The vindication, or, The parallel of the French Holy-League and the English League and Covenant turn'd into a seditious libell against the King and His Royal Highness by Thomas Hunt and the authors of the Reflections upon the pretended parallel in the play called The Duke of Guise / written by Mr. Dryden.

THE VINDICATION OF THE Duke of Guise.

IN the Year of His Majesty's Happy Restauration, the First Play I undertook was the Duke of Guise, as the Fairest way, which the Act of Indempnity had then left us, of setting forth the Rise of the Late Re∣bellion; and by Exploding the Villanies of it upon the Stage, to Precaution Posterity against the Like Errors.

As This was my First Essay; so it met with the For∣tune of an Ʋnfinisht Piece; that is to say, It was Damn'd in Private, by the Advice of some Friends to whom I shew'd it; who freely told me, that it was an Excellent Subject; but not so Artificially wrought, as they could have wish'd: And now let my Enemies make their Best of This Confession.

The Scene of the Duke of Guise's Return to Paris, AGAINST the King's Positive Command, was then written; I have the Copy of it still by me, almost the same which it now remains, being taken Verbatim out of Davila: For where the Action is Remarkable, and the very words Related, the Poet is not at liberty to change them much; and if he will be adding any thing for Or∣nament,

it ought to be wholly of a piece. This do I take for a sufficient Justification of that Scene, unless they will make the pretended Parallel to be a Prophecy, as well as a Parallel of Accidents, that were twenty years after to come. Neither do I find that they can suggest the least colour for't in any other part of the Tragedy.

But now comes the main Objection, Why was it stopt then? To which I shall render this just Account, with all due Respects to those who were the Occasion of it.

Upon a wandering Rumour (which I will divide be∣twixt Malice and Mistake) that some Great Persons were represented or personated in it, the Matter was com∣plain'd of to my Lord Chamberlain; who, thereupon, ap∣pointed the Play to be brought to him, and prohibited the Acting of it till further Order; commanding me, after this, to wait upon his Lordship; which I did, and hum∣bly desir'd him to compare the Play with the History, from whence the Subject was taken, referring to the First Scene of the Fourth Act, whereupon the Exception was grounded, and leaving Davila (the Original) with his Lordship. This was before Midsummer; and about two Months after, I receiv'd the Play back again from his Lordship, but without any positive Order whether it should be Acted or not; neither was Mr. Lee or my self any way solicitous about it: But this indeed I ever said, That it was intended for the King's Service; and his Ma∣jesty was the best Judge, whether it answer'd that End or no; and that I reckon'd it my duty to submit, if his Majesty, for any Reason whatsoever, should deem it unfit for the Stage. In the interim, a strict Scrutiny was made, and no Parallel of the Great Person design'd, could be made out. But this Push failing, there were immediately started some terrible Insinuations, that the Person of his Majesty was represented under that of Henry the Third; which if they could have found out, would have conclu∣ded, perchance, not only in the stopping of the Play, but

in the hanging up of the Poets. But so it was, that his Majesty's Wisdom and Justice, acquitted both the One, and the Other; and when the Play it self was almost forgotten, there were Orders given for the Acting of it.

This is Matter of Fact; and I have the Honour of so Great Witnesses to the truth of what I have deliver'd, that it will need no other Appeal. As to the Exposing of any Person living, our innocency is so clear, that it is almost unnecessary to say, It was not in my Thought; and as far as any one Man can vouch for another, I do believe it was as little in Mr. Lee's. And now since some People have been so busie as to cast out false and scandalous Sur∣mises, how far we two agreed upon the Writing of it, I must do a common Right both to Mr. Lee and my self, to declare publickly that it was at his earnest Desire, without any Solicitation of mine, that this Play was produced betwixt us. After the writing of Oedipus, I pass'd a Promise to joyn with him in another; and he happen'd to claim the performance of that Promise, just upon the finishing of a Poem, when I would have been glad of a little respite before the undertaking of a second Task. The Person that pass'd betwixt us, knows this to be true; and Mr. Lee himself, I am sure, will not disown it: So that I did not [seduce him to joyn with me] as the malicious Authors of the Reflections are pleas'd to call it; but Mr. Lee's Loyalty is above so ridi∣culous a Slander. I know very well, that the Town did ignorantly call and take this to be my Play; but I shall not arrogate to my self the Merits of my Friend. Two thirds of it belong'd to him; and then to me only the First Scene of the Play; the whole Fourth Act, and the first half, or somewhat more of the Fifth.

The Pamphleteers, I know, do very boldly insinuate, that before the Acting of it, I took the whole Play to my self, but finding afterwards how ill success it had upon the Stage, I threw as much of it as possibly I could upon my Fellow.

Now here are three damn'd Lyes crowded together into a very little room: First, That I assum'd any part of it to my self, which I had not written; wherein I appeal, not only to my particular Acquaintance, but to the whole Company of Actors, who will witness for me, that in all the Rehearsals, I never pretended to any one Scene of Mr. Lee's, but did him all imaginable Right, in his title to the greater part of it. I hope, I may, without Vanity, affirm to the World, that I never stood in need of borrowing another mans Reputation; and I have been as little guilty of the Injustice, of laying claim to any thing which was not my own. Nay, I durst almost refer my self to some of the angry Poets on the other side, whether I have not rather countenanc'd and assisted their Beginnings, than hinder'd them from Rising. The two other Falsities are, the ill success of the Play, and my disowning it. The former is manifestly without Foundation; for it succeeded beyond my very hopes, having been frequently Acted, and never without a considerable Audience: And then 'tis a thousand to one, that having no ground, to disown it, I did not disown it; but the Ʋniverse to a Nut-shell that I did not disown it for want of success, when it succeeded so much beyond my Expectation. But my malignant Ad∣versaries are the more excusable, for this course method of breaking in upon Truth and good Manners, because it is the only way they have to gratifie the Genius and the Interest of the Faction together; and never so much pains taken neither, to so very, very little purpose. They decry the Play, but in such a manner, that it has the Effect of a Recommendation. They call it a dull Enter∣tainment; and that's a dangerous word, I must confess, from one of the greatest Masters in humane Nature, of that Faculty. Now I can forgive them this Reproach too, after all the rest: For this Play does openly discover the Original and Root of the Practices and Principles, both of their Party and Cause; and they are so well acquainted

with all the Trains and Mazes of Rebellion, that there's nothing new to them in the whole History. Or what if it were a little insipid, there was no Conjuring that I re∣member in Pope Joan: And the Lancashire Witches were without doubt, the most insipid Jades that ever flew up∣on a Stage; and yet even These by the favour of a Party made a shift to hold up their heads. Now if we have out-done these Plays in their own dull way, their Au∣thors have some sort of priviledge to throw the first stone: But we shall rather choose to yield the Point of Dulness, than contend for it, against so indisputable a Claim.

But Matters of State (it seems) are canvassed on the Stage, and things of the Gravest Concernment there ma∣naged: And who were the Aggressors, I beseech you but a few factious, popular Hirelings, that by tampering the Theatres, and by poysoning the People, made a Play-house more Seditious than a Conventicle: So that the Loyal Party crave only the same freedom of defending the Go∣vernment, which the other took before-hand of exposing and defaming it. There was no complaint of any Dis∣orders of the Stage in the Bussle, that was made (even to the forming of a Party) to uphold a Farce of Theirs. Upon the First day, the whole Faction (in a manner) appeared; but after One sight of it, they sent their Proxies of Serving-men and Porters to Clap in the Right of their Patrons: And it was impossible ever to have gotten off the Nonsence of three hours for Half a Crown, but for the Providence of so Congruous an Audience. Thus far, I pre∣sume, the Reckoning is even, for Bad Plays, on Both Sides; and for Plays written for a Party. I shall say nothing of their Poets Affection to the Government, unless upon an ab∣solute and an odious necessity. But to return to the Pre∣tended Parallel.

I have said enough already to convince any man of common sense, That there neither was, nor could be any

Parallel intended: And it will farther appear, from the nature of the Subject; there being no Relation betwixt Henry the Third and the Duke of Guise, except that of the Kings marrying into the Family of Lorrain. If a Com∣parison had been design'd, how easie had it been either to have found a Story, or to have invented one, where the tyes of nature had been nearer? If we consider their Actions or their Persons, a much less proportion will be yet found betwixt them: and if we bate the Popularity, perhaps none at all. If we consider them in reference to their Parties; the One was manifestly the Leader, the Other, at the worst, is but misled. The Designs of the One tended openly to Ʋsurpation: those of the Other may yet be interpreted more fairly; and I hope from the natural candour and probity of his temper, that it will come to a perfect submission and reconcilement at last. But that which perfectly destroys this pretended Parallel, is that our Picture of the Duke of Guise is exactly accord∣ing to the Original in the History; his Actions, his Man∣ners; nay, sometimes his very Words, are so justly co∣pied, that whoever has read him in Davila, sees him the same here. There is no going out of the way, no dash of a Pen to make any By-feature resemble him to any other Man: and indeed, excepting his Ambition, there was not in France, or perhaps in any other Country, any man of his Age vain enough to hope he cou'd be mistaken for him. So that if we Wou'd have made a Parallel, we Cou'd not. And yet I fancy, that where I make it my business to draw Likeness, It will be no hard matter to judg who sate for the Picture. For the Duke of Guises return to Paris contrary to the Kings Order, enough al∣ready has been said; 'Twas too considerable in the Story to be omitted, because it occasion'd the mischiefs that en∣sued: But in this likeness which was only Casual, no dan∣ger follow'd. I am confident there was none intended; and am satisfied that none was fear'd. But the Argument

drawn from our evident design is yet, if possible, more convincing. The first words of the Prologue spake the Play to be a Parallel, and then you are immediately in∣form'd how far that Parallel extended, and of what it is so. The Holy League begot the Covenant, Guisards got the Whig, &c. So then it is not, (as the sharling Authors of the Reflections tell you) a Parallel of the Men, but of the Times. A Parallel of the Factions, and of the Leaguers. And every one knows that this Prologue was written before the stopping of the Play. Neither was the name alter'd on any such account as they insinuate, but laid a∣side long before, because a Book call'd the Parallel had been printed, resembling the French League, to the En∣glish Covenant; and therefore we thought it not conveni∣ent to make use of another mans Title. The chief person in the Tragedy, or He whose disasters are the Subject of it, may in reason give the Name; and so it was call'd the Duke of Guise. Our intention therefore was to make the Play a Parallel, betwixt the Holy League plotted by the House of Guise and its Adhaerents, with the Covenant plotted by the Rebels in the time of King Charles the First, and those of the new Association, which was the Spawn of the old Covenant.

But This Parallel is plain, that the Exclusion of the Law∣ful Heir was the main design of Both Parties: and that the endeavours to get the Lieutenancy of France esta∣blished on the Head of the League, is in effect the same with offering to get the Militia out of the Kings hands (as declar'd by Parliament) and consequently that the pow∣er of Peace and War should be wholly in the People. 'Tis also true that the Tumults in the City, in the choice of their Officers have had no small resemblance with a Parisian Rabble. And I am afraid that both Their Faction and Ours had the same Good Lord. I believe also that if Julian had been written and calculated for the Parisians, as it was for our Sectaries, one of their Sheriffs might have

mistaken too, and call'd him Julian the Apostle. I sup∣pose I need not push this Point any further, where the Parallel was intended, I am certain it will reach: But a larger account of the Proceedings in the City may be ex∣pected from a better hand, and I have no reason to fore∣stall it. In the mean time, because there has been no Actual Rebellion, the Faction triumph in their Loyalty; which if it were out of Principle, all our divisions would soon be ended, and we the happy People, which God and the Constitution of our Government have put us in condition to be: but so long as they take it for a Maxim, that the King is but an Officer in Trust, that the People, or their Representatives are superiour to him, Judges of Miscarriages, and have power of Revocation, 'tis a plain case, that when ever they please they may take up arms; and, according to Their Doctrine, lawfully too. Let them joyntly renounce this one opinion, as in Conscience and Law they are bound to do, because both Scripture and Acts of Parliament oblige them to it, and we will then thank their Obedience for our quiet, whereas now we are only beholding to them for their Fear. The miseries of the last War are yet too fresh in all mens memory: and they are not Rebels only because they have been so too lately. An Author of theirs has told us roundly the West-Country Proverb; Chad eat more Cheese and chad it: Their Stomach is as good as ever it was; but the mischief on't is, they are either Muzled or want their Teeth. If there were as many Fanatiques now in England, as there were Christians in the Empire, when Julian reign'd, I doubt we should not find them much enclin'd to passive obedience; and Curse ye Meroz wou'd be oftner preach'd upon, than Give to Caesar, except in the sense Mr. Hunt means it.

