣ney from the people, or wa••• thousands of lives in a use∣less quarrel. Open your purses and see whether you have small change to pay for principles dearly assumed, but idly sacrificed; for expected blessings, through your means, turned into curses, founded on interminable in∣terest; for rational freedom, turned by your delusive measures, into slavery unchangeable. Will you say that your characters are to pay the bill? Alas! while the scru∣tiny is making they will vanish. This responsibility is all a delusion. The ins have privileges in abundance, and it was once said that in a free government, these should be in rotation. Will you say that all mankind are alike, and in similar situations will equally betray?* Be it so, when the people let the power go out of their own hands they will always be betrayed. Take away the sovereignty of the people, which always rests in unbiassed elections, and all the rest is not worth contending for. Take this away and it is of no moment to the people who is president or vice-president— who are senators and members, or who are the heads of departments; for when that is gone, all the rest will sooner or later go; but 'tis of infinite moment to the people to know and feel that if the elected do not conform they shall not be re-elected. This forms a responsibility, which once established, might preserve a free republic for∣ever, and this maxim is the corner stone of republicanism, This is the rock, founded on which, a building would stand strong in the day of the floods and winds. Republicanism may bid defiance to delusion, whenever the people shall have firmness and weight enough to balance president, vice-president, senators, representatives, heads of depart∣ments, diplomatic corps, army, navy, together with all the subordinate agents which new measures place it in the power of rulers to appoint and support independent of them.

Page  52 Another electioneering delusion is, "that the Aurora, and other republican papers are full of lies, and the conclusion is to be that the federal papers are ••dl• of truths!" He•e let me ask how many times did the federal papers drown, shoot, or massacre Buonaparte, while in Egypt? How often was Suwarrow victorious when he was flying before the French? How often was Morean's army defeated by the humane conquerer of Ismael? How often was Holland taken by the Duke of York? How often has rebellion been com∣pletely quelled in Ireland? How many illumina•s have been found in this country? How often has Mr. Ross been governor of Pennsylvania? How completely did Mr. Monroe sail of his election to the chair in Virginia? What great federal concussions have been wrought in North-Carolina? What plots in the South? And finally, when nearly all the federal papers in the last year published the success of the federal ticket in New York, and added that democracy would never again raise its head there: I ask how true was it? The federal papers tell you that all New-England is federal; and even the same Boston pa∣pers, which announce 20,000 votes in favor of the demo∣cratic ticket, proclaims the integral federalism of that state; but unfortunately, the federalists came in such throngs, and so darkened their air, that 20,000 of them got benighted and voted for Gerry. Dolusion, these are thy weak tricks!

Well, say these deluders, let the democrats have their way, they will appoint a president who will turn out all the old tried officers, and put a set of men in their place, who would annihilate the funding system, and bring con∣fusion out of order; then goes national character: for these men have no idea of honesty or public faith; but these democrats, who best know their own calculations, profess that a president of their choice would probably retain in place all men who had served faithfully. As to their principles, he will well calculate to find them in a bundle with their interests, and in a few weeks they would draw well in republican geers. The funding system would be annihilated as fast as means to discharge it could be procured. These would result from savings by calling home the diplomatic corps and ships of war; by retrench∣ing Page  53offices at home, salaries and unnecessary bestowments, and by the avails of our immense western territory, and no laws would be made to prevent the citizens of other countries from coming to assist us in the reduction of it. Probably a new administration would stop the building of the federal city where it now is, and leave its unfin∣ished walls as a monument to future generations of the magnificient plans* of men, who once undertook to be the rulers of a free people, and that those who are here∣after to lament on another subject may here practise their notes of sorrow, and say, "federal Babylon is fallen," is fallen! that great city, which in the ordinary course of things, would have been the refuge of every hateful bird, and the receptacle of the abominations of the whole earth. The system of a new administration would be less directed to federal greatness than the present: our militia would be made strong; unlimited confidence would be placed in the people, and our constitution would be fi••nly supported. Now I believe that such would be the course of a new administration, yet it is possible that they might seize a creditor and drag him to prison instead 〈◊〉 his debtor: they might hang the witnesses in a cause, instead of the condemned ou•prit: they might fell the country, and themselves and families at auction: might declare war against their own characters and principles, and like true harlequins, bite their own heads off. These things are full a• probable as any of the electioneering delusion dealt out to you.

Having, under three general heads, exhibited the pro∣minent features of political delusion, suffer me to apply the subject in an address to the nine tenths of society.

