A Compleat collection of papers in twelve parts relating to the great revolutions in England and Scotland from the time of the seven bishops petitioning K. James II. against the dispensing power, June 8. 1688. to the coronation of King William and Queen Mary, April 11. 1689.

An ANSWER to the Author of the LETTER to a Member of the CONVENTION.

Reverend Sir,

YOur Name, your Quality, your Religion, and your Design in Publishing this Letter are wholly unknown to me, but the confident Assertion, pag. 3. §. 16. That you are sure it can never be Answered; sounds so like a Son, or rather a Father of the Infallible Church, that it has provoked me, if not to answer, yet at least to reflect upon some Passages in this Magisterial Composure.

§. 2. Whatever becomes of other Arguments, Interest is most likely to prevail. You, Sir, suppose your Parliament-Man, in these words, to be one who will regard no Arguments from Justice, Reason, Religion, or the Laws of God or Man; Interest is the only thing which is likely to prevail; an excellent Complement to a Parlia∣ment-Man; but it goes higher yet, and takes in the Majority of the States, for no one Man shall ever determine these great things.

§. 3. You tell him, That All the threatning Dangers of Popery were not a more formidable Prospect to considering Men, than the present Distractions and Divisions. Now surely this is a very bold and daring stroke; but that I am certain these pensive thought∣ful Men are not either very numerous, or very considerable; otherwise, the few of the Church of England that are over∣thoughtful in this Point, deserve much Compassion, because they disquiet themselves and others out of pure tenderness of Conscience, and an over-great Loyalty; but then there is no danger to be appre∣hended from them; and they will in time satisfy their own Scru∣ples, and in the interim, I doubt not, infinitely more Men dread the Dangers of Popery, even to this Day, than all the

Common-wealth-Men, Dissenters, ambitious and revengeful Wretches, which you have so artfully mustered up to fright the Country Esquire with, can over-ballance. Strange it is in the mean time, that the Dangers of Popery, which last October appeared so formi∣dable, should in so short a time vanish, or rather dwindle into no∣thing: But God, by the Ministry of the Prince of Orange and his Friends, has brought this about. In the rest of that Section I agree with you, and approve of it.

The two next Sections being only a representation of the different Parties of Men now upon the Stage, I leave as I find them.

§. 6. Though the Opinion of those who are for sending to the King, and treating with him to return to his Government, under such legal Restraints, as shall give security to the most jealous Per∣sons for the preservation of their Laws, Liberties, and Religion, is horribly decryed, &c. yet the only Reason against it is, because it is vain. Now, Sir, that Reason is so very good, that it may perhaps justify that dreadful Consequence you so shrink at; for though I do not doubt but you are a wonderful Legislator, yet if Twenty wiser Men than you were joined with you to frame these new Laws, yet let but a Popish Prince have the Supreme Executive Power and the Legal Prerogatives, and he will break through all your Restrictions with wonderful Facility, as we have seen by Experience. But then if you leave him the Name, and take away the Power of a King, you set up a Common-wealth immediately, which will not end with your Popish Prince, but there will be stickling to keep all things in the same State in the following Reign, of what Religion soever the Prince is, which was the Reason why the Limitations offered by Charles II. in 1679, were rejected.

[And let it be remember'd also how well that Prince, that was supposed to be a Protestant, kept his Word, and the Solemn League and Covenant, which he solemnly with Hands and Eyes lifted up to Heaven, swore to observe in Scotland, &c.]

Well, but we would have thought our selves very secure if the King would hrve called a Free Parliament; Yes, Sir, if he would have call'd it Freely, so that it had been the production of his Will without Force; but Sir, it is notorious, he was resolved the Parli∣ament should either not be free, or not meet; and if your Memory will not serve you to recall the virulent Reflection on the humble Pe∣tition presented by the Lords Spiritual and Temporal the 17th of No∣vember last, in which the Author tells us, That the summoning a

Parliament now, is so far from being the only way (to preserve His Majesty and the Kingdom) that it will be one of the principal causes of much Misery to the Kingdom, &c. and nothing would do then, but driving the Prince of Orange out of the Kingdom with Force and Arms. Now I say, Sir, if you cannot remember this, you shall never be trusted to frame Laws, if I can help it.

There is another and a better Reason to refuse a Treaty, than the fearing the King should comply. Suppose that he should grant all that you can ask, bating White-Hall, the Revenue, the Title of King, and the Right of calling Parliaments, and making Peace and War: What Security have we that he will acquiesce in this low restrained Estate? Oaths, Laws, and Promises we had before, but what did they signify? Who shall be Guarantee? what shall we do if he break out again? In short quis custodiet Custodes? So that the many who desire a Treaty, are desired to read the Enquiry into the present State of Affairs, that they may not come into the Disci∣pline of the severe Lady, who has taught the Protestants in France and Piedmont a Lesson which England too must have gone through with, if God and H.W. P. O. had not saved us.