Having clearly shown wherein the Parallel consisted, which no man can mistake, who does not wilfully; I need not justifie my self, in what concerns the sacred Person of his Majesty. Neither the French History, nor our own

could have supplied me, nor Plutarch himself, were he now alive, could have found a Greek or Roman to have compared to him, in that eminent vertue of his Clemency; even his enemies must acknowledge it to be Superlative, because they live by it. Far be it from flattery, if I say, that there is nothing under Heaven, which can furnish me with a Parallel; and that in his Mercy, he is of all men the Truest Image of his Maker.

Henry the Third was a Prince of a mix'd Character; he had, as an old Historian says of another, Magnas virtutes, nec minora vitia: but amongst those vertues, I do not find his forgiving qualities to be much celebrated. That he was deeply engag'd in the bloody Massacre of St. Bar∣tholomew, is notoriously known: and if the relation print∣ed in the Memoires of Villeroy be true, he confesses there that the Admiral having brought him and the Queen Mo∣ther into suspition with his Brother then reigning, for en∣deavouring to lessen his Authority, and draw it to them∣selves, he first design'd his Accusers death by Maurevel, who shot him with a Carabine, but fail'd to kill him; after which, he push'd on the King to that dreadful Revenge, which immediately succeeded. 'Tis true, the Provocations were high, there had been reiterated Rebellions, but a Peace was now concluded; it was solemnly Sworn to by both Parties, and as great an assurance of Safety, given to the Protestants, as the Word of a King and Publick Instru∣ments could make it. Therefore the Punishment was ex∣ecrable, and it pleas'd God, (if we may dare to judge of his secret Providence) to cut off that King in the very flower of his Youth, to blast his Successor in his Under∣takings, to raise against him the Duke of Guise, the Com∣plotter and Executioner of that inhumane Action (who by the Divine Justice, fell afterwards into the same snare which he had laid for others) and finally, to dye a violent Death himself; murder'd by a Priest, an Enthusiast of his

own Religion. From these Premisses, let it be concluded. if reasonably it can, that we could draw a Parallel, where the lines were so diametrically opposite. We were indeed obliged by the Laws of Poetry, to cast into Shadows the vices of this Prince; for an Excellent Critique has lately told us, that when a KING is nam'd, a HEROE is suppos'd: 'Tis a reverence due to Majesty, to make the Vertues as conspicuous, and the Vices as obscure as we can possibly. And this we own, we have either perform'd, or at least endeavour'd. But if we were more favourable to that Character than the exactness of History would al∣low, we have been far from diminishing a Greater, by drawing it into comparison. You may see through the whole conduct of the Play, a King naturally severe, and a resolution carried on to revenge himself to the uttermost on the Rebellious Conspirators. That this was sometimes shaken by reasons of policy and pity, is confess'd; but it always return'd with greater force, and ended at last in the ruine of his Enemies. In the mean time, we cannot but observe the wonderful Loyalty on the other Side; that the Play was to be stopp'd, because the King was represented. May we have many such proofs of their Duty and respect: but there was no occasion for them here. 'Tis to be suppos'd, that his Majesty himself was made ac∣quainted with this objection; if he were so, he was the supream and only Judg of it; and then the Event justifies us: If it were inspected only by those whom he com∣manded, 'tis hard if his own Officers and Servants should not see as much ill in it as other men, and be as willing to prevent it; especially when there was no sollicitation us'd to have it acted. 'Tis known that noble person to whom it was referr'd, is a severe Critique on good Sense, Decency, and Morality; and I can assure the World, that the Rules of Horace are more familiar to him, than they are to me. He remembers too well that the vetus Comae∣dia was banish'd from the Athenian Theatre for its too

much licence in representing persons, and would never have pardon'd it in this or any Play.

What opinion Henry the Third had of his Successor, is evident from the words he spoke upon his Death-bed: He exhorted the Nobility (says Davila) to acknowledge the King of Navarre, to whom the Kingdom of right belong'd; and that they should not stick at the difference of Religion: for both the King of Navarre, a man of a sincere noble na∣ture, would in the end return into the bosom of the Church, and the Pope being better inform'd, would receive him into his favour to prevent the ruine of the whole Kingdom. I hope I shall not need in this Quotation to defend my self. as if it were my opinion, that the Pope has any right to dis∣pose of Kingdoms: my meaning is evident, that the Kings judgment of his Brother-in-law, was the same which I have copied: and I must farther add from Davila, that the Arguments I have used in defence of that Succession, were chiefly drawn from the King's answer to the Deputies, as they may be seen more at large in page 730. and 731. of the first Edition of that History in English: There the three Estates, to the wonder of all men joyntly con∣curr'd in cutting off the Succession; the Clergy, who were manag'd by the Arch-bishop of Lyons, and Cardinal of Guise, were the first who promoted it; and the Commons and Nobility afterwards consented, as referring themselves (says our Author) to the Clergy; so that there was only the King to stand in the Gap; and he by artifice diver∣ted that Storm which was breaking upon Posterity.

The Crown was then reduced to the lowest Ebb of its Authority; and the King, in a manner, stood single, and yet preserv'd his Negative entire: but if the Clergy and Nobility had been on his part of the Ballance, it might reasonably be suppos'd, that the meeting of those Estates at Blois, had heal'd the breaches of the Nation; and not

forc'd him to the ratio ultima Regum, which is never to be prais'd, nor is it here, but only excus'd as the last re∣sult of his necessity. As for the Parallel betwixt the King of Navarre, and any other Prince now living, what like∣ness the God of Nature, and the descent of Vertues in the same channel have produced, is evident; I have only to say that the Nation certainly is happy where the Royal Vertues of the Progenitors are deriv'd on their Descen∣dants.

In that Scene, 'tis true, there is but one of the Three Estates mention'd; but the Other two are virtually inclu∣ded; for the Arch-bishop and Cardinal are at the head of the Deputies: and that the rest are mute persons, every Cri∣tique understands the reason, ne quarta loqui persona labo∣boret; I am never willing to cumber the Stage with many Speakers, when I can reasonably avoid it; as here I might. And what if I had a mind to pass over the Clergy and Nobility of France in silence, and to excuse them from joyning in so illegal and so ungodly a Decree? Am I ty'd in Poetry, to the strict rules of History? I have follow'd it in this Play more closely, than suited with the Laws of the Drama, and a great Victory they will have, who shall discover to the World this wonderful Secret, that I have not observ'd the Unities of place and time; but are they better kept in the Farce of the Libertine destroy'd? 'Twas our common business here to draw the Parallel of the Times, and not to make an Exact Tragedy: For this once we were resolv'd to erre with honest Shakespear: nei∣ther can Catiline or Sejanus, (written by the great Master of our Art) stand excus'd any more than we, from this exception: but if we must be criticis'd, some Plays of our Adversaries may be expos'd, and let them reckon their gains vvhen the dispute is ended. I am accus'd of ignorance, for speaking of the Third Estate, as not sitting in the same House with the other two: Let not those Gentle∣men

mistake themselves, there are many things in Plays to be accommodated to the Country in vvhich vve live; I spoke to the understanding of an English Audience; Our three Estates novv sit, and have long done so in Two Houses; but our Records bear witness, that they, accord∣ing to the French Custom, have sate in one; that is the Lords Spiritual and Temporal within the Barr, and the Commons without it. If that Custom had been still con∣tinued here, it should have been so represented; but be∣ing otherwise, I was forc'd to write so as to be under∣stood by our own Country-men. If these be Errours, a Bigger Poet than either of us two has fallen into greater, and the Proofs are ready, whenever the Suit shall be re∣commenc'd.

Mr. Hunt, the Jehu of the Party, begins very furiously with me, and says I have already condemn'd the Charter and City, and have executed the Magistrates in Effigie upon the Stage, in a Play call'd the Duke of Guise, frequently acted, and applauded, &c.

Compare the latter end of this Sentence with what the Two Authors of the Reflections, or perhaps the Associating Clubb of the Devil-Tavern write in the beginning of their Libel. Never was Mountain deliver'd of such a Mouse; the fiercest Tories have been asham'd to defend this Piece: they who have any sparks of wit among them are so true to their pleasure, that they will not suffer dulness to pass upon them for wit, nor tediousness for diversion: which is the reason that this Piece has not met with the expected applause: I never saw a Play more deficient in Wit, good Characters or Entertainment, than this is.

For shame, Gentlemen, pack your Evidence a little better against another time: You see, My Lord Chief Baron, has delivered his Opinion, that the Play was fre∣quently

acted and applauded; but you of the Jury, have found Ignoramus, on the Wit and the Success of it. Oates, Dugdale and Turbervile, never disagreed more than you do; let us know at last, which of the Witnesses are true Protestants, and which are Irish. But it seems your Au∣thors had contrary Designs: Mr. Hunt thought fit to say, it was frequently acted and applauded, because, says he, it was intended to provoke the Rabble into Tumults and Dis∣order. Now if it were not seen frequently, this Argu∣ment would lose somewhat of its force; the Reflectors business went another way, it was to be allow'd no Re∣putation, no Success, but to be damn'd Root and Branch, to prevent the Prejudice it might do their Party; ac∣cordingly, as much as in them lay, they have drawn a Bill of Exclusion for it on the Stage; But what Rabble was it to provoke? Are the Audience of a Play-house (which are generally Persons of Honour, Noblemen and Ladies, or at worst, as one of your Authors calls his Gallants, Men of Wit and Pleasure about the Town) are these the Rabble of Mr. Hunt? I have seen a Rabble at Sir Edmundbury Godfreys Night, and have heard of such a name, at true Protestant Meeting-houses; but a Rabble is not to be provoked, where it never comes. Indeed, we had one in this Tragedy, but it was upon the Stage; and that's the Reason, why your Reflectors would break the Glass, which has shewed them their own Faces. The business of the Theatre, is to expose Vice and Folly; to disswade men by Examples from one, and to shame them out of the other. And however you may pervert our good intentions, it was here particularly to reduce men to Loyalty, by shewing the pernicious consequences of Rebellion, and Popular Insurrections. I believe no man, who loves the Government, would be glad, to see the Rabble in such a posture, as they were represented in our Play: But if the Tragedy had ended, on your side, the Play had been a Loyal Witty Poem, the Suc∣cess

of it, should have been recorded by immortal Og or Doeg, and the Rabble Scene, should have been true Pro∣testant, though a Whig Devil were at the Head of it.

