The history of the government of France, under the administration of the great Armand du Plessis, Cardinall and Duke of Richlieu, and chief minister of state in that kingdome wherein occur many important negotiations relating to most part of Christendome in his time : with politique observations upon the chapters / translated out of French by J.D. Esq.

Anno 1628.

The Rochelois send to the King of England to de∣mand Succour.

THE Heathenish Antiquities relate, That Pandora, going to meet the Rebel Epimetheus in behalf of the God's, carried him a Box filled with all sorts of Evils, amongst which he had only hope left him. It is a Fiction, yet may it be aptly applyed to the Dutchesse of Rohan the Mother, who being come to Rochel, to encourage the Rebellion, brought all sorts of misfortune with her, inso∣much that there was not any kind of misery, which the inhabitants did not under∣go, and without any other hopes but only of relief from the English, which they retained to the very last. In order to which hope, they finding his Majesties re∣solved to force them to live in the rules of obedience, had sent their Deputies to England, with full and ample Power, to treat with his Majesty of Great Brittain, To beseech him to take them into his protection, and that he would assist them, with a second Army which might force the King of France, to raise the siedge. Their Deputies were received, with great kindness; The King of Buckingham be∣ing much exasperated against France, for the late repulse given to the English at Ree. They had audience granted, and after examination of their Proposals, The King made a Treaty with them, by which he obliged himself to assist them with such a number of Souldiers as should be sufficient for their defence; To send them all sorts of Provision; and to permit a Collection to be made in his Countries for their present relief. The Deputies obliged themself in the name of the Rochelois to give an happy successe to the English Army, promising they would rigg out the greatest number of Ships they could possibly procure, that they would provide Pilats and places for Magazins for all sorts of provision in the Town; that if occa∣sion were their Port should be a place of retreat for their Fleet; that they would not hearken to any accomodation with the King their Lord and Master, but by and with consent of the King of great Brittain, and also that before France should at∣tempt any thing against England, they should declare themselves for the English, and should divert to the utmost of the power, all designs tending to their preju∣dice. The King of Great Brittain was not absolute enough to conclude upon great enterprises, his power somewhat depending on the Parliament, so he was forced to call one to authorize this, and to consent to such levies of mony as would be need∣full for this business; The anger which every one there bore against France, and the desire of revenging the affront which they had so lately received, perswaded them to a general consent. They wanted onely the third Vote, upon which the Levy depended, where upon they refused to contribute any money, colouring their denial by diverse complaints, which they made against the Duke of Buckingham, and most part of the Chief Ministers in England, which made a great noise in the Parliament, and so incensed the King, that being constrained to give way to the insolence of their requests, he told them that he would examine their demands and complaints, and give them answer accordingly; However be gave order for the rigging out of a strong Fleet in behalf of the Rochelois, and gave the command of it to the Earle of Denbigh the Duke of Buckingham's brother in Law. This was all the Rochelois could hope for, yet it blinded them to all respect and obedience, They shaked off the yoak of Loyalty which they owed to the King; they carried them∣selves to the utmost extremities that possibly could be imagined; they trod under foot the Kings Authority, and chose him for their Protector, who was Declared Emeny of his Crown.

Politique Observation.

ALthough a People never hath any lawful reason to become, disloyal to their Prince, or to cast themselves into the Arms of the Enemy of his Country; yet it is a thing easily resolved on, when there are no other means to secure them from the fears which they apprehend, and which have engaged them in their re∣volts. In Philosophy it is held for a Maxim, That granting one absurdity, a thousand others will follow by consequence; It is no lesse certain among Polititians, that a people carried into one fault, which is the taking up Arms against their Prince, will be exposed to great extremities, and every day augment the number of their Crimes. Their Custome is to promise to themselves great matters, in despe∣rate affairs from strangers, and such means as are without all apparence of reason, probable wayes, or ordinary instruments: They are great lovers of Novelties and with a little wind carried to extremities; and new thoughts, if they find their for∣mer resolutions and designs not come to the accompt they expected. They easily follow those, who put them in hopes of liberty; If any seditious person in credit with them, do but tickle them in the eare, with telling them that they do not enjoy their full and perfect liberties under their lawful Prince, nothing is then more easily perswaded then to revolt, nay to throw themselves, into the Armes of their very worst enemy, never considering whether the remedie be not worse then the disease. Being once revolted they never return to their duties, but by force of Armes, and the fear they have of paying the punishments they have justly deserved, inviteth them rather to run, and hazard, then that of confessing their errour, and repen∣ting. An Ancient Authour said very wisely when he likened them to day-labou∣rers, who are at every ones service, that will make use of them; ready they are to subvert all things, not for the publique good, but in order to their own design, and under pretence of liberty. The greatest part of such Revolts are commonly accom∣panied with some Intelligences and encouragements from strangers who offer their assistance, not for any love to them, but themselves, that they may make advan∣tuge out of their divisions, discord is their Musique.

The History of Italy furnisheth us with a notable example of this particular in that of the Pisan's, who having been perswaded by one of our Kings and Lewis Forza, to withdraw themselves from the obedience of the Florentines, presently banish their Officers, gain'd many rich Merchants and began to live as free peo∣ple; but finding themselves too weak to hold out, at that rate, they emplored the ayd of their neighbour Princes, which was not denied to them, by reason of the jealousie which all those States are in, of one another. Ge••••oua, sent them men and Munitions, Lucqua mony, and Sienna which was in hopes of great advantages from them, sent both one and t'other. Neither is this the last degree of a muti∣nous people, for if they cannot attain unto their desiers by a Forraign protection, they will rather totally deliver up and sell themselves▪ the return to their Princes power especially if they be but a little perswaded, of being hardly dealt with, and that they shall be reduced to a slavish subjection; such difficulty will they find to stoop under their former yoak, after a tast of licentiousness and impunity.

The King of Spain sendeth Don Frederick de Toledo High Admiral with a Fleet to his Majesty.

THe King finding what need he should have of Ships, had as hath been rela∣ted, accepted of the proffer which was made to him at Villeroy, by Don Diego de Maxia, in behalf of the King of Spain. But their design in that propo∣sal, being only to engage France, in an open war with England, that they might the better carry on their designs in Germany and Italy they were careful, not to be at Ree to assist his Majesty to expel them.

At last Don Frederick de Toledo High Admiral of Spain, after many delayes came about the end of December with his pretended Fleet to the Haven of Morbian in Brettaign. The King commanded the Duke of Guyse to receive him with all possi∣ble Honour; and indeed such it was, that Don Frederick could not enough admire, at the manner of his entertainment. Shortly after he departed towards the Ile of Ree, where at that time was no great need of him: But however he proffered his service unto the King, who received him with great kindness; His Majesty sending to visit him, but his vessels were found so unprovided of victuals, men and necessaries, that those things together with his long delay considered. It was easie to Judg, they had no great mind to fight for France, and that the King his Master would be very sorry to contribute to the taking of Rochel; a place which might be made use of to raise a war in the Kingdome, and that with a little charge, if he had a mind to send any Forces to them. At last he gave an assured sign of the truth of this su∣spition, when not long after he went to his Majesty, and took his leave of him, to return towards Spain, telling him that he could not now be any more serviceable to him. The King would have much wondered to see him so hasty to be gon, consi∣dering he came so far, but that he knew they had more mind to ingage France in a war with a third party then adventure on it themselves. His Majesty on the other side knowing; That strangers and Forraign Forces ought not be employed but in urgent occasions, and at last cast, did so much the easilier consent to his departure, and in regard too that the Cardinal had assured him, That great store of vessels would very shortly come before Rochel; So he finding the wind fair, hoysed sail about the end of January to return to Spain.

Politique Observation.

THere may such occasions in war fall out, that it may be absolutely necessary to make use of Forraign Forces, and the very greatest Princes are subject here∣unto, because at some one time, or other, they may chance be so surprised, that it may be impossible for their own proper Forces to repel the Enemy who assaults them. But without doubt, he that can make a shift without them, does wisely not to make any use of them at all, for relying on the Forces of strangers, he doth in some sort make himself dependant on that Prince who assisteth him, and also, they cannot in reason be so loyal, faithful, and courageous in any his affairs, as his own subjects. Forriners fight more for gain, and their own particular Interest, then for any good will to him, unto whom they are sent; insomuch that could they find any where else more advantageous conditions, though it were in the very adverse party, they would make no scruple of running in unto them. This hath been formerly evidenced by the Celtiberi, who having bin first suborned by the Ro∣mans left the Carthagians, and not long after were regained by those of Carthage, and did as soon forsake the Roman Army, and return to their first Masters. Do not the Swisses often do the same thing? Their Profession is not to fight but for mony. It once fell out that Lew••s the Eleventh, for some reasons of State being unable to pay them so precisely as he promised, they resolved to seize on his Person and the Chief of his Court, and to keep them, until they had received the last penny, and he fearing to fall into their hands was forced to flie for his safety.

The Baylif of Dion, who had raised them, together with some others could not escape their fury, they were taken by them, and could not get off until they were satisfied to the utmost farthing of their due. Whereas on the other side, a Princes own subjects are tyed to him, by the fidelity which they owe to his Crown, and though not punctually paid, yet do they continue Loyal and courageous; and whilst they fight for their own Interest and glory, no doubt but they will shew them∣selves more resolute and daring then strangers, who have not any of those concerns. All Princes who ever obtained any signal victories, have been beholding to their own native forces for them. The Turkish Emperour, useth no other. Alexander by this means in a little while made so great a progresse in Armes, as never any one

did the like. I suppose that it is with Armies, composed of a mans own subjects as with the natural clean strength of a mans own body, which is much more to be esteemed, then that which is infused by art into sick persons: That Prince who useth strangers, cannot more fitly be compared to any thing then a man in a lan∣guishing condition, whose natural heat is decayed, who to warm and comfort his stomach hath recourse to spices, which instead of preserving him scorch up his bloud and destroy his life; for just so do strangers, to him that depends on them, advan∣tage him they cannot, but will (it may be) ruin him, as before is manifested by divers pregnant Reasons.

Marquis Spinola, his Son, and the Marquis de Leganez come to see the siedge of Rochel.

THE same day that Don Frederich de Toledo set sail for his return, came the Marquis Spinola from the low Countries, and having passed by Paris, where the Queen received him with great Honour, arrived at the Camp before Rochel, with his Son his Son-in-Law and the Marquis de Leganez, Ambassador Extraordi∣nary from Spain. The Marshal de Schomberg went a League out to receive them, by the Kings desire, and after he was arrived, the King Commanded him to be visited with great Honour. His Audience was granted very shortly thereupon, with all the endearments that possible could be expressed. Amongst other things the King told him, that he came into those parts against his Phisitians advices, be∣ing not yet quite recoverd of a troublesome sickness, but he was forced to it, to drive out the English, from his Teretories, who indeed had not made any long stay; That having perceived his subjects of Rochel, to have been the Bringers in of the English, he resolved to punish them for it, and to take them by siedg, in which he observed for a pattern, that which was made at Breda; and then he invited them to see the Works, though at that time they were not quite finished. The Marquis highly extolled all his Majesties Actions, especially that of beating the English from Ree. He told him, that his Presence made his Nobility invincible, and withal, that indeed nothing was so glorious for a man of quality, as to fight in his Princes sight; That for his part it grieved him never to have had the King his Master, for a witness of his Actions and that he should willingly dye, to obtain that Honour. After he had gone the round, he went to see the Banck, which he much admired, and openly said, that if they finished that work of shutting up the Chan∣nel, and keeping the Souldiers in good order, it would be impossible for the town to escape taking. He well knew, what place the Cardinal was in, neer his Maje∣sty and that the King had not engaged himself in this design, but by his advice; he observed that the admirable order kept in the siedg, was an effect of his Conduct; so he went to visit him, with great Respects. The Cardinal received him with the like, they continued a long while in discourse together, during which they inter∣changably contracted a very great friendship with each other, which was the cause, that afterwards meeting in Piedmont, one in the behalf of France, and t'other of Spain they carried on the war with courtesie and courage: shewing that civilities and kindnesses might be used amongst Enemies, without prejudice, to their Masters Interests.

Politick Observation.

THE entertaining of strangers, who passe by a Princes Court, with Honour, if they are considerable either in their Births or Actions, doth much advantage the glory of a Prince. He who would be esteemed a generous Prince as well abroad, as at home, is obliged to it; The Honour which he doth to such Persons, is a Ray of Glory, which by reverberation doth reflect on himself, for they who receive his kindness are bound to be the Trumpeters of his Praise. Though the Romans

slighted all strangers, esteeming them Barbarous, yet they had a Law, whereby they were bound to receive them, with greater Honour and respect when they came to the City of Rome. And that I may a little open the quality, of their reception. I shall first observe that it ought to be with all kind of civility and courtesie; For this vertue is a Charm, so powerful, and so captivating the soul: That as Lewis the Eleventh said, it doth sometimes of the greatest Enemies raise up the perfectest friends; whence it hapned that he himself, took great care and delight to caresse such strangers, as at any time passed through his Court; besides it passeth for a mark of Courage and Resolution, whereas, insolencie is only an Index of lowness and meanness of Spirit. This courtesie ought to be accompanied with magnificence, that it may be the more considerable, for words and behaviour, do lightly passe away, if not followed by some other effects. This magnifience consisteth, in Treating them with splendor, for that the good entertainment which is given them, serveth no lesse to testifie the affection, then the great and noble mind of him who maketh it. Paulus Aemilius was very industrious in making all people wel∣come, who came to visit him, and being one day asked the reason of it, he an∣swered, that there was as great prudence in the well disposal of a feast, as in the Marshalling of an Army for the Battail, for the one is to become terrible to ones Enemies and t'other agreeable to his friends. Next, he is bound to make them presents, according to their qualities. A little expence of this nature gives Princes a great reputation amongst strangers; for they on whom it is bestowed are care∣ful of preserving it in their families, as a testimony of the Honour which they have received by such a head, which they keep as Proofs of his magnificence, and I should think it much better, to cut off from any other expences, then from this. Agesi∣laus said, That which appeared most Illustrious and glorious in all Kings, was, the doing good to divers persons; the Ambassadors of Corinth refusing to receive Dionysius of Siracusa's Presents he seemed to be much offended at it, and told them, that this was one of the chief means which Kings had to make themselves glorious: In fine, who so wants liberality, is never heartily served by his own nor honoured by strangers.

The Duke de Rohan despaireth of doing any good in Languedoc.

THE Duke of Rohan finding that his Majesty began to raise works about Rochel, to take it, prosecuted his designs with the more vigor in Languedoc, that by ma∣king a Revolt he might if possible oblige his Majesty to it quite designs. But the Duke had several misfortunes which crossed him, and that in the beginning of the year at Montpellier, was none of the least; He had Commanded his Kinsman the Baron de Bretigni to come to this Town, under pretence of a certain suit of Law in the Court of Aydes there, but with design, to surprise the Cittadell if possible it might be effected; Bretagny set his engines on work, so gain the Baron de Millay, last Captain of the Regiment of Normandie, and one of his old acquaintance unto his purpose: He pretended himself very willing and ready to heaken to his propo∣sitions, and to serve him, in that particular design; But in the mean while the Baron de Milay, gave notice of it, to the Marquis de Fossez, who was very glad of this discovery, and advised him not to loose the oportunity of getting advan∣tages from his Majestie by this piece of service. The Baron assured him by all pro∣testations of his fidelity and zeal; and in fine he got out all the designs of the Duke de Rohan, by which he pretended to steer himself; and he behaved himself in this affair with so much addresse, that the Duke Imagined, he had not a more faithful friend then the Baron was. In this confidence the Duke advanced his Troops about the beginning of the year, towards Montpellier, giving out he intended to besiedg Corcown, and about two or three at night, came to execute his design: But the Marquis de Fossez, who had punctual Intelligence of all his designs, made preparation to receive him, according to his deserts. He ordered every thing in

the Cittadel, that nothing could fall out amisse, and then he hid in Ambush neer the Gate by which they were to march in, the most choise Souldiers which he had; he ordered one of his Souldiers, to cut the Cord of the Port-Cullis, when they were once got in, that he might make sure of them, and cut them off. In this interim the Duke of Rohan sent one of his Captains to the Baron of Millay, to be informed of the State of the place, and to learn what order should be observed for their coming in: The Baron, shewed him all the City, and every place adjoyn∣ing, only excepting that where the Souldiers were hid; The Captain fully informed and satisfied returns to the Duke, gives him an accompt, of what he had seen and concluded. The Duke, hereupon advanceth his Troops, to the Counterscarp, and Bretigny leading them on, the Baron de Mellay, forthwith opened the Port. Bre∣tigny enters with fifty persons of quality and the Baron d' Aubes, following of him with the second train of fifty more, all which got in at the same dore. Now he who was commanded to cut the Cord of the Port-Cullis, did it sooner then he should have done, which vexed the Marquis de Fossez to the very heart, for had he let it alone but a little longer, the Duke had lost at least four thousand men: But however to punish those who had been so hardy as to enter, the Souldiers in Ambush, let fly at them, and cut them all off; thirty nine of them were Officers, and of good quality; and the Marquis Spinola being then at Rochel, when the news came, openly said, that this blow was of greater concern to the Duke of Rohan, then if he had lost two thousand Souldiers. Neither was this all, for the Marquis de Fessez made the great Guns be shot off at random upon those Troops which had not come in, and the morning following there was good store of bloud to be seen in several places, which made the Marquis conclude there were many more killed and wonded, but that the Duke had caused them to be carried off with him.

Politique Observation.

NAture, which hath given Arms to all Creatures to defend themselves, hath bestowed on man understanding, that by it, he is able to protect himself, from any dangers which threaten him, which Arms are more to be esteemed then those of Force. One of the greatest perfections of it, is, to deceive a publique Enemy, and to repel Force by Force, and Mines by Countermines. Amongst other Inventions which it affordeth; That, of pretending as correspondence, with an Enemy, is not one of the least considerable, as Zenophon saith, It being certain, that a pretended Intelligence with an Enemy, and well mannaged, doth often effect, greater things, then Force it self. I shall add too, That they are much more glo∣rious, and that the greatest reputation of a Chieftain is to break an Enemies strength, by Plots and contrivances, and to destroy him by his own designs. It is indeed commendable to repulse an Enemy from an assault, by valour and cou∣rage, but much more, to ruin an Enemies intents and purposes, by designs, in which the Souldiers lives are not endangered. In Sparta he was much more esteemed, who gained a victory by pollicy, then he who carried it by Force of Arms. It can∣not be doubted, but that this is the safest way of dealing with an Enemy, provided it be managed without breath of any oath or Promises, passed between Coman∣ders of both parties, for otherwise, Stratagems only pass for infidelity, yet it is law∣full to use all devices, and win them to a Credulity: and thus did every one com∣mend the procedure of the French Army at the siedge of Gisonne, neer Saint Seve∣rin, against the Army of Ferdinand. The Arragonois wearied out with the Inco∣modities of the siedge, had recourse to their devices, and endeavoured to practise with some French, to deliver up the place; The French too generous, to be so cowardly, and too faithful, to be corrupted, would not however loose the advan∣tage, which they might make by this proposal of theirs: they seemed to approve of it, and assigned the hour for execution. In the mean while they inform the Governour of it, who laid some certain Souldiers in ambush neer the Gate, by which they were to enter, by which means he slew about a hundred on the place,

took divers Prisoners, and by this losse brought Ferdinands Army into a great dis∣order and trouble.

The King goes from Rochel to Paris, to dissipate those Factions which be∣gan to rise thereabouts, by the Hugonots in Pircardie, Champagnie and Brie.

