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His birth-place. The Condition and Religion of his Parents. Reports of some of the former parts of his Life uncertain. His Travels into; and abode in Aegypt. The danger of his being seduc'd into the Sect of
the Ghosticks. Temptations adapted to that purpose. The lewdness and horrible Villanies of that Sect. His discovering that accursed frater∣nity to the Bishop of the place. His converse with, and imitation of the devout Asceticks in Aegypt. His return into Palestine, and liv∣ing under the Discipline of Hilarion, the founder of Monachism in those parts. His presiding over a Monastery of his own erecting. Promo∣ted to the Bishoprick of Salamis in Cyprus, when, and by whom. The manner of it related by an uncertain Author. Salamis famous upon what accounts. The great fame and reputation of Epiphanius. The oc∣casion of writing his Ancyrat. This Book why so call'd, and what the Subject of it. His work against Heresies when written, and upon what occasion. Why styl'd Panarium. The Anacephalaeosis or Epitome of it. His Journey to Rome, to a Synod there about the controverted See of Antioch. His joyful entertainment at that place. His Contests with John Bishop of Jerusalem, and the first occasion of them. John suspected by Epiphanius of retaining his old kindn••ss for the Origenian Opinions. The many affronts he put upon Epiphanius upon that account. The quarrel enlarg'd by Epiphanius's ordaining a Presbyter to Officiate in his own Monastery. John's loud complaints of h••m upon this and many other accounts. Epiphanius's calm and mild reply. This matter cleer'd by a further account of it from S. Jerom. Epiphanius charg'd with violence and injury. The story of his rending the Curtain that had a Picture on it in the Church of Anablatha. The vain shifts of the Romish Writers to evade this Testimony against Image-worship. This not the only Evidence of Epiphanius's sence in that point. At∣tempts to make Peace between John and Epiphanius in vain. John's Letter to Theophilus of Alexandria, who interposes by his Legate, but without effect. John's Apology to Theophilus, and faint Vindicati∣on of himself. Epiphanius his Letters to Rome and other places. A more particular account of the Controversie sent by S. Jerom to Pam∣machius. A fresh Controversie of the Anthropomorphites started among the Monks of Mount Nitria in Aegypt. The Original of it. Theophilus how engag'd in it. His quarrel with the four Brethren call'd Longi, whence. Their interposal in the behalf of Isidore, and ill treatment by Theophilus. His design to beget an ill opinion of them among the Monks. His Synodical Condemnation of them as guilty of Origenism. His subtle actings in that matter. His cruel and violent proceedings against the four Longi. They and some others forc'd to fly first into Palestine, then to Constantinople. The truth of this story undeservedly question'd. Epiphanius engag'd by Theophilus in this quarrel. A Synod summon'd in Cyprus, which condemns the reading Origen's Books. Epiphanius's Letter to Chrysostom to do the like. His Journey to Constantinople in pursuance of this design, and refu∣sal of Chrysostom's kind invitations of sojourning with him. His drawing in Bishops to subscribe his Decrees. Oppos'd by Theotimus Bishop of Scythia. The great advantage given to Chrysostom's Ene∣mies by his Proceedings. Severely rebuk'd by a Message from Chry∣sostom. His ill entertainment at Court from the Empress Eudoxia, whence. The four Longi sent to wait upon him, and their discourse with him. The odd parting between him and Chrysostom. His going Aboard in order to his return. His last discourse and admonitions to those about him. His death, and burial. His great age. His mighty
Zeal against Heresie. His admirable piety and strictness of Life. His singular Charity and beneficent temper. The veneration which his very Enemies had for him. His learning and skill in Languages. The weakness of his judgment, and his over-great Credulity noted. The flatness of his style. The general parts and divisions of his Book against Heresies. What advantages he had in compiling that work. His Writings.
I. ST. Epiphanius was born in Palestine, at Besanducea 1.1, an obscure Village, not far distant from Eleuthero∣polis, a City frequently mention'd by Eusebiusb 1.2 and S. Jeromc 1.3, and from them may probably be con∣jectured to have been situate near the Western bor∣der of the Tribe of Judah: By some suppos'd to have been the same with Hebron, but herein greatly mistaken, mine Authors no less plainly, than commonly distinguish∣ing those Cities. But much farther are they wide of truth, who place it in Phoenicia, and intitle that Country to the honour of his nativity. His Parents (if we may believe oned 1.4 who pretends to have been his Scholar, and the Companion of his Life) were Jews, Per∣sons of a mean fortune, his Father an Husbandman, his Mother tra∣ded in the making of Linnen-Cloath; two Children they had, Epi∣phanius, and a Daughter call'd Callitropes. My Author adds, that at ten years of age he lost his Father, when their Family was reduc'd to great extremity; that not long after he was adopted by Tryphon a rich Jewish Lawyer, who gave him all the advantages of Education according to the Jewish mode, designing to Marry him to his only Daughter, but she dying soon after, and her Father following, Epi∣phanius remained sole Heir of that great Estate, who taking his Si∣ster home to him (his Mother being by this time dead) they liv'd together in great plenty, and with mutual satisfaction; that going one day to the place of his Nativity, where part of the Estate which Triphon had left him lay, he met by the way one Lucian, a devout charitable Monk, and being surpriz'd with an act of unusual Chari∣ty, which he saw him do to a poor man, he fell into his acquaintance, and was by him converted to Christianity, instructed in the Christi∣an Doctrine, and at length baptiz'd, when having sold his Estate, and settled it upon the poor, at sixteen years of Age he betook him∣self to a Monastick Life. All which he relates at large, with infinite other particulars of his Life. But I dare not treat my Reader at his cost, being an Author of something more than suspected Credit, and therefore plainly discarded by Baroniuse 1.5 himself, who is not always over-shie of doubtful and supposititious Writings; though a late learn∣ed Writerf 1.6 more than once quotes him without any scruple, and lays some stress upon his Authority. However I cannot but remark with what confidence Posseving 1.7 the Jesuit imposes upon his Readers, when having cashier'd this Author as absur'd and fabulous, and pre∣tending instead thereof to present a short, but true Abstract of Epi∣phanius's Life, after all derives his Materials out of this very Author, whom just before he had so much decried. Omitting therefore these spurious, at least uncertain accounts of things, we shall content our
selves to pick up such passages of his Life, as are secur'd to us by better and more unquestionable Authority.