When you see, my brethren, the most despotic and ty∣rannical administrations in the world defended by the ablest pens, bravest armies, and most shining abilities, you surely will not believe that a combination of all these in our own, is a conclusive argument of its goodness. Men have written and spoken like angels, and fought like blood∣hounds in defence of despotism and tyranny.

I have pointed to you the line which distinguishes you, Page  54the people, from that class of men whose interests are op∣posed to those of the people, by naming to you the act• which mark this distinction. Not more opposed to reli∣gion are the world, the flesh and the devil, than are the subtlety, avarice and pride of the one tenth to the rights of the nine tenths in society.

Newly initiated politicians, and anniversary orators, having just learnt the delightful machinery of energetic government, are apt to wonder how a people, who enjoy the sun and moon and tides according to Straffords alma∣nack, and whose lands produce in plenty, can wish for another system of measures; but 'tis not by authority of the United States that the heavenly bodies revolve; not by reason of the interest of our court in the court of hea∣ven, that we have spring and autumn, heat and light, fine crops and abundant markets. The praises of administra∣tion have been sung from one end of the continent to the other. Amused by this, your exertions hitherto have been devoted solely to the promotion of this one tenth, to the neg∣lect of yourselves:* they have taken rank with the mighty men of the earth; while you, hewers of wood and draw∣ers of water, have been "crouching down between two burdens." Tis true you have as yet no titles of nobility; but who cares for titles of nobility, provided you do not give with it wealth and influence? What would be a duke in England, if he had no property, nor credit, nor a seat in the house of lords? Fill a man with wealth and power, and he is in fact a peer of the realm. The nature of things is not changed by names; an eagle would not cease to be gold, though you should politely call it a York six-pence, no would a cent experience the mighty power of a trans∣mutation of metals, though you should call it an eagle. The man, who can hold a supreme court in his cabin, and sentence men to death, from which there can be no appeal nor reprieve, and hang them by dozens to the yard-arm for offences, which in civil society might have cost them a fine of seven dollars, can never respect the people. The Page  55man, who can gain an appetite for breakfast by seeing 100 la•hes severely bestowed on half a score of soldiers for speaking lightly of some upstart adjutant, some privileged cousin of some influential man, can never respect the peo∣ple. Martial and naval laws are fatal to freedom, and ought never to be in force, except at the m•••• of actual invasion. A man, attached to the distinctions of being and blessed∣ness between the admiral and sailor, the general and sol∣dier, can never contemplate a condition of equal rights without contempt. He sees the soldier and sailor taken from the nine tenths of society, submitting to humiliations abhorrent to the cause, for which he professed to enlist, and hence concludes that the class of men from whom they were taken, deserve nothing but lashes and contempt.

The luxuriant courtier, who must have his pease and salmon before the frost has left the earth, or the ice the rivers, and who loaths the fight of vegetable or animal food in the season of it; who rides in a gig with half a dozen lacqueys behind him; who curses every taverner, excommunicates every cook, and kicks over the table, be∣cause his eggs were not brought to him in a pre-existent state, can never have any opinion of the plebians, who are toiling to furnish the means of his splendor.

The man who, raised by the people from twenty-five and fifty cent habits to a sucrative establishment; from a plain to a sumptuous table: from a laborious profession to the brilliant region of levees and courts; from the com∣pany of farmers to the society of foreign ministers: and from obscure life to the top ridge of the federal moutain, must look down on the people. No shade-wilted belle ever looked with more scorn on the ruddy milk-maid, than does such an elevated Proteus on his fog benighted con∣stituents. He looks up and sees some still greater beings about him; but wisely calculates that the same power, which raised him from nothing, can make a man-moun∣tain of him. Feeling that more power would be welcome to himself, he endeavors to fill all his superiors with as much power as possible. Charged with this mighty project, he forgets all sense of connection, and is full as likely to appoint a lieutenant-general and inspector general without an army as with. He is for making his fourth-proof and Page  56common-proof sea-commanders by the pompous title of vice-admirals and admirals, even without a navy; and in all this dream forgets that at home he left an abundance of generals, who led numerous flocks and herds, and that the uncut navies of his native state were full of admirals with axes on their shoulders.* But full of his immense project, he writes long letters to his constituents of things passing strange and wondrous pitiful—"how that the ho∣nour of America would not suffer her to send to a foreign court, men whom that court could with honor receive, and how those good men, after ploughing much water found themselves, as they expected, ill received, and how they came back again, and how much they had been assailed by the rear guard of the alphabet, and how every nation has a right to send such men abroad as they please,† and con∣cludes by telling the people that they must be mad, and must put cockades in their hats, and be mad for many days, and must have great talks, and raise an army of officers, and make out a valuation, on which the most loyal state in the union, should have the honor of paying a tax a year earlier than the rest, and how the people trust the reins of government wholly in the hands of the constituted au∣thorities, for that trouble some times are coming."