THE Cardinal who dived into the Counsels and designs of Forraign Princes, acquainted his Majesty with those promises the English had made to assist the Rochelois, and that his presence would be very needful in the Camp, both to in∣courage his Souldiers, as also to hasten on the works where every one in his sight would labour in emulation of one another. But on the other side his Majesty was in∣formed that his being so far from Paris had given opportunity to the Hugonots, of the Provinces neer adjoyning to make assemblies, and to incourage the people to revolt. He was advised of several meetings which they made in Picardie, Cham∣pagne and Brie, under divers pretences, as sometimes of Civility, of a wedding, or some quarrel, in all which meetings, there were means used to perswade the people to rise and take up Arms. He was also wel acquainted that they designed to seize upon some strong place, or other, so that his Majesty was obliged to return to Paris, that by his presence and authority, he might dissipate these growing mis∣chiefs. In the mean while, that no time might be lost, and that the Rebels might have no advantage, order was sent to the Queen Mother, to secure the Counts de la Suse, and de Roussy in the Bastile. The former she arrested by an Exempt in her Antichamber, and the second at Roussy by the Duke d' Elboeuf. The King having resolved upon his Journy, thought it necessary, to commit the care of the siedge, of finishing the works and the Bank, and of keeping the Souldiers in obedience and from disbanding, which they formerly used to do upon his Majesties removal, unto some Person, whose dilligence and credit might be capable of giving successe to it. Besides it was necessary, that this person should be exceeding Loyal, for the pre∣venting that misfortune which befel Charles the ninth, when he lay before the same town, where he was put unto infinite trouble and charge, and all to no purpose, because they whom he trusted with the Chief commands and orders were not faith∣ful and true to him. It being very difficult to find all these three qualities in any one Person, the King cast his eyes on the Cardinal, as the only man, in whom he could totally confide for carrying on of the siedge, and all other things, in order thereunto. His Majesty discoursed with him to that purpose; now the Cardinal although he was not ignorant, that the absence of the Court, is commonly a great disadvantage, to such as are in favour, by reason of the oportunity which they who are envious of their condition, have to work them a mischief, yet he readily accep∣ted of that employment, and protested to his Majesty, that he would not spare any pains or diligence to bring it to a happy issue, though it cost his blood and life, which he should think well sacrificed in his Majesty service; so the King gave him a full power to dispose of all things during his absence, and gave him the command over the Duke of Angoulesme, the Marshals de Bassompierre and Schomberg, the Mar∣shals of the Camp, the Master of the Artillerie and all other Inferiour Officers what∣ever: But I cannot omit with what reluctancy his Majesty went from him to Paris, For it is very remarkable, that his Majesty having received the Adieux of all his Officers, rid up apart to a certain person of quality, who was then to receive his Commands for Italy, and keeping close with him said not a word for a good while together, so troubled he was at his departure, until at last my heart quoth he, is so sad and heavy, to leave Monsieur the Cardinal, for fear least some mishap befal him, that I am hardly able to speak for grief; and therefore tell him from me, that if he would have me think he loveth me, that he must be careful of himself, and that he adventure not hereafter into any of those dangers, which he usually doth: That he consider in what state my affairs would be, if I should loose him: I am not ig∣norant,

quoth he, how that there are many people who endeavour to obstruct and hinder his bringing of his business to effect, but tell him, I do so much esteem his service that I shall never forget it. These words were very obliging, and assured testimonies of the great affection, which his Majesty had for him. The glory too which this Grand Minister did every day obtain, by his happy services in his Ma∣jesty behalf, was a tye very powerful to continue those affections of his King and Master.

Politique Observation.

THE love of a Prince is a great Honour to a Statesman, and that not only in respect of the particular Benefit which floweth from it, but also in regard of the Publique good which he doth watch over: Where he is not beloved, he wan∣teth authority, without which he cannot do any thing worth consideration: For the obtaining of this love then he ought to use his utmost art and diligence, and he is bound to prefer it, before his own or any other Interests whatever.

Alcomiaas the Grecian, Servant to King Philip, being told that the Atheni∣ans and Thebans, wished his death with a great eagernesse, replyed, he was sorry for it, yet that he regarded it but little, so he could preserve his Masters affection. This ought to be the Rule of a Chief Ministers conduct, when he finds himself in his Masters good esteem; For to hope, that he may please his Soveraign and the Lords of his Court too, is a vanity, and can never be brought to passe. Now to the In∣tent he may enjoy his Masters love in an eminent degree, I should advise him not to rely too much on Fortune, but to follow Plato's advise, who in his Book de Repu∣blicâ saith. That to be a King and to Rule, to serve and be beloved, to fight and overcome, are three such things as a man need not trouble himself to look after, they being the Guifts of Fortune and only subjected to her power, who granteth them to whom the pleaseth. I am not of his opinion, but do suppose that a Mini∣ster is bound, having once obtained any great credit in his Masters soul to uphold it by all the cares and diligences, which may render him beloved. Philosophy teacheth very well, That to obtain ones desire, there ought to be causes applied to the subject, by which a man designs to work: whence it followeth that those qua∣lities which make a man perfect and accomplished, are the true causes of love, so that he is obliged to let his Master see he is endued with those and the like recom∣mendations and vertues; amongst which, I place that of a faithful servant in the Front; For as an ancient hath observed, services have a particular attractive power in them, which insinuate affection, and charm the mind: Those subjects which are most useful, are most beloved: and as nothing is beloved but for Interest; so those persons who are most conducing to the good of the State, and the preservation of their Masters Authoritie are ever best affected. And to speak the truth, I believe that necessity maketh them more considerable then any other quality whatever; For as the Bough of a Tree, is in considerable in respect of the whole Body, yet it is of great use to him, who without it, were in hazard of being drowned: Just so is it with him, he is beloved, embraced and esteemed above all things, when there is a need or want of him. But a Minister, what necessity so ever a Prince hath of him ought not, if he would be dear to his Master, become importunate or craving, either by being alwayes in his sight, on by begging any favour or boon of him. Too great a Familia∣rity will bring his qualities into contempt, how eminent so ever they be, and the consideration of his services would be much diminished by his importunities. L••∣cullus one day asking S••neca his intimate friend, what course he should take, to render himself acceptable unto the Emperour Nero, in the Goverment of Sicily, was thus answered by him: That he is most in Princes favour who doth him most services. The surest Rules which in this case is to be observed, is this, To see him but seldome to speak but little to him, unlesse when occasions of State require it and then too, with great respect and submission, and in such terms as may never clash with his Masters thoughts and mind. If there be any ill news to be discoursed let

others, first acquaint him with them. The Souls of great men hate ill tidings, as of Broyles and Insurrections, things which diminish the respects which are due to their Authority. He will not a little Fix and settle himself in his Masters favour, by testi∣fying a good courage in his occasions, and affairs. The Reason of this is, Princes do naturally love those who are men of resolution, they look on such as the suppor∣ters of their State, Authority, and lives, and they who are themselves the greatest cowards, do yet love such as are courageous, stout and hardy. Phalaris the Ty∣rant hath given us an example of this particular, when he writ to a certain emulator of his; I confesse thou art a good man, and thou canst not deny but all in thy house are bad, whereas if thou doest observe any vice in my person, yet thou wilt find me still attended by wise learned and courageous followers and attendants. These are the Chief Buttresses, which support a Ministers favour: to these I will only add, That seeing there are not any qualities how eminent soever, which the envy of some or other, will not attempt to disguise unto his Prince, he therefore ought with great care to remove such persons from him, and that with the more Authority, in regard Justice alloweth of the punishing such who requite services done for the Common good with Ingratitude.

Cardinal Richelieu Commandeth the Army, in his Majesty absence.

THE Prudence of a King is no lesse demonstrable, in his choise of Officers, than in his Commands: and in particular, the King acquired no lesse Glory in com∣miting the care of the siedge of Rochel, unto the Cardinal, then if he had been there in person. The whole management of affairs did evidence, how judicious a choise his Majesty had made. For Monsieur the Cardinal every day animated the Soul∣diers by his presence; payed them weekly; gave them cloths to preserve them from the cold; every day oversaw all his Officers and Commanders, to give them ne∣cessary instructions, and to redouble their courages by his words and Actions; by these means he so hastned on the works both by Sea and Land, that his Majesty at his return, found the first finished, and the second in such forwardness, that it de∣served to be esteemed the eighth wonder of the World. The Souldiers who are na∣turally addicted to mutinies, and plunderings, lived in such decorum, that they had lost their very inclinations, to one or t'other; the Country men brought their pro∣visions into the Camp, without fear, and received ready mony for them. The Marchants kept open their shops, as if it had been in a well governed City; drun∣kenness and swearing, were criminal faults: And the Religious Persons, whom his Majesty had sent thither of all sorts, and orders, were respected, and held in such esteem, as if they had been in a Church. The most experienced in Military affairs, could not sufficiently admire the Cardinals conduct, in so much that they who knew him not, would have imagined he had been bred all dayes of his life in the wars. Some certain Persons there were, who flattered the Ambition of those Grandees then under his Command, by telling them, it was unfit for them to obey a man of his Profession; seeing their Offices gave them power to Command in his Majesties absence; But the wonders of his conduct and courage were such, that they were forced to confess, nothing could out do him; and that considering how many ha∣pinesses he did atchieve unto France, by one and t'other, it were unreasonable not to obey his Majesties choise of him, every one in particular acknowledging, that no one but himself, could under go those daily laborious knotty difficulties, which he so easily did.

Politick Observation.

MIlitary discipline ought the more carefully to be observed, in order to good successe, because without it, nothing followeth, but confusion. Vegetius, a man well versed in such affairs, saith; The Romans had never been so potent, but

by their continual order and exercise, in Arms. The strength of a Fort, consisteth more in the Form, then the matter: the Power of an Army is undoubtedly as great by the good order amongst them, as by their numbers. Discipline is one of the Chief sinews of war, and as a Body soon fals to the ground, if those nervers which are destinated for its Motion, be cut in sender, so is it with an Army, they soon moulder away to nothing, if not kept together, in good discipline and order, and on the other side, where they are so disciplined they bring wonders to passe, with little care or trouble. Alexander being asked, by what means he became Master of the Universe, said, by the discipline and good order, which his Souldiers observed, by the good Counsel which they had, and the eloquence he used in animating them, and withal he added, that he knew not any means more powerful to execute the greatest exployts in warfare. Domitius Corbulo, with ten thousand Roman foot, and some few of his Allayes, sustayned all the attempts, of a multitude of Parthi∣ans, and this he did only by the good order and discipline he caused them to observe. The Chief points of this order were according to Tacitus, first to prevent any of their disbanding; a thing of so great importance, that without it, the greatest Ar∣mies melt in a little whiles to nothing, and this ought to be effected, either by fur∣nishing the Souldiers with all things necessary, or by severly punishing such as offer without leave to forsake their colours. The second was that, no one durst go out to fight without Command given for it: a thing of no lesse importance then the first: For they who fight contrary to, or against their Commanders order, are easily overcome both because they are not as wel informed, as because they ever fight in disorder.

The Germans, which went to relieve Ferdinand King of Napels, may serve for an example of this kind, for presently upon their arrival, being provoked by an extreame desire, to make themselves famous by some exploit or other, they adventured to sally out of Troye, contrary to the order of Fabritius Colonna Governour of the Town, that they might joyne themselves with King Ferdinand, and fight those Ene∣mies who opposed their passage; but Monsieur de Montpensier perceiving it, fell upon them in a place where they could neither fight, nor save themselves by flight, by which means not a man escaped. The third was, that all guards, day labourers, and sentinels, should stand to their Arms, day and night he having put two Souldiers to death, for having found them at work in the Trenches the one without his Arms, and t'other only with his dagger: The reason hereof is, because by this means, an Army cannot be surprized by an Enemy, and that in case he should attempt any thing on the Camp, he would alwayes find them ready to resist him. Avidius Cassius esteemed all these three points of so great concernment in Arms, that he thought such as did not exactly observe them, deserved to be cruelly punished, he usually cut off their legs and Arms, who left the Army without leave, and he forbore putting them to death, because quoth he it is a greater example of ter∣rour, for a man to living in misery and shame, then to dye. It one day hapened that his Souldiers discovered the Sarmatians kept no very strict watch, so they sur∣prised them, fell in upon them, and killed three thousand of them, but for their punishment he crucified all the Captains, alleadging, that the Sarmatians might have had some ambush for them, unknown to them, which if it had so been, they might by their rashnesse, have discredited the Roman Honour and Glory: Neither was he lesse sever, in punishing those, who had stollen any thing, from their quarters. The Emperour Aurelian, was so strict in this particular, that he writ to a Tribune, that as he tendred his life, he should suppresse his Souldiers from stealing, but told him, they must look to enrich themselves, by the pillaging of their Enemies, not by the tears of his and their friends. I shall only add, that the Souldiers ought to be trained up to the use and exercise of their Arms, which both keeps them from Idleness, and worse things, and maketh them perfect in their Trade; and if they have any other leasure time over and above, it were not amisse to find them out some diversi∣ons or entertainment, it being otherwise hard to keep them from disbanding. Marcus Aemilius, finding his Souldiers lazy and in want of employment made them pave the way between Plaisance and Riminy: and Julius Veter, made his work in a Channel, to joyn the Sarna with M••lessai.

The Cardinal de Richelieu attempteth to retard Rochel.

DUring his Majesty absence, the Cardinal, disirous to save him the trouble of returning back to the siedge, and knowing how needful it was to prevent the English arrival, besides his great courage being impatient of delay, attempted all means to make some enterprise upon Rochel. He proposed the breaking open one of the Gates, and then the falling in with so great force, as might carry the place, and having discoursed it with the Marshal de Schomberg, he at last concluded on it, and carried his design so close and private, that had not Marillac, Marshal of the Camp, in the Duke of Angoulesmes quarter been faulty, he had doubtlesse succee∣ded in it. The Cardinal had get together, whatever was proper or necessary, for the whole business. He gave out orders for the execution of it, the night being come, he assigned the Rendevouz, The Marshal de Schomberg sent divers Com∣panies thither, with ladders and bridges to cast over the Ditch: The Marquis de Roselia Grand Master of the Artillery, brought with him Petards, Granadoes, and other Artificial Fier-works; The Cardinal was there in Person, within Musket shot of the Town, that he might shew some marks of his courage, upon the first open∣ing of the Gate, and be ready to command in the assault, not like the Cardinal Ximenes at the taking of Oran, who was all the while at his Prayers in a Chappel, but like a General indeed, and such a one as would incourage his Souldiers, by his own words and Actions, so that every one did plainly perceive he was no lesse, Souldier and Captain, when occassion should require it, then Cardinal in the Church and Counsel: He so behaved himself, that Historie need not make any ex∣cuse for him, upon the score of his profession, as for that same Minister of Spain. But Marillac, who had the charge for the bringing on the most part of the Forces to Rendevouz, not comming to second the courage of his General, rendered his Conduct and Valour, uselesse. He was sought after most part of the night, indeed, but could not any where be found, but about day break he appeared, with more ex∣cuses though, than courage: he endeavoured to excuse himself, by many frivolous pretences, which the Cardinal was contented to put up, in consideration of the Queen Mother, whose creature he was; yet was it a great displeasure and vexation to him, when he came to draw off, least the Rochellois should have discovered them and beaten him off with losse.

Politique Observation.

FAint hartedness is an Enemy to all good success: they who let it Master their courages, do shun all dangerous honorable attempts, and if shame be that which receiveth them, yet however they will never do any thing considerable For∣tune is a lover of vallour, favourer of the daring, and courageous, and com∣monly crowneth their attempts with successe. Great fears, meet great hazards, and great Resolutions, great successes: it being as Salust saith, most certainly true; Great Resolutions are like Rampards in a Battail, every thing gives way to their attempts: and a lasse every little thing repulseth a party, possessed with fear, and want of courage; To fear is to be half overcome: If any one should aske the rea∣son of it, there is only this to be given. They fancy precipices, in plain wayes; they are ever upon the business of consultation, never that of execution; they love to recede from all obstacles, which seem to oppose them, not to vanquish or break through them; and if perchance they are forced to fight, they do it so coldly, that they give their enemies al kind of advantages by it: Fear seemeth to have dispossessed them of Life and Soul; and whereas the face of dangers should serve to stir them to generous Actions; It rebates them to an immovableness, as if they were voyd of sence or motion. I may well liken them to the Timerous Hindes, which retain their Fruit to the very last for fear of the pains, which they endure in bringing forth, and

would not then produce their young ones, but for fear of a greater mischief; or else I may liken them unto the Elephant which is ten years in breeding, or to the Palm, which according to the Naturalists is a hundred years before it yeeld any Dates, for eyer thus it is with them, the apprehensions of dangers maketh them fearfull, and to seek cut any occasions to avoid fighting, and if it should happen, that they cannot prevent it, they do it so lamely, that they onely do it for fear of death. But to speak a little too of the seditious Rascal, he doth nothing else, as the Chancellour Olivier observed, but imitate Apes, who comming to a Tree, get up Limb by Limb to the top, and there sit them down shewing there Posteriores; for just so do they who are of this temper they are willing to be raised up into high imployments and commands, where being once arrived, their Artifices must co∣ver the defects of their courages; but be it so, yet when occasion is, the resoluti∣ons and glorious actions of others, shall become demonstrations of their cowar∣dize, and expose them for laughing stocks to the whole world.

The King hearing that the English were come before Rochel to relieve it rosolveth to return thither.

THe King had not long been at Paris, but he understood the English Fleet was ready to hoise Sail for Rochel, which made him resolve upon his return thither: I cannot omit observing how this resolution of his, was a mark both of his wisdome and courage, who as he is not to be cheated out of his Authority by Cabals and Intreagues, so is he not to be retarded by any fear of danger, from those occasi∣ons where he might acquire an accrument of glory. At this time it was, that the Lord Keeper Marillac, and those of his Faction, began to lay the foundation of the Cardinall intended ruine; but it onely served to convince and shew unto his Majesty, that one of the greatest mischiefs whereunto a Soveraign can be exposed, is to be incompased with such persons as are passionately bent against his chief Mini∣ster. The malice which they did bear against his glory finding him much advan∣ced, before the siege of Rochel, of which he was the first contriver, did much insti∣gate them against him. They were angry that he had finished his works in such good order, though the enemies of the Kingdome could not sufficiently admire them: it grieved them to see the place in a condition of being taken by his means; and to prevent it, they now resolved to use their utmost indeavour to raise up the Hugonot party, that they might force the King from the siege of it.

Now as it was easie to judge, that in case his Majesty should return to Rochel, he would repulse the English, and being followed by many of the Nobility and Lords, who are alwaies observed to be the Authors of victory and successe, that he would likewise infallibly force the Town, so they used a thousand devices to stay him at Paris. The Lord Keeper Marillac told him with many expressions of an extraordinary passion for his service, that considering how strong the English fleet was, in comparison of his Majesties, the issue of the battel ought to be doubted, how great resistance they would make, and a thousand other inconvenien∣ces he alleged would follow, in case they should get the better of the day. O∣thers indeavoured to disswade him by a tacite discommending the ayr of Rochel, which might much indanger his health, especially during the moisture of the spring every one commending the Valor and Conduct of Monsieur the Cardinal, the bet∣ter to disguise their malice, and petswading his Majesty totally to rely upon his care in the management of the siege. But they found the Pannick fears; made no im∣pression upon his Majesties resolutions, which made them design to affrighten his Majesty and the Queen-mother, as one whose Sex is most capable of fears, per∣swading themselves, that in case he could be prevented by some apprehension, she might then have power enough over the King, to stay him at Paris. Divers La∣dies who had the honour to be neer her, were won at that time to work several con∣trivances to that purpose, but all to no purpose. It is true their design was not

onely to hinder the Cardinal from reaping the glory due unto him by the taking of Rochel, but totally to ruine him, as hereafter shall be shewed. Now was it not a little conducing to that purpose, to stay the King at Paris, for his Majesty not going to animate his Army by his presence, they would not onely have made lesse resistance to the English, but also many Lords and Gentlemen obliged to attend his person, would not have been there, by which means, the English would have had the advantage of releeving-Rochel, and the whole blame of that mis-fortune would have been laid on the Cardinal, which they thought enough to disgrace him, and save his Majesties honour. These were the first foundations which this Cabal projected against the glory and favour of this grand Minister. But they were all too weak, to surprise the Kings mind, who no wayes ignorant how necessary his presence was in such an encounter, would not refuse it, to the honour of his Crown and the repose of France, which did much depend upon it. He called to mind the example of the late King his father, who deliberating whether or no he should go to the relief of Calais, so powerfully assaulted by the Spaniards that there were small hopes to hinder their taking of it, said, the place would assuredly be taken, if he went not in person to releeve it, and that it might so happen that his presence might save it; and therefore that it was better to hazard this latter, then to leave the former without remedy, preferring his honour and the publick good, before the particular consideration of his person. The same courage carried his Majesty to the most glorious and honourable design, that his good fortune, with that of France could lead him to undertake, which was, forthwith to depart. Upon the third of April he set forward from Paris, and arrived at Rochel on Easter-munday. Upon his arrival the Artillery both of the Forts and Ships saluted him, and his pre∣sence so revived the Army, that every one redoubled his courage and affection to behave themselves with resolution: There were but the Marilacs and those of their faction, who were troubled to see him on the Theater of his glory; but the Laurels which his Majesty gathered there, did serve to set forth unto what mis-for∣tunes a Prince is reduced, when he is councelled by passionate advisers.