II. 'TIS probable enough that he was born of Jewish Parents, the place of his Nativity, and his skill in the Language and Customs of the Jews, above the ordinary rate of learned men in those times, giv∣ing susfrage to the Conjecture. His Education (whatever the condi∣tion of his Parents was) seems to have been ingenuous and liberal, polish'd by Study both at home, and in foreign parts. In his youth he travelled into Aegypt, where we may suppose him ordinarily re∣siding at Alexandria, the Athens of those parts of the World, flock'd to, and frequented by men of learning from all Quarters. He was but young at his arrival there, and his want of experience, and perhaps the rawness of his years, and the unfixtness of his Principles made him liable to become a Prey, to the slight of men, and the cunning craftiness, whereby they lye in wait to deceive. Insomuch, that he was in danger of being drawn over to the very worst of Sects, that of the Gnosticsh 1.8, the common-sewer of all ancient Heresies, into which, the filth of all their lewdest Principles and Practices did vent it self. The Temp∣tation was adapted to his age, the Women of that Sect (who at the time of their initiation were wont to put off all shame and modesty) endeavouring by the most subtle insinuations, and by all the Arts of wantonness to bring him over to their Party. By their means he had the opportunity (which his curiosity made him willing to take hold of) of reading the senceless Books of their Religion, and of being acquainted with all the secret Rites, and abominable Mysteries of that Sect, which they freely disclos'd to him. This could not but startle him, and awaken in him all the powers of Reason and natural Con∣science; and indeed he was sufficiently apprehensive of his danger, and therefore earnestly implor'd the Divine assistance, and (as he thankfully owns the mercy) God who stood by Joseph, and deliver∣ed him from the importunities of his wanton Mistress, kept his foot from being taken in the snare of the Fowler. The Women were vex'd that he had thus escap'd their hands, and therefore turn'd their sollicitations into scorn and derision, let him goe (said they to one another) we could not save the young man, but we have left him to perish in the hands of our Prince: Meaning one of those Soveraign Powers (CCCLXV. they had in all) which presided over the Acts of their lewd and beastly Mysteries, and (probably) they particu∣larly intended Saclai 1.9, the Prince of Whoredom, whom they plac'd in their second Heaven. And indeed they look'd upon it as a Re∣proach to them to prove unsuccesful in their attempts. For it was their Custom, for the more handsom Women to prostitute themselves for the gaining Proselytes (which they call'd saving of them) and having done so, were wont prophanely to insult and triumph over those of their number, whom nature had less befriended, in such Lan∣guage as this, I am a chosen Vessel, able to save those whom I have se∣duc'd, which you for your part could not do. Into so deep a degene∣racy is humane nature capable of falling, as not only to be vile to the utmost degree of wickedness, but when they have been so, to glory in their shame, and after all, gild it over with the pretence and colour of Religon.
III. EPIPHANIƲS having thus broke loose from the Snare of the Devil, thought himself oblig'd in gratitude to God, and for the good of the World to discover this damnable and accursed crew. There were no less than fourscore of them in the place where he then liv'd, who sheltered themselves under the common profession of Chri∣stians, whose names he presented to the Bishops and Governors of the Church, and by that means routed them and their pernicious Sect quite out of the City. After this he betook himselfk 1.10 to an ac∣curate observation and imitation of the Lives of those pious and de∣vout Ascetics, for which Aegypt was then so famous through the Chri∣stian World, to whose strict and Philosophick manners he conform'd himself. And in this course he continued some years, till the twen∣tieth year of his age, at what time he return'd back into his own Countrey, and put himself under the Discipline of Hilarion, the Father and Founder of Monachism in those parts. This Hilarion was bornl 1.11 at Tabatha a Village within five miles of Gaza in the South of Palestine, and had been sometimes Pupil to S. Antony, the great Aegyptian Her∣mit, by whose institution and example he set up the Monastick Life in his own Countrey, planting himself in the Deserts towards the Sea seven miles from Maiuma, the port belonging to Gaza. In the reign of Julian he was forc'd to quit his own Countrey, and fled in∣to Aegypt, thence he set Sayl for Sicily, where he liv'd some time, and maintain'd himself by cutting wood in the Mountains, which he carried on his back, and sold in the Neighbouring City; thence he went into Dalmatia, and returning in the latter part of his Life sixt his abode in Cyprus, where he dyed. Epiphanius out of gratitude to his Master, wrote his Life in a short Encomiastick Letter, as S. Je∣rom did afterwards more at large, wherein he gives a full account of his piety and his miracles. Under him Monachism began to thrive apace, and the solitudes of Judea were soon replenish'd with devout Inhabitants, among whom two were more remarkable, Hesychius and Epiphanius; Hesychius resided in the same place with Hilarion, and was his most intimate Companion; Epiphanius settled himself near the place of his Nativity, where he erected a Monastery, over which he presided with great care and piety many years, nor indeed did he ever wholly lay aside the Superintendency and Administration of it.