As all this appears to come from one of our own flesh and blood, it appears highly plausible, and is readily swallowed; but it never occurs, till all is over, that this same man, though once of us, is now translated into another state of being, that he has new hopes, new objects, more enlarged conceptions: that instead of being our represen∣tative, he has become a representative of the United States. It never occurs that this man's greatness is mightily en∣hanced, if he can be a master-workman in the shop, where all these generals, and admirals, and envoys, and officers, commissions, and taxes are turned out. It never occurs that all which he pays of the expence of this business will be only some decimals of the units, which we pay him over what his services are worth.

Page  57 Now if the contempt of these great men for the nine-tenths of society were all, it might be borne; but immense sums must be levied by them in order to support their splendor, and their schemes of greatness. I have avoided to speak to you of unaccounted for millions; but HAVE PRESENTED SYSTEMS BY WHICH THE WEALTH OF THE WORLD IS TO BE WASTED, AND THE BLOOD OF MILLIONS IS TO FLOW; yet it may be well for you to know that the support of your government now amounts to 42,000 dol∣lars a day*—that this expence has been, and is encreasing, and that in the last session it was found impossible to pro∣vide ways and means to raise the 15 millions of dollars for the expenses of the present year. The secretary proposed a stamp duty on transfers of real estate. The committee of ways and means proposed a national lottery, which might annually raise from 100 to 150 thousand dollars, and the same committee reported the expediency of im∣powering the president to borrow 3,500,000 dollars for the service of the present year. Large loans are convenient sops for a greedy sinking fund—when public resources fail, and public good requires some object to be compassed too abandoned to justify a tax or a subscription—a Jottery is often proposed, and in the scheme immense advantages are offered to the purchaser: no less than one chance in 25,000 to draw the highest prize. And old soldier would be shot at for one cent, if his chance of being killed was no greater than one in 25,000; but worse than bad chances, the sinews of industry must be cut in the purchaser: relying on dame fortune he must quit dame industry; for they keep their lodgers at different hotels. Scarcely two and a half blanks to a prize! and why should not fortune deluge a man for this once when before she had never dropt on him a particle of her dew? But the fortunate adventurer must resign 15 per cent. in order to entitle him to a draw-back of 15 per cent in his chance for ruin; and the woe-worn disappointed blank-holders are taught to wait for another scheme and better stars.

All this bears in front the marks of delusion, and it is far better to be thus deluded than to have money raised Page  58upon us by indirect means. When my tax-master fears to present me his bill, lest I should ask the whys and wherefores, he contrives in some artful way to pick my pockets. He knows that I have passions, propensities and wants. These he taxes in the articles which contri∣bute to my supply or indulgence. He sees that streams of wealth are flowing into the Treasury through the medi∣um of sugar-hogsheads and tea-chests. I feel that my re∣sources are expending: he cheers me up with "fear not, the hairs of your head are all numbered," to which I might well reply, "yes, and all the pence in my pocket." But lotteries draw money from the credulous; indirect taxes from the voluptuary: imperious necessity demands a stamp and valuation tax: all will not ward off the dreaded cri∣sis: though in an individual the lending of money at 8 per cent. 〈◊〉 a crime. denominated by statute corrupt and usurious and meriting a forfeiture of the whole sum loan∣ed; yet the exigencies of government drive them to pro∣cure the commission of this crime. Then comes the mo∣ment for sovereign delusion to open all its batteries, the wounds of a bleeding country! just healing under the metallic tractors of Grenville, opened afresh by exter∣minating France: a country, impoverished by too copi∣ous emanations of gratitude towards the revolutionary ar∣my and overpowered by sensibility towards the Dey of Algiers, for suffering us to exchange the most valuable productions of the earth for the wine, oil and fruits of the Mediterranean; a most benevolent country, wishing to be on speaking and hand-shaking terms with every pow∣er in Europe, and obliged for that end to send abroad ship loads of diplomacy; a most equitable country, suf∣fering the irruptions of lawless savages, and the plots of seditious jacobins—must have an army; must have a fleet. A warlike attitude commands peace, and a peace∣ful conduct provokes wars; exertions must be made: posterity must not be burdened with taxes. All this is closed with a flattering statement of the financial condi∣tion of our country and a few round periods shewing the prosperity of our country as flowing from the greatess quantity of wisdom, prudence and patriotism that was ev∣er Page  59made into one compost since the creation of the would.*