Politique Observation.

ONe of the most dangerous qualities, that he who is Councellour to a King can have, is to suffer himself to be transported with envy, hatred, anger, or any passion whatever. Wise Council is an affect of Prudent reason, and it can be no longer Prudent when it is once darkned, with the Clouds of some irregular moti∣on. The Irascible power, being once master of Reason, doth so obscure it, that maketh men see no objects in their true colours, and that Passion carrieth it away where ever it pleaseth with the same impetuousnesse as a hot metled horse draws a Chariot into Precipices, that it is impossible to stay him. It is reported, that the Flowers of Egypt, being watered by the vapours of Nile, which are for the most part gross and earthy, yeeld not any smell, and it is no lesse certain, that a States∣man, with how great a Genius soever he be indued, is no more capable to give good Counsel, after he hath once given himself up to envy or hatred: His Passi∣on maketh him quarrel with truth it self, and to approve of those Councels which are most prejudicial to the State, that he may satisfie his own self-will. The dis∣graces of others are his delights, Factions are his joys, and the ruine of those whom he would destroy is his sweetest and most pleasing spectacle; neither is he concer∣ned at the rise or fall of any one, so he be satisfied in his own particular. To this purpose the Poets feigned, that Hercules being transported with anger knew not his wife or children, insomuch that he tore them in pieces. But how many other true and assured proofs doth History afford us? That of England tels us, how the Duke of York, Henry the Eighths Favourite, being dis-affectionate to Spain, al∣waies gave his Master advices in prejudice of Charles the Fifth; and on the other side, being full of good will towards France, perswaded him to such resolutions as might continue the friendship which was between them. Antiochus his Favou∣rites

being incensed against Hannibal, caused him to be banished from the Coun∣sel, though he were a person very necessary and usefull to him. In fine, he who is mastered by Passion, onely thinks of satiating himself for the obtaining thereof, he disguiseth the disloyalty of his Counsels, with so many fair glosses and specious colours that he may draw his Prince, to that end he aimeth at; by this means if his Prince have any confidence in him, he will easily deceive him, and quickly dead him into those mis-fortunes which he will soon perceive, but too late to get clear of them. All Soveraigns are not so fortunate as the Pisans, who refused to make a War against the Florentines being invited thereunto by the Arch-Bishop of Milan, for that Francis Gambacortij gave them to understand he onely advised to it, out of hatred to the Florentines, and not out of any advantage to their interests.

The Rochelois are summoned by a Herald to surrender to the King.

THe King being returned to the Army, caused the Rochelois to be summoned by a Herald to surrender, but their minds and answers were full of insolency, so that his Majesty bended all his thoughts to make preparations for the fighting with the English Fleet at their first comming. Divers Lords and Gentlemen of the Nation came from all parts to the Army, for this occasion, and to partake of the glory of his Majesties Arms; every one of them were on fire to be ingaged with the English and the Rochelois, that they might obtain a second victory a∣gainst them. Now it being expedient that he who commandeth an Army, should exactly know the condition and number of his forces, that he may the better re∣solve upon that which is necessary to be done, the King thought fit to make a muster and to take a strict view of the Army. He caused them to muster in his own pre∣sence which was no small satisfaction to him, especially when he observed how du∣tifull they were, and how well Disciplined, not stragling up and down as formerly they were wont to do, all which was an effect of the Cardinals admirable care, Con∣duct, and Prudence. The Order which he had caused to be observed was this, every eight days there was a muster of all the Souldiers, every Regiment having a Commissary appointed to it, to whom the Souldiers pay was distributed, and not to their Captains, as formerly had been the custome: By this means the Captains were deprived of the power of mustring any foisted hirelings, and every week there was an exact number of the Army, that new recruits might be sent for, if occasion did require. This alteration you may imagine did much trouble divers Captains; especially such as preferred their own Interests before his Majesties glory; but it cannot be expected how advantagious it was to the Kings service, who thus review∣ing his Army, found it composed of nineteen Regiments of foot, and eighteen Troops of Horse; besides a very great number of Volunteers; insomuch that they were five and twenty thousand men compleat. The King likewise took a view of all his Vessels, and finding them to be in good order, and enough to secure the Channel from the English, he began to be impatient to see them appear, that he might make them pay for the rashnesse of their attempts, and signalize his own for∣ces by a second Victory.

Politique Observation.

ONE of the chief cares a General ought to have is, that he keep his Forces in good order, that none of them run from their Coullors, or muster any hire∣lings. It is a businesse of so great importance, that oftentimes Victorie dependeth on it: as at Pavie, where the ill successe which befell Francis the first, is by divers Historians attributed to the defect of this particular, for onely looking over the Commissaries Roules, he thought there had bin full as many Souldiers as were there listed upon which the fight was begun, but lost, and the King taken prisoner. Now for

the staying of Souldiers in an Army, one of the best ways according to Alexander Severus, is this, pay them well, clothe them well, shoe them well, arm them well feed them well, and so order the businesse, that they may alwayes have some mony in their purses: and when they be thus well used, such as run from their Collours must then be severy punished; Corbulo beheaded all such, without mercy, and it was observed, that this severity of his, was of great advantage to him, for by it, he kept all his toopes neer at a stay in point of Number: Neither is it lesse needful, to pre∣vent Captaines and Commissaries scroles, who can by a dangerous miracle, revive dead Souldiers, in their companies, and make more to appear then really they have. This is an inconveniency, of which the losse of the Kings mony, is the least conse∣quent evil; for if it happen that a Prince assure himself according to the Roles, is thereupon become confident in attempting any enterprises, he may perchance, when it comes to a trial, find himself much weaker, then he expected, and by that means run into the same premunire, that Francis the first did at Pavie. The best preventive Course in such disorders is that which Darius used, who notwithstand∣ing the vastnesse of his Armie: and the Extent of his States was however so careful of his Forces, that he would often review them in his own presence, pay the Soul∣diers with his own hands, and be perpetually in company with them, not onely that he might be particularly acquainted with them, but that he might take care to pro∣vide necessaries for them, encourage some, and reward others who had wel deserved of him. If after all their cares the Captains shall still presume to make false musters, both they and the Commissaries who admit of them ought to be punished, with so much the more rigor, in regard their faults are of so dangerous a con∣sequence.

The English Fleet cometh before Rochell.

THE perpetual instance which they of Rochel made to the King of Great Brittain, at last wrought on him, to send out his Fleet to Sea, upon their first being ready for it, and about the eleventh of May they were discried two leagues off the point of Coreille. The light Vessels which the Cardinal, (in his Majesties ab∣sence, being then at Surgeres) had sent out to discover, the Coast brought intelli∣gence that their Fleet consisted in four Pinnaces, seven men of War, of about one hundred and fifty Tun a peece, twenty smaller of neer one hundred Tuns, twenty Barques of about thirty and forty, and divers Fire-ships. There was such order ta∣ken to repel them, in case they should attempt to passe the Bank, that it would be almost an impossibility for them to effect it: For besides there engines which were at the mouth of the Bark, there was also the Kings Fleet, composed of good store Men of war, and divers other Vessels which lay in the Channels. The Chevalier de Velencay was in the formost Ship of the vant-guard, and commanded as Vice-Admiral, who had order to grapple with the first Ship of the Enemies, and to fight those who were in it; The others were to follow his example, and every one had or∣der to beat the Enemies as neer to the Shore, as possible they could, where they would find it a hard taske to get off in regard of the great shot from the Forts and Batteries thereabouts. If the Enemie should break through all those obstacles, of the greater Vessels & shot from the Batteries, yet they would find themselves en∣tangled amongst fourscore other Vessels, Gallies, Galliots, and Barques, from whence it would be difficult to get off, and at the worst they would be stopped by those vessels which had been sunk, or the first Pallisade of three and forty ships which were next to them. The Cardinal who knew that his Majesties courage would lead him to every thing, presently gave him advice of the arrival of the English, and his Majesty presently took horse and came the same night to the Camp. The strength of his Army, the Batteries which were built on the shores, and the good order which he observed both in his Land and Sea forces, banish'd all causes of fear from him, neither were his resolutions lesse fortified by the confidence which he

had in God, for whose glory he did fight, more then for the Interests of his own Kingdome, to whom he caused publick Prayers to be made for his blessing on this occasion. In short, as he was not ignorant that the presence of an enemy, ob∣ligeth him who commands to be the more vigilant, he sent to discover the enemies Fleet at a nearer distance within Musket shot, then lying in the road of the Chef de Bay; he likewise called a Councel of War, where he resolved upon the following order for his own Fleet: He commanded that upon the first motion of the enemy no Vessel should weigh Anchor untill they were neer at hand, and that then they should board them before they came neer the Bank. That no Vessel should re∣leeve his Companion being ingaged with the enemy, that in case any Vessel were in pursuit of an enemy, and should fall foul upon one of his own party, not yet pro∣vided, then the first vessel should cast Anchor to the end to stay the enemy, that both might fall upon him; that if any vessel were fired the Shallops should present∣ly come to assist, and that in case she were grappled with a Fire-ship, they should remove the Wedges from the Cannons that they might shoot over: That in such case too, they should knock out the ends of their Barrels of Power, and pour in some Buckets of Water: That they should not make ready any greater number of vessels then the enemy should bring in between the two points: That the ships should every day send their Boats to watch before the Fleet, and that their chief care should be to prevent the enemies Fire-ships, by surprising their Shallops in case they had any, or by casting an harping Iron whereby to draw them off from the vessels: That for the more readinesse every vessel should have a grappling hook in the stern, and that when-ever the enemy should hoise sail, they should have their long boats armed, and ready to advance with assistance against any fire, where it should happen. This order was resolved on by the King, assisted with his Gene∣rals and Sea Captains, and so delivered to the Commander of Valencay Vice-Ad∣miral, who distributed it amongst the Officers. Lastly, his Majesty took a review of all his Quarters and Batteries, to see if all were in condition to fight and repel the enemy, when-ever they should appear.

Politique Observation.

OF all the Arts none more becommeth a Prince, than the Military, which not onely preserves his own State to him, but gives him means to increase it and raise his power to a higher degree. It cannot be doubted but that it is one of the steadiest Pillars of his Authority, seeing neither subjects or neighbours make any difficulty to assault him, whom they find negligent in Military Discipline. For this reason it was, that the wisest amongst the Romans, were against the ruine of Carthage; fore-seeing with much Prudence, that that City being no longer able to oppose the Roman greatnesse, their Commanders would no more regard the trai∣ning up of their Souldiers in the exercise of War, and by consequence, put the Emi∣pire in danger of a total ruine. I shall hereto adde, that the Prince unskil'd in this Art lies at the mercy of his Captains when any War befalls him, and his Power sub∣jected to their Fidelity; an evill so much the greater, as the Grandees of a Kingdom holding for a maxime, that the weaknesse of their Prince is the most assured founda∣tion of their Authority, would make no scruple of letting themselves be overcome, when thereby they might hope for some advantage. Besides it is not to be imagi∣ned to what contempt he doth expose himself, whilest he is in an Army which he knows not how to govern, how to quarter, how to give order in a March or a Battel. I have formerly said, that that Prince is very unfortunate, who is necessi∣tated to make use of strangers for his assistance. But what good successe can he expect, who is not able to guide his own Subjects in War? To deal ingeniously, if the Army which he hath got together be the Body destinied for his defence, hee is then their head; but if he chance to be unable to do the Offices which belong to that part, his Army will fall to be like the body of a man, whose head by the many wounds it hath received, is no longer able to govern or direct the inferiour

members. Amongst the many wayes to make a Prince Master of this Art, no doubt, but the reading of such Books as discourse concerning History and War, may be very usefull, for by it may he observe the atchievements of great Captains and what orders they have followed in matters of fight: But yet the Practique part is that which in military affairs is much more advantagious. Neither ought a Prince to expect a War that he may accustome himself to the attaining of this ha∣bit; for this is the time, when he must teach his Souldiers to execute that which himself had formerly learn'd. The exercising and training up of his Souldiers in time of Peace will be of a double advantage to him, for he not onely learns the manner of conducting them, but accustomes and habituates them to his own rules and conduct, and maketh himself beloved by them, so that when occasion shall serve they will not easily leave or forsake him.

Charles of Anson was esteemed a fortunate and good Souldier, but yet his cre∣dit was much diminished for his disusing his Souldiers to the exercise of their Arms in time of Peace. An Army not train'd up to feats of War in times of Peace, can∣not do any great actions in War when occasion requires, saith Julius Caesar; but on the contrary there are great hopes from them who are well Disciplin'd. Upon this accompt it was, that he made so little difficulty to go meet with a handfull of men, Pompey and his vast Army in the Thessalian Plains, they being for the most part untrain'd and without skill; so that he himself said, he onely went to fight a head without a body. Scipio the Affricans greatest care was in this manner, conti∣nually to exercise his Souldiers, that he might teach them to be victorious and cou∣ragious. Philopaemon was much commended by antiquity, for that in times of Peace, he was diligently intent upon the exercising of his Souldiers for War, if oc∣casions should so happen, that there might be any sudden need of them, many times would he lead them into the Field, and propose these and such other questi∣ons to them. If the enemy (would he say) were incamped upon yonder Hill, who had the greater advantage by it, he, or me? how should we assault him? what course were proper to be taken if he should stay to attend us? If we should be put to retreat, how should we do it with most advantage? Thus he knew their opini∣ons, and shewed them his own, which used them to a readinesse of all manner of exercises. In fine, he who accustometh himself to this kind of action, may say what Camillus did to his in a great Battel which he had with the Tuscans, at whose numbers his souldiers were astonished: Companions and Fellow Souldiers (said he) put not your selves to the trouble of doing any thing else, then what you have so often done before my face. These few words gave them a confident assurance, and doubtlesse a Prince whoever he be, shall banish all fear from his Souldiers, and much increase their Courages, when he hath train'd them up to the use of their Arms, and to the knowledge of what they ought to observe, he shall come to say those or the like words unto them. Use makes perfection, maketh Cowards sencelesse at the greatest dangers, and enables them to do all things, who before could do nothing.

The English attempt the Relief of Rochel, but in vain.

THE English Fleet lay eight days at Anchor, without moving a Ship, they ha∣ving agreed upon the order of fight with those of Rochel, who had promised by their Deputies to sally out both by Sea and Land to second them; but they could find no opportunity to send them notice of it; besides the ill welcome they recei∣ved at their first entertainment, made them resolve to attempt nothing without a good information how they might escape those obstacles, which they understood were prepared ready for them in the Channel. For being come near about the Chef de Bay, they were received with a Volley of about fifty short from the Point there; forty of which did execution upon them; especially upon one, in which and English Collonel and divers of his Company were killed. This Battery indeed consisted of 9 peece of Cannon, and was raised there by his Majesties own direction, though contrary to the advice of his Generals.

But for all this, there was one Captain Braignant a Rochellois, in companie with them, who offered to attempt the passage in a small Boat with Oares, crosse the Kings Fleet, and over the Channels, to give those of the Town information of what orders they were to observe: The English approoved of it, who making use of the darkness of the night, went and mingled himself with those of the Kings Fleet under pretence of enquiring out for a Galliot, & so well played his part, that he got into Rochel. Presently the Rochellois made Bonefiers upon the tops of their Towers; The day following, they set up three Ensigns, one white, t'other red, & the third Blew; the English did the like. The King seeing of it, presently drew out his Armie into Battalia; which had bin during the eighth dayes last past much recuited, by the accesse of divers Volunteers, who had come in from all parts; and his Majesty had the pleasure to behold with what eagernesse, every one desired to be engaged with the Enemies: Hereupon the English Fleet seeing the Sea smooth, and their Ships mooved with a fair Gale, came up toward his Majesties Fleet, about Cannon di∣stance; turned about their Ships and discharged their Broad-sides, the like did the Rochellois; and the Kings Ships were not long before they set out to receive them, where they behaved themselves with such courage that the English had no reason to believe, they had lesse resolution now, then they had lately shewen at the Ile of Re; that which most of all troubled them was, they were not ignorant, with what obstacles they were to encounter, in the Channels that they were to break through three Rayles, two of Vessels floating on the Sea, and linked toge∣ther by Chains and Anchors; and a third several Vessels filled with stones and sunk before the Bank; the Channel too was covered all over, with Vessels full of Soul∣diers and Voluntiers of the Nobility, all eager of fighting with them; besides they were to avoyd the shot which would thunder in upon them from both sides of the shore, by the Bank; al these difficulties made them dispair of doing any good upon it, and that time the water was too low, for their Ships, in which their chief strength consisted, and their design could not be excused, but at high-water, because when the Sea began to ebb, their Vessels of burden would remain as the mercy of his Ma∣jesties great Guns, insomuch that all things duely considered, they concluded it im∣possible for them to break thorough.

On the other side the Rochelois who had promised them to Sally out, and do miracles, did not appear at all, for they had found, that it would be impossible to make way thorough to the Bank, there being so many Vessels full of Souldiers & Volunteers, to be fought with; insomuch that the Earl of Denbigh what out of an∣ger, and what out of despair, resolved to draw off: many complaints he made against the Rochellois, as that they had deceived the King his Master, in assuring him that it was easie to passe into their Port, and not informing him, of those ob∣stacles, which he was to provide against, and with forces the King of France had a board his Ships, & Vessels to fight with his Souldiers; but yet al his complaints could not secure him, from being much blamed: all that he did, before his going off, was, he had sent out a Fire-ship with Petards and the like, from which he expected great matters, as that it would burn all the Ships it came neer: but it happene to work sooner then his enginers imagined; so that they being unable to get of the Barque which was fastened to it, they burnt their Vessels, and themselves, without any re∣lief or succour.

Politique Observation.

IT is unsafe to believe a unrevolted people, or to build any designe upon their promises; They themselves do commonly ground all their rebellions upon vain hopes, of which being despoiled, they have present recours to such, from whom they can expect assistance, without considering into how great disasters, and to what little purpose they engage them; They want fore-cast to prevent those inconve∣niencies into which they are throwing of themselves and Friends, and they judge of events by their own desires, rather then by the rules of War. They never misdoubt of a good successe, in that which they wish with passion; & as nothing is so

dangerous as rashnesse, which carrieth people blindfold into disasters: so they fre∣quently fall into those misfortunes which they did not foresee, and in it ruine all those whom they have perswaded to become companions of their enter∣prises.

Artaxerxes suffered himself to be guided by the fair words of Themistocles, who being discontented with his own Countrey, perswaded him to a War against Greece, where being arrived, he soon found Themistocles could not make good his word to him; whereby he came exposed to many dangers; Themistocles indeed was so ashamed of it, that he poisoned himself but what did that advantage Artaxerxes's, It neither defended him from the discredit and blame, nor saved him those expences which he had bin at. In the same manner the Sieur de Chaumont one of our Kings Generals in Italy, let himself be guided by Bentivoglio, in the assalting of Boulognea, from whence he had bin banished, upon the hopes he gave him, that the Citizens and No∣bility would revolt; but being come before it, he was forced to retire with dishonor, all those promises of Bentivoglio, which were founded more upon his passionate de∣sire, than reason, being vanished into that ayr which gave him the first conceipts of them. I might add for another reason, the facility wherewith a people revolted, do submit to their soveraigns, when they find themselves reduced to an impossibility of executing their designes. For as they have not prudence enough to foresee those dangers into which they run, neither have they generousnesse enough, to ob∣serve their promises made upon any accompt whatever.