IV. IT was now about the Reign of Valens (for till then, Sozo∣menm 1.12 expresly says he remain'd at his Charge in Palestine) when he was promoted to the See of Salamis in Cyprus. How, or upon what occasion he came to be chosen to that place, is uncertain: Un∣less we take the account that's given us by the forementioned Wri∣tern 1.13 of his Life, who tells us, that having heard that Hilarion had taken up his residence in Cyprus, he went thither to salute him and receive his blessing. Hilarion kindly entertained him, and after two dayes stay, advis'd him to go to Salamis, where he should find a set∣tled Habitation. It hapned, that the See of Salamis was then va∣cant, and the Bishops of the Island met together about a new Electi∣on, by whom the particular determination of the Person was referr'd to Pappus, an aged Confessor, and who had been fifty years Bishop of Cytria, who going out into the Forum, laid hold upon Epiphanius, and that (as he affirm'd) by Divine Revelation, and taking him
along with him into the Church, ordain'd him first Deacon, then Presbyter, and last of all, Bishop of that place. If this account be true (as there's nothing in it but what's probable enough) then his Ordination to that See must happen some time between Ann. CCCLXVI. (when Hilarion first arrived in Cyprus, where he continu∣ed but seveno 1.14 years in all, two at Paphus, and five in his retirement among the Mountains) and Ann. CCCLXXII. which was the last year of Hilarion's Life; nay, the Author I mention'd plainly inti∣mates, 'twas while Hilarion abode at Paphus, that is, Ann. CCCLXVI. And this agrees exactly with the Relation of Palladiusp 1.15, who seems to make his six and thirty years Govern∣ment of that Church concurrent with the Popedoms of Damasus and Siricius, the former of whom entred upon the See of Rome, Ann. CCCLXVI. Salamis, called afterwards Constantia, was an ancient City, situate upon one of the Eastern Promontories of the Island, built by Teucer Son of Telamon King of Salamis (thence it had its name) one of the Aegaean Islands. 'Twas famous of old for a Temple dedi∣cated to Jupiter, as Paphus was for one to Venus, renowned for being the Birth-place of Asclepiades the Poet, and Solon, the great Athenian Law-giver. That which first rais'd it to a reputation in the Christi∣an World, was the preaching and Martyrdom of S. Barnabas, a Cy∣priot by birth, who preach'd the Christian Faith, and seal'd it with his Blood in this place. Upon which account it became the seat of the Primate, or Metropolitan of the Island, and what honours were in after-times conferr'd upon it, we have noted elsewhere. But alas, the ruins of its ancient greatness are scarce visible in a poor contemp∣tible Village at this day, about two Miles distant from Famagust••, the now Capital City of the Countrey. Epiphanius being thus ad∣vantagiously plantedq 1.16, the Fame of the man soon spread it self throughout the World. For Salamis being a Port-town, and by that means a place of great Commerce and Traffick, he quickly grew into the notice and veneration of Strangers from all parts, as on the other side his diligence in his Office, and the Piety and Charity of his Conversation, and the skill and fidelity wherewith he manag'd even Civil and Secular Affairs, rendered him no less dear and ac∣ceptable to his own People at home.