In the mean time, pray, where lies the Relation, be∣twixt the Tragedy of the Duke of Guise, and the Charter of London? Mr. Hunt has found a rare connexion, for he tacks them together, by the kicking of the Sheriffs: That Chain of thought was a little ominous, for something like a kicking, has succeeded the Printing of his Book; and the Charter of London was the Quarrel. For my part, I have not Law enough to state that question, much less decide it; let the Charter shift for it self in West∣minster Hall, the Government is somewhat wiser, than to imploy my ignorance on such a Subject; my pro∣mise to honest Nat. Lee, was the only Bribe I had, to ingage me in this trouble; for which, he has the good fortune to escape Scot-free, and I am left in pawn for the Reckoning, who had the least share in the Entertain∣ment. But the Rising, it seems, should have been on the true Protestants side, for he has tryed, says ingenious Mr. Hunt, what he could do, towards making the Charter forfeitable, by some Extravagancy and Disorder of the Peo∣ple. A wise man I had been doubtless for my pains, to raise the Rabble to a Tumult, where I had been certain∣ly, one of the first men, whom they had limn'd or drag'd to the next convenient Sign-Post.

But on second thought, he says, this ought not to move the Citizens: he is much in the right; for the Rab∣ble Scene was written on purpose, to keep his Party of them in the bounds of Duty. 'Tis the business of facti∣ous men to stir up the Populace: Sir Edmond on Horse∣back, attended by a Swindging Pope in Effigie, and forty thousand true Protestants for his Guard to Execution, are a Show more proper for that design, than a thou sand Stage-Plays.

Well, he has fortified his Opinion with a Reason, however, why the People should not be moved; be∣cause I have so maliciously and mischievously represented the King, and the Kings Son; nay, and his Favourite (saith he) the Duke too; to whom I give the worst strokes of my unlucky Fancy.

This need not be answered, for 'tis already manifest, that neither the King, nor the Kings Son are repre∣sented, neither that Son, he means, nor any of the rest, God bless them all. What strokes of my unlucky Fancy, I have given to his Royal Highness, will be seen, and it will be seen also, who strikes him worst and most unluckily.

The Duke of Guise, he tells us, ought to have repre∣sented a great Prince, that had inserv'd to some most de∣testable Villany, to please the Rage or Lust of a Tyrant; such great Courtiers have been often sacrificed, to appease the Furies of the Tyrants guilty Conscience; to expiate for his Sin, and to attone the People. For a Tyrant naturally stands in fear of such wicked Ministers, is obnoxious to them, aw'd by them, and they drag him to greater evils, for their own impunity, than they perpetrated for his Pleasure, and their own Ambition.

Sure, he said not all this for nothing, I would know of him, on what persons he would fix the Sting of this sharp Satyr? What two they are, whom, to use his own Words, he so maliciously and mischievously would represent? For my part, I dare not understand the villany of his meaning; but some body was to have been shown a Tyrant, and some other a great Prince, inserving to some detestable Villany, and to that Tyrants Rage and Lust; this great Prince or Courtier ought to be sacrificed, to attone the People, and the Tyrant is perswaded, for his own interest, to give him up to publick Justice. I say

no more, but that he has studied the Law to good pur∣pose. He is dancing on the Rope without a Metaphor, his knowledge of the Law is the Staff that poizes him, and saves his Neck. The Party indeed speaks out some∣times, for wickedness is not always so wise, as to be se∣cret, especially when it is driven to despair. By some of their Discourses, we may guess at whom he points; but he has fenc'd himself in with so many Evasions, that he is safe in his Sacriledge; and he who dares to answer him, may become obnoxious. 'Tis true, he breaks a little out of the Clouds, within two Paragraphs; for there he tells you, that Caius Caesar (to give unto Caesar, the things that are Caesars) was in the Catiline Conspiracy; a fine insinu∣ation this, to be sneer'd at by his Party, and yet not to be taken hold of by publick Justice: They would be glad now, that I or any man, should bolt out their Co∣vert Treason for them: for their loop hole is ready, that the Caesar here spoken of, was a private man. But the application of the Text, declares the Authors to be a∣nother Caesar, which is so black and so infamous an aspersion, that nothing less than the highest clemency can leave it unpunish'd. I cou'd reflect on his ignorance in this place, for attributing these words to Caesar, he that is not with us, is against us: He seems to have mistaken them, out of the New Testament, and that's the best defence I can make for him; for if he did it knowingly, 'twas impiously done, to put our Saviours words into Caesar's mouth. But His Law and Our Gospel, are two things; this Gentle∣man's Knowledge is not of the Bible, any more than his Practice is according to it. He tells you, he will give the world a tast of my Atheism and Impiety; for which he quotes these following Verses, in the second or third Act of the Duke of Guise.

For Conscience or Heavens fear, religious Rules Are all State-bells to toll in pious Fools.

In the first place, he is mistaken in his Man, for the Verses are not mine, but Mr. Lees: I ask'd him concern∣ing them, and have this account, that they were spoken by the Devil; now, what can either Whig or Devil say, more proper to their Character, than that Religion is on∣ly a Name, a Stalking horse, as errant a Property as Godli∣ness, and Property themselves are amongst their Party? yet for these two lines, which in the mouth that speaks them, are of no offence, he hallooes on the whole pack, against me: Judge, Justice, Surrogate, and Official are to be employed, at his Suit, to direct Process, and boring through the Tongue for Blasphemy, is the least Punish∣ment his Charity will allow me.

I find 'tis happy for me, that he was not made a Judge, and yet I had as lieve have him my Judge as my Council, if my Life were at stake. My poor Lord Staf∣ford was well helpt up with this Gentleman for his Solici∣tor; no doubt, he gave that unfortunate Nobleman, most admirable advice toward the Saving of his life; and would have rejoyc'd exceedingly, to have seen him clear'd. I think, I have disprov'd his instance of my Atheism, it remains for him, to justifie his Religion, in putting the words of Christ into a Heathens mouth: and much more in his prophane allusion to the Scripture, in the other Text; Give unto Caesar, the things that are Caesars; which, if it be not a profanation of the Bible, for the sake of a silly Witticism, let all men, but his own Party judge. I am not malicious enough to return him the names which he has call'd me; but of all sins, I thank God, I have al∣ways abhor'd Atheism: and I had need be a better Christi∣an than Mr. Hunt has shown himself, if I forgive him so infamous a Slander.

But as he has mistaken our Saviour for Julius Caesar, so he would Pompey too, if he were let alone: to him, and

to his Cause, or to the like Cause it belong'd, he says, to use these words, he that is not with us is against us. I find he cares not whose the Expression is, so it be not Christs. But how comes Pompey the Great to be a Whig? He was indeed, a Defender of the ancient establish'd Ro∣man Government; but Caesar was the Whig, who took up Arms unlawfully to subvert it. Our Liberties and our Religion both are safe, they are secur'd to us by the Laws, and those Laws are executed under an establish'd Government, by a Lawful King. The Defender of our Faith, is the Defender of our Common Freedom; to Ca∣bal, to Write, to Rail against this Administration, are all Endeavours to destroy the Government, and to oppose the Succession in any private man, is a Treasonable Pactice against the Foundation of it. Pompey very honourably maintain'd the Liberty of his Country, which was go∣vern'd by a Common-wealth: So that there lies no Pa∣rallel betwixt his Cause and Mr. Hunts, except in the bare notion of a Common-wealth, as it is oppos'd to Monarchy: and that's the thing he would obliquely slur upon us. Yet on these Premisses, he is for ordering my Lord Chief Justice, to grant out Warrants against all those who have applauded the Duke of Guise; as if they committed a Riot when they Clapp'd: I suppose they paid for their Places, as well as he and his Party did, who Hiss'd. If he were not half Distracted, for not being Lord Chief Baron, me∣thinks he should be Lawyer enough, to advise my Lord Chief Justice better. To Clap and Hiss are the Priviledges of a Free-born Subject in a Play-house: they buy them with their Money, and their Hands and Mouths are their own Property: It belongs to the Master of the Revels, to see that no Treason or Immorality be in the Play; but when 'tis acted, let every man like or dislike freely: not but that respect should be us'd too, in the presence of the King, for by his Permission the Actors are allow'd: 'Tis due to his Person, as he is Sacred, and to the Successors, as being

next related to him: there are opportunities enow for men to hiss, who are so dispos'd, in their absence: for when the King is in sight, though but by accident, a Ma∣lefactor is repriev'd from death: Yet such is the Duty, and good manners of these good Subjects, that they for∣bore not some rudeness in his Majesties presence; but when his Royal Highness and his Court were only there, they push'd it as far as their malice had power; and if their Party had been more numerous, the Affront had been greater.

The next Paragraph of our Authors, is a Panegyrique on the Duke of Monmouth, which concerns not me, who am very far from detracting from him: the Obligations I have had to him, were those, of his Countenance, his Favour, his good Word, and his Esteem; all which I have likewise had in a greater measure from his excellent Dutchess, the Patroness of my poor unworthy Poetry. If I had not greater, the fault was never in their want of goodness to me, but in my own backwardness to ask, which has allways, and I believe will ever keep me from rising in the World. Let this be enough, with rea∣sonable men, to clear me from the imputation of an un∣grateful man, with which my enemies have most unjustly tax'd me. If I am a mercenary Scribler, the Lords Com∣missioners of the Treasury best know: I am sure, they have found me no importunate Solicitor: for I know my self, I deserv'd little, and therefore have never desir'd much. I return that slander with just disdain on my ac∣cusers; 'tis for men who have ill Consciences to suspect o∣thers: I am resolv'd to stand or fall with the Cause of God, my King and Country; never to trouble my self for any railing aspersions which I have not deserv'd, and to leave it as a Portion to my Children, that they had a Father, who durst do his duty, and was neither Cove∣tous nor Mercenary.

As little am I concern'd at that imputation of my back friends, that I have confess'd my self to be put on to write as I do: If they mean this Play in particular, that is no∣toriously prov'd against them to be false: For the rest of my Writings, my hatred of their Practises and Principles, was cause enough to expose them, as I have done, and will do more. I do not think as they do; for if I did, I must think Treason: But I must in conscence write as I do, be∣cause I know, which is more than thinking, that I write for a lawful establish'd Government against Anarchy, Innovation, and Sedition: But these Lyes (as Prince Harry said to Fal∣staffe) are as gross as he that made them. More I need not say, for I am accus'd without witness. I fear not any of their Evidences; not even him of Salamanca; who though he has disown'd his Doctorship in Spain, yet there are some allow him to have taken a certain degree in Italy; a Climate they say more proper for his Masculine Constitution. To conclude this ridiculous Accusation against me, I know but four men in their whole Party to whom I have spo∣ken for above this year last past; and with them neither but casually and cursorily. We have been acquaintance of a long standing, many years before this accursed Plot divided men into several Parties: I dare call them to wit∣ness, whether the most I have at any time said, will a∣mount to more than this, that I hop'd the time would come when these names of Whig and Tory would cease among us; and that we might live together, as we had done formerly. I have since this Pamphet met accidentally with two of them; and I am sure they are so far from being my Accusers, that they have severally own'd to me, that all men who espouse a Party, must expect to blacken'd by the contrary Side: that themselves knew nothing of it, nor of the Authors of the Reflections. It remains there∣fore to be consider'd, whether, if I were as much a Knave as they wou'd make me, I am Fool enough to be guil∣ty

of this Charge: and whether they who rais'd it, wou'd have made it publique, if they had thought I was theirs inwardly. For 'tis plain they are glad of worse Scriblers than I am, and maintain them too, as I could prove, if I envy'd them their miserable subsistance. I say no more, but let my Actions speak for me: spectemur agendo, that's the trial.

Much less am I concern'd at the noble name of Bayes; that's a Brat so like his own Father, that he cannot be mistaken for any other body: they might as reasonably have call'd Tom Sternhold, Virgil, and the resemblance would have held as well.