Thus Alexander King of Epire, invaded Italy upon some assurances, which a re∣volted people called the Lucani, at this day inhabiting the Basilicate of Naples, had given him, of a speedy subduing the whole Kingdome, and that they would never forsake him, but he soon found it quite otherwise: For they having made their Peace, with the rest of their Country-men, to enjoy their goods and liberties, upon condition that they slew him, forthwith fell upon him, and by an extream breach of Faith killed him, which might serve all Princes to beware, how they credit a revolt∣ed rebellious people, both because they will usually promise more then they can perform, feign and pretend several impostures to draw any one in to their assi∣stance and last of all, if they find it for their advantage, make their own ac∣commodation, and leave those whom they engaged with them, to shift for them∣selves.

The English having attempted their utmost to relieve Rochel, resolve to depart.

THE sodain departure of the English pass'd for a miracle, not only amongst the most Religious, but the wise too; and indeed it was apparent to be seen that Heaven it self, did fight against them, and would that his Majesty should be victorious over them, his thoughts being accompanied with so much Piety and Ju∣stice. And was it not indeed a miracle to see so great a Fleet set sayl from England, with undanted courages, resolve to consume whatever should oppose them, and on a sodain, seized with fear, insomuch that their Armes seemed to drop out of their hands, and they could not be perswaded to fight? was it not indeed a real miracle, that, on the third night after their arrival, in the Road of the Chef de Bay, the Wind being favourable for the Rochellois to sally out, according as had bin assigned between them, should presently turn about, and that just as they were at the Oar? was it not, I pray, an absolute miracle, that when at another time the same Rochelois were embarqued, after the exhortations of their Ministers, and their Captains had solemnly sworn, to passe the Bank in dispight of all oppo∣sition, or die in the attempt, just then they should be struck with such faint hearted∣nesse, that not a man durst stir his hand, and their Minister Vincent who exhorted them, could no longer speak unto them, as himself confessed in a Letter to a Friend of his? was not that a real miracle, which hapened two dayes before the English de∣parted,

when there fell so thick a myst, that one could hardly see his hand; which opportunity they intended to make use of to force the Bank; and on a sudden to see it dissipated, though it was thought that it would have lasted three hours at least, and the wind which was at that time fair, to change about, and that into so vio∣lent a storm, that one of their Vessels was forced on shore, neer Pont de la Pierre? Was it not miraculous to see the Kings Army clear from all contagious diseases; notwithstanding that the Rochelois had often sent out infected persons, on purpose to infect others? Was it not strange that the Sea should grow so rough at the first laying the foundation for the Bank, and break it open without doing any other hurt then enlarging of the ground-work, a thing necessary in it self, and too narrow to uphold so great a bulk? And besides was it not a miracle that whilest the Bank was not yet finished, the Sea Floods which yeeld to nothing, should not do any hurt to it? They who are eye-witnesses of so many wonders could not but confesse that Heaven fought for his Majesty, and that the Winds which observe nothing but inconstancy, were by God subjected to him, to become favourable to his de∣signs. Who can refuse to acknowledge these things to be the effects of Gods ex∣traordinary power; for his Majesty, at the same time, did a great and evident mi∣racle upon a child of 12 years old, who never having spoke word, onely Ay and No spake perfectly as soon as ever the King had touched her. She was born at St. Jean de Angely, and brought by her Parents, who confidently beleeved that she would be well if his Majesty did but touch her.

Politique Observation.

THE Piety of a King avails much in the obtaining of Victorie. Who can doubt it, seeing God is the Authour of them, and that Piety is a charm which capti∣vates him as the Royal Prophet hath said, To hear the Prayers of them who fear him, and to defend them from their enemies? Antiquity used to say (according to Plutarch) that Fortune gave to Demetrius those Towns which he took in Nets of Gold: Mercurius Tresmegistus saith, that he whose Piety puts him into Gods protection, is not easily surprised by any ambush, and St. Augustine writeth in his Book de Civit. Dei, That the Romans had not been Masters of the Universe by Force and Prudence, but by the Virtue and Piety which they practised: The Vi∣ctories they obtained being the rewards of their deserts; indeed Justice and Piety are the strongest weapons a Soveraign can imploy to suppresse his enemies: And if any one ask the reason of it, I shall onely alledge this, that Piety renders them worthy to obtain Victories from the hand of God, who hath promised in a thou∣sand places of holy Writ to imploy his power in the behalf of those Kings which are righteous. And how often hath God made the Winds and Tempests to fight their Battels who have been carefull to walk in his ways? How often hath he ope∣ned inaccessible places to them, and calmed the Sea for their sakes? Hath it not been often seen that an handfull of men by his assistance have brought strong Ar∣mies to confusion, and became Masters of places thought to be impregnable. To speak truly, nothing is so strong, so powerfull, so invincible, nor so generous as that valour which marching under the Banners of Christian Piety, submiteth its self to Gods protection, the true strength of all Christian Princes: And as it were in vain to seek for Light without the Sun, Water without Fountains or Rivers, and heat without fire; so it would be ridiculous to expect true strength from any other then his protection, who is the God of Battels. The more a Prince is in favour with him, the more courage will he give him, especially when he fighteth for his glory, and this is a maxime which may serve for a foundation to the happinesse of all Kings, and who so observeth it not, buildeth his designs upon the sand. Alphon∣sus King of Sicily and Arragon taught his son Ferdinand, in such terms as were ve∣ry proper to be learned by all young Princes in their infancy. It was then when he sent him to revenge the injuries, which he had received from the Florentines, Be∣hold his words:

My son (said he) That which I chiefly command you, is, Trust not so much upon your souldiers courages, as upon your hopes of assistance from Heaven, learn to day from me, Victory is not the effect of the Discipline or industry of men, but of Gods power, who is the judge of Battels. The Military Art can ne∣ver assure of an happy successe in our designs, if we be once defective in making God our friend by the Piety and Innocence of our actions. In fine, all the max∣ims of War, not link'd with the Laws of God are weak foundations; and all the fortunes which are not grounded upon him, who turns the Globe of the Earth with his hand, are nearer to destruction then advancement. The Greeks though brought up in the darknesse of errour, did they not design to teach us, when in their fables it was said, that Mercury who was adored by them for the God of Prudence, was nursed by the hours? For to what end was it, if not to teach their people that all humane wisedome, if not regulated nor sustained by the measures of Heaven could not have any nourishment or subsistance.

The Dissentions amongst the Rochelois upon the Departure of the English.

THE departure of the English cast the Rochelois into such despair, that they had doubtlesse set open the Gates to his Majesty, so much were the inferiour sort op∣pressed with necessity and want, had it not been for the Dutchesse of Rohan, and the exhortations of their Preachers, who never ceased from crying out unto the people, that they never ought to despair of assistance from Heaven, which never forsaketh them who are the Protectors of the Gospel. There presently did arise great dissentions between them, but the prevalent party, imprisoned some, and executed others, whom they found disposed to an accommodation; insomuch that from that time the poor people were ready to perish by famine, and durst not com∣plain of it. They were perswaded of a new succour from England; for the procu∣ring of which, they sent new Deputies to his Majesty of Great Brittain, with in∣structions to incite him upon the score of honour, representing to him that he could not suffer their Town to be lost without injuring of his own glory, they be∣ing thus under his protection; withall to provoke him to it by a sense of pitty; to which end they acquainted him with the extream necessities and miseries to which they were reduced, and to perswade him that there was not any such impediment in the Channel which his Fleet might not have overcome, if they would but have attempted it; that for their parts they had not been wanting to make a Salley, if his Forces had but once began the fight; and lastly, they astonished the people by the thundring noise or the Cannon, which they discharged more in six days, then they had done in six weeks before, to perswade them that they had now found an infallible way to break the Bank, and to destroy all the Kings ships that lay in the Channel.

In the mean while his Majesty that he might not lose the advantage which their divisions offered to him, sent to summon them by an Herald, but they rejected all proposals of a surrender: however famin, pressing-hard upon the poorer sort, & som of the better too, they began to murmure, insomuch that a Counsel was summoned to satisfie them, and to consider of what was proper to be done: the Counsel being met, most of the members were of opinion to accept of his Majesties bounty and one amongst them openly said, that they were now within six weeks of their last provi∣sions, that every one had reason to rejoyce, seeing it pleased his Majesty to be so gracious; as that he would preserve the exercise of their Religion to them; the en∣joyment of their goods, and the walls of their City, all which they had reason to hope for, from his Majesties clemencie and goodnesse: That on the other side, he saw no reason to expect any relief from the English, as well by reason of the losses they had already sustain'd as by the little courage they had testified to fight for them, as also by those great difficulties which were to be remooved in the Channel:

and so saying, he did much settle and confirm the rest in their resolutions of Sur∣rendring. But the Mayor hearing this discourse came to him, and gave him a Box on the ear; in answer of which another of the Connsellors did so much for him, and thus they had falled into some greater sedition had they not bin dissolved very quickly. The Councel was much offended with the Mayor, and issued out an or∣der to seize on him; but he encouraging the people, made them rise, and take arms, so away he went to the houses of those two Counsellors, to have slain them, as doubtlesse he had done, had it not preserved by their escape out of Rochel, unto his Majesty at whose feet they cast themselves, imploring his protection, which was not denied unto them.

These divisions, did not a little advantage his Majesties affaires, & the Cardinal per∣swaded his Majesty to foment them as much as possible he could, by sending another summons to them to yeild; whereupon Breton Herald at Armes was commanded to do it in Form, with his Coat of Armes, who went into the Citie, required them to lay down their weapons, assured them of pardon for their past crime & follies, and threatning them with the contrary, in case they should now refuse it. It made no little impression on them, who were reduced to want and extremity, but they being animated by their Preachers, the town still continued resolute in their insolencies, The obstinate wilfulnesse, which is natural to such people feeding them with fair hopes until the last.

Politique Observation.

THE people, saith T. Livy, unable to govern themselves by reason, soon run into extremities, and dangers; they are ever either too low or too high, too forward or too backward. Another, and for the same reason likens them to the fool-hardy, who know no medium between the extreams of fear and audacious∣nesse; as soon as ever they despair of effecting their designs to advantage, they break out into mutinies; but in case they find them in a condition of bringing them to a good issue. Oh, how fierce are they? how insolent in their expressions & actions? There need no other reason for it, but onely this Passion is naturally the Mistress of popular spirits, which are neither capable of reason or generousness the two known causes of civility, modesty and valour: Experience too hath made it evident that they who are born with narrow low hearts are terrified at the least dangers, and care not what evils they commit if they have but the power to defend them. It is the pro∣perty of passion, either to yeild to soon, or not at all; and by the impetuousnesse of their motion it is, that many people have chosen after the suffering of a thousand miseries, to dye within their City wals, rather then open their Gates, to their besie∣gers. Calagurva a City of Spain, being besieged by Pompey, the inhabitants of it, were so obstinate in defence of their Walls in Sertorius his behalf, that after they had eaten up all their living creatures, they were so sencelesly cruel, as to kill their Wives and Children, that they might eat them: And the Saguntines too, who were of the same Nation after they had suffered the utmost extremities, turned their rage upon their own selves, insomuch that their fame became a proverb, for having no∣thing left to eat, they made a great fier in the publike place, where they first burnt, whatever they esteemed rich, and then threw in themselves, choosing rather to pe∣rish in the flames, then to let the Carthaginians become Masters of their Town and Persons, rather to follow the impetuousnesse of that fury which tormented them, then to be guided by reason, which would have taught them, that it had bin no in∣famy to yield to a Conqueror, when he hath reduced such as resist him, to an im∣possibility of escaping.

A Feigned Treaty between the King and the Rochelois.

THE Mayor of Rochel seeing this fury of the people; who seemed unable longer to endure the extremities, whereunto necessity had reduced them, and that that party, who were enclined to surrender the Town, were grown strong, he resolved to feign a treaty with the King. He had wit enough to know that the people love rather to be deceived than forced, upon which thoughts, he prayed the Sieur Arnoult by the Sieur de Fenquieres a prisoner, that he would come into the City to advise upon such wayes of accomodation, as might he thought reasonable. The Sieur Arnoult procured leave for it, and upon discourse had with the Mayor, he spent two dayes time in going & coming, after which he purposed to the besieged to have recourse to his Majesties mercy, as the most assured way of pardon which they could fancie to themselves; so the Sieur Arnoult went to meet the King at Tailbourg, & Monsieur de Cardinal at Chast••liers near Fontenay to give them notice of what had passed. These apparent submissions brought them both back to the Camp, from which they were a little retired by reason of the infections which are in the Army. Now the Sieur Arnoult being returned to Rochel, and having assured the inhabi∣tants of the inclination his Majesty had to pardon them, if they would really con∣fesse their faults, and give him reason to beleeve that they would in future live with∣in the bounds of their duty, they named Deputies to wait upon his Majesty, who commanded them to acquaint the Cardinal with what they had to say. They went to wait upon his Eminency at Rousay, at the Quarter de la Bergery, where they were in conference full two hours with him, after which every one guessed by their cheerfulnesse that they were very well contented, they desired a safe conduct to wait upon him two dayes after in the same place, which was not denied them, and being come thither they testified a great resolution in the people to deliver them∣selves up to his Majesties mercy, seeing that notwithstanding their Rebellion, he had been pleased to let them live in the exercise of their Religion, the injoyment of their goods, and withall the preservation of their Walls; the Cardinal sent them back to the King, whom they found upon the Bank they were afraid to appear be∣fore his Majesty, but being brought into his presence they cast themselves at his feet, and begged his pardon and mercy with as many apparent submissions, as could have been desired. His Majesty said to them, you deserve to be severely punished; but since God hath given you the grace to confesse your fault, I pardon you your lives. The Deputies returned to Rochel with great joy, promising to be ready the next morning to conclude upon the particular Articles of the Treaty. But the Mayor and those of his party had onely pretended this Treaty to gain time, that they might work upon the people by possessing them how important it was to their liberty to keep up their fortifications; which otherwise would be levelled with the ground; and at last having moulded them to their own temper, all the Treaty vanished to smoke: Nay their insolency was such, that being confident, during this intercourse of parley, his Majesties Army would not keep so strict watch as usually they did, they had the boldnesse to send out a fire-ship about three in the morning, amongst the Kings Vessels near the Bank, which guarded the Passages, and at the same time shot off divers great pieces, but without any execution. The Cardinal who knew that an enemy ought never to be trusted, caused the watch to be kept in as great strictnesse as ever, so that the Boats which were upon the guard perceiving the fire-ship drew her aside into a place, where she burned down without doing any hurt.

Politique Observation.

VIgilance is the savegard of Armies, and he who commands a siedge is the more obliged to watch that he may sustain the enterprises of the besiedged, in re∣gard the wisest then attempt them, when they are least suspected. Negligence

and Victory do never any long time go hand in hand together, and the least care∣fulnesses do often turn the scales in War. Those campes which are garded with most circumspection, are the most secure, and he who is not alwayes in a way of defence, puts himself into eminent danger; That General who lets his forces sleep without good gard, commits the care of them and their lives to fortune. Iphicrates one of the most famous Captains of Athens was far enough from committing this fault, for his Souldiers kept the same gard in peace, and with the same stricttnesse as in War, their arms being alwayes ready by them to fight. At first it was woundred at, but the reason he alledged, was, That a man may be never surprised, he ought always to be in fear. By this means after the shame of a rout, he will not be forced to say, I did not think there had been any thing to fear. If a General hath reason at any time to be upon his gard, more especially ought he to be so then, when there are propositions of peace in treaty; for one of the most usual wiles, which great Captains use, is that of proposing some treaty whereby they might make advan∣tage. Thus Pope Julius the second, that he might gain time, to prepare himself against the Duke of Ferrara, amazed King Lewi••h the twelfth with the apparencies of a fair accommodation. In the like manner Ferdinando Arragon sent Philip Arch-duke of Austria to amaze the same King by a treaty of Peace, which they swore unto, that they might hinder him in consideration thereof from making ne∣cessary preparations for the assisting of his own party; who by reason thereof were forced to leave the Kingdome of Naples; and Ferdinand made it evident that to that purpose was his designe, for he could not afterwards be perswaded to ratifie the treaty. Nothing is so safe as to treat a pear with distrust, and he who so doth, hath a double advantage by it, first by depriving his Enemy of all hopes to surprise him, and secondly because the good order in which he keeps his Forces, gives him the credit to obtain more beneficial articles.

The Rochelois are reduced by famine to extream miseries.

ONE of the remedies which the Rochellois used to relieve their necessities, espe∣cially after the English were returned, was to turn out all the unnecessary mouthes; they found means by the help of a dark night and in a tempest, which had broken in sunder some of the floating Vessels which stopped the mouth of the Bank, to passe a Barque laden with women, which the Kings vessels then in gard did not perceive time enough to prevent: but this was the onely time they could procure that advantage, but on the contrary, their insolency being come to the height, they forced the Kings Justice Severely to punish such as attempted to save themselves by Land; about the end of August above three hundred persons of all ages and both sexes came out by the Channel at low water, and being got to Land, fell to eating of roots and herbs with such greedinesse, that it was easie to judge how much the inhabitants of the Town were necessitated by famine. They had been fit objects with compassion, had they been lesse insolent; but as nothing except ne∣cessity it self could bring them to their duties, so the Sieurs de Brisfac, de Fourille and the other Captains of the gards when they lighted on them, forced them back into he Town, to augment the famine of the inhabitants. This just severity was oftentimes used towards them, by which means their miseries were such, that having neither bread, pulse, nor any thing usually edible, they found out an invention to boil Beefs-hides in tallow & such other things. They were oftentimes seen to go into the Salt-pits to gather herbs and cockles, and such other stuff as they could frie, which they presently devoured as delicates. They eat bread made of thistle-roots, and their hunger not so satisfied, turning into fury came to that passe, that they eat dead bodies, and some perswaded the mothers to embrew their hands in the blood of their innocent Babes for their present nourish∣ment.

Had it not been seen, it would hardly have been beleeved, that after such extre∣mities

they should long hold out: however they remained obstinate; so that his Majesties justice, guided by his prudence obliged him to prohibit the coming out of any of them, yet how ill soever they were dealt with by his Majesties troops, when they came to the trenches, diverse of them daily came out, which were still beat back again. It is true for their greater confusion the men were driven back again naked, and the Women in their smocks forcing them with forks and lathes to return: as for those who attempted to passe the trenches in the night, or by any other devise, they were all hanged without mercy, if it were their misfortunes to be discovered, because some of them hand been taken with Letters and Tickets to ha∣sten on the relief from England, and this prudent Severity was at last the true case of their repentance.

Politick Observation.

IT is an equitable cruelty, to hinder the besieged from running out of a Town, when their necessities begin to presse upon them. If the War be lawfull their deaths must needs be just. It is true in point of sieges the inhabitants are first to be gained by kindnesse, but when perswasions will not do, force and rigour ought to be made use of, and this ought to be done with the lesse difficulty, in regard the death of Rebels doth well suit with Justice and the publick good. Famine is one of the chief weapons which forceth a Town in a long siege. It is that which takes them, where the Artillery cannot make breaches or ruines enough to force a sur∣render. Now as this Famine is augmented by their number, he who shall suffer them to get out and avoid the necessity which presse upon them, acteth against himself, and depriveth himself of the most assured means to take them. The more people that are in a besieged Town, the sooner will their victuals be consumed, and they sooner reduced to famine, and then follows death in its hideous and de∣formed visage, producing every day spectacles of horrour, which they who have any reason and find a necessities of being forced, had much rather surrender then behold; famine makes the weapons fall out of their hands. The Emperour Au∣relian speaking of the Roman people (said) Nothing is so gay as they are when their Bellies are full, and their bones at rest; and on the contrary, nothing so cowardly as when they are reduced to want and penury. Who knows not what violences they use upon the Magistrate to free them of this necessity? Hath it not been heretofore seen that in a time of Famine, the Roman people went after the Empe∣rour Claudius injuriously reviling him, and throwing crusts of bread at his head? and they of Constantinople, did they not in a great dearth throw stones at their Em∣perour, Theodosius the first? The people do become so furious by famine, that no∣thing can hold them, and as they prefer nothing before life, they at last resolve to force their Officers to open their Gates and surrender. Indeed they are the more excusable for it, in regard necessity is become their reason, the power whereof is unsupportable either by one or the other.

The miseries of Rochel by Famine.