V. INDEED so great was his Reputation and Renown abroad, that Addresses were made to him from all parts as the common Ar∣biter of controverted questions in Religion, and one that was best able to explain the sence of the Catholick Faith. Ann. CCCLXXIII. or the beginning of the following year came Lettersr 1.17 to him from Matidius and Tarsinus in the name of themselves and the other Pres∣byters at Suedra a City in Pamphylia, intreating him to send them an accurate account of the Catholick Doctrine concerning the blessed Trinity, and especially the Divinity of the Holy Ghost. For it seems the Macedonian Heresie (which Sozomens 1.18 tells us, diffus'd it self through Bithynia, Hellespont, and the neighbouring Provinces) had ram∣bled hither, and infected many in this Countrey, so that neglecting the stale Controversies about the Son of God (as men are naturally fond of novel errors) they greedily caught up the new-started Blas∣phemies against the holy Spirit, whose Deity and Divine Dominion they denyed, and whom they degraded into the Class and Ministry
of a Servant and Messenger. And though by the Letters which A∣thanasius and some others had heretofore written to them about this matter, several had been reclaim'd from these pernicious Sentiments, yet the Tares were not wholly rooted up, the minds of many conti∣nuing still leaven'd with this Impiety. They besought him there∣fore to give them a full account what was the Orthodox Belief in this case, they having none near at hand able accurately to discuss those subtle and perplex'd questions, that had been set on foot amongst them. This Request was accompanied likewise with a Lettert 1.19 from Palladius, Governor of that City, upon the same errand, and to the very same effect. In answer to both he wrote 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 (as 'tis call'd) a large Responsive, wherein he particularly opens the Doctrine of the Catholick Church in the Articles relating to the several Per∣sons in the Trinity, which he explains and confirms from Scripture, and vindicates from the most specious Cavils and Pretences which the Hereticks usually made against it, together with an account of the Resurrection, and the consequent Articles that depend upon it. This Tract he styl'd the Ancoratu 1.20, because Anchor-like it serv'd to fix and confirm instable minds in the knowledge of the Truth, and to keep them from being toss'd to and fro, and carried about with eve∣ry wind of Doctrine. In this Book he had among other things acci∣dentally inserted a Catalogue of the names and numbers of several Heresies, which had infested the Church in all ages. The notice whereof being got abroad, awakened the curiosity of many, and par∣ticularly of Acacius and Paulus, two Archimandrits, or Prefects of Monasteries in the parts about Chalcedon, and Beraea in Caelesyria, who wrotew 1.21 to him the next year by Marcellus, who being newly instru∣cted in the Faith, was desirous to be more fully Principled and Con∣firm'd by Epiphanius; by him they excuse their not waiting Personal∣ly upon him, which they intended, had not weakness and infirmity constrain'd them to keep at home, assuring him, they look'd upon him as a second S. John, one whom God had extraordinarily rais'd up to be a new Apostle and Preacher to the Church. But the main business of the Letter was to beg of him to give them an account of the Opinions and Practises of the several Heresies that had disturb'd the Church; a task which could not but be infinitely acceptable to them and all good men. Hereupon he compos'd his larger Work against Heresies, wherein besides the Historical part, he makes a par∣ticular Confutation of every Heresie, amounting in all to the number of LXXX. which he draws down through the several ages of the World to his own time, that is, till the eleventhx 1.22 year of Valens and Valentinian, Ann. CCCLXXIV. From this date Baroniusy 1.23 conceives he began this work a year before he received the Letter from the Monks of Syria, the Inscription whereof makes it not written till the fol∣lowing year. But either there's an error in the date of that Inscrip∣tion (which being none of Epiphanius his own might easily happen) or else by that date of the XI. of Valens, Epiphanius intended, not that he then began, but only brought down his account to that time. It being otherwise certain both from the Preface, and the beginning of the Work it self, that he set upon it at the request of those Syri∣an Archimandrites. And whereas in their Letter they tell him, they had heard he had drawn out and ascertain'd the names of the several
Heresies, that plainly refers to the passage in his Ancoratz 1.24, where (as we observ'd before) he sets down their names and numbers, and that in the very same method, wherein he treats of them afterwards. To this work he gave the Title of Panarium, the Store-house, designing it he tells usa 1.25, to be a 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉 Physick-chest, or Apothecaries shop, replenish'd with Antidotes adapted to those several Poysons, and venemous Wounds, which error had made upon the minds of men. But the largeness of the Work, and the subtlety of the Con∣troversies debated in it, rendered it less useful to unlearned and undi∣scerning Readers, for whose sakes he afterwards contracted it into an Anacaephalaeosis, or Epitom, that it might become more familiar and accommodate to ordinary use. Nor was it enough, that he was thus imployed at home the necessities of the Church call'd for his assistance abroad. Ann. CCCLXXXII. Gratian and Theod••sius summon'd a Coun∣cil to meet at Rome to compose the controversie that had rais'd so much dust in the East, about the See of Antioch, possess'd by Pau∣linus, and challeng'd by Flavian, whose cause was espous'd and asser∣ted by a Synod at this time sitting at Constantinople. Besides the We∣stern Bishops, there arriv'd at Rom•• some out of the Eastb 1.26, especially Paulinus of Antioch, and our Epiphanius. He lodg'd in the House of the Lady Paula, Relict of Toxotius, a Gentleman of Rome, who en∣tertain'd him with all possible kindness, happy that she had got such a Guest under her Roof. The Acts of this Synod are lost, but by the event it appears, that the Cause was adjudged for Paulinus. And now having done his errand, and seen Rome, and convers'd with all the great Persons there, the next Spring he return'd back to Cy∣prus.