As for Knave and Sycophant, and Rascal, and Impudent, and Devil, and old Serpent, and a thousand such Good∣morrows, I take them to be only names of Parties: And cou'd return Murtherer and Cheat, and Whig-napper, and Sodomite; and in short the goodly number of the seaven deadly Sins, with all their Kindred and Relations, which are Names of Parties too; but Saints will be Saints in spight of Villainy. I believe they wou'd pass themselves upon us for such a Compound as Mithridate, or Venice-Treacle; as if Whiggism were an admirable Cordial in the Mass, though the several Ingredients are ranck Poysons.

But if I think either Mr. Hunt a Villain, or know any of my Reflectors to be ungrateful Rogues, I do not owe them so much kindness as to call them so; for I am satisfied that to prove them either, would but recommend them to their own Party. Yet if some will needs make a merit of their infamy, and provoke a Legend of their sordid lives, I think they must be gratify'd at last; and though I will not take the Scavengers employment from him, yet I may be perswaded to point at some mens doors, who have heaps of filth before them. But this must be when

they have a little anger'd me; for hitherto I am provok'd no further than to smile at them. And indeed, to look upon the whole Faction in a lump, never was a more plea∣sant sight than to behold these builders of a new Babel, how ridiculously they are mix'd, and what a rare confu∣sion there is amongst them. One part of them is carry∣ing Stone and Mortar for the building of a Meeting-house, another sort understand not that Language; they are for snatching away their Work-fellows materials to set up a Bawdy-house: some of them blaspheme, and others pray; and both I believe with equal godliness at bottom: some of them are Atheists, some Sectaries, yet ALL True Protestants. Most of them love all Whores, but her of Babylon. In few words, any man may be what he will, so he be one of Them. 'Tis enough to despise the King, to hate the Duke, and rail at the Succession: after this 'tis no matter how a man lives; he is a Saint by infection; he goes along with the Party, has their mark upon him; his wickedness is no more than frailty; their righteousness is imputed to him: So that as ignorant rogues go out Do∣ctors when a Prince comes to an Ʋniversity, they hope at the last day, to take their Degree in a Crowd of True Protestants, and thrust unheeded into Heaven.

'Tis a credit to be rayl'd at by such men as these. The Charter-man in the very Title-page, where he hangs out the Cloth of the City before his Book, gives it for his Motto, Si populus vult deeipi; decipiatur; as if he shou'd have said, you have a mind to be couzen'd, and the Devil give you good on't: If I cry a Sirreverence, and you take it for Honey, make the best of your bargain. For shame, good Christians, can you suffer such a man to sterve, when you see his design is upon your Purses? He is contented to expose the Ears representative of your Party on a Pil∣lory, and is in a way of doing you more service than a worn out Witness, who can hang no body hereafter but himself. He tells you the Papists clap their hands in

the hopes they conceive of the ruine of your Government: does not this single syllable YOƲR deserve a Pention, if he can prove the Government to be Yours, and that the King has nothing to do in your Republick? he continues, as if that were as sure and certain to Them, as it is to Us, without doubt, that they (the Papists) once fired the City, just as certain in your own Consciences. I wish the Pa∣pists had no more to answer for, than that accusation: pray let it be put to the Vote, and resolv'd upon the que∣stion, by your whole Party, that the North-east Wind, is not only ill-affected to Man and Beast, but is also a Tory or Tantivy Papist in Masquerade. I am satisfy'd, not to have so much art left me as to frame any thing agreeable, or verisimilar, but 'tis plain that he has, and therefore, as I ought in justice, I resign my Laurel, and my Bayes too, to Mr. Hunt; 'tis he sets up for the Poet now; and has the only art to amuse and to deceive the people. You may see how profound his knowledg is in Poetry; for he tells you just before, that my Heroes are commonly such Monsters as Theseus and Hercules; renown'd throughout all Ages for destroying. Now Theseus and Hercules you know have been the Heroes of all Poets, and have been renown'd through all Ages, for destroying Monsters, for succouring the Distrest, and for putting to death inhumane arbitrary Tyrants. Is this your Oracle? If he were to write the Acts and Monuments of Whig Heroes, I find they shou'd be quite contrary to mine: destroyers indeed, but of a Lawful Government; Murtherers, but of their fellow Sub∣jects; Lovers as Hercules was of Hylas; with a journey at last to Hell, like that of Theseus.

But mark the wise Consequences of our Author. I have not, he says, so much art left me to make any thing agree∣able, or verisimilar, wherewith to amuse or deceive the peo∣ple: and yet in the very next Paragraph, my Province is to corrupt the Manners of the Nation, and lay waste their

Morals, and my endeavours are more happily apply'd, to ex∣tinguish the little remainders of the Vertue of the Age. Now I am to perform all this, it seems, without making any thing verisimilar or agreeable: Why, Pharaoh never set the Israelites such a Task, to build Piramids without Brick or Straw. If the Fool knows it not, verisimilitude and agreeableness, are the very Tools to do it; but I am willing to disclaim them both, rather than to use them to so ill purpose as he has done.

Yet even this their celebrated Writer, knows no more of Style and English, than the Northern Dedicator. As if Dulness and Clumsiness were fatal to the Name of TOM. 'Tis true, he is a Fool in three Languages more than the Poet, for they say, he understands Latine, Greek and Hebrew, from all which, to my certain know∣ledge, I acquit the other. Og may write against the King if he pleases, so long as he Drinks for him; and his Writings will never do the Government so much harm, as his Drinking does it good: for true Subjects, will not be much perverted by his Libels; but the Wine Duties rise considerably by his Claret. He has often call'd me an Atheist in Print, I would believe more charitably of him; and that he only goes the broad way, because the o∣ther is too narrow for him. He may see by this, I do not delight to meddle with his course of Life, and his Immoralities, though I have a long Bead-roll of them. I have hitherto contented my self with the Ridiculous part of him, which is enough in all conscience to employ one man: even without the story of his late fall at the Old Devil, where he broke no Ribbs, because the hardness of the Stairs cou'd reach no Bones; and for my part, I do not wonder how he came to fall, for I have always known him heavy; the Miracle is, how he got up again. I have heard of a Sea-Captain as fat as he, who to scape Arrests, would lay himself flat upon the ground, and let the Bay∣liffs

carry him to Prison, if they cou'd. If a Messenger or two, nay, we may put in three or four, should come, he has friendly Advertisement how to scape them. But to leave him, who is not worth any further considerati∣on, now I have done laughing at him, Wou'd every man knew his own Tallent, and that they who are only born for drinking, wou'd let both Poetry and Prose alone.

I am weary with traceing the Absurdities and Mistakes of our great Lawyer, some of which indeed are wilful; as where he calls the Trimmers, the more moderate sort of To∣ries. It seems those Polliticians are odious to both sides; for neither own them to be theirs. We know them, and so does he too in his Conscience, to be secret Whigs, if they are any thing. But now the designs of Whiggism are openly discover'd, they tack about to save a Stake, that is, they will not be villains to their own ruine. While the Government was to be destroyed, and there was probability of compassing it, no men were so violent as they; but since their Fortunes are in hazard by the Law, and their Places at Court by the Kings displeasure, they pull in their horns, and talk more peaceably; in order, I suppose, to their vehemence on the right side, if they were to be believ'd. For in laying of Colours, they ob∣serve a Medium; Black and white are too far distant, to be plac'd directly by one another, without some shadow∣ings to soften their contrarieties. 'Tis Mariana I think (but am not certain) that makes the following relation; and let the noble Family of Trimmers, read their own Fortune in it. Don Pedro, King of Castile, Sirnam'd the Cruel, who had been restor'd by the Valour of our Edward the Black Prince, was finally dispossess'd by Don Henry the Bastard, and he enjoyed the Kingdom quietly, till his Death; which, when he felt approaching, he call'd his Son to him, and gave him this his last Counsel. I have, said he, gain'd this Kingdon, which I leave you, by

the Sword; for the Right of Inheritance was in Don Pe∣dro; but the favour of the People, who hated my Brother for his Tyranny, was to me instead of Title. You are now to be the Peaceable Possessor of of what I have unjustly gotten: and your Subjects are compos'd of these three sorts of men. One Party espous'd my Brothers Quarrel, which was the un∣doubted Lawful Cause; those, though they were my Enemies, were men of Principle and Honour: cherish them, and ex∣alt them into Places of trust about you, for in them you may confide safely, who priz'd their Fidelity above their Fortune. Another sort, are they who fought my Cause a∣gainst Don Pedro, to those you are indeed oblig'd, because of the accidental good they did me, for they intended only their private Benefit, and help'd to raise me, that I might afterwards promote them: You may continue them in their Offices, if you please; but trust them no farther than you are forc'd, for what they did, was against their Conscience. But there is a third sort, which during the whole Wars, were Neuters; let them be crusht on all occasions, for their bu∣siness was only their own Security. They had neither Cou∣rage enough to ingage on my Side, nor Conscience enough to help their Lawful Soveraign: therefore let them be made Examples, as the worst sort of interessed men, which certainly are Enemies to both, and would be profitable to neither.

I have only a dark remembrance of this Story, and have not the Spanish Author by me, but I think, I am not much mistaken in the main of it: and whether true or false, the Counsel given, I am sure, is such, as ought in common prudence, to be practis'd against Trimmers, whether the Lawful or Ʋnlawful Cause prevail. Loyal men may justly be displeas'd with this Party, not for their Moderation, as Mr. Hunt insinuates; but because, under that Masque of seeming mildness, there lies hidden either a deep treachery, or at best, an interressed luke∣warmness.

But he runs riot into almost treasonable Ex∣pressions, as if Trimmers were hated because they are not perfectly wicked, or perfectly deceiv'd, of the Catiline make, bold, and without understanding, that can adhaere to men that publickly profess Murthers, and applaud the design: By all which villanous names, he opprobriously calls His Ma∣jesties most loyal Subjects; as if Men must be perfectly wicked who endeavour to support a lawful Government; or perfectly deceiv'd, who on no occasion dare take up arms against their Soveraign: as if acknowledging the right of Succession, and resolving to maintain it in the Line, were to be in a Catiline Conspiracy; and at last, (which is ridi∣culous enough, after so much serious Treason) as if to clap the Duke of Guise, were to adhaere to men that pub∣lickly profess Murthers, and applaud the design of the Assas∣sinating Poets.

But together with his Villanies, pray let his incohaerences be observ'd. He commends the Trimmers (at least tacitly excuses them) for men of some moderation; and this in opposition to the instruments of wickedness of the Catiline-make, that are resolute and forward, and without considera∣tion. But he forgets all this in the next twenty lines; for there he gives them their own, and tells them roundly, in internecino bello medii pro hostibus habentur. Neutral men are Traytors, and assist by their indifferency to the destruction of the Government. The plain English of his meaning, is this; while matters are only in dispute, and in machination, he is contented they shou'd be mo∣derate; but when once the Faction can bring about a Civil War, then they are Traytors, if they declare not o∣penly for them.