But if the Convention should refuse to treat, and Depose the King, it would act without a Legal Power, §. 8. Why Sir, here is no occasion to talk of a Deposition, the King is gone of his own accord freely; and they are only to consider whether we shall perish in a State of Anarchy, recal him, and suffer over again all that is past, and all that was intended, but prevented; or whether they shall recognize the next immediate Heir, and enquire who that is? Well, but the next Heir, it seems, shall have small joy of it, his whole Authority depending on a Conven∣tion that has no Authority: In good time! Will the Authority of this Prince, when acknowledged, depend on the Authority of the Convention? Did Queen Elizabeth or King James I. owe all their Authority to the Parliaments which recognized their respe∣ctive Rights? But no Man will think himself bound in Conscience to obey this Heir. Have you, Sir, the keeping of all Mens Conscien∣ces, or the knowledg of their Thoughts? I can assure you mine is not in your custody.

§. 9. All those who think themselves bound [still] by their Oath of Allegiance to defend the King's Person, his Crown, and Digni∣ty, &c. will be greatly discontented. Why Sir, then they may

go over into France, and be admitted into his Guards, and perhaps the generous Allowance given him by the French King, will main∣tain them, if their Heresie do not over-ballance, their Loyalty, and turn it into a Crime, as it happened to the Hugonots. Well, but they will never own any other whilst their own King lives: Assuredly this is a wonderful Man, if he could but as certainly in∣form us of the number, as he can of the Thoughts and future Acti∣ons of these Loyalists.

Well, but it they should happen to be Persons of known Pru∣dence, Abilities, Integrity, Honesty, though they were never so few and never so tame, it would give a terrible stroke to this Tottering Government. Why, Sir, all or the greatest part of such Men in the Nation, were a dreadful Body, tho they were and ever will be few; but Sir, there must be a considerable Body of such Men first satisfied in the Convention, a number without Doors are already satisfied, and more will when the States have passed their Resolves; and the remainder of the Men of this High Character, who will still remain Discontented, if they are any thing Peaceable, though not over Tame, will never be able to shock the most Tottering Go∣vernment in the World by their Examples, how well soever he thinks of them.

Yet, §. 10. He endeavours to shew the number will not be small, because many who joyned with the Prince, are ashamed of what they have done, and ask God pardon for it, and are ready to undo it as far as they can. Well, Sir, how many such do you know besides your self? A List of these Men were worth the ha∣ving, and may perhaps be easily taken, if one knew how to sepa∣rate them from the rest; however, I should not fear greatly the terrible Shock of these wonderful Men, till I had better information of their Numbers than you can possibly give us. They were not wil∣ling to part with the King, tho they were horribly afraid of Popery. Why, Sir, has the King changed his Religion in France? or are these Gentlemen so fond of the King, that they would now be conten∣ted to suffer all that Popery threatned so lately? Or are they be∣come as weary of their Delivery as they were before of Popery? Or, will they sacrifice their Laws, Religion, old Foundations, and Free Parliaments to their Allegiance to their King? If you say, Yes, I have done; if no, then you would have what was not to be had, and will not be contented with what may be had; and if the Num,

ber of these Men is great, farewel to the Liberties, Laws, Reli∣gion, and Priviledges of England, and its Wealth and Inhabitants too, and what is left you may be pleased to divide amongst your Men of Character.

To all this he assures us, §. 10. There will be a Thousand Occasions of Discontent: Just a Thousand, neither one more or less, besides those springing from the sense of Loyalty and Conscience: Strange, that these Two should be so troublesome, as to equal, if not ex∣ceed the whole Thousand that went before.

He that had been before so liberal of his Information, now sets us to guess in §. 10. How many will be discontented in the new Court for want of Preferment? Why, Sir, If you please to inform me how many days in February shall be clear, and how many shall be cloudy, I will fall a guessing how many in the new Court shall be pleased, and how many shall be dissatisfied; but when I have done, it will not be worth the while, because this ever happens, and Cour∣tiers have an old way of keeping these Malecontents in hope, till they fall off or gain what they desire; and so if there should hap∣pen to be a Thousand of them, they will not be able to shock the Government, if there is no other cause of Discontent than that.

Well, but here Duty and Discontent will mix, because they are sensible of their Mistake when it is too late: For as they ought not to have fought for Popery, nor against the Laws and Liberties of their Country; so neither ought they to have deserted the defence of the King's Person and Crown, but have brought the Prince to Terms as well as the King: Why, Sir, Nemo tenetur ad impossibilia. The King was never brought to Terms, nor perhaps never will: So that if they had Fought at all, it must have been for Popery, and against both our Laws and Liberties. Sir, shew when and where the King offered us or the Prince any Terms, and I will pass my word you shall be employed to frame Laws for the Convention, which is certainly a good Employ for one that is so expert at it as you pretend to be.

Well, §. 13. A heavy Tax must be laid upon the Nation, to de∣fray the Charge of this Expedition: Why, Sir, Are you of the Privy Council to the Prince? Surely he will be able to find some other Cause, or not make the Tax so very heavy. But Men will be very sorry to lose their King, and pay so dear for it too. Yes doubt∣less, a Gracious King is a great Loss; but if he will be gone, and

involve us in a War too, Taxes must be paid, yea, heavy Taxes to support the Charge of it, or Louis will in a short time teach us what the Prince's Expedition was worth, whatever it cost.