VI. HE had now for many years peaceably govern'd the Cyprian Churches; when by means of John (who Ann. CCCLXXXVI. suc∣ceeded Cyril in the See of Jerusalem) he was unhappily involv'd in Troubles and Controversies, that devour'd the latter part of his life. For the understanding of which we are to know, that he still retain'd a Relation to the Monastery, call'd Old Ad, which he had heretofore erected and constituted near Eleutheropolis in Palestine, for the better administration whereof he was forc'd sometimes to repair thither, and by that means maintain a nearer and more frequent intercourse with the Bishop of Jerusalem. John was a man proud and passionate, and besides of wavering and inconstant Principles: He had herdedc 1.27 with the Arian and Macedonian Party during the late Persecutions in the Reign of Valens, and though he had deserted them upon his promoti∣on to that See, yet he still retain'd some kindness for the old Opini∣ons, especially was a secret friend to the Doctrines of Origen, where∣to Epiphanius was a profess'd Antagonist. This begat mutual jealousies, which at last burst out into an open flame. It hapned that Epipha∣nius preachingd 1.28 in the Cathedral at Jerusalem, directed his Discourse against the Origenian dogmata. The Bishop thought himself touch'd with the Sermon, and together with his Clergy sometimes by signs of anger, sometimes by expressions of scorn and derision shew'd that he sat uneasie, and pitied the doting old man, till not able to hold longer, he sent up his Arch-deacon to him, commanding him to cease preaching about those matters. And when after Sermon, as they were going from the place of the Resurrection to that of the Cross,
People of all sorts flock'd after Epiphanius in such Crowds, and with such expressions of reverence and devotion, that there was no passing forwards, the others envy began to boyl, and he could not forbear telling him to his Face, that he purposely contriv'd and caus'd these stops. And when at another time the Congregation was born in hand that they should again hear Epiphanius, John himself stept into the Pulpit, and thundred out nothing but sharp invectives against the Heresie of the Anthropomorphites, who affirm, that God has humane parts and shape, turning himself all the while towards Epiphanius, to insinuate a suspition into the Peoples minds, that he was guilty of that impious and absurd Opinion. Sermon being ended, the good old Bishop stood up, and told the Congregation, that what his Bro∣ther had spoken against the Anthropomorphite-Heresie was very well, and that he himself heartily condemn'd it; but that withal it was but just, that as they condemn'd this Heresie, they should condemn likewise the perverse Doctrines of Origen. A motion which the Congregation entertain'd with laughter and acclamations to the equal shame and vexation of their Bishop.
VII. HITHERTO they had stood on some tolerable Terms, when John laid hold on an opportunity of openly venting his spleen, and that upon this occasion. Epiphanius's Monasterye 1.29 was destitute of a Priest, who might constantly officiate the Divine Services amongst them, a task which S. Jerom and Vincentius, both Presbyters, who liv'd near at hand in the Monastery at Bethlehem, out of modesty re∣fus'd to undertake. Complaint hereof being made to Epiphanius by the Brethren of the Monastery, a fit man was sought for, and Pauli∣nianus S. Jerom's younger Brother was the Person pitcht on for this purpose: But he out of humility did not only decline it, but refus'd to come near any Bishop lest he should lay hands upon him. At length going along with others to wait upon Epiphanius, then in those parts, about some business of the Monastery, the Bishop commanded the Deacons that were present to apprehend him, and so overpowred him with the weight of his Authority and Perswasion, that he unwil∣lingly submitted to be ordain'd Deacon; which Epiphanius presently perform'd in the Parish-church next to the Monastery, as after some convenient time, though with the same difficulty, he advanc'd him to the order of Presbyter, dessgning him as Domestick Chaplain to that Monastery. The Report hereof was soon carried to John of Jerusalem, who was not a little glad of the opportunity. He now fill'd every corner with loud Declamations against Epiphanius, that he had violated the Canons of the Church, by taking upon him to Or∣dain out of his own Diocess, that the Person ordain'df 1.30 was little bet∣ter than a Boy, and if any of his Clergy own'd his Ordination, they should lose their place in the Church; that Epiphanius had traduc'd him for an Heretickg 1.31, and in his publick Devotions had pray'd for him in these words, Grant, Lord, to John, that he may believe aright; that therefore he was resolv'd to make him know himself, and to ac∣quaint all parts of the Christian World with his unwarrantable un∣canonical Proceedings, and that if men would not do him right, he summon'd him to a Tryal before the Divine Tribunal. To all this bluster Epiphanius return'd him a gentle Letter, wherein he mildly reproves him for his passionate and unchristian carriage in this mat∣ter,
and lays before him the true state of what had pass'd; assuring him, he might rather have expected thanks for what he had done, than that it should be made the Foundation of a Quarrel; that he had done nothing herein, but what in like cases had been customary in his Countrey, where Catholick Bishops ordain'd Presbyters with∣in his Province, yea, that he had desired some (particularly Philo and Theoprobus) that because his Diocess was wide and large, there∣fore in those Churches of it that lay next to theirs, they would Or∣dain Presbyters, as occasion requir'd, and provide for the necessities of the Church; that he of all others had least reason to complain, the Ordination being done not in his, but in the Diocess of Eleuthe∣ropolis, and that if any found themselves agrieved, it must be, as S. Jerom observes, the Bishop of Caesarea, who was Metropolitan of the whole Province. For the age of the Person ordained, S. Jerom adds, that he was not much under thirty, and that John himself was not much above, when he was made Bishop, and had ordained others at that very age, whereat Paulinianus was made Presbyter. But the truth was, as Epiphanius tellsh 1.32 him, it was not so much the business of Paulinianus that had mov'd his Choler, the root of the matter lay deeper, 'twas that he had rubb'd him sometimes with his Affection to Origen and his Opinions; whom he had charged as the Parent of Ari∣anism, and other dangerous errors; 'twas the touching this tender string had offended his ears, and put him into such an angry ferment: for the Charge of traducing him in his Devotions, 'twas a great mi∣stake, he might be confident he was not guilty of so much rudeness, but bore a greater Reverence towards him and his Office, than so to vilisie him before the People, that he had done but what was usual in the conclusion of the publick Prayers, to pray for him as he did for all other Bishops, that God would keep him, and grant him to Preach the word of Truth: That therefore he passionately besought him especially to renounce all Communion with Origens, or any other Heretical Opinions, to which end he lays before him eight several Principles asserted by Origen, which he desires him as a Sp••cimen to consider, and to come off roundly in those points, and to desert all those that pertinaciously adhered to them.