But it is not, he says, the Duke of Guise, who is to be assassinated, a turbulent wicked and haughty Courtier, but an innocent and gentle Prince: By his favour, our Duke of

Guise, was neither Innocent nor Gentle, nor a Prince of the Blood Royal, though he pretended to descend from Charlemaign, and a Genealogy was printed to that pur∣pose, for which the Author was punish'd, as he deserv'd; witness Davila, and the Journals of Henry the Third, where the Story is at large related. Well, who is it then? why, 'tis a Prince who has no fault, but that he is the Kings Son: Then he has no fault by consequence; for I am certain, that's no fault of his. The rest of the Com∣plement, is so silly, and so fulsome, as if he meant it all in ridicule. And to conclude the Jeast, he says, that the best People of England, have no other way left, to show their Loyalty to the King, their Religion and Government, in long intervals of Parliament, than by prosecuting his Son, for the sake of the King, and his own merit, with all the Demonstrations of the highest esteem. Yes, I can tell them one other way to express their Loyalty, which is, to obey the King, and to respect his Brother, as the next Lawful Successor; their Religion commands them both, and the Government is secur'd in so doing. But why in Intervals of Parliament? How are the more oblig'd to honour the Kings Son out of Parliament, than in it? And why this prosecution of Love for the Kings Sake? Has he order'd more Love to be shown to one Son, than to another? Indeed, his own quality, is cause sufficient for all men to respect him, and I am of their number, who truly honour him, and who wish him better than this miserable Sycophant; for I wish him, from his Fathers Royal Kindness what Justice can make him, which is a greater Honour, than the Rabble can confer upon him.

But our Author finds, that Commendation is no more his Talent, than Flattery was that of Esop's Ass; and there∣fore falls immediately, from pawing with his fore-feet, and

grinning upon one Prince, to downright braying against another.

He says I have not us'd my Patron Duke much better: for I have put him under a most dismal and unfortunate Character, of a Successor, excluded from the Crown by Act of State, for his Religion; who fought his way to the Crown, chang'd his Religion, and died by the hand of a Roman Assassinate.

If it please his Royal Highness to be my Patron, I have reason to be proud of it; because he never yet forsook any man, whom he has had the goodness to own for his. But how have I put him under an unfortunate Character? the Authors of the Reflections, and our John a Nokes, have not layd their noddles together about this Accusation. For 'tis their business to prove the King of Navarre to have been a most successful, magnanimous, gentle, and grateful Prince: in which Character they have follow'd the stream of all Historians. How then happens this jarring amongst friends, that the same man is put under such dismal cir∣cumstances on one side, and so fortunate on the other, by the Writers of the same Party? The answer is very plain, that they take the cause by several handles. They who will not have the Duke resemble the King of Navarre, have magnify'd the Character of that Prince, to debase his Royal Highness; and therein done what they can to show the disparity. Mr. Hunt, who will have it to be the Dukes Character, has blacken'd that King as much as he is able, to show the likeness. Now this wou'd be ridiculous plead∣ing at a Barr, by Lawyers retain'd for the same Cause; and both sides wou'd call each other fools, because the Jury betwixt them wou'd be confounded, and perhaps the Judges too.

But this it is to have a bad Cause, which puts men of necessity upon knavery; and that knavery is commonly found out. Well Mr. Hunt has in another place confess'd himself to be in passion, and that's the reason he is so grosly mistaken in opening of the Cause. For first the King of Navarre was neither under dismall, nor unfortunate cir∣cumstances. Before the end of that very Sentence, our Lawyer has confess'd that he fought his way to the Crown; that is, he gloriously vanquish'd all his Rebells, and hap∣pily possest his Inheritance many years after he had re∣gain'd it. In the next place, he was never excluded from the Crown by Act of State. He chang'd his Religion indeed, but not till he had almost weather'd the Storm, recover'd the best part of his Estate, and gain'd some glorious Vi∣ctories in pitch'd Battels; so that his changing cannot with∣out injustice be attributed to his fear. Monsieur Chiverny, in his Memoirs of those times plainly tells us, that he so∣lemnly promised to his Predecessour Henry the Third, then dying, that he wou'd become a Romanist; and Davila, though he says not this directly, yet denyes it not. By whose hands Henry the fourth died, is notoriously known; but it is indiviously urg'd, both by Mr. Hunt and the Re∣flectors: for we may, to our shame, remember, that a King of our own Country was barbarously murther'd by his Subjects, who profess'd the same Religion; though I believe that neither Jaques Clement, nor Ravillac, were better Papists, than the Independents and Presbyterians were Protestants: So that their Argument only proves that there are Rogues of all Religions: Iliacos intra mu∣ros peccatur & extra. But Mr. Hunt follows his blow a∣gain, that I have offer'd a Justification of an Act of Ex∣clusion against a Popish Successour in a Protestant Kingdom, by remembring what was done against the King of Navarre, who was de facto excluded by an Act of State. My Gentle∣man, I perceive, is very willing to call that an Act of

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

〈1 page duplicate〉〈1 page duplicate〉

Exclusion, and an Act of State, which is only in our Lan∣guage, call'd a Bill: for Henry the third cou'd never be gain'd to pass it, though it was propos'd by the three E∣states at Blois. The Reflectors are more modest; for they profess, (though I am afraid it is somewhat against the grain) that a Vote of the House of Commons is not an Act: But the times are turn'd upon them, and they dare speak no other Language. Mr. Hunt indeed is a bold Republican, and tells you the bottom of their meaning. Yet why should it make the courage of his Royal Highness quail, to find himself under this representation? which by our Authors favour, is neither dismal, nor disastrous. Henry the Fourth escap'd this dreadful Machine of the League: I say dreadful; for the three Estates were at that time compos'd generally of Guisards, factious, hot headed rebellious interressed men: The King in possession, was but his Brother-in-Law; and at that time publickly his Ene∣my; for the King of Navarre was then in arms against him: and yet the sense of Common Justice, and the good of his People so prevail'd, that he withstood the Project of the States, which he also knew was levell'd at himself; for had the Exclusion proceeded, he had been immedi∣ately lay'd by, and the Lieutenancy of France conferr'd on Guise: after which the Rebel wou'd certainly have put up his Title for the Crown. In the Case of his Royal Highness, only one of the three Estates have offer'd at the Exclusion; and have been constantly oppos'd by the other two, and by his Majesty: Neither is it any way probable, that the like will ever be again attempted: For the fatal Consequences, as well as the Illegality of that Design, are seen through already by the People. So that instead of offering a justification of an Act of Exclusion, I have expos'd a rebellious, impious, and fruitless contrivance tending to it. If we look on the Parliament of Paris, when they were in their right wits,

before they were intoxicated by the League, (at least whol∣ly) we shall find them addressing to King Henry the third in another Key, concerning the King of Navarr's Succes∣sion, though he was at that time (as they call'd it) a re∣laps'd Heretique. And to this purpose I will quote a pas∣sage out of the Journals of Henry the Third, so much magnify'd by my Adversaries.

Towards the end of September, 1585. there was pub∣lished at Paris, a Bull of Excommunication, against the King of Navarre, and the Prince of Conde: The Parlia∣ment of Paris, made their Remonstrance to the King up∣on it, which was both grave, and worthy of the Place they held, and of the Authority they have in this King∣dom. Saying, for conclusion, that their Court had found the Style of this Bull, so full of Innovation, and so distant from the Modesty of antient Popes, that they cou'd not un∣derstand in it, the voice of an Apostles Successor; foras∣much, as they found not in their Records, nor in the search of all Antiquity, that the Princes of France, had ever been subject to the Justice or Jurisdiction of the Pope, and they cou'd not take it into consideration, till first he made appear the Right which he pretended in the Translation of King∣doms, establish'd and ordain'd by Almighty God, before the Name of Pope was heard of in the World. 'Tis plain by this, that the Parliament of Paris, acknowledg'd an in∣herent Right of Succession in the King of Navarre, though of a contrary Religion to their own: And though after the Duke of Guises Murther at Blois, the City of Paris revolted from their Obedience to their King, pretending that he was fallen from the Crown, by reason of that and other Actions, with which they charg'd him; yet the sum of all their Power to renounce him, and create the Duke of Mayenne Lieutenant General, depended ul∣timately on the Popes authority; which as you see, but three years before, they had peremptorily denied.

The Colledg of Sorbonne began the Dance, by their Determination, that the Kingly Right was forfeited; and stripping him of all his Dignities, they call'd him plain Henry de Valois: after this, says my Author, sixteen Ras∣cals (by which he means the Council, of that Number) having administred the Oath of Government to the Duke of Mayenne, to take in quality of Lievtenant General of the Estate and Crown of France; the same ridiculous Dig∣nity, was confirm'd to him, by an imaginary Parliament, the true Parliament being detain'd Prisoners, in divers of the City-Gaols, and two new Seals were order'd to be imme∣diately made, with this Inscription: The Seal of the King∣dom of France. I need not inlarge on this Relation, 'tis evident from hence, that the Sorbonists were the Original, and our Schismatiques in England, were the Copiers of Rebellion; that Paris began, and London follow'd.

The next Lines of my Author are, that a Gentleman of Paris, made the Duke of Mayenne's Picture to be drawn, with a Crown Imperial on his Head, and I have heard of an English Nobleman, who has at this day, the Picture of Old Oliver, with this Motto underneath it, Ʋtinam vixeris. All this while, this cannot be reckon'd an Act of State, for the Deposing King Henry the Third; because it was an Act of Ouvert Rebellion in the Parisians: nei∣ther could the holding of the three Estates at Paris, af∣terwards, by the same Duke of Mayenne, devolve any Right on him, in prejudice of King Henry the Fourth; though those pretended States, declar'd his Title void, on the account of his Religion: because those Estates could neither be call'd nor holden, but by and under the Authority of the Lawful King. It wou'd take more time than I have allow'd, for this Vindication, or I cou'd

easily trace from the French History, what Misfortunes at∣tended France, and how near it was to Ruine, by the En∣deavors to alter the Succession. For first, it was actually Dismembred, the Duke of Merceur setting up a Principa∣lity in the Dutchy of Bretagne, Independant of the Crown: the Duke of Mayenne had an evident design to be elected King, by the favour of the People and the Pope: the young Dukes of Guise and of Nemours, aspir'd with the interest of the Spaniards, to be chosen, by their Marriage with the Infanta Izabella. The Duke of Lorrain, was for cantling out some part of France, which lay next his Territories; and the Duke of Savoy, had before the Death of Henry the Third, actually possess'd himself of the Marquisate of Saluces. But above all, the Spaniards fo∣mented these Civil Wars, in hopes to reduce that flou∣rishing Kingdom, under their own Monarchy. To as many, and as great Mischiefs, should we be evidently subject; if we should madly ingage our selves, in the like Practises of altering the Succession, which our Gra∣cious King, in his Royal Wisdom well forsaw; and has cut up that accursed Project by the Roots; which will render the memory of his Justice and Prudence, Immortal and Sacred to future Ages, for having not only preserv'd our present quiet, but secur'd the Peace of our Posterity.

'Tis clearly manifest, that no Act of State pass'd, to the Exclusion of either, the King of Navarre, or of Henry the Fourth; consider him, in either of the two circum∣stances: but Oracle Hunt, taking this for granted, wou'd prove à fortiori, that if a Protestant Prince, were actually excluded from a Popish Kingdom, then a Popish Successor is more reasonably to be excluded from a Prote∣stant Kingdom; because, says he, a Protestant Prince, is under no Obligation to destroy his Popish Subjects, but a Po∣pish Prince, is to destroy his Protestant Subjects: upon

which bare supposition, without farther Proof, he calls him insufferable Tyrant, and the worst of Monsters.

Now I take the matter quite otherwise, and bind my self to maintain, that there is not, nor can be any Obli∣gation, for a King to destroy his Subjects of a contrary Perswasion, to the establish'd Religion of his Country: for quatenus Subjects, of what Religion soever, he is infallibly bound to preserve and cherish, and not to destroy them: and this is the first duty of a Lawful Soveraign, as such, antecedent to any tye or consideration of his Religion. Indeed, in those Countries where the Inquisition is intro∣duc'd, it goes harder with Protestants, and the reason is manifest, because the Protestant Religion has not gotten footing there, and severity is the means to keep it out: But to make this instance, reach England, our Religion must not only be chang'd (which in it self, is almost impossible to imagine) but the Council of Trent receiv'd and the Inquisition admitted, which many Popish Countries have rejected. I forget not the Cruelties, which were exer∣cis'd in Queen Maries time, against the Protestants; nei∣ther do I any way excuse them: But it follows not, that every Popish Successor shou'd take example by them, for every ones Conscience of the same Religion, is not guided by the same Dictates in his Government: Neither does it follow, that if one be cruel, another must; especially, when there is a stronger Obligation, and greater Interest to the contrary: For if a Popish King in England shou'd be bound to destroy his Protestant People, I wou'd ask the Question, over whom he meant to Reign afterwards? and how many Subjects would be left?

