Letter to Tench Coxe, esq.

I have received no papers from you; your letter by the post is the first I have heard from you. I take the opportunity to give you, in return, a summary of the present state of this coun|try, with respect to the opposition that exists to the excise law. It has its origin not in any antifederal spirit, I assure you. It is chiefly the principles and operation of the law itself, that renders it obnoxious. Be this as it may, the facts are these:

The opposition, which for some time shewed itself in resolves of committtees, in representations to government, in masked attacks on insignificant deputy excise officers, for only such would accept the appointment—did at length, on the appear|ance of the marshal in this country to serve process, break out 〈◊〉 an open and direct attack on the inspector of the revenue himself, general Neville. These circumstances you will by this Page  129 time have heard, from the general himself, and from the mar|shall, major Lenox.

Subsequent to their departure from the country, notice was given of a meeting on the Monongahela river, about eighteen miles from the town of Pittsburgh. Six delegates, of whom I was one, were sent from this town. Nothing material was done at this meeting, but the measure agreed upon of a more general meeting, on the 14th of August, near the same place, to take into view the present state of affairs of the country.

Subsequent to this, the mail was intercepted, characters in Pittsburgh became obnoxious by letters found, in which senti|ments construed to evince a bias in favour of the excise law, were discovered.

In consequence of this, it was thought necessary to demand of the town that those persons should be delivered up, or expel|led, or any other obnoxious character that might reside there: also, that the excise office still kept in Pittsburgh, or said to be kept there, should be pulled down; the house of Abraham Kirkpatrick, burnt or pulled down; other houses also, that were the property of persons unfavourable to the cause. For this purpose, circular letters were sent to the battalions of the coun|ties, detachments from which met on Braddock's field, to the amount of at least five thousand men, on the 2d of the month. It was dreaded, on the part of the town, that from the rage of the people involving the town in the general odium of abetting the excise law, it would be laid in ashes. And I aver that it would have been the case, had it not been for the prompt and decisive resolutions of the town, to march out and meet them as brethren, and comply with all demands. This had the effect, and the battalions marched into town on the 3d, and during their delay there, and cantonment in the neighbourhood, with a trifling exception of a slight damage done to the proper|ty of Abraham Kirkpatrick, in the possession of his tenant, which was afterwards compensated *, behaved with all the regularity and order of the French or American armies, in their march through a town during the revolution with Great Britain.

The town of Pittsburgh will send delegates to the meeting of the 14th instant—what the result will be, I know not. I flat|ter myself, nothing more than to send commissioners to the Pre|sident Page  130 with an address, proposing that he shall delay any at|tempt to suppress this insurrection, as it will be stiled, until the meeting of Congress. This will be the object, simply and a|lone, with all that labour to avert a civil war. On the part of the government, I would earnestly pray a delay until such ad|dress and commissioners may come forward. This is my object in writing you this letter, which I desire you to communicate either by the Gazette, or otherwise.

It will be said, this insurrection can be easily suppressed—it is but that of a part of four counties. Be assured, it is that of the greater part—and I am induced to believe, the three Vir|ginia counties, on this side the mountain, will fall in. The first measure then will be, the organization of a new govern|ment, comprehending the three Virginia counties, and those of Pennsylvania, to the westward, to what extent I know not. This event, which I contemplate with great pain, will be the result of the necessity of self-defence. For this reason, I ear|nestly and anxiously wish that delay on the part of government may give time to bring about, if practicable, good order and subordination. By the time the Congress meets, there may be a favourable issue to the negociation, with regard to the naviga|tion of the Mississippi, the western posts, &c. A suspension of the excise law, during the Indian war, a measure I proposed in a publication three years ago, in Philadelphia, may, perhaps, suf|fice. Being then on an equal footing with other parts of the union, if they submitted to the law, this country might also.

I anticipate all that can be said with regard to example, &c. I may be mistaken, but I am decisive in opinion that the United States cannot effect the operation of the law in this country. It is universally odious in the neighbouring parts of all the neigh|bouring states, and the militia under the law, in the hands of the President cannot be called out to reduce an opposition. The midland counties, I am persuaded, will not even suffer the mi|litia of more distant parts of the union, to pass through them.

But the excise law is a branch of the funding system, detest|ed and abhorred by all the philosophic men, and the yeomanry of America, those who hold certificates excepted. There is a growling, lurking discontent at this system, that is ready to burst out and discover itself every where. I candidly and de|cidedly tell you, the chariot of government has been driven Je|hu-like as to the finances; like that of Phaeton, it has descended from the middle path, and is likely to burn up the American earth.

Page  131Should an attempt be made to suppress these people, I am a|fraid the question will not be, whether you will march to Pitts|burgh, but whether they will march to Philadelphia, accumu|lating in their course, and swelling over the banks of the Sus|quehanna like a torrent, irresistible, and devouring in its pro|gress. There can be no equality of contest, between the rage of a forest, and the abundance, indolence, and opulence of a city. If the President has evinced a prudent and approved de|lay in the case of the British spoilations, in the case of the Indian tribes; much more humane and politic will it be to consult the internal peace of the government, by avoiding force until every means of accommodation are found unavailing. I deplore my personal situation; I deplore the situation of this country, should a civil war ensue.

An application to the British is spoken of, which, may God avert. But what will not despair produce?