VIII. BUT John has not yet done with his Charge, he further accusesi 1.33 him of injury and violence, and that he had in a manner robb'd one of the Churches in his Diocess. The truth of which case was thus. Epiphanius in his way to Bethel came to a Village called Anablatha, where espying a Church, he turned in to offer up his Pray∣ers. Entring into the Church, he beheld a Curtain hanging over the door, whereon was painted the Image of Christ, or some Saint. De∣testing such Innovations in the Church, expresly contrary to the Au∣thority of the holy Scriptures (as himself tells us) he tore the Cur∣tain, and advised the Churchwardens to make use of it rather as a Shroud to bury the dead. They told him that since he had torn that, 'twas but reasonable he should give them another, that was not ob∣noxious. This he immediately promis'd, and after some time sent the best he could get, desiring the Bishop to convey it to the Pres∣byters of that place, and that he would henceforward take care, that such painted Curtains being against our Religion, should not be hung up in the Church of Christ, it being much more his duty to be
watchful and sollicitous, to remove an occasion of scruple that was un∣worthy of the Church of Christ, and the People committed to his Charge. A passage so clearly expressive of the Doctrine and Practice of the Church in the point of Images n that age, that the Champions of the Church of Rome are at infinite loss about it. Some of them say, that the good Bishop treated the Picture with that resentment, be∣cause he supposed it to have been the Image of some infamous Per∣son, usurping the place of a Saint; others that this Epistle is spuri∣ous, and falsly Fathered upon Epiphanius; others that this latter part of it only is Supposititious, added by a later hand; and this way goe Baronius, Bellarmin, and the most, without any Authority, or just pretence of reason. And therefore Baronius after all the pains he had taken to make it seem an imposture, dares not yet be very confident of his own Conjecture. Wherefore others discerning these Shifts and Artifices to be weak and desperate, allow the Story, but withal decry Epiphanius as a downright Icon••••last, an enemy to Image Worship, and therefore to be little regarded in this case. And if they put it upon that Issue, we are content. Nor indeed is this the only Testimony Epiphanius has given in this matter: The Fathersk 1.34 of the second Nicene Council, the great Patrons of Image-worship, have recorded another to our hand. Take heed (says Epiphanius) to your selves, and hold fast the Traditions which you have received, turn∣ing neither to the right hand, nor to the left; and keep this continually in mind, never to introduce Images into Churches, n••r into the Church∣yards of the Saints; but have God always in your minds and memories. After which 'tis added, that the same Father publish'd other Dis∣courses in confutation of Images, which they that are curious and inquisitive might easily meet with. And though 'tis true, the good Fathers of the Synod question the validity of that Testimony, yet upon what weak and frivolous pretences they do it, any man may at first sight discern, that will but be at the pains to look into the wise Proceedings of that Council. But I return.
IX. The Spirit of the man was too far exulcerated, to be heal'd with any Lenitives, or calm Replyes which Epiphanius could return: His Choler still boil'd against him, and the Monks of Palestine that sided with him, especially S. Jerom, who took part with Epiphanius, and so gall'd the other with his tart Reflections, that he suspendedl 1.35 him the Execution of his Ministry, and Communion with his Church, and endeavouredm 1.36 to drive him out of the Countrey, though his attempt that way took no effect. Good men were much troubled at these unhappy Dissentions, and heartily wisht a Composure. A∣mong the rest Count Archelausn 1.37 interposed, and prevail'd with the Parties concern'd to meet in order to it. Time and place were appoint∣ed, and a great number of Monks and others repaired thither to see what would be the issue of this Conference, when after all, John the Bishop did not appear, but sent a trifling excuse, that a certain Ma∣tron, whom he could not leave, was sick, which hindred his com∣ing at that time. The Count sent him word, that they would stay a day or two longer, if he would then come. But all in vain, the Woman was still sick, and the same Excuse must serve the turn. By this 'twas evident to all impartial Observers, that he distrusted his Cause, and durst not abide a Tryal, so that refusing to give Epiphanius
any answer, either by word or Letter, the good old Bishop wrote to the Monks, not to Communicate with him, till he had given sa∣tisfaction in those points of Heresie, whereof he stood impeacht. But so far was he from that, that he set himself to make a wider breach, and what he had formerly threatned, that the World should ring of Epiphanius's actings, he now put in Execution, writing Let∣ters into all parts, and among the rest, probably, to Theophilus of Alexandria, who either at his invitation, or of his own accord, sent Isidoreo 1.38 his Presbyter with Letters into Palestine, if possible, to Um∣pire and Compose the difference. But Isidore was underhand too good a Friend to Origenism, to do any thing that might prejudice the Cause of the Bishop of Jerusalem, to whom and his Party he wrote beforehand, that they should stand their ground, and not be fright∣ed with any terrors or threatnings, that he would come directly to Jerusalem, and at his arrival, make the attempts of their Adversaries sly before him, as Smoke is dispersed in the Air, or as Wax melts at the presence of the fire. And when he did come, he took no care to pursue the ends of his Legation: Thrice indeed he gave meeting to the other Party, and entertain'd them with the Commands of his Master, and a parcel of smooth words tending to Peace, but conceal'd the Letters which Theophilus had sent to them. And when S. Jerom once and again demanded them, he refused to deliver them, confes∣sing he had been engag'd to do so by the Bishop of Jerusalem. And so his Legation came to nothing. At his departure John gave him an Apologyp 1.39 (penn'd by Isidores's own Council and Contrivance) to be delivered to Theophilus, wherein after he had complemented him with some flattering insinuations, that as a man of God, adorn'd with Apo∣stolick grace, he did even in the midst of all his Affairs at home su∣stain the care of all the Churches, and especially the Church of Je∣rusalem (though as S. Jerom notes, this had been a fitter Address to the Bishop of Caesarea) he proceeded to make an odious representa∣tion of his Adversaries; and because he had been charg'd with Ori∣genian Errorsq 1.40, eight whereof Epiphanius had objected to him, he thought himself oblig'd to offer somewhat in his own Vindication; but passing by all the greater points, he touch'd only upon three of the less material, and that too in so loose and careless a manner, as if there were no doubts concerning them, or that they did not deserve a more close and accurate discussion. However his Letter having as good a Friend as Isidore for its Interpreter, we may be sure would be made to speak fair for him at Alexandria.