Surely the nine-tenths of our people have too much g•o• sense and firmness, to sacrifice their polit•cal all to such false cr•tifices

Most of the delusions which I have named to you will be practised on you at the approaching Presidential election, and then delusion ever busy and inventive, will assume new and potent forms proportioned to the immense import∣ance of that occasion. Some candidates will be proposed to you whose whole system consists of the delusions which I have explained: but was our revolution archieved? did the great God guide the storm in order to land as in the harbor of peace and freedom, and yet is the whole scene to be clouded with the bursting of crakers and rais∣ing of sky-rockets? Republicans be awake—the day is more important than any day of your revolution. Now republicanism dies or lives forever. Your candidate is a tried patriot and statesman. It is not the atheist Jeffer∣son; not the infamous discoverer of a staddard of weights and measures by the vibrations of a pendulum; not the base author of the letter to Mazzei. Federalists need not apprehend that such a man is to be held up; but your candidate is Jefferson, president of the philosophical soci∣ety, who in all his communications to them has spoken reverently of the wisdom and goodness of God;† the man who in his writings has spoken reverently of christian re∣ligion, and has for years supported at his own expence, a preacher of the gospel; a man of unquestionable morality both in theory and practice—amiable in private life—holding the second office in your government by the free suffrages of the people—the ingenious discoverer of a perfect standard of weights and measures, and the man who in public as well as private has dared to speak truths galling to federal ears—has dared to say that we had men who preferred the calm of despotism to the tempestuous Page  52sea of liberty—that we had an aristocratic, monarchic, Britannic faction in this country. Knowing accurately the power of delusion, he ventured to predict, that after the war there would be a relapse of spirit in the people; that abuses would creep in and would continue till a cri∣sis, when by the energy of the people our rights would re∣vive or till they should expire in a convulsion, and here∣in he predicted this very day. Our spirit has declined; gross abuses have crept in; we have a powerful aristocrat∣ic monarchic Britannic faction; but by a due exertion of your constitutional right of election, your rights may yet revive, and the man who predicted this, lives to receive the testimony of your respect and confidence, the with∣holding of which may lead you to the sad catastrophe of seeing your dearly earned rights literally expire in a con∣vulsion. However you may be agitated on the subject of religion, rest assured that you are not to depend on any administration of government for the prosperity of Zion. You will not, like the people of England, expect that ex∣amples of piety, issues of grace and streams of salvation are to flow from his most sacred majesty and the titled slaves which compose a luxurious court. The chariot wheels of salvation are far different from the chariot wheels which are to be rolling round the streets of the federal city with loads of domestic and imported infidelity.

Finally, republicans, be strong: though they, who are opposed to you may say, "we are called legion; for we are many, fear not their numbers." Though they may offer you all the kingdoms of the world in consideration of your submission; though they may say, "follow us and ye shall be as gods," heed them not; their business is to delude you. Singular as it may seem, though you have been called infidels, yet you have to combat systems de∣structive to religion; though you have been called jaco∣bins, yet you have to contend for that equal rational free∣dom which no jacobin ever sought. Though you have been called infernals, yet you have the same enemies to∣•ight which the ancient church had: you have principal∣ities and powers, and the rulers of the darkness of this 〈◊〉 and spiritual wickedness in high places with the Page  53prince of the power of the air* at the head of them. Tho' a government which you equally obtained and equally support, has been directed both in language and laws a∣gainst your feelings, liberties and rights; yet you have waited peaceably; though impatiently for the day of your constitutional deliverance. Soon will your prison doors be set open; the day to redeem yourselves from great and little tyrants is at hand. If you have firmness to meet the crisis and faithfully to act your parts in it you may shout, for your redemption is at the doors.

But if in any of you present, delusion has wrought its perfect work, if you have bowed the knee to the political Baal: if you are slavishly devoted to the self-stiled friends of order and good government, then bid an eternal adieu to the freedom, which you never merited; prepare your necks for the yoke, hail Issachar as your venerated ances∣tor, say to delusion "thou art our father," and to funding system, federal city, foreign intercourse, army, navy, "ye are our brethren and sisters."