But this is not all, we must part with our Church too, the crazy Title will require the giving the Church to the Dissenters, §. 14. The Dissenters have of late acted very well, and perhaps if a wise Man has the mannaging of them; and the Popish Emissaries be carefully looked after, we may compound the Quarrel better cheap than the parting with our Church. Sir, I am well assured a great deal less will for the present content them, and the King is not Im∣mortal, and whenever he Dies, the Crazy Title will be Sodered again, if no Body be to blame for giving it another terrible Shock.

§. 15. Should the King be Deposed, or any other ascend the Throne, it will be necessary to keep a standing Army to quell such Dis∣contents. You may be a good Law-framer for ought I know, but I will swear you are no States-Man; this whole Section is meer Whimsey borrowed from the Dutch Design Anatomized, who had the folly to talk of Governing England by an Army of Dutch and Germans; but why, God knows, except it were because a few were brought over to deliver us, and cannot presently be returned back to Holland. The Prince is both a wise and a good Prince, and knows the Consequence of keeping those Forces long here, better than a Thousand such Law-framers.

Suppose the King should return with a Foreign Force to recover his Kingdom, how ready will the Men of Conscience be, and the Men of Discontent to joyn with them, nay, to invite him Home again. This looks so like a Roman Catholick Zeal, that if I were not assured he is a Church of England-Man, I could not believe but it was a Disciple of St. Omers: But will the Conscientious Men invite the King home again, with all his Apostolick Vicars, Jesuits, Ecclesi∣astical Judges, Dispensing Power, and a round Army of French Dragoons to teach us the French Faith after the French Fashion? Are these the Men of Character, Prudence, Ability, Integrity, or of Conscience either? Would one of the Primitive Christians have talked thus, have stood for a Licinius against a Constantine? Well, if the King comes in a Conqueror, we shall wish we had Treated. Truly I shall not; I had rather be forced than deceived, for then I know what I have to trust to; and I would not willingly be acces∣sary to my own Ruine.

Well, suppose this unanswerable stuff is over-voted, §. 17. We are to bring good proof the Prince of Wales is an Imposture, or else we had better let it alone. Very good; the Negative is to be pro∣ved; we may guess by this what kind of Laws you, Sir, would frame. Well, but if this be not done, the Discontented Men will have a plausible pretence to quarrel: What the Conscientious Men will do we must guess, but in all probability they will not be bet∣ter qualited.

What if the Princess of Orange be a Lady of that eminent Virtue that she should scruple to sit upon her Father's Throne whilst he lives? Well, his Majesty has deserted his Throne and Kingdom when he needed not, except he had pleased; and some Body must sit upon his Throne, though he is yet Alive: Now if it be her Right after his Death, why not now? Our Author is at his Pray∣ers, that God would give her Grace to resist the Temptation; and I at mine, That the Author may never be one of her Chaplains till he is better inform'd. The rest of that Section is not unanswera∣ble, but not worth answering.

He has all along supposed the Prince of Orange Crown'd, yet in the 19th Section he proves he can have no Right to it, neither by Descent nor Gift; and truly I am of the same mind for many Reasons, and especially for the sake of the Three alledged by him, Sect. 20, 21, 22. and for some others too of as great weight, which may be found in the Lord Virulam's History of Henry VII. And yet our Case now before us has three Difficulties that had not, 1. A King living. 2. A Prince of Wales true or false. 3. A Na∣tion divided in Religion; to which I might perhaps add the Ex∣cessive Power of France, and the Excessive Zeal of this Genera∣tion to preserve the Descent of the Crown in the Right Line, and in the Legal Steps and Degrees. And this being done, I am per∣suaded nothing can divide the English Nation, or lessen their Zeal and Affection to the Prince of Orange, who has deserved the Crown, if it were ours to give him.

The Postscript, which is an Huy and Cry after the French League to cut our Throats, I leave to the Convention: And if I durst be so bold as to ask a Favour of them, it should be to enquire what the Ro. Catholick meant by that Threat of theirs, so frequently printed and spoken by them, If fair means would not obtain the Repeal of our Penal Laws and Tests, foul should.

Now for a Conclusion, I would desire you, Sir, to propose your method of Restoring the King, and Securing our Laws and Reli∣gion, and it shall go hard but I will shew you it is impracticable, or impossible, that it will never be granted; or if it be, never obser∣ved: And if you please to bless the World with a Receipt of an Ob∣ligation that will bind the Conscience of any other Roman Catholick so fast that neither Jesuit and Pope can break or untie it, I assure you I will joyn with you in a Petition to the Convention, for a Treaty forthwith, without any other Terms to be proposed than the giving us that Security, whatever it is. And in the Inte∣••im, I am,

SIR,

YOURS.

Jan. 24. 1688/9.

FINIS.