X. THREE yearsr 1.41 Epiphanius had waited for satisfaction, and had patiently born the injuries which John had thrown upon him, hoping that at last he would clear his Reputation, and do right to Truth. But he found the man incurable, and that the only use he made of his silence, was to fill the World with clamours against him. He resolv'd therefore to be no longer wanting to himself, but dispatcht away Letterss 1.42 to all the most considerable Churches, to the Bishops of Palestine, to Alexandria, and especially to Pope Siricius at Rome, where John's Complaints had made the loudest noise. But because the Controversie was not clearly understood there, Pammachius a learned Gentleman of Rome, who upon the death of his Wife Paulina had taken the Monastick Rule upon him, wrote to S. Jerom, desiring from
him a full account of this matter; which he accordingly gave him in a very large learned and eloquent Epistle, wherein he truly repre∣sents matter of Fact, vindicates Epiphanius and himself, and describes John in his proper colours. This Letter was written Ann. CCCXCIII. shortly after which he sent another much to the same effect to The∣ophilus of Alexandria, to undeceive him in those things, wherein John and Isidore might have misinform'd him; the aspersions which had been thrown upon himself, he wipes off with an elegant defence, and assures him, that notwithstanding all the spiteful attempts which John had made against him and his Party, yet they were heartily disposed to Peace, if he would but give the World satisfaction in the business of his Faith. The Epiphanius Cause being thus brought in∣to open light, John saw 'twas in vain to bear up against the Stream, and so fairly let it fall, never after, that I find, appearing in it. By which means the good old man gain'd a present respite. But it last∣ed not long. For the Origenian Controversie being soon after reviv'd, though upon another occasion, involv'd him in fresh troubles, that ended not but with his Life. An account whereof, as being neces∣sary to clear the remainder of this, and some parts of the following Life, we shall a little more particularly relate.
XI. THE broaching of the Arian Tenents about the beginning of this Saeculum, had a little awakened the long buried Cause of Origen; but it came not to any considerable height till about the close of it, when a Question was startedt 1.43 among the Monks in Aegypt, especially those of Mount Nitria (where were the most frequent and celebra∣ted Convents) whether God was a purely incorporeal Being, or had the Parts and Figure of a man? Upon this the Monasteries were divided, many defending the Orthodox Notion, while others of the simpler sort understanding those places of Scripture (which ascribe Eyes, Face, Hands, &c. to God) in a strict literal sence, fiercely espous'd the latter part of the Question, and because Origen's Wri∣tings were chiefly made use of to beat down their Opinion, they wholly rejected them, and quarrell'd with all that did approve and own them. Theophilus was at this time Bishop of Alexandria, a man subtle and politick, and one that knew how at any time to put a good Colour upon a bad Cause, and to sail with every Wind, by which he might reach the point he aim'd at. He had in his Paschal Letters sufficiently declared himself for the incorporeal Opinion, and in his Sermons smartly inveighed against those of the opposite Party. This quickly came to the Monks at Nitria, who alarm'd with it, flock'd in a great Body to Alexandria, intending to make him redeem his impiety (as they call'd it) with the price of his Head. He was aware of their coming, and going forth to meet them, entertain'd them with a pleasant look, addressing to them in the words of Jacob to his Brother Esau, I have seen you, as though I had seen the Face of God. With this crafty and ambiguous answer the deep pated Monks were well pleas'd and satisfied, supposing he meant, that God had a Face like to theirs; but added withal, if you mean really what you say, condemn the Books of Origen, by which many are seduc'd into the contrary Opinion, and enabled to fight against us; and unless you do this, we are resolv'd to treat you as an impious Person, and an Enemy to God. The Bishop replyed, be not angry, Sirs, I am ready
to do what you have a mind to, I for my part detest the Books of Origen, and condemn all those that admit them. And with that assu∣rance they departed, confident that they had got the day.