In Queen Maries time, the Protestant Religion had scarcely taken root: And it is reasonable to be suppos'd, that she found the number of Papists, equalling that of

the Protestants, at her entrance to the Kingdom; especi∣ally if we reckon into the account those who were the Trimmers of the times; I mean such, who privately were Papists, though under her Protestant Predecessour they appear'd otherwise. Therefore her difficulties in perse∣cuting her reform'd Subjects, were far from being so in∣superable, as ours now are, when the strength and num∣ber of the Papists is so very inconsiderable. They who cast in the Church of England as ready to embrace Popery, are either Knaves enough to know they lye, or Fools e∣nough not to have consider'd the Tenents of that Church, which are diametrically opposite to Popery; and more so than any of the Sects.

Not to insist on the quiet and security, which Protestant Subjects at this day enjoy in some parts of Germany, under Popish Princes; where I have been assur'd, that Mass is said, and a Lutheran Sermon preach'd in different parts of the fame Church, on the same day, without disturbance on either side; nor on the Priviledges granted by Henry the Fourth of France to his Party, after he had forsaken their Opinions, which they quietly possess'd for a long time af∣ter his death:

The French Histories are full of Examples, manifestly proving, that the fiercest of their Popish Princes have not thought themselves bound to destroy their Protestant Sub∣jects: and the several Edicts granted under them, in favor of the Reform'd Religion, are pregnant instances of this truth. I am not much given to Quotations, but Davila lies open for every man to read. Tolerations, and free exercise of Religion, granted more amply in some, more restraindly in others, are no sign that those Princes held themselves ob∣lig'd in Conscience to destroy men of a different Perswa∣sion. It will be said those Tolerations were gain'd by force

of Arms: In the first place 'tis no great credit to the Pro∣testant Religion, that the Protestants in France were actu∣ally Rebels. But the truth is, they were only Geneva Pro∣testants, and their opinions were far distant from those of the Church of England, which teaches passive obedience to all her Sons, and not to propagate Religion by Rebellion. But 'tis further to be consider'd, that those French Kings, though Papists, thought the preservation of their Subjects, and the publick Peace, were to be consider'd, before the gratification of the Court of Rome; and though the number of the Papists, exceeded that of the Protestants, in the proportion of three to one; though the Protestants were always beaten when they fought, and though the Popes press'd continually with Exhortations and Threat∣nings to extirpate Calvinism, yet Kings thought it enough to continue in their own Religion themselves, without for∣cing it upon their Subjects, much less destroying them who profess'd another. But it will be objected those Edicts of Toleration were not kept on the Papists side: They wou'd answer, because the Protestants stretch'd their Privileges further than was granted: and that they often relaps'd into Rebellion: But whether or no the Protestants were in fault, I leave History to determine: 'tis matter of fact, that they were barbarously massacred, under the protection of the Publick Faith: Therefore to argue fairly, either an Oath from Protestants is not to be taken by a Popish Prince; or if taken, ought inviolably to be preserv'd. For when we oblige our selves to any one, 'tis not his person we so much consider, as that of the most high God, who is call'd to witness this our action: and 'tis to him we are to discharge our Conscience. Neither is there, or can be any tye on humane Society, when that of an Oath is no more regarded: which being an appeal to God, he is im∣mediate Judge of it; and Chronicles are not silent how often he has punish'd perjur'd Kings. The instance of

Vladislaus King of Hungary, breaking his faith with Amu∣rath the Turk, at the instigation of Julian the Popes Le∣gate, and his miserable death ensuing it, shows that even to Infidels, much more to Christians, that obligation ought to be accounted sacred. And I the rather urge this, because it is an Argument taken almost verbatim from a Papist, who accuses Catharine de Medicis for violating her word given to the Protestants during her Regency of France. What securities in particular we have, that our own Religi∣on and Liberties wou'd be preserv'd, though under a Po∣pish Successour, any one may inform himself at large in a Book lately written by the Reverend and learned Doctor Hicks, call'd Jovian, in answer to Julian the Apostate: in which, that truly Christian Author has satisfy'd all scruples which reasonable men can make, and prov'd that we are in no danger of losing either; and wherein also, if those assurances shou'd all fail (which is almost morally impos∣sible) the Doctrine of Passive Obedience is unanswerably demonstrated: a Doctrine deliver'd with so much since∣rity, and resignation of spirit, that it seems evident the Assertor of it is ready, if there were occasion, to seal it with his blood.

I have done with mannerly Mr. Hunt, who is only magni nominis umbra; the most malicious, and withal, the most incohaerent ignorant Scribler of the whole Party. I insult not over his misfortunes, though he has himself occasion'd them: and though I will not take his own excuse, that he is in passion, I will make a better for him; for I con∣clude him crack'd: and if he should return to England, am charitable enough to wish his only Prison might be Bedlam. This Apology is truer than that he makes for me: for writing a Play, as I conceive, is not entring into the Observators Province; neither is it the Observators man∣ner to confound truth with falsehood, to put out the eyes of

People, and leave them without understanding. The quarrel of the Party to him, is that he has undeceiv'd the ignorant, and laid open the shameful contrivances of the new vampt Association: that though he is on the wrong side of life, as he calls it, yet he pleads not his Age to be Emeritus: that in short, he has left the Faction as bare of Arguments, as Esops Bird of feathers; and plum'd them of all those fal∣lacies and evasions which they borrowed from Jesuits and Presbyterians.

Now for my Templar and Poet in association for a Libel, like the Conjunction of Saturn and Jupiter in a fiery Sign: what the one wants in Wit, the other must supply in Law. As for Malice, their quota's are indifferently well ad∣justed: the rough Draught I take for granted, is the Poets, the finishings the Lawyers. They begin, that in order to one Mr. Friend's commands, one of them went to see the Play. This was not the Poet, I am certain, for no body saw him there, and he is not of a Size to be con∣ceal'd. But the Mountain, they say, was deliver'd of a Mouse: I have been Gossip to many such Labors of a dull fat Scribler, where the Mountain has been bigger, and the Mouse less. The next Sally, is on the City Elections, and a Charge is brought against my Lord Mayor, and the two Sheriffs, for excluding true Electors. I have heard, that a Whig Gentleman of the Temple, hired a Livery-Gown, to give his Voice among the Companies at Guild-Hall: let the question be put, whether or no, he were a true Elector? Then their own Juries are commended from several Topiques; they are the Wisest, Richest, and most Conscientious: to which is answer'd Ignoramus. But our Juries give most prodigious and unheard of Damages. Hithero there is nothing but Boys-play in our Au∣thors: My Mill grinds Pepper and Spice, your Mill grinds Rats and Mice. They go on, if I may be allow'd to

judge (as men that do not Poetize, may be Judges of Wit, Humane nature and Common Decencies:) So then the Sen∣tence is begun with I: there is but one of them puts in for a Judges Place: that's he in the Gray: but presently 'tis men; two more in Buckram, wou'd be Judges too. Neither of them it seems, Poetize; that's true, but both of them are in at Rhime Doggrel; witness the Song a∣gainst the Bishops, and the Tunbridge-Ballad. By the way, I find all my Scribling Enemies have a mind to be Judges, and Chief Barons: proceed Gentlemen. This Play (as I am inform'd by some, who have a nearer Com∣munication with the Poets and the Players, than I have.) Which of the two Sosia's is it that now speaks? If the Lawyer, 'tis true, he has but little Communication with the Players: if the Poet, the Players have but little Com∣munication with him. For 'tis not long ago, he said to some body, By G— my Lord, those Tory-rogues will act. none of my Plays. Well, but the Accusation, that this Play was once written by another, and then 'twas call'd the Parisian Massacre: Such a Play, I have heard indeed was written; but I never saw it. Whether this be any of it or no, I can say no more, than for my own part of it. But pray, who denies the unparalleld villany of the Papists, in that bloody Massacre? I have enquired, why it was not Acted, and heard it was stopt, by the interpositi∣on of an Ambassador, who was willing to save the Credit of his Country, and not to have the Memory of an Acti∣on so barbarous, reviv'd. But that I tempted my Friend to alter it, is a notorious Whiggism to save the broader Word. The Sicilian Vespers I have had Plotted by me above these seven years: The Story of it, I found under borow'd Names in Giraldo Cinthio; but the Rape in my Tragedy of Amboyna, was so like it, that I forbore the Writing. But what had this to do with Protestants? for the Massacres and the Massacred were all Papists.

But 'tis observable, they say, that though the Massacre cou'd not be acted, as it was first written against Papists, yet when it was turn'd upon Protestants, it found reception.

Now all's come out, the Scandal of the Story, turns at last upon the Government: that Patronises Popish Plays, and for∣bids Protestant. Ours is to be a Popish Play, why? because it exposes the Villany of Sectaries and Rebels? Prove them first to be Protestants, and see what you will get by it when you have done? your Party are certainly the men whom the Play attaques; and so far I will help you: the Designs and Actions represented in the Play, are such as you have Copyed from the League; for though you have wickedness enough, yet you wanted the Wit to make a new Contrivance. But for shame, while you are carrying on such palpable villany, do not assume the name of Protestants. You will tell us, you are friends to the Government, and the Kings best Subjects; but all the while, you are aspersing both it and him. Who shall be Judges, whether you are Friends or not? the Govern∣ment or you? Have not all Rebels always sung the same Song? Was ever Thief or Murtherer Fool enough to plead Guilty? For your Love and Loyalty to the King, they who mean him best amongst you, are no better Subjects than Duke Trinculo: They wou'd be con∣tent he shou'd be Viceroy, so they may be Viceroys over him.

The next Accusation is particular to me, that I the said Bays, wou'd falsly and felloniously, have robb'd Nat. Lee, of his share in the Reputation of Oedipus: Now I am Culprit; I writ the first and third Acts of Oedipus, and drew the Scenary of the whole Play: when ever I have own'd a farther Proportion, let my Accusers speak: this

was meant mischievously, to set us two at variance: Who is the old Serpent and Satan now? When my Friends help my barren Fancy, I am thankful for it: I do not use to receive assistance, and afterwards ungratefully dis∣own it.

Not long after, Exemplary Punishment is due to me, for this most devilish Parallel. 'Tis a devilish one indeed; but who can help it, if I draw Devils like one another, the fault is in themselves for being so: I neither made their Horns nor Claws, nor cloven Feet: I know not what I shou'd have done, unless I had drawn the Devil a handsom proper Gentleman, like the Painter in the Fable, to have made a Friend of him; but I ought to be exem∣plarily punish'd for it; when the Devil gets uppermost, I shall expect it. In the mean time, let Magistrates (that respect their Oaths and Office) which words you see, are put into a Parenthesis, as (if God help us) we had none such now; let them put the Law in execution, a∣gainst leud Scriblers, the Mark will be too fair upon a Pillory, for a Turnip or a rotten Egg to miss it. But for my part, I have not Malice enough, to wish him so much harm; not so much as to have a Hair of his head perish, much less, that one whole side of it should be dismantled: I am no Informer who writ such a Song, or such a Libel, if the Dulness betrays him not, he is safe for me. And may the same dulness preserve him ever from publick Justice: 'tis a sufficient thick Mad-wall, betwixt him and Law: 'tis his Guardian Angel, that protects him from Pu∣nishment, because in spight of him, he cannot deserve it. 'Tis that which preserves him innocent, when he means most mischief; and makes him a Saint, when he intends to be a Devil. He can never offend enough, to need the Mercy of the Government; for 'tis beholding to him, that he writes against it: and he never offers at a

Satyr, but he converts his Readers to the contrary pinion.