THE common people of Rochel had indured great miseries from the beginning of May; however the hopes they had of succour from England, perswaded the best provided amongst them to sow all sorts of little grain, as Pease, Beans, Bar∣ley, and the like, about their Walls in all their spare places; it was discretion in the Kings party to let them alone in it; but a great imprudence in them to dis-fur∣nish themselves of that whereof they had such present necessity, and were likely to have much more in a very little time. They had indeed the pleasure to behold what they sowed to spring up and grow; but just when they thought to gather the fruits of their labours, the Kings Army came up and cut all down, and so deprived them of the refreshment which they expected from it.

Politique Observation.

THE usual rule in Sieges, is to keep the besieged close up, and to deprive them of all kind of liberty; for by consequence, liberty which is one of the most de∣lightfull things in mans life being once stopped, becomes very displeasing, and is a sufficient reason to perswade those who are under that restraint, to do any thing for the inlargement of it. However this rule admitteth of some exception, and ought not to be used when a besieged people pretend to sow any grain, or the like about their City Walls; For as the Corn which they put into the earth doth not a little diminish their main stock, so the freedome which is permitted them, thus to cast it away, serveth the sooner to bring them to want and famine, and so to surrender. The chief end in long sieges, is to famish the besieged, and as the sowing of their ground doth not a little contribute thereunto, so Prudence forbiddeth that they should be hindred in their work; and indeed commandeth that they should rather be invited and allured to it, by winking at them if they attempt it. For this reason it was, that Fabius Maximus having depopulated and wasted all the Country of the Campani, retired about seed-time, that he might give them the liberty of decrea∣sing their store by sowing, which he never intended they should reap; which hap∣pened accordingly, for comming upon them before Harvest, they were easily fami∣shed and forced to surrender.

The Rochelois Salley out upon his Majesties Forces.

THough there was but a handfull of men in Rochel, compared with his Majesties Army, yet the mutinous humour which transported them, incouraged the in∣habitants to make divers Sallies. It is true they made fewer then had been seen in any so great siege, in hopes that the English would come and force open the Bank but however some they made, and those great ones, but were repulsed with losse, It was the Sieur de Fouquierres mishap to be taken Prisoner by them in one of their Sallies, which they made about the beginning of the year; there were divers of theirs too taken, which were kept in durance for exchanges, if occasion should be, and they of the City had notice given unto them, that in case they did him any inju∣ry, his Majesty would cause all his Prisoners of theirs to be hanged without mercy; so they dealt civilly with him, and when their Victuals began to grow scarce, they permitted one of his servants to bring him some every day from the Camp. Their insolency likewise carried them to make several Sallies by Sea, especially upon the arrival of those ships from Bourdoaux, which they attempted to have fired, but they had never any good successe in them, onely once they took a small Galliot which belonged to the Sieur de Thoyras; the Cardinals care and diligence, setting such a watch over them, that hardly-a man could peep out, but he was presently discovered.

Politique Observation.

THose Sallies which the besieged make upon an Army lying before them, are still accompanied with danger to themselves, for the least losse of their Souldiers is of great concernment; because they being once gone, it is difficult to have a re∣cruit or relief of others. The valour indeed which they have opportunity of shew∣ing in such incounters, may perchance quell the resolutions of the Besiegers; es∣pecially if the place be well stored and likely to receive fresh supplies; but that not being so, the Besiegers by standing still in their Forts and Works, and keeping good guard in their Trenches, will be sure every time to lessen their number of some few, and in fine reduce them to none at all. Philip de Commines saith, all Sallies made without necessity are to be blamed; for they cannot without it be al∣lowable, that which sometimes maketh to vanquish against hope, by the cou∣rage

which it infusethinto the most cowardly, for there is not any danger which they are not easily perswaded toattempt who are convinced of the inevitableness of their present death. This is that which all those who are besieged ought to consider; be∣fore they make a salley: now as for the Besiegers, they have onely two ways to avoid all misfortunes, the first, the well ordering of their works, the second, the good watch of those works. If the Trenches are well contrived, not any where at too great distance from the Town, if they flank one another, if they be high enough to shelter the foot, if their Parapets be Faulcon proof, if they be so well fortified by Forts and Redouts, from distance to distance; if they be large enough to fight in; and so disposed, that one be not surprised behind they will bring great matters to passe; they ought also to be lined with Souldiers, well accoutred, well disciplined, and such as wil be careful to keep good watch day and night, neither is it lesse needful, to place Sentinels, upon the Avennues, and all along upon the Trenches; and at last when the Enemie doth appear, then is the time to repel force by Force, then ought the most resolute of the Souldiers, be placed in Front, to sustain the charge, as like∣wise in that quarter, which is neerest the Town, because they who bear the first brunt, are the men that do the work; and upon whom all the rest doth depend, and in those places it is, that the first assaults are alwayes made: But above all, he who commandeth in the Trenches, ought alwayes to have Forces in a readinesse from the out-guards, for seconding courage with numbers doth much conduce to the re∣pelling of an Enemie, with advantage: and if he find that those who are up∣on the guard, be not either proper or able to sustain a charge, if the Enemie should come out, then ought he to place them in the strongest Redouts, from whence it will be more difficult to force them, until recruits shall come up; and this was the order which Caesar observed in besieging the City of Alexia, as is to be seen in his Commentaries.

The Duke of Rohan continueth his designes in Languedoc.

WHilest the Rochelois were acting these pieces of Rebellion, the Duke de Rohan was no lesse intent upon carrying his designes in Languedoc, for the gaining of such Towns where the Hugonots had most power to his party. About the beginning of the year he attempted to make himself Ma∣ster of Briateste, by means of one Toubze, but the inhabitants who desired nothing more then to live in peace, and under his Majesties obedience, hearing of it, layd hold on that seditious brother of theirs, and sent him to Thoulouze, where he was shortly after hanged for his pains; Rohan was much displeased at the ill usage his for∣ces had received at Montpellier, whereupon he commanded the Seneschal de Castres to send ten or twelve Horse and fifty Musqueteers about the Castle of Clermont de Lodove, knowing that there were divers Lords and Gentlemen met there together, that he might intice them to come out, and be revenged on them. The Sentinel of the Castle, gave notice to the Count de Clermont, that he saw eight or ten Horse eye the Castle, in such a manner, that he conceived them to be Enemies: presently the Count and those that were with him, issued out in their doublets and hose, with their Swords and Pistols, and fell upon them. These Horse-men as soon as ever they perceived them made as if they fled towards a Wood, where they had left their fifty Musqueteers in Ambush; being come up to them▪ they faced about, and dis∣charging all together upon the Noblemen, who pursued them, within Pistol shot, they killed twelve of them; The Baron d'Ambre being then with the Count de Clermont, seeing his Cornet killed, vowed he would be revenged of them for his death, and turning about again to charge them, he was in an instant so surrounded that he saw it was impossible to escape: he asked them if ten thousand Crowns would save his life, they told him no, and bid him remember Montpellier. This seemed onely to be a stratagem of War, but their cruelty was in processe evidently

to be seen, for not contented with this advantage, they cut off the noses and ears of all they took. Not long after his exployt, the Duke de Rohan ingaged the City of, Rohan to revolt. Those of his faction in Montauban, where no lesse insolent, there they forced out of their City, the Lieutenant Paxticulier, the Doyen of the Senechil, two Councellours and the Lieutenant General, and presently perswaded the people to rise. Those of Nismez, Cosne, Saint Sever, Saint Frigue, and divers other places, of Languedoc, Vivarets, and Dauphine, did the like, neither were these the onely Provinces, in which they had their Intelligencers at work. Mosieur the Car∣dinal, had bin acquainted, about the beginning of March, whilest his Majesty was at Paris, that certain Gentlemen of his party did endeavor to make factions and divisions in Limasin against the Kings service, he not ignorant that such fiers ought to be extinguished on their first births, sent the Mareschal de Schomberg, Lieutenant General; of that Province, to take order in it, who no lesse prudent then valorous, soon dissipated them, that not a man durst shew his head. About the same time, he had also by some device or other gained one Le Parc, Son to one of the Captains of a Gate at Callais, to deliver the Town to the English by letting them in at a Bastion, which was somwhat decayed, and delivering them up the old Castle, where there was only one old Souldier of his acquaintance, who lay in gard. But this contrivance being discovered by the Vicompte de Fruge, Le Parc, was ap∣prehended, his Processe, drawen up and finished and himself broken alive. On the other side the Sieur de Maritignon, found out some correspondencie between cer∣tain Hugonots of Normandy, and the English, and how they had contrived to let them in by a great Tower which stood in the Sea belonging to the Sieur de Brique∣ville, as also into the Town and Haven de Vire, in hopes that they of their party who were at Caen, Falaise, and other adjacent places, would rise in a body together, and so force the King to leave Rochel, that he might retake these places of so great im∣portance.

Politique Observation.

REbels at their first rising may perchance get some advantages, either by intel∣ligences in strong Towns or surprisal of those which are but ill kept, but in fine they do moulter away and are reduced to nothing. It were to be wished, that before they attempted any thing, they did but know, what is the true Reason hereof which it this, they are to seek for those things which are necessary to continue a War, with good successe, for the beginning there need little or nothing, but those beginnings must of necessity terminate in disasters, if he who is the first mover, have not store of Forces, and power to recruite them, if he be not furnished with ex∣pert Officers and Treasures, if he have not very good intelligences with the Lords & Princes bordering upon those places which he pretendeth to assault, & lastly if him∣self too, be not endewed with a soul & courage truly great that he ought of necessity to have Forces and power to recuit himself, cannot be doubted, because otherwise, his soveraign will presently crush him, the inconstancie of his Souldiers will by di∣sbanding leave him naked; and sicknesses will help to take away some too, so that in fine he will be reduced to nothing, if he cannot repair his losses by recruits, and new fresh Regiments. That which gave the Romans such advantage over other Na∣tions, was, first their discipline of War, but secondly their Numbers; now the means used to get such great Armies, was to exercise those Enemies whom they had over∣come, in their Militia, as Tacitus observeth on the Life of the Emperour Claudian, and on the other side the Lacedemonians, and Athenians, not entertaining any Strangers, though by them subjugated, never brought any great considerable Armies for number into the field, and consequently could never attain unto so great an Empire. Next to the great numbers of Souldiers, which he ought to have, comes Treasures, without which it is impossible to prevent an Army from wanting victuals, clothes, and necessaries, and by consequence from disbanding, Quintus Flaminius seeing Philopoemon Captain of the Grecians, with a great Army, both of Horse and

Foot, but without any mony, laughed at him; he hath indeed, quoth he, store of Legs and Arms, but no Belly; meaning, by like, that he wanted wherewithal to feed them. Caesar how great a Souldier soever, and how valiant soever his Souldiers were, brake open the Treasure Gate at Rome, contrary to Motellus the Tribunes will: for he wisely foresaw, that it would be impossible to give a good account of the War, without he were provided with store of Treasures. Next of all I come to expect Officers who are not lesse needful, because they are as the soul of the Soul∣diers; and as it is true that a Body cannot move without it's soul, neither can any Souldiers do any thing considerable, if not conducted by the example of their Commanders and instructed how, where and when, they ought to fight. And then ought he to hold good intelligence too with the Grandees, and those places which border upon that part which he designeth to attaque, for otherwise, his Convoyes will be stopped, every day will make some hole in his Coat, and they will serve for retreits to his Enemies to contrive Ambushes and designs against him. For this Reason it was that James King of Scotland, contriving to make War upon Henry the eighth King of England, was careful to hold intelligence, with the English, who else might have endangered and troubled his Forces; & that Hannibal assaulting the Romans; first made sure of the Spaniards, French, and Africans; and that the Romans bending their powers against Philip of Macedon, first sent their Ambassadors, to make a League with Ptolomei King of Egypt. Lastly, and most especially he himself ought to be of a genius and courage, every way truely extraordinary, for every day he must be exposed to new dangers; the successe of the greatest part of his affairs, will depend upon his own prudence and addresse; the least distrust or fear that shall appear in him will drive away whole troops from him; extraordinarie designs re∣quiring a proportionate conduct to carrie them on, in regard Revolts have the more need of Fortunes assistance, because they are the most hazardous exploits in which a man can ingage, never any mean Low heart arrived to any good succusse or Fortune by them. These are the chief things necessary for a great enterprise, and they that engage themselves, without these, do rashly run the hazard of their own destruction: It is only by the want of these supports that so many Authors of Revolt have gone out with shame and confu∣sion.

Divers Religious persons, settled in the Hugonot Pro∣vinces by the Cardinal's diligence and industrie.

THE Cardinal was not idle, though he had weakned the Hugonot Towns, di∣minished their power, and clipt the wings of their Rebellion, but he enden∣voured at the same time, their conversion. To this end his Majesty was perswaded to settle divers Preachers, and Religious persons, who behaved themselves with great zeal and courage. The Cardinal was not indeed lesse expert at Theology, then Policy, so it was unreasonable, but that he should be stil careful as well at this as at his Arms. His Piety let him so seek out occasions for it, and having at last found out by divers conferences, which he had, with the Duke of Trimouille, that he was not averse, from being instructed, he himself would needs take the pains to become the chief instrument of his conversion. He bestowed divers houres of his leasure time, to that purpose and there being nothing which is equal to his doctrine, and the clearnesse of his soul, he soon discovered such lights to him, as quickly cleared all his doubts, and dissipated those mists which error had laid up∣on his eyes.

The Duke of Trimouille converted to the Catholique Faith by Monsieur the Cardinal.

THE Duke of Trimouille was a person very moderate, and temperate in all his actions, his very youth was without heat and passion, neither had he any of the pride and insolency which is too usual with those of his birth; and as moderate so∣ber men, are more desirous of instruction then the contrary sort, so he was con∣tented to be guided by the hand of God; yet would he see the truth, and first be con∣vinced of certain scruples and difficulties which did arise, in which till then, he could not be satisfied: but having bin so happy, as to be instructed by the Cardinal, it was the easier for him to see and leave his error, in regard the incomparable soul of this grand Minister, did so clearly evince the Catholique truth to him, and his own error, as himself hath since often acknowledged. It was not riches nor honor which in∣duced him to change his Religion: for he was both born rich and great: but it was the only knowledg of Truth which perswaded him to it, neither did he that, until a most particular and exact satisfaction in all things. The King was overjoyed at the newes of it, never was any spoil or Trophee of an Enemy so welcome, as this Victory, and the more to testifie his real joy for it; his Majesty promised him, that the next Feast he would receive the Communion with him; as also the Sieur de la Curee, being dismissed of his Charge of Master de Camp, which his age had made him uncapable any longer to perform, his Majesty honoured him with it, studying to shew to all his Subjects, in his person, how dear their salvations was un∣to him.

Politique Observation.

IF it be a work of Justice to chastise rebellious Heretiques by the sword, it is no lesse charitable to labour for their conversion by letting them see the truth; for the bet∣ter discovering of which, much charity, clearnesse of spirit, and profound Doctrine are required: a Soul not well informed instead of allaying, raiseth more doubts; insomuch that knowledge hath as great a part in the Church, as the Sun in the Fir∣mament, and just as it is difficult to restore a Traveller into his right way, during the night, untill the Sun appear to instruct him where he is, so neither can a man of understanding be disabused, unlesse it be by Doctrine, at whose light a know∣ing Genius makes him perceive, that he is at the brink of a Precipice, and far from be∣ing in the right way to Heaven. But amongst those for whose conversion it is re∣quisite to labour, no doubt but the chief men are first to be attempted, for if the Stars continually follow the motions of the Heavens, unto which they are affixed; it is in like manner as common for men of mean quality, to follow as well the Re∣ligion as the interest of the Grandees. The people of Rome being once in a Mu∣tiny, retired to the Capitol, upon an accident which befell Virginius, were easily appeased by the Senate; by reoson as T. Livy saith, that they had no Leader there that durst speak a word in answer to those who had been sent unto them. For my part, I hold it for certain that it will be no more difficulty to reclaim an Heretique Faction, who should rebel without a powerfull Commander: But I likewise think it necessary besides Doctrinal instructions, not to spare either money or dignity for the gaining of those, whose Birth renders them capable of such qualities. Tem∣poral interests do much conduce to Spiritual, and though the advantages of For∣tune be not the chief motives of conversion amongst them who are strictly Religi∣ous, yet it is most certain they are no mean inducements thereunto. Thus Justini∣an (according to Evagrius) converted many Heretiques by dispersing store of mo∣nies amongst them. And the Emperour Leo the sixth, made use of the same de∣vice for the gaining of many Jews, and there need no more but the example of Constantine de Bergo, the Portugal Viceroy in the Indies, who drew a number of those

people to the Christian Religion, by the carresses and favours which he shewed to them that were newly baptized.

Soubize and the Deputies of Rochel, obtain a third saccour from the English but in vain.

WHilest the Duke of Rohan was making divers attempts in Lauguedoc, and used his utmost indeavours to preserve those Towns, of which he was be∣come Master: The Sieur de Soubize and Deputies of Rochel, were negotiating in England for a third assistance, they hoped to obtain it without any great difficulty, for that Buckingham incensed as hath been formerly related, did every day rig up move ships and raise new Forces; but they found it a hard task, both in regard of the troubles in which Buckingham was then involved by reason of the complaint made against him in Parliament, as also of the impossibility to remove the obstacles in the Channel, according to what the Earl of Denbigh had related; yet at last Buckingham having overcome all his enemies devices and contrivances; by the fa∣vour in which he was with his Majesty of Great Brittain, had perswaded him to Em∣bark the Army then on foot, and to give him leave to command them in his own person; to which end, all things were put in order for a present dispatch: But as God over-ruleth mens designs, he was pleased by Buckingham's death to put an end to this storm, he being assassinated by one Feltou an English man, disconten∣ted, because the Captains place of the Company whereof he was Lievtenant, had been twice vacant, and both times given over his head to another, and who by hea∣ring what complaints there were made against him by the Parliament, imagined, that by revenging his own quarrel, he should likewise do his Country good service in it; yet for all this, the Deputies would not be denied, they continued their instan∣ces, perswading the King of Great Brittain, that the forcing of the Bank was easie, if resolutely attempted, and that the glory of his Crown did in some sort oblige him to make one more attempt, and that more vigorous then the former. The Fleet was then resolved to put forth, and there were added three other ships full of stones, and some other with dung, which were to be set on fire when they entred the Channel, to the intent the smoke might hinder them from the sight. The Sieur de Soubize, the Comte de Laval, and all the French Rebels then in England, compo∣sed the Van-guard, next to them followed those Vessels which were for the relief of Rochel; next went the Body of the Army, commanded by the Earl of Denbigh, General of the Expedition, and on the twenty eighth being Thursday, they arri∣ved at Glonne. The Cardinal having notice of it the very same night, dispatched a Courier to his Majesty to acquaint him with it, who presently made himself rea∣dy, got on horse-back, and came to the Camp, and after some discourse with the Cardinal, he sent to discover the Enemy, as also to call the Voluntiers who were disperced, some here, and some there, to be in a readinesse together. This once done, his Majesty visited all the Quarters of the Army, that he might put every thing in good order, and got himself an immortal glory by his travel, labour, and diligence, by those dexterous orders which he dispatched both as to the Sea and Land, by his raising of Batteries, designing of Plat-forms, and levelling of the Cannon with his own hand. Upon Saturday the thirtieth, the English Fleet came up to the Road of the Chef de Bay and some few of them came before to draw out the French to fight; but the Kings Vessels having order not to stir, because they were onely to hinder the Passage into Rochel, not one of them moved on Anchor, onely both parts exchanged some Broad-sides, and the King being in person upon one of the Batteries, caused about thirty to bee lovelled at them, which did not a little indamage them.

Politique Observation.