Some of the succeeding Pargraphs, are intended for very Ciceronian: There the Lawyer flourishes in the Pul∣pit, and the Poet stands in Socks amongst the Crowd to hear him. Now for Narration, Refutation, Calumniati∣on, Aggravation, and the whole Artillery of Tropes and Figures, to defend the Proceedings at Guild-Hall: the most minute circumstances of the Elections, are describ'd so lively, that a man, who had not heard he was there in a Livery-Gown, might suspect, there was a quorum pars magna fui in the Case: and multitudes of Electors, just as well qualified as himself, might give their Party the greater Number: but throw back their guilt Shillings, which were told for Guinnies, and their true Summ was considerably less. Well, there was no Rebellion at this time, therefore says my Adversary, there was no Parallel. 'Tis true, there was no Rebellion; but whoever told him, that I intended this Parallel so far? if the likeness had been throughout, I may guess by their good will to me, that I had never liv'd to write it. But to show his mi∣stake, which I believe wilful, the Play was wholly writ∣ten a month or two before the last Election of the She∣riffs. Yet, it seems there was some kind of Prophesie in the Case: and till the Faction gets clear of a Riot, a part of the Comparison will hold even there; yet, if he plea∣ses to remember, there has been a King of England forc'd by the Inhabitants from his Imperial Town. 'Tis true, the Son has had better fortune than the Father; but the rea∣son is, that he has now a stronger Party in the City, than his Enemies: the Government of it is secur'd in Loy∣al and Prudent Hands, and the Party is to weak to push their designs farther. They rescued not their beloved Sheriffs, at a time (he tells you) when they had most important

use of them. What the importancy of the occasion was, I will not search; 'tis well if their own Consciences will acquit them. But let them be never so much belov'd, their Adherents knew it was a Lawful Authority that sent them to the Tower; and an Authority, which to their sorrow, they were not able to resist: so that if four men guarded them without disturbance, and to the con∣tempt of their strength, at broad noon day, and at full Exchange time, it was no more their honesty, to stand looking on with their hands in their Pockets, than it is of a small Band of Robbers, to let a Caravan go by, which is too strong for them to assault.

After this, I am call'd after the old rate, loose and in∣famous Scribler, and 'tis well I scape so cheap: bear your good fortune moderately, Mr. Poet: for as loose and as in∣famous as I am, if I had written for your Party, your Pen∣tion wou'd have been cut off, as useless. But they must take up with Settle, and such as they can get: Bartholo∣mew-Fair Writers, and Bartholomew-Close Printers; there's a famine of Wit amongst them, they are forc'd to give un∣conscionable rates, and after all to have only Carrion for their money.

Then I am an ignorant fellow for not knowing there were no Juries in Paris: I do not remember I have written any such thing: but whoever did, I am confident it was not his ignorance. Perhaps he had a mind to bring the case a little nearer home: if they had not Juries in Paris, we had them from the Normans, who were French-men: and as you manag'd them, we had as good have had none in London: Let it satisfie you we have them now; and some of your loose and infamous Scriblers may come to under∣stand it a little better.

The next is the Justification of a Noble Peer deceas'd: the Case is known, and I have no quarrel to his memory:

let it sleep; he is now before another Judge. Immedi∣ately after I am said to have intended an abuse to the House of Commons; which is call'd by our Authors, the most August Assembly of Europe. They are to prove I have abus'd that House; but 'tis manifest They have lessen'd the House of Lords, by owning the Commons to be the more August Assembly. 'Tis an House chosen (they say) by every Protestant who has a considerable Inheritance in England; which word considerable signifies forty shil∣lings per annum of free Land. For the interest of the loyal Party, so much undervalued by our Authors, they have long agoe confess'd in print, that the Nobility and Gentry have disown'd them: and the Yeomanry have at last con∣sider'd, queis haec consevimus arva? they have had enough of unlawful and arbitrary power; and know to their cost, what an August Assembly they had once without a King and House of Peers.

But now they have me in a burning scent, and run af∣ter me full cry: Was ever such licence conniv'd at yet, in an impious Libeller and Scribler, that the Succession, so solemn a matter, that is not fit to be debated of but in Parliament, shou'd be profan'd so far as to be playd with on the Stage?

Hold a little, Gentlemen, hold a little (as one of your fellow Citizens says in the Duke of Guise:) Is it so un∣lawful for me to argue for the Succession in the right Line upon the Stage; and is it so very lawful for Mr. Hunt, and the Scriblers of your Party, to oppose it in their Libels off the Stage? Is it so sacred, that a Parliament only is suffer'd to debate it, and dare you run it down both in your Discourses and Pamphlets out of Parliament? In con∣science what can you urge against me, which I cannot re∣turn an hundred times heavier on you? And by the way you tell me, that to affirm the contrary to this, is a Prae∣munire

against the Statute of the 13. of Eliz. If such a Praemunire be, pray answer me who has most incurr'd it? In the mean time do me the favour to look into the Sta∣tute-Book, and see if you can find the Statute: you know your selves, or you have been told it, that this Statute is virtually repeal'd, by that of the first of King James, ac∣knowledging his immediate lawfull and undoubted right to this Imperial Crown, as the next lineal Heir: those last words are an implicit anti-declaration to the Statute in Queen Elizabeth, which for that reason is now omitted in our Books. The lawful Authority of an House of Com∣mons I acknowledge; but without fear and trembling, as my Reflectors wou'd have it: For why shou'd I fear my Representatives? they are summon'd to consult about the publick good, and not to frighten those who chose them. 'Tis for you to tremble who libel the supream Authority of the Nation. But we knavish Coxcombs and Villains are to know, say my Authors, that a Vote is the opinion of that House. Lord help our understandings that know not this without their telling! What English-man do you think does not honour his Representatives, and wish a Parliament void of heats and animosities, to secure the quiet of the Nation? You cite his Majesties last De∣claration against those who dare trifle with Parliaments: (a Declaration by the way, which you endeavour'd not to have read publickly in Churches, with a threatning to those that did it.) But we still declare (says his Maje••••••) that no irregularities of Parliament shall make us out of love with them: Are not you unfortunate Quoters why now, shou'd you rub up the remembrance of those irregularities mention'd in that Declaration, which caus'd, as the King informs us, its dissolution?

The next Paragraph is already answer'd; 'tis only a clumsey Commendation of the D. of M. copied after Mr. Hunt, and a proof that he is unlike the Duke of Guise.

After having done my drudgery for me, and having most officiously prov'd that the English Duke, is no Parallel for the French; which I am sure he is not, they are next to do their own business, which is, that I meant a Parallel be∣twixt Henry the Third, and our most gracious Soveraign. But, as fallacies are always couch'd in general Propositi∣ons, they plead the whole course of the Drama, which, they say, seems to insinuate my intentions. One may see to what a miserable shift they are driven: when, for want of any one instance, to which I challenge them, they have only to alledge, that the Play SEEMS to insi∣nuate it. I answer, it does not seem, which is a bare Negative to a bare Affirmative; and then we are just where we were before. Fat Falstaffe was never set har∣der by the Prince for a Reason, when he answer'd, that that if Reasons grew as thick as Black-berries, he wou'd not give one. Well, after long pumping, lest the lie shou'd appear quite barefac'd, they have found, I said, that at Kiug Henry's Birth, there shone a Regal Star: so there did at King Charles the seconds: therefore I have made a Parallel betwixt Henry the third, and Charles the second. A very concluding Sillogism, if I shou'd answer it no farther.

Now let us look upon the Play, the words are in the fo••••th Act. The Conjurer there is asking his Devil, what Fortune attended his Master, the Guise, and what the King? The familiar answers concerning the King. He cannot be Depos'd, he may be kill'd; a violent Fate attends him: but at his Birth, there shone a Regal Star, (Conj.) My Master had a stronger, (Devil) no not a stronger, but more Popular. Let the whole Scene (which is one of the best in the Tragedy, though murder'd in the Acting) he read together; and it will be as clear as day-light,

that the Devil gave an Astrological account of the French Kings Horoscope: that the Regal Star, then culminating, was the Sun in the tenth House or Mid-heaven; which Caeteris paribus is a Regal Nativity in that Art. The rest of the Scene confirms what I have said: for the Devil has taken the Position of the Heaven's, or Scheam of the World, at the point of the Suns entrance into Aries: I dispute not here the Truth or Lawfulness of that Art; but 'tis usual with Poets, especially with the Italians, to mix Astrology in their Poems: Chawcer, amongst us, is frequent in it; but this Revolution particularly I have taken out of Luigi Pulci, and there is one almost the same in Boiar∣do's Orlando Inamorato. Now if these Poets knew, that a Star were to appear at our Kings Birth, they were bet∣ter Prophets than Nostradamus, who has told us nothing of it. Yet this they say is Treason with a Witness, and one of the Crimes for which they condemn'd me to be hang'd drawn and quarter'd: I find they do not believe me to be one of their Party at the bottom, by their charitable wishes to me; and am proud enough, to think I have done them some little mischief, because they are so desi∣rous to be rid of me. But if Jack Ketch must needs have the handling of us Poets, let him begin first where he may take the deepest Say: let me be hang'd, but in my turn; for I am sure I am neither the fattest Scribler nor the worst; I'le be judg'd by their own Party. But for all our Com∣forts, the days of hanging are a little out of date: and I hope there will be no more Treason with a Witness, or Witnesses; for now there is no more to be got by Swear∣ing, and the Market is over-stock'd besides.

But are you in earnest, when you say I have made Henry the Third fearful, weak, bloody, perfidious, hypo∣critical and fawning in the Play? I am sure an unbi∣ass'd Reader will find a more favourable image of him

in the Tragedy; what ever he was out of it. You wou'd not have told a lye so shameless, but that you were resolv'd to second it with a worse; that I made a Paral∣lel of that Prince. And now it comes to my turn, pray let me ask you, why you spend three Pages and a half, in heaping up all the villanies true or false, which you can rake together, to blast his memory? Why is all this pains taken, to expose the Person of King Henry the Third? are you Leaguers, or Covenanters, or Associators? What has the poor dead man done to nettle you? Were his Rebels your Friends, or your Relations? Were your Norman Ancestors of any of those Families, which were Conspirators in the Play? I smell a Rat in this business: Henry the Third is not taken thus to task for nothing. Let me tell you, this is little better than an implicite con∣fession of the Parallel which I intended. This Gentle∣man of Valois sticks in your stomacks: and though I do not defend his Proceedings in the States, any other∣wise, than by the inevitable necessity which caus'd them, yet acknowledging his Crime, does not extenuate their Guilt, that forc'd him to it. 'Twas bad on both sides, but the Revenge was not so wicked as the Treason: for 'twas a voluntary act of theirs, and a compell'd one of his. The short on't is, he took a violent course to cut up the Covenant by the Roots; and there's your quarrel to him.

Now for a long winded Panegyrique of the King of Navarre: and here I am sure they are in earnest, when they take such over pains, to prove there is no likeness, where they say I intended it. The Heroe at whom their malice is level'd, does but laugh at it I believe: And a∣mongst the other vertues of that Predecessor, wants nei∣ther his Justice nor his Clemency, to forgive all the Heads of the League, as fast as they submit: As for

obliging them, (which our Authors wou'd fain hook in for an Ingredient) let them be satisfied, that no more Ene∣mies are to be bought off with Places and Preferments: the Tryal which has been made in two Kings Reigns, will warn the Family from so fruitless and dangerous an Ex∣pedient. The rest is already answer'd, in what I have said to Mr. Hunt; but I thank them by the way, for their instance of the fellow, whom the King of Navarre had pardon'd, and done good to, yet he wou'd not love him: for that Story reaches home somewhere.

I must make haste, to get out of hearing from this Bil∣lingsgate Oratory; and indeed, to make an end with these Authors, except I could call Rogue and Rascal as fast as they. Let us examine the little reason they produce, concerning the Exclusion.

Did the Pope, the Clergy, the Nobility and Commo∣nalty of France think it reasonable to exclude a Prince for professing a different Religion, and will the Papists be angry if the Protestants be of the same Opinion? No sure, they cannot have the impudence.

First, here's the different Religion taken for granted, which was never prov'd on one side: though in the King of Navarre, it was openly profess'd. Then the Pope, and the three Estates of France had no power to alter the Succession, neither did the King in being, consent to it: or afterwards, did the greater part of the Nobility, Clergy and Gentry adhere to the Exclusion, but maintain'd the lawful King succesfully against it; as we are bound to do in England, by the Oaths of Allegiance and Supre∣macy; made for the benefit of our Kings, and their Suc∣cessors: The Objections concerning which Oath, are fully answer'd by Doctor Hicks, in his Preface to Jovian, and thither I refer the Reader.

They tell us, that what it concerns Protestants to do in that case, enough has been heard by us in Parliament Debates.

I answer, that Debates coming not by an Act to any Issue, conclude that there is nothing to be done against a Law establish'd, and fundamental of the Monarchy. They dare not infer a Right of taking up Arms, by vertue of a Debate or Vote, and yet they tacitly insinuate this: I ask them, what it does concern Protestants to do in this case, and whether they mean any thing by that expression? They have hamper'd themselves before they were aware; for they proceed in the very next lines to tell us, they believe the Crown of England being Hereditary, the next in Blood, have an undoubted right to succeed, unless God make them, or they make themselves uncapable of Reigning: So that according to them, if either of those two Impe∣diments shall happen, then it concerns the Protestants of England to do that something, which if they had spoken out, had been direct Treason. Here's fine Legerdemain amongst them; they have acknowledg'd a Vote to be no more than the Opinion of an House, and yet from a Debate, which was abortive before it quicken'd into a Vote, they argue after the old Song, that there's something more to be done, which you cannot chuse but guess. In the next place, there's no such thing as Incapacity to be suppos'd, in the immediate Successor of the Crown; That is, the rightful Heir cannot be made uncapable on any account whatsoe∣ver to succeed. It may please God, that he may be in∣habilis, or inidoneus ad gerendam Rempublicam, unfit or unable to govern the Kingdom; but this is no impediment to his right of reigning; he cannot either be excluded or depos'd for such imperfection: For the Laws which have provided for private men in this case, have also made provision for the Soveraign and for the Publick: and

the Council of State or the next of Blood, is to admi∣nister the Kingdom for him. Charles the sixth of France (for I think we have no English Examples which will reach it) forfeited not his Kingdom by his Lunacy, though a victorious King of England was then knocking at his Gates; but all things under his Name, and by his Au∣thority, were manag'd. The case is the same, betwixt a King non compos mentis, and one who is nondum compos mentis, a distracted or an Infant King. Then the Peo∣ple cannot incapacitate the King, because he derives not his Right from them, but from God only: nei∣ther can any Action, much less Opinion of a Soveraign, render him uncapable for the same reason; excepting only a voluntary Resignation to his immediate Heir, as in the case of Charles the fifth: for that of our Richard the second was invalid, because forc'd; and not made to the next Successor.

Neither does it follow, as our Authors urge, that an unalterable Succession supposes England to be the Kings E∣state, and the People his Goods and Chattels on it: For the preserv••tion of his Right, destroys not our Propriety, but maintains us in it. He has ty'd himself by Law, not to in∣vade our Possessions, and we have oblig'd our selves as Subjects to him and all his lawful Successors: By which irrevocable Act of ours, both for our selves and our Po∣sterity, we can no more exclude the Successor, than we can depose the present King. The Estate of England is indeed the Kings, and I may safely grant their suppositi∣on, as to the Government of England: but it follows not, that the People are his Goods and Chattels on it; for then he might sell, alienate, or destroy them as he pleas'd, from all which he has ty'd himself by the Liberties and Priviledges which he has granted us by Laws.

There's little else material in this Pamphlet: for to say, I wou'd insinuate into the King, a hatred to his capital City, is to say, he shou'd hate his best friends, the last and the present Lord Mayor, our two Honourable Sheriffs, the Court of Aldermen, the worthy and Loyal Mr. Common Serjeant, with the rest of the Officers, who are generally well affected, and who have kept out their factious Mem∣from its Government. To say I wou'd insinuate a scorn of Authority in the City, is in effect, to grant the Parallel in the Play: For the authority of Tumults and Seditions is only scorn'd in it: an Authority which they deriv'd not from the Crown, but exercis'd against it. And for them to confess I expos'd this, is to confess that London was like Paris.

They conclude with a Prayer to Almighty God: (in which I therefore believe the Poet did not club:) to li∣bel the King through all the Pamphlet, and to pray for him in the conclusion, is an action of more prudence in them than of piety: perhaps they might hope to be forgiven, as one of their Predecessors was by King James; who after he had rail'd at him abundantly, ended his Lampoon with these two Verses.

Now God preserve our King, Queen, Prince and Peers, And grant the Author long may wear his Ears.

To take a short review of the whole; 'Tis manifest, that there is no such Parallel in the Play, as the Faction have pretended: that the Story wou'd not bear one where they have plac'd it; and that I cou'd not reasonably intend one, so contrary to the nature of the Play, and so re∣pugnant to the Principles of the Loyal Party. On the other side, 'tis clear, that the Principles and Practices of the Publick Enemies, have both formerly resembled those of the League, and continue to hold the same Resemblance. It appears by the outcry of the Party before the Play was acted, that they dread∣ed and foresaw the bringing of the Faction upon the Stage: and by the hasty printing of Mr. Hunts Libel, and the Reflections, before the Tragedy was publish'd, that they were infinitely concern'd to prevent any farther operation of it. It appears from the general consent of the Audiences, that Their Party were known to be represented; and Themselves own'd openly by their hissing, that they were incens'd at it, as an Object which they cou'd not bear. 'Tis evident by their en∣deavours to shift off this Parallel from Their Side, that their Principles are too shameful to be maintain'd: 'Tis notorious, that They, and They on∣ly have made the Parallel betwixt the Duke of Guise and the Duke of M. And that in Revenge

for the manifest likeness they sind in the Parties themselves, they have carried up the Parallel to the Heads of the Parties, where there is no Resemblance at all. Under which colour, while they pretend to advert upon One Libell, they set up Another: For what resemblance cou'd they suggest betwixt two persons so unlike in their descent, the qualities of their minds, and the disparity of their war-like Actions, if they grant not, that there is a Faction here, which is like that other that was in France? so that if they do not first acknowledge one Com∣mon Cause, there is no foundation for a Parallel. The Dilemma therefore lies strong upon them; and let them avoid it, if they can: that either they must avow the wickedness of their designs, or disown the likeness of those two persons. I do fur∣cher charge those audacious Authors, that they themselves have made the Parallel which they call Mine, and that under the covert of this Parallel they have odiously compar'd our present King with King Henry the Third. And farther, that they have forc'd this Parallel expresly to wound his Majesty in the Comparison. For since there is a Parallel (as they would have it) it must be either Theirs or Mine. I have prov'd that it can∣not possibly be Mine; and in so doing, that it must be Theirs by consequence. Under this shadow all the Vices of the French King are

charg'd by those Libellers (by a side-wind) up∣on Ours: And 'tis indeed the bottom of their design to make the King, cheap; his Royal Bro∣ther, odious; and to alter the course of the Suc∣cession.

Now after the Malice of this sputtering Trium∣virate (Mr. Hunt, and the Two Reflectors) against the Person and Dignity of the King, and against all that endeavour to serve him (which makes their hatred to his Cause apparent,) the very charging of our Play to be a Libel, and such a Paral∣lel as these Ignoramus's wou'd render it, is almost as great an affront to his Majesty, as the Libellous Pi∣cture it self, by which they have expos'd him to his Subjects: for it is no longer our Parallel, but the Kings, by whose Order it was Acted, without any shuffling or importunity from the Poets; The Tra∣gedy (cry'd the Faction) is a Libel against such and such Illustrious Persons. Upon this the Play was stopt, examin'd, acquitted, and order'd to be brought upon the Stage: Not one stroke in't, of a Resem∣blance to answer the Scope and intent of the Com∣plaint. There were some Features indeed, that the Illustrious Mr. Hunt, and his brace of Beagles (the Reflectors) might see resembling theirs. And no other Parallel either found or meant, but betwixt the French Leaguers and Ours: and so far the A∣greement

held from Point to Point, as true as a couple of Tallies. But when neither the King, nor my Lord Chamberlain, with other ho∣nourable Persons of eminent Faith, Integrity and Understanding, upon a strict perusal of the Papers, cou'd find one syllable to countenance the Calumny; up starts the Defender of the Char∣ter, &c. opens his Mouth, and says; What d'ye talk of the King? he's abus'd, he's impos'd upon. Is my Lord Chamberlain and the Scrutineers that suc∣ceed him, to tell US, when the King and the Duke of York are abus'd? What says my Lord Chief Baron of Ireland to the business? What says the Livery-man Templer? What says Og the King of Basan to't? We are men that stand up for the Kings Supremacy in all Causes, and over all Persons, as well Ecclesiastical as Civil, next and immedi∣ately under God and the PEOPLE. We are for easing his Royal Highness of his Title to the Crown, and the Cares that attend any such Prospect; and shall we see the King and the Royal Family parallel'd at this rate, and not reflect upon't?

But to draw to an End. Upon the laying of matters fairly together, what a King have these Balderdash Scriblers given us, under the Resem∣blance of Henry the Third? How scandalous a

Character again, of his Majesty, in telling the World that he is Libell'd, and Affronted to his face, told on't, pointed to't, and yet neither He, nor Those about him can be brought to see or under∣stand it. There needs no more to expound the meaning of these People, than to compare them with Themselves: when it will evidently ap∣pear, that their Lives and Conversations, their Writings and their Practices do all take the same Biass: and when they dare not any longer re∣vile his Majesty or his Government point blank, they have an intention to play the Libellers in Masquerade, and do the same thing in a way of Mystery and Parable. This is truly the Case of the Pretended Parallel. They lay their Heads to∣gether, and compose the Lewdest Character of a Prince that can be imagin'd, and then exhibit that Monster to the People as the Picture of the King in the Duke of Guise: So that the Libel passes for current with the Multitude, whoever was the Author of it: And it will be but Common Ju∣stice to give the Devil his due. But, the truth is, their contrivances are now so manifest, that their Party moulders both in Town and Coun∣try: (for I will not suspect that there are any of them left in Court.) Deluded well-meaners come over out of honesty, and small offendors out of common discretion, or fear. None will

shortly remain with them, but men of desperate fortunes or Enthusiasts: those who dare not ask pardon, because they have transgress'd beyond it, and those who gain by Confusion, as Thieves do by Fires: to whom forgiveness were as vain, as a Reprieve to condemn'd Beggars; who must hang without it, or sterve with it.

FINIS.