ALthough shame be the Child of evil Parents, yet it begetteth excellent effects. It proceedeth from some Actions which have a certain infamy with them, and leave behind them some ill tincture upon the reputation; but then the grief which a generous mind apprehendeth at it, when he findeth himself disgraced, ma∣keth him redouble his courage, and carrieth him to glorious actions. A thing ve∣ry remarkable in the persons of Soveraigns, who being jealous of their glory, the fairest flower of their Crowns, cannot indure that it should be sullied by any misfor∣tune, which may seem to carry a faith-heartedness with it: It grieves them, and not a little, to find themselves deficient in those successes which have Crowned their equals. Hereupon it was that Caesar reflecting on himself, how that during two and thirty years time he had not signalzied his Courage by any one great exploit, fell into tears before an Image of Alexander, which seemed to reproach him, by those great Acts which he had brought to passe in a lesse time. But who can ex∣press, the lively impression which it maketh, when it hath been seen to inflame the most cowardly an faint-hearted, with resolution and courage? History affordeth us many examples of Armies, which after a shamefull rout have been possessed with the Army of the Persians when they saw their wives come to them holding up their Coats, faced about and charged the Army of Astyages, which then pursued them, with so much Courage that they gained the Victory; and in the same manner, the shame which the Romans conceived, upon their defeat by the Samnites, at the Forges of Caudine, did so sensibly excite them, that they could not rest till they had been revenged; they marched to Capua, but so sad that they could hardly speak, which they of least understanding attributed to their despair; but Offili•••• Ascalanius, more judicious then the rest told the Citizens, that this silence and confusion, which was in their Countenance, did presage no great good, for he could not be perswaded, but that the resentments of such extraordinary grief would transport them to strange attempts for the recovery of that honour, whereof for∣tune had bereaved them, especially seeing shame, when it spurs on a resolution, is an hope of safety. The Roman Consul Agrippa, that he might incourage his Ar∣my, would oftentimes take one of his Ensigns, and cast it into the middle of his enemies, to the end the shame which his Souldiers should conceive at it, might animate them the more, and oblige them for the regaining of them, to shew all proofs of an extraordinary Courage.

The F••ight between the Kings Fleet, and the English.

AFter the English had stood in this Posture two dayes they sent out between Sunday even, and Munday morn, 10 or 12 floating Petards to set fire on the Kings ships. The Composition of those Petards was of Lattin filled with Powder, laid upon certain peeces of Timber, crosse which there was a spring, which touch∣ing any Vessel would flie off and give fire to the Petards; but onely one took ef∣fect, which did no great hurt, onely cast water into the ship, and that was all, the rest being taken by the Kings Boats; their Petards were answered by good store of Cannon from the Kings ships, yet their Fleet continued still in the same posture, insomuch that many beleeved that they would either return that day, without any more ado, or else land their men. Now as he who commands an Army is obli∣ged to foresee all accidents, and to prevent them; so the King commanded the Duke of Angoulesm, and the Marshal de Scomberg to guard the Point de Coreille, and the Duke de la Trimoville, and the Comte de Alets, to stand their charge with the Light-horse and the Cavalry, and took his own station at the Point of the Chef de Bay with some foot and divers of the Nobility, which he intended to defend in his own person. His Majesty further gave order to several Voluntiers to go aboard

the ships with his Souldiers; and which was done in sight of the English Fleet, which had no great mind that day to ingage; but the day following being the 30 of Octo∣ber, and considering that the reputation of their Master was too much ingaged in the defence of the Rochelois, for them to go away without doing of any thing; and having the Wind favourable, they hoised Sails, made ready, and came up to the Kings Fleet, which presently met them in good order. The fight began at 6 of the Clock, and in about four hours time they discharged between them near 5000 great shot, but never came nearer one another then Cannon distance. The Kings Fleet commanded by the Commander de Valencay, did as much as could be desired; and though the English had the wind of them; yet were they but ill treated by the Cannon; one of their great ships being so torn, that they were forced to retire to the Isle of Oye to mend her.

A Cessation of Arms for some days between the two Fleets.

IN the mean while the King being in the Batteries of the Chef de Bay, which he had but raised two days before, caused his Cannons to be discharged by his parti∣cular Order, without the least fear of the danger whereunto he did expose himself, in regard of the many Bullets which fell at his feet, and came very near him, he took a great delight to see his Guns do that execution which he intended, the Ele∣ments fight for him, and the English betray their fear of his presence, good for∣tune, and courage. And was it not much more glorious for him, to give order for the standing of this assault, and to be himself present in it by offering his life to God, then to have been in his Chamber at Paris, where those of Marillac's fa∣ction would have staied him? Was it not a greater pleasure to him, to behold the Sea all on fire, bringing flaming Vessels to his feet, as if they did him homage, and to command in his own person amidst the Batteries, then to have been idle in the Louvre? In my sense he had been as much too blame to have been at Paris whiles these affairs were acting, as it was now glorious to see him here reducing Heresie to his obedience. And this was as much as was done the first day.

The next morning the wind being still fair for the English, they set their Sails, began to shoot but durst not come nearer the Kings Fleet, then before; they were answered in the same language, and for four hours together, the Ayr seemed to be all on fire. The little more which they did worth observation was this, they sent 9 Fire-ships, seconding them with Ships filled with Stones and full of dung; to which they had set fire with intent that the smoke of it driven by the Wind to the Kings Fleet might cover them, and give the English means to passe the Channel. But his Majesties small Boats went to the Fire-ships at the mercy of the great shot, seized on them, and diverted their execution, onely losing one man, without any greater hurt, and the Vessels which followed them durst not advance; which the English Fleet seeing, and how much the Forts did trouble them, they drew off to the Road not without great disoder, leaving the Rochelois to despair. Neither was this the onely mis-fortune that befell them; for at that very instant so great a storm arose, that they were forced to let themselves be carried at the mercy of the wind. The English finding how unlikely they were to do any good, proposed un∣der hand that some accommodation might be made; they thought it would bee more advantagious to retreat after the making of a Peace, then to run the hazards of a worse successe. Monsieur the Cardinal desired his Majesty to observe that his onely aim being the taking of Rochel, this accommodation would much contribute to it; for then the Rochelois would remain without any succour at all, which in∣duced him to give ear to those Proposals which should be made. But their souls being yet exasperated, the Peace could not so suddenly be resolved on, and all the conferences which were had to that purpose, ended in a Cessation of Arms for some few dayes.

Politique Observation.

ALbeit, they who have been once vanquished in War, may recover the ad∣vantage which they have lost, either when their forces are recruited with a sufficient strength, or when shame shall excite their courages, yet so it is, that when neither of these two conditions happen, there is a great reason to apprehend the successe of their second attempt. Fortune hath sometimes smiled on those, who formerly never saw but her frowns, but after she hath been once and again discour∣teous, it will be needfull to imploy more force and greater courage; for she is a pro∣fessed friend to the bold and prudent. Great Routs are attended with dangerous consequences, whence Titus Livy, speaking of a certain faction of Marcellus, against Hannibal at Nola, said that it was much more difficult to worst an Army fleshed in Victory, then that which begins to lose its credit. He gives the same rea∣son for that victory, which the Romans under the command of Consul Manlius, obtained against the Gauls in Asia, where he saith, that as Victories do heighten the courage of the Victorious, so they do much abate that of the vanquished; and withall the Victorious are desirous onely to fight as may be observed in the exam∣ple of Pompey's Souldiers after the advantage which they had of Caesar as Plutarch reporteth upon the life of Pompey; whereas they who are worsted, are hard to be drawn to the Battel; for being seised with their usual fear, and the most part of them fighting by constraint; they behave themselves with so little mettle, that they are easily overcome a second time. Thus the Duke of Guise returning from Italy after the Battel of St. Laurence, to command those French Troops which had been rallied and new listed, writ to his Majesty that he had more ado to put them in heart and courage, then to beat the victorious enemy, and therefore he judged it neces∣sary before he hazarded a second Battel, to cure them of their first baffle by getting some little advantage upon the enemy, an advice which he well knew how to exe∣cute, as he did in the taking of Calais, Guines, & Thionville.

The Deputation of Montague to the King from the Earl of Denbigh General of the English Forces.

DUring the cessation of Arms, the French Rebels who were in the English Fleet finding they had lost their courages, and despaired of forcing the pas∣sage, concluded themselves utterly lost without obtaining the Kings grace. To which purpose they beseeched the Earl of Dexbigh to employ his power with their King, in the behalf of his Master the Earl of Denbigh thought it reasonable, and upon deliberation had with the Officers of the Army what was fit to be done to pro∣cure them this satisfaction, they agreed to send Montague to his Majesty in the be∣half of the King their Master to endeavour the making their peace for them. M••••tague came to his Majesties quarter, and having audience, declared that he was sent from the King of Great Brittain his Master to begge a pardon for the Rochelois, that he would be pleased to promise them the liberty of their conscience, to forgive the Sieur de Soubize and the Comte de La Val, and to give quarter to those English which were in Rochel. The King answered them, that as for those of Rochel, they were his own subjects, and that the King of England need not in∣termeddle in their interest, and as for the English who were there in garrison, that they should receive the like usage as the French prisoners in England, yet his Ma∣jesty received him with a great deal of honour, shewed him the Forts of the Camp, the Batteries, the Bank, the Pallisadas and the range of Vessels which over-spread the Channel. The truth is it was not done so much to gratifie him, as that upon the relation of what he had seen, the rest of his party might be discouraged from making any further attempts. After he had been an eye-witnesse of those things, he returned to England to the King his Master to reduce him to some accommoda∣tion.

A Treaty between the King and the Rochelois.

THE Cessation of Arms being expired, the English to testifie it was not out of fear, that they retreited, or had made those proposals, renewed the fight on the twenty third of October, which lasted above two houres, yet all this while had they not the courage to come up to his Majesties Fleet; whereupon those French who were with them resolved to send some Deputies to the King in their behalf, to cast themselves at the Kings Feet, and to emplore his mercy; First of all they sent four to Monsieur the Cardinal, who humbly requested him, that he would be pleased to obtain the Kings favour and grace for them, which they heartily beseeched, with all real acknowledgements of their faults. The Cardinal answered them, he would speak to his Majesty concerning it, and commanded they should be kindly entertain∣ed, and put into some place apart, that they might not enter into discourse with any one; The King was easily perswaded to grant them what they demanded, the Cardinal having told him, how necessary it was to win them off from the English, which if he could once bring to passe, the English would withdraw of their own accord, and leave Rochel, to shift for it self. He then acquainted them how his Majesty had granted them the mercy and favour, which they had beseeched of him, yet however he thought good, that two of them, should remain with him, whom he would make use of as I shall hereafter declare, for the regaining of the Rochelois, to their former duties and obedience. Those Rebellious mutineers when they saw there was no hopes of succour from the English, and that they died by thousands of the famine, made divers proposals of accommodation. Hereupon his eminency told them how that those of their party on board the English Fleet had withdrawn themselves, and had obtain'd the Kings pardon; that the English finding it impossi∣ble to force the Bank & relieve them, had interceded for them; that they had more∣over sent Montague to make proposals of peace unto his Majesty: who had kindly received him, that thereupon he was return'd into England, to encline the King his Master, to hearken to an accommodation, and that things being thus, they had no other hopes, but, to die by famine, if they had not recourse to his Majesties mercy by a true confession and humble acknowledgment of their faults. This news gave an Allarum to the whole City, The discreetest of them represented to the rest how the Rich did now begin to dye of famine: as well as the poor, having sold the greatest part of their victuals to those that had none, upon hopes of the English relief, that death made an harvest of them, that since the last six moneths there had died between eight and ten thousand of famine, insomuch that not having where withal to bury the dead, and indeed having hardly any people strong enough to make their graves, or carry them, insomuch that they were forced to draw them with cords into the Church-yards, and there to let them rot, that diverse had been seen to crawl with much ado to the Church-yards and there lay down and dye; hereupon the rest of the people languishing, and touched to the quick, with the remembrance, or indeed the present image of so many horrible spectacles, resolved to try their fortune to appease, if possible, the Kings just indigna∣tion by imploring his mercy: They entreated the Sieur Arnoult to procure a safe conduct that they might send their Deputies to his Majesty, which upon his Request was graunted; But his Majesty would that they should first make their proposals to Monsieur the Cardinal, to whom they went with an unspeakable joy, & therupon this grand Minister producing those Deputies which he had kept to that purpose, let them discourse with one another who having assured them that they themselves had obtained the Kings pardon, represented to them that they likewise had nothing now to hope for, if they did not totally submit themselves to the discretion of his Majesties mercy; but miserably to dye by famine, his Majesty being resolved never to depart from thence, till he was Master of the Town.

They were much surprised at this newes having not heard of it till then, yet they were insolent enough to make propositions of peace, still relishing of their for∣mer mutinie. This grand Minister declared to them, they must not think of any other

conditions, than absolutely to submit to his Majesties will, but however promised them that he would employ his utmost power in their behalf; so they returned pro∣mising to dispose their Fellow-citizens to it, as much as in them lay, testifying as much satisfaction and joy as they who are reprieved from the Galleys. After this meeting they published all over the Town, how kindly the Cardinal had entertain∣ed them with assurances he had given them to employ his interest with his Majesty to obtain the same grace for them, which he had for those with the English, whose Deputies they had spoken with, conjuring every one to accept of it: The height of that misery to which they were reduced did at last quash their mutinies, although some of their Ministers not ignorant that power was the worthiest stipend of their insolencies, animated them by the hopes of glory, which they should obtain by dy∣ing for the liberties of their Religion; so they could not presently resolve to sur∣render to the Kings mercy, but proposed to make a general peace for all those of their party that they might choose a Governour, that they might choose a Mayor, and Sheriffes, and generally the preservation of their priviledges, to which end their Deputies made diverse journeys to and fro, but Monsieur de Cardinal, who never omitted any thing that concerned the glory of his Master, and on the other side knew the extremities to which they were reduced still told them; They must either all dye by famine, or submit to his Majesties discretion. This plain dealing of his did at last force them to stoop, whereupon they chose twelve of the principal amongst them, most of which could hardly creep to beg his Majesties pardon, to as∣sure him that they would live and die in the obedience which they owed unto him, without demanding any other conditions, then what his Majesty should please to give them, and one of the bést Orators amongst them made their speech, which was all to that purpose. The King graunted them the pardon which they de∣sired and the Sieur d' Herbant Secretary of State read the Pattent to them, by which his Majesty pardoned their Rebellion, discharged them of all acts of Hostility ordained that they should be restored to their goods, graunted them the exercise of their Religion in the City, and commanded that all the Souldiers in the City should enjoy the same grace; and that the chiefe Captains and Gentlemen should go out with their Swords by their sides, and the Souldiers with Cudgells in their hands, but first they were to swear, never to bear Arms against his Majesties service.

Politique Observation.

THough Rebels have been so stout, as to let themselves be forced by a long siedge and with great expence, yet it is more glorious for a King to deal mer∣cifully then severely with them. It is enough that they have already suffered great miseries, unlesse there be a necessity of continuing the War against others of their party, for in such case the evils they suffer are examples to terrifie others, and get moderation toward them is a charm which may reduce those who are un∣conquered to reason. This moderation is sometimes like a precious balm, which takes away the pain of any would how mortal soever, whereas too too strict severi∣ty drives to despair, I should not be of this opinion where Rebels are forced in a few dayes, but where they have endured the miseries, which accompany long siedges: Then I must confesse, it were not amiss to expiate the crimes of all by the lives of some, which were a cruelty too suparlative after the rigors & unconceivea∣ble miseries of many moneths; for then, a true courage is rather touched with com∣punction than revenge. The Roman Valour is often comnended for this by Antiquity, and who knoweth not how sensibly compassionate they were at the sight of their miseries, whom they had vanquished? Marcellus having ma∣stered Syracusa, and considering the ruine to which it was reduced, could not for∣bear weeping: Neither could Pompey endure that Tygrances King of Armenia should remain Prostrate before him, whatever War he had made against the Roman people, but raised him up and restored him his Crown; and the Emperour Titus seeing the calamities of Jerusalem, caused by his siedge the multitude of dead car∣kasses

which filled up the Citie, protested he was not the Author of it, and that he was onely the instrument of Gods justice.

His Majesties Entrance into Rochel.

VPon the thirtieth of October the Duke d' Angoulesme, the Marshal de Scom∣berg, the Sieurs de la Curee, Vignolle, Hallier, St. Chaumont, and divers other Lords, fourteen Companies of the Regiment des Gardes, and six of Swisses, began about six in the morning to enter into Rochel. The Cardinal perswaded his Majesty for prevention of any confusion which might arise in the Town, by reason of some curiosity, or other that the people might have to go into it; to command, that none but they who were appointed should presume to go within the Gates, or into any Houses, until leave obtained, both to secure the inhabitants from being pillaged, as also for purifying of the place, and men, who were most infected by dead Bodies, insomuch that the ill air, bred many diseases. The King placed him∣self upon the Fort de Beaulieu, to see the Forces march into the Town, and having seen a certain Souldier, not belonging to the Companies appointed to take possessi∣on of the Town, but of that of Sourdis, he commanded him to withdraw, testifying by this procedure, that he had a most particular knowledg of most of his Souldiers. They who commanded these Forces, seized on all the Gates of the Town, the Ram∣parts, Cannon, and munition, and sent away the Souldiers, the English by Sea, & the French by Land, who looked more like Ghosts then Men. There were as many Citadels as Gates, and as many Castles, as Towers, and this was it, as made the City be esteemed impregnable, especially seeing it had an out-let by Sea, which could never have in broken up, but by his Majesty extraordinary power and prudence, yet all served but as Trophees, raised to his Majesties glory.

Monsieur the Cardinal entred the same day with divers Lords and Gentlemen without any fear of infection, because his presence was very necessary both for his Majesties service, and to settle things in order, but he beseeched his Majesty to for∣bear his own entrance untill All Saints day, that his Quarters might be purged from all ill ayr, and that every thing might be made ready to receive him, according to his quality and that occasion. The day being come, his Majesty made his entrance not with that magnificence which the ancient Emperours and Kings used, into such Towns as they had taken, according as History hath observed, but cloathed with Piety and the Mercy of a most Christian King, Virtues however, which made him shine with so much splendour, that those poor Rebels prostrated themselves as he rid by them, that they might the more acknowledge the mercy and favour he had done them: He had his Arms on, and rid in on Horseback without any Ceremo∣ny, onely four Companies of his Guards, two of Swisses, his two Troops of Light∣horse arm'd Cap-a-pe, his Dragoons, and the Life-guard marched before him, all the Nobility following him, without any order to avoid the disputes of Pre∣cedency.

The inhabitants cast themselves on their knees, as his Majesty passed along the streets, crying, God save the King who hath been so gracious unto us: And he fre∣quently saluted those who seemed to be of the better sort amongst them. They re∣doubling their cries and acclamations, protested they could not sufficiently admire his Majesties Bounty, who instead of putting them all to death, as their Preachers had perswaded them he would, did even receive them with respect and honour. But those submissions and acknowledgements were much more increased when they received the tend thousand Loaves of Bread, which his Majesty distributed amongst thē the same day, together with divers other Alms which his Ma. bestowed on them; but when they beheld that there came three thousand Carts laden with Wheat and Provisions into the Town with a proportionate number of Beasts, & Cattel, which his Majesty commanded to be brought as sold at the usual rates of the Army, they could then no longer forbear to confesse, that he knew how to pardon, as well as vanquish. They did not so much admire that his Majesty should be victorious, as

that he should Crown it with an Olive branch of so great mercy. The King went and alighted at Saint Margarites Church, which had been consecrated by the Bi∣shop of Bourdeaux, and where Monsieur the Cardinal with divers Ecclesiastiques, had that morning celebrated Masse by way of Thanksgiving for the happy Victo∣ry, which Heaven had bestowed on the Crown of France, he was received by the Arch-Bishop, assisted by the Clergy and divers other religious, who sung the Te Deum, and he himself too sung it, with so great devotion, that a certain Gentle∣man who saw him, and one of the Townsmen, professed they would shake hands with Heresie, protesting they could not beleeve but that so fervent a devotion must needs be the Index of a better Religion, then that in which they had till then lived. About two days after his Majesty caused the Holy Sacrament, which had of late been so much scorned and neglected in the Town, to be carried in Procession, which was performed with as much Devotion as Pomp.

Last of all, that he might render thanks unto God whom he looked on as the chief giver of this Victory, he writ to the Arch-Bishop of Paris that a publique Thanksgiving might be made, and himself returning to Paris passed by Nostre Dame des Ardilliers that he might pay his vows there; for to his devotions there he ascribed his first Victories, as that of the releeving Ree, upon which the whole successe depended.

Politique Observation.

JT is but reasonable to give God thanks for a Victory, which is his own gift. But he much more loveth those who do it in effects, not by words. There can be no greater return of thanks then to imitate his bounty which is pleased to do good unto us. A generous Conquerour ought not to spill the Bloud, and destroy the lives of those whom he hath overcome. Amongst the Pagans it was a usual thing to succonr and assist the wounded, to relieve them with their own hands, and do good unto them: how much more reason have Christian Princes then, to imitate so Christian like a verrue? It is not lesse glorious to overcome an Enemy by Cle∣mency and meeknesse, then by Force and Prudence. Jesus Christ hath promised a reward to such as do good for evil, and he saith, Mercy is that which maketh men known for the Sons of his Father, who hath made the Sun to shine both upon the good and bad; and Kings had need make themselves acceptable to God, whose Image they are, by reason they have a greater accompt to render him then the rest of men. God Almighty saith, With the same measure that you measure, will I measure out to you again▪ insomuch that the vertue of Clemency & mercy used towards poor vanquished Creatures, ought no longer be esteemed a vertue, but a necessary means of salvation. I should add one more reason out of Polybius his History, which is, good deeds are a Chain of Gold, which do much more fix and establish the inte∣rests of Kings then those of Iron; and if Religion seem to invite them to practice it, neither doth reason of State any whit lesse; what was it which tied the Celtiberians so strictly and affectionately to the Roman interest, but that generous and noble Act of Scipio the Affrican, who restored a noble Lady his Prisoner to her husband, without doing her any violence or injury, and returned him all the Gold which had been brought for her ransome? Did not Cyrus gain by his handsome treating of Cresus, after he had vanquished him? Did not that tie up the hands of all Greece, who would out of the great affection they did bear to him, have highly resented any injury done to him? The Roman Senate did much blame their Consul, Popilius for his rude treating of the Genois, and commanded reparation to be made them, because they esteemed the honour of a Victory, not compleat, where it was atten∣ded with any cruelties or rigours. Those Princes who are good to their Prisoners, and those whom they have vanquished, are not onely commendable, but delight∣full to those they rule over. The Romans having reduced Capadocia to a Province diminished the Tax which they used formerly to pay unto their own King, because

they knew that the clemency and sweetnesse of their Empire, would invite others to submit to them with the lesse reluctancy and resistance.

His Majesties Declaration for estblishing of the Catholique Religion in Rochel.

IF it be glorious to overcome, it is no lesse important to take such care as may confirm the Victory. To this purpose his Majesty before he left Rochel, publi∣shed a Declaration comprehending that order which he would have observed there for the future, both to establish Religion, and to prevent this people from relap∣sing into their former Rebellion. This Declaration contained, that the exercise of the Roman Catholick and Apostolick Religion, should be freely exercised there, both in the City and Government of Aulnis; that the Churches which had been lately destroyed thereabouts, should be re-edified and restored to them in whose possession they formerly were, together with all their appurtenances; that a suffi∣cient maintenance should be given to such Curats as had not means to live on, out of those lands which belonged to the Town-house. That the Religieux de la Cha∣rite, & Les Religiouses Hospitalieres, should be re-established in the Hospitals of the Town, to attend upon all sick persons. That a Crosse should be raised in the Castle-yard, at the foot of which an Inscription of the taking the City should be in∣scribed; and that every first of November a Procession general should be made, to give God thanks for his mercies; that the Church-yard consecrated in the lands of Corcille, where those of the Camp, who died during the siege had been buried, should still he conserved to that use; that a convent of Religieux Minimes should be built there, who might pray unto God for them, and perpetuate the memory of the thing; this is that which his Majesty did for thanks-giving to God and the con∣solation of the Catholick party in the Town.

The Course his Majesty took to keep Rochel in Obedience.

IF his Piety were so admirable in that particular, his Prudence was no lesse in com∣manding all such things as were necessary for the preservation of the Town in its duty. He deposed the Mayor, who had fomented the Rebellion with such inso∣lent stubbornnesse, and discharged the Shrivalty and Commonalty of the Town without hopes of restauration. He ordained that the most seditious persons of the city should forsake it, and amongst others, G••ison Mayre, God••••ray, Sal••bre••, and Deserbr••••res, not so much as excepting the Dame de Rohan, who was carried to Niort, by the Sieux de Lannay Lieutenant des Gardes des Corps. Next he revo∣ked all the Priviledges and Charters heretofore granted to the City He commanded the Walls, the Rampards, the Bastions, and the rest of the Fortifications to be razed, and the Ditches to be filled up, leaving only the Tours de St. Nicholas, de la Ghai••••, & de la Lantern standing, with that part of the Wall towards the Sea, to preserve the Town from Pyrats. He further constituted and appointed, that no stranger should have a house or family in the Town, without his Majesties permission had and obtai∣ned, or that any Heretiques should return to their former dwellings: To be short, he ordained for the better keeping them in their obedience, that there should be an in∣tendent of Justice in the City, Country, and Government of Aulnis, who should see the execution of his Ordinances, and have an eye to that which concern'd his service, all which was inserted in the said Declaration. He then commanded the inhabitants to be disarmed, and that certain Regiments should remain in the Town until it were quite demolished. After all these things thus appointed, he return∣ed to Paris, where he was received in great magnificence, the Companies of the Ci∣ty, making Orations unto him: But I passe by the particulars of those Ceremo∣nies, and confine my self to my design of writing nothing but what relateth to the Government of the State.

Politique Observation.

HAnnibal was discommended for not knowing how to pursue a Victory when obtained; and that Soveraign doth little or nothing, who after a reducing of those Rebels that attempted to shake off the yoke of their obedience, neglect∣eth to fix and settle them by all necessary orders and rules, for the continuation of them in their duties. His orders ought to be proportioned to the quality of the vanquished; who if they be Rebels, ought to be treated in another manner, then such as were under another Government: It ought likewise to be remembred, whe∣ther they who are vanquished be of the same Religion with the Conquerour; and in case they are not, then to establish divers such persons there, who professe the same with his own, and this he is obliged to by Prudence as well as Piety: It being an assured remedy of weakning a people if they be divided, and that a party be made sure of amongst them. The ancient Kings of Aegypt did wisely tollerate and esta∣blish all sorts of Religion in their Countries and Kingdomes to the intent the diver∣sity of opinions might dis-unite them from any Revolts: On the other side, if those whom a Soveraign overcommeth be his own natural Subjects, he ought not total∣ly to destroy their Cities and Towns, for that were to weaken his own power. Which is the same thing that Craesus perswaded to Cyrus, when he had been van∣quished by him, do not (quoth he, I beseech you) destroy the Towns of Lydia, for by it you will not destroy me but your self, to whom by right of Arms they now belong; but however this rule admitteth of exception. For if a Soveraign hath the least suspicion that they may revolt a second time, he is then bound to deprive them of all possible means to effect it, be it either by disarming the inhabitants, or dismantling their Fortifications, nay by levelling their very Walls too, if they are of any considerable strength. Thus did the Romans destroy Velitre, by reason of their frequent revolts, turned out the Senate, and commanded them to live on the other side of Tyber. The strength and Fortifications of a Town do often invite the people to rebel, as Tacitus observeth, speaking of Hierusalem: To which same purpose did Xerxes prohibit the use of any Arms to the Babylonians, and Cyrus to the Lydians, both of them commanding those people to study Arts which might divert them from War. It were not much amisse to deprive them of the means of making assemblies. The Romans have shewed the way of it, by destroying all form of Government amongst those of Capua, after they had overcome them, whereby they had not any occasion of assembling any more together as formerly they had used. To this same end too hath the Turks inhibited the use of Clocks, amongst the Christians, or any others over his whole Empire, to prevent the meeting of any Assemblies, which might be contrary to his will, and the obedience he requireth from them. But they who are Victorious ought alwaies to accompany their com∣mands with some sweetnesse, which may tollerate to them the exercise of their Re∣ligion, the assurance of their goods or the like, but then at last he must be sure to take from them all possible means of a future Revolt and Insurrection.

The Honour which his Majesty got by the taking of Rochel.

THE most ingenious of men, & even the Pope himself, extolled the glorious ••tchiev∣ment which his Majesty had obtained; indeed he could not be praised enough, considering he had defeated three English Fleets, releeved the Isle of Ree, and overcome a City which through all Christendome was thought impregnable, and by such a means too as was no less admirable then the taking of the Town it self and without the losse of almost one man, although Charles the ninth lost the lives of ma∣ny great Commanders, and shot ten thousand great Guns at it, and could do no good upon it. How glorious was it for him, to have restored this Monarchy to its ancient splendour and lustre, by destroying a Faction which had so often armed some of his Subjects against the rest, which hindred him from being assisting to his

Allies, and prevented him from regaining that honour and esteem in Europe, which his Predecessours had held as their due. This rebellious Town had for above two hundred years banded against their Kings, whenever they were upon any great ex∣pedition, as against Lewis the eleventh, during the broyls of the Duke de Guienn his Brother against Charles the Eighth, when all Italy expected him at Fornove a∣gainst Lewis the Twelfth, whilest he was in the Wars for the Milanois, against Francis the first, whiles he was ingaged with Charles the fifth, against Francis the second, and Charles the ninth, doth in his minorities, against Henry the third, ar∣ming his brother to oppose him, against Henry the Great, just as he was ingaging against the Duke of Savoy: And lastly, against his Majesty himself, upon whom they had thrice mad War; but now their strong Walls being overthrown, served for Monuments of his eternal glory.

Monsieur the Cardinal did much contribute to the ta∣king of Rochel.

THe Cardinal being the chief Minister in this Affair as well as that of the State, it were unreasonable to deny him some part of the credit: They who writ con∣cerning those Subjects made the lesse difficulty of it, in regard his Majesty attribu∣ted the whole management of it to his Councils, as by divers Declarations publi∣shed abroad was apparent, neither could it indeed be denied unto him, seeing he it was that advised the besieging of Rochel, who had contrived the means of relee∣ving Ree, who had beaten off the English, who had first laid the Foundations of the siedge, who had drawn the Lines and Works, who had preserved them in good order, who had kept the Forces from disbanding, who had made them live in such a Discipline, as was formerly unheard of in France, who had contrived the Bank, and at last concluded a League with the English, who were come a third time to re∣leeve the place. But as the most glorious acts expose men to most envy, so some malignant Pens there were who dis-esteemed and spoke lightly of him; nay would have made his greatest services have been esteemed for attempts against his Maje∣sties Crown, yet all would not do, some impression indeed they made upon them of the Cabal, who could not behold without envy so shining a Star; they who are well acquainted with him, cannot but know how that he always, and upon all oc∣casions, avoided what ever might expose him to envy, that he did ever ascribe all the glory of his conduct and government to his Majesty; and that on the other side, the most that he ever pretended to in his greatest Actions, was onely the ho∣nour to have served him faithfully and not improfitably; they cannot but know he could not more fitly be compared to any one then unto Germanicus, Nephew and adopted son of Tiberius, who having obtained a great Victory in Germany, prepa∣red a fair Trophy, at the foot of which was inscribed, The Army of Tiberius. Ca∣sar, as Tacitus hath observed, after the reducing of the people between the Rhine and Elbe, raised a Monument to Mars, Jupiter, and Augustus, but mentioned not himself: And thus the honour of doing those glorious actions which he every day atchieved, was by him esteemed both his satisfaction and reward.

Politique Observation.

WHat ever honour is attributed to second causes, upon the effecting of great things, yet the chief glory redounds unto the first, not onely be∣cause he communicates all the power which second causes have to operate; but withal, because those effects depend upon his particular influence. It cannot be denied, but second cause deserved commendation, and indeed without injustice, it cannot be gain-said, but that they have likewise much contributed. The Sun, in the Universal Principium of the generation of all Plants, he it is who extracteth the Germinative quality, wherewith the earth is replenished, who produceth the

Flowers and Fruits, wherewith it is adorned it being most assuredly true, that with∣out his influences the earth would remain fruitlesse, dry and barren: Which though it be so, yet what Philosopher did ever deny, that the earth was not one of the chief causes of all those effects? Have they not all confessed that the earth produ∣ceth Lillies and Roses? And was not that Sophister esteemed a Novice who de∣nied the Title of Mother to her? In the same manner, God is doubtlesse, the first Authour of every thing done in the World, yet no Philosopher will deny, but that the Sun and Man beget Man, that the Sun and Horse beget a Horse, they having some part of his glory, by the honour which they have of being his Subjects; and God himself jealous though he be of his own glory, as he protesteth in one of the Prophets, hath he not commanded us to honour his Saints, as the second causes of Miracles, to build Churches, raise Altars, make Vows unto them, and to publish their praises, for those Miracles which his omnipotent hand hath wrought by them his in∣struments? And were he not besotted, who should refuse this honour to the Prince of the Apostles, when his very shadow cured so many diseases, though effected by a di∣vine power, really lesse inhaerent in him, then that which grand Ministers have in themselves for the publick good? If perverse obstinacy should transport any one, to deny them this respect, may they not easily be convinced by Gods own example, when he spake unto Moses saying, Thou hast led my people out of Aegypt, though indeed it was the work of his own hand? God well knew that he had made use of Moses his servant, as the chief Minister of his Kingdome, and for the Conductor of his people, and therefore how jealous so ever he were of his own glory, yet he would ascribe it to him, as well knowing, that the honour attributed to second cau∣ses, doth not at all diminish that which is due unto the first. This is the true image of honour which ought to be given unto Ministers, for the services which they pay unto their Soveraigns; and who need be jealous of it, seeing God is not? A King and his Minister are so strictly united, as the hand and instrument in the Artificer, so that nothing but malice and envy can oppose that praise which is due to a Mini∣ster, who hath effected any enterprise with successe, tending to the publick good of the Kingdome. As the King is first and chief, so the first and chief honour is his, but then without injustice his Miniser cannot be denied the sharing of some part with him, who hath been his instrument to obtain it.

The expences of the Siege of Rochel, amount unto forty millions of Livres.

THe greatnesse of the expence before Rochel can hardly be imagined, without considering the particulars, as the punctual paying of the whole Army, the building of the Bank, Munitions of all sorts and the like. They who disbursed the several sums reckon it at forty Millions, but the particular diligence and care of the Marquesse d' Effat, Superintendent of the Exchequer to provide all, that there might not be any want, deserveth (and undoubtedly so will) to passe in History for a particular commendation. He entred upon the Treasuries at a time when they were fifty millions of Livres in debt, and the Treasurers hardly perswadable to assist his Majesty in any of his occasions, by reason of the review which had so lately been made amongst them; the Parliament too had much ado to be perswa∣ded to rat fie Ed••cts for to raise money, yet he used such addresse and diligence, that not onely there was no want of money, but the charge was lesse then former∣ly it had used to be, and in such expeditions where the Souldiers were hardly paid at all, such and so great care did he use in the charge of the Treasuries. There was a necessity of making some new Edicts, but the chief means he used were, accor∣ding to the Cardinals instructions, to cut off all superfluous expences to commit the management of those sums which were expended unto persons of known fide∣lity and trust. The Cardinal did not onely lend out upon this occasion what mo∣nies he had in his own Coffers, but ingaged his credit as far as it would go, to raise

more amongst his kindred and friends. He was not so sittle affectionate to his Masters service as the Cardianal d' Amien•• was 〈◊〉〈◊〉 who stil sent out of the Kingdom all those gratifications which he received, like unto those Courtisans who love the money better then the man, and measure their pleasure by their profit, whereas the Cardinal prefered his Masters glory, before the whole Indiaes, he studied nothing but the increase of it, and the continuation of himself in his favour, that he might to that purpose contribute his utmost care and devoir.

Politique Observation.

PHysitians tell us, that mans body could neither stand nor go without Nerves, Muscles, and the like, and it is no lesse certain, that the body of an Army can∣not march or long subsist, without a great masse of money to maintain them. That Prince who hath no Silver, will presently want meat for his Forces, be can neither provide them Arms or Cloaths, and necessity once pinching upon them, away they all flie, if any perchance stay behind they are weak as water, faint and unable to do any service; whereas Plenty of money maketh an Army flourish, and in heart one of the greatest means the Duke of Parma used, to uphold the Wars in Flanders and France, was to see a dayly distribution of the Ammunitions and bread delivered out unto the Souldiers, to see them once a year cloathed from head to foot, and monethly paid, without which he could never have had preserved his ar∣my so flourishing and victorious as he did. It is true indeed 〈◊〉〈◊〉 was to blame, so highly to vaunt before Solon the Athenian, when he shewed him his 〈…〉〈…〉 ri∣ches; Solon told him he did not esteem him any whit the more potent, because war was made with Iron not with Gold: however it cannot be denied but that as Le∣vies cannot be made without money, so in some sort money is as necessary as Souldiers.

A small Prince if he have great treasures, may have the command of a great ar∣my though his Subjects are but few, others will willingly let him make Levies in their Countries; but he who wants money how great soever he be, can neither raise any or keep them long together whe•…•… they are raised. I have alwaies much esteemed the advice of Pericles, one of the ablest Captains of his time, who said that Victories were commonly obtained by these three means, Money, Souldiers, and Councel; and to speak the truth, who is defective in either of the three must not expect an happy successe in his enter prises Caesar was not ignorant how ne∣cessary a thing money was for the incouragement of Souldiers, as I have heretofore observed, and History reports of him, that he was liberal in distributing it among them, when by any exploit they had well deserved it; of which he hath left be∣hind him one notable example, when after that his forces had indured much hard∣ship before Berry, he made a Donative of 2000 Sesterces to every man. To con∣clude, it is no lesse requisite to settle an order in the Treasuries, then to have as good foundation of money; for the effecting of which, it were good to imploy under∣standing faithfull men, for the payment of Souldiers, and the punishing of those who commit offences, to make a weekly pay-day to all the Souldiers, it being more proper to pay them often and little, then seldome and by great sums, which they consume in a short time by a natural ill husbandry, without considering that that once gone they are liable to a thousand wants and inconveniences, which may happen by sicknesse to the very great decay of them Courages and Reso∣lutions.

The Kings Forces are Masters of the Field in Languedoc.

THe revolt of the Towns in Languedoc, which the Duke of Rohan had gotten into about the beginning of the year, did at first make a great noise, but soon after Monsieur the Prince, the Dukes of Montmorency and Vantadour, who com∣manded his Majesties forces, become Masters of the field, and before the end of

it repossessed themselves of all those palces, which were capable of being forced in a few days; for they thought it improper to ingage themselves in any long sieges, because that might have given the Duke of Rohan opportunity to seize upon others. Monsieur the Prince presently took Poussin, and many other places upon the Rhone, which were of great importance in those Countries, by reason of the hinderance they brought to Commerce. Not long afterwards he marched towards Tholouze, that he might confer with the Duke of Montmorency, Vantadour, and d' Esper∣non, who were to be there, to consider what was fit to be done. Now as he pas∣sed by Tarascon he had intelligence given that those of Nismes, had seized of the Castle de Vauvert, belonging to the Duke of Vantadour, and he finding himself obliged by many considerations, concludeth to pursue them; but they of Nismes seeing him come up neer unto them, forthwith surrendred it up into his power. His Courage made his journey to Tholouze the longer, but having had the satis∣faction of reducing this place, he arrived there with great content, and after some conferences had with those Lords who met there; it was ordered that the Duke of Vantadour should take some forces into Vivaretz, to impede the Duke of Rohans proceedings in the Sevennes, that the Duke of Espernon should march towards Milhaud in Rovengue, the Count de Carmain, with some Regiments to Foix, which the Duke of Rohan had much ruined, and that the Prince and Duke of Mont∣morency should remain in Tholouze untill March. Whilest they were yet there, the Parliament made the processe against the Duke of Rohan, and condemn'd him to be executed in Effigies, declaring his Goods to be confiscated to the King, who bestowed them on Monsieur the Prince. The States of the Province were at the same time assembled together, as well to consult of the means for keeping their people in obedience, as to raise contributions and taxes for the maintenance of the forces. The Kings Officers pressed hard on the Rebels to ingage them to fight, and sometimes met with them; for they well knew that long deliberation is an ene∣my to good successe, especially in matters of War. The Duke of Vantadour went from Tholouze towards Vivaretz about the end of January, and passing as near the Rebels as possibly he could, he had notice given him that all their Cavalry were issued out of Nisms, scouring up and down the Country, and that they committed all kind of disorder under the command of the Sieurs de Laignes, de la Chassagne, and d' Aubay. Hereupon he commanded his Troop of Curasiers, and that of his guard to follow him, whom he carried up so near and advantagiously to the ene∣my, that he ingaged them broke their ranks, cut some in peeces, took divers Prison∣ers, and put the rest to flight.

The taking of Pamiers, and other places, by the Prince of Conde.

ABout the same time, the Sieur de Perant Governour of Ʋsez, fell upon six hundred foot of Mamoirac's Regiment, seconded with a hundred Curassiers, and fought with them. Marmoirac two of his Captains, one Ensign, and about one hundred Souldiers were killed upon the place, the rest were pursued to the ve∣ry Gates. As for Monsieur the Prince, and the Duke de Montmorency they de∣parted from Tholouze, directly to Pamiers, where Beaufort the Duke of Rohans Lievtenant General in Foix, had built a Cittadel, which by the leasure he had, was made very strong; they led up the Army to it, and made their approaches so hap∣pily, that they onely lost two men: Monsieur the Prince, raised a Battery, filled up the Ditches, and prepared every thing for a Breach, the Battery was so quick that in a few hours there was a reasonable way open, which the Prince having no∣tice of, he would needs go with the Marshals of the Camp to view it, who drew out some of every Regiment to fall in upon the Town; which they did, and being got over, lodged themselves under the Wall, being unable to passe further on, by reason of the Trench they met with; but the standing which they had was so ad∣vantagious, that the inhabitants could not offend them at all, and not a man of the Town could appear, but they presently fetcht him off with their Musquets, in∣somuch

that they forced them to demand quarter, which the Prince caused to be given unto them, from thence he went to ••ealmont, a strong Town in Alki∣geois, against which place he raised three Batteries, which thundring upon them, forced them to surrender upon composition: The next thing he did was to dispatch the Marquesse de Ragny with the fore guard towards Castle Franc, which they re∣duced under his Majesties obedience, and thence he caused some Troops to face Cos•••• and Saint Seve••, Brassao and Castebrian, which places were forced to open their Gates. The Harvest now was commin••••on, and the Cardinal gave him and the Officers under him notice, that his Majesty thought it not amisse to Forrage round a hour Monta••••an, Cas••res, Nismes, and divers other principal Towns in Languedoc: These orders drew the Prince neer to Castres, the Duke de Montmo∣rency before Nismes, and the Duke •• Espernon before Montau••••••. They 〈◊〉〈◊〉 Ca∣stre having notice of the Princes design, drew all the Forces they could make out of the neighbouring Towns and Garrisons to prevent the Forragers, and at first comming they made some skirmishes with his Souldiers, and upon those who came within shot, they le••••flie their great Guns. The Prince was not dismayed at it, but onely looked on it as an occasion to increase his glory. They whom he com∣manded to make the wast, fell lustily to their work, to the admiration of all those in the Town, who with their whole forces made a salley out upon them. Their first was a very violent encounter, and maintained with great courage, untill at last they were beaten back to the very Ditches; from which time they did no more attempt to beat off the Forragers from their work. The Duke de Montmorancy for his part, took Poussin in his march, a Town re-fortified by the Duke of Rohan and Mirabel, a place of importance, and then joyning his forces to those the Duke de Vantadour, and Marquesse Desporsez, he went to Forrage about Nismes, where the Duke of Vantadour cut off about one hundred foot, whom he fell upon at unawares in a Village not far from the Town. They were so fortunate that they did not onely bring Nismes to famine, but Ʋsez, Aletz, Aduze, and all the Sevennes, having burned above fifty Villages with all the Corn then standing on the ground, both old and new, neither durst the Duke of Rohan once attempt to prevent it. The Duke of Espernon did the like about Montauban, and not long after the Duke de Vantadours Troops of Curassiers, his Gardes and Carabines which were in gar∣rison at Beaucair, being commanded to march up towards N••smes, that they might draw out their Forces to fight with them, went up and drove away all their Cattel in sight of the Town, on purpose to invite them out; they presently made their sally, and were so resolutely charged, that their horse was broken, and the Dukes Forces broke quite thorough to the foot, left threescore and seventeen dead up∣on the place, and about fifty wounded. After this blow the Rebels durst not ap∣pear any where, their lucks was so bad, so that the Kings Army were Masters of the field. The Prince finding his presence was no more usefull in those parts, ob∣tained leave of his Majesty to return to Berry.

Politique Observation.

HE who hath perswaded any Towns to revolt, must not expect to keep them any long time, unlesse he be Master of the Field; his hopes of maintaining them in his own power will vanish, and he will soon see them re-taken by his So∣veraign, before his face, if once he be master of the Country: For as there is not any place how weak soever, which doth not hold out some small time, especially if it be assisted: so there is not any place how strong soever, that can alwaies hold out it not releeved, that is, unlesse there be a sufficient power on foot, to force him who is sate down before it, to raise his siege, or at least to send Forces and Ammu∣nitions into it. Places cannot defend themselves, but must have men to do it for them; neither can the men ever do it, unlesse they have refreshments both of vi∣ctuals, munitions, and Souldiers, otherwise the troubles, necessities, and discom∣modities of a Siege, will inforce them to surrender whether they will or no. It is

evident that if the Soveraign be Master of the field, then the revolted Towns can hardly be releeved or assisted, because of his greater power, to prevent and hinder it. Those places I must confesse which are strong indeed, seem to command and keep the Country in subjection, but this power of theirs can be of no long date, unlesse their fellow Rebels have a potent Army to assist them with Convoys both of Men, Victuals, and Munition. The Tyrians were so insolent by reason their Town was so strongly built upon a Rock in the Sea, that they mocked at Alexan∣der when he besieged them, and made a Bank about them to keep off any relief from comming unto them; they asked of him if he designed to make himself grea∣ter then Neptune, by that device of his to overcome the Sea, his Souldiers they called Asses and beasts, because they laboured without ceasing in carrying matte∣rials towards the Bank; but at last Alexander having reduced the neighbouring Country, finished his works which he had projected; and finally, forced them to render at his mercy. Which being so, the best advice that can be given to a So∣veraign for the preventing of a Revolt or the progress of it, is, forthwith to make himself master of the field, and to fall upon them and their Towns, without giving them leasure to increase their numbers, or fortifie their Cities. For shewing a reso∣lution to force them by Arms, if they submit not by fair means, is a most power∣ful way to open the strongest gates whatever. Maharbal General of Hannibals horse, was not ignorant of this particular, when his advice was forthwith to march up to the Gates to Rome, after that famous Battel of Cannes, telling him, that there being hardly any forces at all neer or about the City, he would infallibly in a little while become Master of that too; Hannibal followed not his Councel, but those who perswaded him to give his Souldiers breath, but yet every one concluded he lost a most fair opportunity; it having been a most easie thing in that conjuncture of time to have carried his victorious Troops to Rome, and to have forced the Citi∣zens to set open their Gates unto him. Caesar never did so, but when ever he found himself master of the field any where, presently went on to the perfecting of his Conquest, which he could not think compleat, whilest there remained any thing undone, or any small place untaken.

The Duke of Savoy enters into a League with the Governor of Milan, to fall upon the States of the Duke de Nevers and Mantua.

WHilest his Majesty was thus ingaged before Rochel and in Languedoc, the Duke of Savoy, and Do••n Joncales de Cordona, Governour of Milan, seeing the Duke of Nevers had taken possession of the Dutchesse of Mantua and Montfer∣rat made a League together. The Articles imported that the Duke of Savoy should indeavour to make himself master of all the places in Montferrat, excepting Casal, Po••t Desture, Nice, Aqui, and some other places, and that the Mar∣quesse de Montenigro, should fall in upon the State of Mantoua, and get what he could there. The Emperour being wrought to it, by the Spaniards, commanded without regard had to the Duke of Nevers submissions, which he had sent to him by the Arch-Bishop of Mantua, that those Dutchies should be in sequestration until the claim of Prince Gastles, who pretended himself heir to them, were ad∣judged and determined, and sent the Comte J••an de Nassan, in the quality of an Imperial Commissary, to seize on them, and there to fortifie himself that the King nor Princes of Italy might enter upon it. In brief, the Duke of Savoy having his Army ready, upon the first news of Duke Vincents death, seized upon Albe, Sainct Damien, Dian, Trin, Gabian, and Motecalvo; Don Joncales, went with his Army to Casal, where finding himself opposed, he made himself Master of the adjacent places; and the Marquesse de Montenigro invaded Mantua to get what advantages he could. The Duke of Matnua hereupon, dispatched one in all hast unto his Majesty, for those succours which had been promised to him; and in the mean time he himself had raised an Army of about twelve thousand foot, and

two thousand horse; part he sent into Montferrat the rest he kept in Mantua and thereabouts, to binder the Marquesse de Montiningro's progresse in the Man∣tu••••. The King being informed of these violent emotions, permitted all Mon∣sieur de Mantua's friends to go to his assistance, and his Highnesse to ralse what Forces he thought fit in the Kingdome of France; insomuch that shortly after the Marquesse de Beuuron, carried with him store of French over the Mountains of Savoy, who cast themselves into Cazal, and so incouraged the inhabitants that Don Joncales began to lose his former hopes of so speedily taking it. The Sieur de Guron was likewise sent by his Majesty thither presently after, who so got the good Will of the people there, that they parted willingly with any thing they had; nay the Women would deliver up their Rings and Jewels, that the Souldiers might not want their pay. The Spaniards in the mean time were not idle, but used their best indeavours to gain the place, but were alwaies repulsed with such courage that they never went off but to their great losse. The Marquesse de B••uuron made divers Sallies upon them, and did as often put them to disorder, but was at last killed, af∣ter he had on many occasions testified, that fear had no corner in his heart, and that his courage could have make him withstand a Puissant Army with a handfull of men. The Sieur de Guron commanded in the town after his death, where he so behaved himself, that the Townsmen were perswaded to hold out in expectation of relief from France.

The King having give leave to the Marquess d' Ʋxelles, to make Levies for Monsieur de Mantua, he had at last raised as many as he thought would be sufficient for the business, which was about fifteen of sixteen thousand men effective. The Rendezvouz was appointed in the Bailiages of Ambrun, Gap and Briancon, where be∣ing all come together, they who had the orders to make the muster, and pay them, and make provisions necessary for their passage over the Mountains, were so neg∣lectfull, that they were forced to stay thereabouts in those Bailiages about twenty dayes time, during which they committed many insolencies and wasts, which the Marquesse de Ʋxelles finding he was almost in despair, to see such disorders, all that he could do to remedy it, was, he procured the Country people to provide a certain quantity of Provisions both for Man and War, and to carry them after the Army over the Mountains, some part of their money he paid them down in hand, and for the residue he obliged himself in his own name to pay them, upon the first Muster. Whereupon he began to march, and on the twenty seventh of July, en∣tred into the Mountains, where he no sooner appeared, but the Duke of Savoy came up to them and opposed them where-ever they went. The resistance which he here met, did not very much trouble him, for he often beat them before him; but it was his mis-fortune, that the Provisions promised by those of Dauphine, did not follow the Army; insomuch that the Souldiers having marched some dayes without any bread, he was at last forced to resolve upon returning back again; their retreat indeed was honourable enough; for the Sieur de la Ferte Marshal de Cam∣pe facing the enemy with three Regiments upon the tops of two Mountains, gave op∣portunity to the rest of the Troops to retire into Dauphine, which the Duke of Sa∣voy could not perceive untill they were quite gone.

Politique Observation.

THE Laws of military policy require the preparing of great Magazines near the places designed for an enterprize, before the first attempt; and especially not to enter upon an enemies Countrey without making sure of a dayly provision for the Souldiers, that they are not brought to want. Armies are oftner ruined by hunger then by Battel; whence it happens that he who is not very carefull of carrying his Provisions with him, or sure of finding them where he comes, will soon see himself destitute of Troops; and in such confusion as will render him contempti∣ble to his enemies, and despicable to his friends. This was one of the rules Cam∣bises taught his son Cyrus, as Xenophon relateth it, and Cyrus was no lesse carefull

to practise it in the Wars which he made against the Assyrians, as the same Au∣thor observeth. The Turks are very exact at it, indeed their temperance gives them one great advantage, because the carriage of them is not very difficult, a∣mongst them, who use neither Wine nor other dainties. It were to be wished that ours would follow their example, because the plenty in which most of our Com∣manders have used to live, renders them unable for labour, or to make any great enterprizes upon the Spaniard, by reason of the difficulty of carrying provisions with them. The Romans were not ignorant of this truth, when their Empire was in its most flourishing condition; and for this reason it was, that they accu∣stomed their forces to great abstinency, and those Nations which were least brought up in delicacies, were alwaies by them esteemed the most war-like. Thus Julius Caesar thought the Flemmings more valiant then the rest of the Gauls, because they lived upon harder fare. Hannibal to his cost found what losses befell his Ar∣my, after they had been accustomed to a lithe ease and plenty, when after the bat∣tel of Cannes, warring with lesse fear of the Romans, he permitted them to live in all pleasure and abundance, and afterwards being to make use of them, he found that by that means they had lost their courages. A Captain however in avoiding this delicacy, ought not to be defective in carrying that which is necessary for his Souldiers. The inconveniences which will follow by such neglect, are not onely as hath been said, that he will see them disband, but withall he will find them to run to his enemies Quarters, in hope to find there better maintenance. Thus did the most part of Afranius and Petrius souldiers flie to Caesars Camp, and those of Caesar upon the like necessity went unto Pompey; besides all this, want occasion∣eth diseases, as the French found at Carignan (as Guieciardin reporteth) and sometimes causeth a Mutiny: In fine, it is impossible in such occasions but a Com∣mander must soon see his forces in confusion among themselves, and vanquished by their enemies, as Vegetius hath very judicially observed.

The King takes care of the Affairs of his Allies the Grisons.

ALthough his Majesty was carefull of Monsieur de Mantua his affairs, yet did he not abandon those of the Grisons his ancient Allies; but indeavoured to put them into the enjoyment of that, which had been accorded them by the Trea∣ty at Mouson: He had about the end of the last year sent a Declaration to the Sieur Nesmin, his Embassadour with those people; which imported, that according to a Clause of the first Article in that Treaty, the agreements made at Lindan and Coire, between the Arch-Duke Leopold, the Governours of Milan, and the three Cantons of the Grisons in the year 1617▪ until the day and date of the Treaty at Mouson, ought to be null and void, and that all the Embassadours assembled in Treating with the Spaniards, were promised as much; yet now the Spaniards would needs give other interpretations for their own advantage to that first Ar∣ticle, though in it self nothing could be clearer, upon which great contests did a∣rise between the Grisons, the Spaniards, and the Arch-Duke Leopold. Now the Grisons desiring his Majesty would clear the doubt, he could not onely not refuse them, but moreover promise them that they should enjoy the benefit of the said Treaty, and that he would assist them with his Arms, against any that should pre∣tend to make use of revoked Treaties to their prejudice. They received this De∣claration with a great deal of joy from the Sieur de Mesmin, but that was not the onely difficulty in the execution of the Treaty. The Deputies of the Grisons and the Valtolines, did presse his Majesty for an exposition of other Articles, each of them pretending to interpret it according to his own advantage, they that they ought to be established in the right of Soveraignty over the Valtoline. The Comter de Chiaveunes and Bormio which they had in the year, 1617, excepting what had been nominated in the Treaty; to wit, the Justice and civil Government over the Valtolines; for which they were to pay them the yearly rent of twenty five thou∣sand crowns. The other were animated by the Spaniards, that they ought abso∣lurely

to be exempted from the Soveraignty of the Valtolines, without being ob∣liged to any other duty then the bare payment of the 25000 Crowns. Now it was likewise agreed in the said Treaty, that in case any doubt should arise upon any words the interpretation of it should be referred to the two Crowns, who should freely declare their sence of it. His Majesty had oftentimes, by his Embassadours, requested the King of Spain his Brother in Law, that they might make a Declarati∣on together for the quiet of that people; but the Spaniard who onely sought ad∣vantage from their division, delayed the Embassadour so long, that his Majesty was at last forced to make a Declaration himself conformable to the true meaning of the intent of the Treaty, which implied, that not onely the Treaties made at Lindaw, Coire, and Milan, should be void and of no effect; but withall that con∣formably to the second Article, the affairs of the Grisons and Valtolines should be reduced to the same state they were in, in the year, 1617. by which the Grisons were restored to the same Authority and Soveraignty, which they that year had over the Valtolines, and the said Comtes; and that consequently it belonged to them alone, and not the Valtolines their Subjects to make Treaties of Peace, Al∣liances, War, to coin monies, to grant or refuse the Passages of the said Coun∣tries, to imposeTaxes, Contributions and the like, and that the Valtolines could onely pretend to the Justice and Civil government, which for quietnesse sake had been granted to them under the yearly payment of twenty five thousand crowns to the Grisons, who had the power of confirming the Magistrates and Potestates by them elected. This Declaration was sent by the King to the Sieur Mesmin, that he might by his Prudence procure is to be accepted by both parties; to the end they might live in Peace; but with order however not to deliver it untill both par∣ties had agreed, to submit to it according to the form and tenure of it; as also not to discover it to one or other, if he imagined both of them would make any diffi∣culty to receive it, that he might not put his royal authority into their hands. This was a remarkable effect of the Cardinals Prudence, who knew that a Kings autho∣rity ought never to be exposed to the contempt of his Allies; and not knowing clearly how the people were inclined, perswaded his Majesty to commit the execu∣tion of it to his Embassadours discretion: The Sieur Mesmin finding the Grisons and Valtolines not disposed to accept the Declaration according to all its Clauses, after he had under hand discovered the pretensions and designs, which the Spani∣ards had put into their heads to hinder their good intelligence, that they might not shut up the Passges of the Valtoline against him, did not propose it in publick to have their common approbation of it; onely gave his Majesty notice of what he had done, who approved of it, and left the deciding of those differences, untill such time as he should carry his Arms into Italy, and have that in his hands which might maintain the justice f the cause.

Politique Observation.

PRudence teacheth a Minister that distance of place doth hinder the knowledge of the particular inclination of strangers, and that thereupon it is necessary to com∣mit many things to the Embassadours who are with them in the behalf of his Ma∣ster; and especially concerning the form of executing such Orders as are sent him. It is a commendable discrecion to be perswaded that he hath not knowledge and power enough to do all things of himself; whereas, they who suffer themselves to be led by a vain presumption, upon their own parts, do usually commit their Ma∣sters authority to the inconsideratenesse and inconstancy of neighbours, expose them to scorn by the little respect they give his Orders, and in fine leave them with∣out effect. For this very reason a discreet Politician laughed at the Florentines and Venetians, who in his time would needs give themselves all particular Orders in their Army, even to the appointing of the places for their Batteries. We see in History that the Romans did commit the execution of their Commissions to the Prudence of those whom they imployed, were it in Peace or War. Caesar upon

his resolution for an expedition into England, gave the command of three Legions and two thousand horse to Labienus, to look after France in his absence; but he gave him no particular Orders, onely to act as the necessity of affairs did require. Tiberius one of the wisest of the Roman Emperours did the like (as Tacitus reports) when he sent his son Drusus into Hungary, for the reducing of some revolted Le∣gions unto obedience, giving him no other order for his Conduct, but that which himself should think proper to be done, when he was upon the place. He must needs be ignorant of the Roman custome, who knows not that it was their use to insert in their Commissions whom they imployed, a particular command that they did not interest in any thing which they did in the publick concerns of the State; and if any one should suffer him to be carried by his own will to do otherwise, they were never wanting for the most part; but to confesse that it was not possi∣ble for them being at a distance, to know all that is proper to be done As when the Consul Fabius had beaten the Tuscans near Sutres, and had resolved to pursue them through the Forrest Simine to invade Tuscany; the Senate mis-informed of what he might do, sent two Senators to him to disswade him from the attempt; but before the Senators had come to him, they found he had already passed the Forrest, and obtained the Victory which he sought for, at which they were much astonished. This serves at least to shew that a great liberty ought to be left to those who are imployed, especially when by reason of distance there cannot be a particular information of all Occurrences; and that he who doth otherwise, loseth many advantages in War, and also in negotiations of Peace; and instead of getting glory, renders himself contemptible both in one and in the other.