XII. And here the Controversie might have slept and dyed, had not Theophilus thought good to awaken it, to minister to his private malice and revenge. Four Brothers there were, from the talness of their Stature call'd Longi, who presided over the Aegyptian Monaste∣ries, Dioscurus, Ammonius, Eusebius and Euthymius, all of them re∣nown'd for their learning and pious Lives, in great favour with The∣ophilus, who receiv'd them with all imaginable kindness and respect. Dioscurus, though unwilling, he consecrated Bishop of Hermopolis, and two others of them he in a manner forc'd to live with him at A∣lexandria, and made them Stewards of the Revenues of his Church. But they weary of the cares of a Secular Life, as too great an in∣trenchment upon their Pious and Philosophick genius, and much more weary of Theophilus's griping and covetous practises, who put them upon ill courses to advance his Projects, resolved to return back to their beloved Solitudes. The Bishop did what he could to disswade them from it, but when he perceived their Resolution unalterable, and much more the Reason that made them desert him, he began to storm, and threaten he would be even with them, which they little regarding went back to the Monasteries. At the same time he fell out with Isidore,u 1.44 who had not long since also been his Favourite, partly because he refus'd to be Witness to a Will pretending that Theophilus's Sister was left Heiress to a certain Estate, partly because being Treasurer for the poor, he had denyed Theophilus a Sum of Money towards his magnificent Buildings, telling him, 'twas much better to cloath the Backs, and refresh the Bowels of the poor, which are the true Temples of God, than to lay it out upon Roofs and Walls. Theophilus vex'd to be thus defeated and reproach'd, set him∣self to ruine him, Palladiusx 1.45 adds, that in a solemn Consistory he ar∣raign'd him of no less than Sodomy upon a forg'd Writing, and when baffled in that, suborn'd a young man to swear the Charge, whose Mother discovered the Plot, and produc'd the Money that had been given her Son. However putting the best face he could upon it, he excommunicated and ejected Isidore, who not knowing how far it might be safe for him to stay longer there, fled to Mount Nitria, where he had been brought up in his younger years, whom The∣ophilus followed with Letters to the Bishops of those parts, com∣manding them to cast him and his Partizans out of those solitary Recesses: The Monks hearing what was done, and pitying the hard case of Isidore, resolv'd that a Committee of their number, and Am∣monius in the Head of them should go to Alexandria to treat with the Bishop about this matter. Theophilus at first promised to restore Isidore to Communion, and being oft urg'd with his Promise, to dis∣courage any more such Addresses threw one of the Monks into Pri∣son: Nay, we are told, that he threw the Tippet that he had about him over Ammonius's neck with his own hands, and beating him about the Face, till he was all bloody, with a stern angry Voice, Heretick, said he, Anathematize Origen, though not the least occasion for any such Discourse was offered at that time. But Ammonius and his Com∣pany voluntarily went to their Fellow in Prison, and refused to come
out thence, till Theophilus himself came and should fetch them out. Afterwards they yielded to go to him, who having askt their pardon for what had been done, quietly dismist and sent them home.
XIII. BUT how smooth soever he might appear without, his Pas∣sion boil'd up within. He had not forgot his former quarrel to Dios∣curus and his Brethren, and though in his late rude treatment of Am∣monius he had given him a tast of his kindness, yet he resolv'd now to pay them home all together; which yet he could not effect, but by creating a difference between them and the other Monks; who held them in a mighty esteem and veneration. And no way could he think of so proper for this, as again to set on foot among them the late buri∣ed controversie. He knew Ammonius and his Brethren were stiff As∣s••rters of the Incorporeal Opinion, which the maintainers of were wont to make good among other ways by the reasons and authority of Origen. This he spread abroad by Letters in the Monasteries, advising them to beware of Dioscurus and his Brethren, who following the Doctrine of Origen, sought to introduce an impious opinion, that God was Incorporeal, and had not according to the Testimony of Scripture either Eyes, Ears, Hands or Feet. The design quickly took, and the far greater part of the Monks being simple and illiterate, were for the gross and absur'd part of the question: But what they wanted in learn∣ing, they made up in Zeal, bandying the case not with accurate Dis∣putings, but with noise and clamour. The Dissentions ran high, and grew irreconcilable, and names of reproach were sixt upon each Party, the Assertors of Corporcity scornfully styling the others Origen∣ists, as they on the contrary branded them with the Title of Anthropo∣morphites. And that he might yet cast a further mist before mens eyes, he conven'd a Synody 1.46 at Alexandria, where in frequent Sessions the Cause of Origen was ventilated, and many dangerous propositions gathered out of his Writings were produc'd, which his friends not daring to de∣fend, cryed out, that the places had been corrupted, and the things fraudulently inserted by Hereticks, a thing not to be wondred at, when they had not scrupled to offer violence to the Gospel it self; that therefore the body of his Works was not to be thrown away because of some adulterated passages, which a wise Reader would easily di∣stinguish, and might reject what was corrupt, but retain what was Catholick truth. But this plea was over-rul'd, it being reply'd, that there were Books enough, which the Church receiv'd, that the read∣ing those Books was not to be allow'd, which would do more mischief to the simple and unwary, than they could do good to the Wise and Learned, and therefore good and bad were to be rejected, and the Tares and Wheat to be thrown out together. The issue was, that no man should read, or keep by him the Books of Origen. And though this was nothing to the case of Dioscurus and his Brethren, whom The∣ophilus knew to be far enough from patronizing any of Origen's obnox∣ious opinions, they only using his authority to refell a pernicious and senceless Impiety, yet it serv'd his turn to raise a dust, and to clap a bad name upon them, and then expose them to the censure and hatred of the People, who perhaps would never enquire how they came to have that name put upon them.
XIV. AND this 'tis like the Synod had been told, had the Monks been there: But it seems they were never summon'dz 1.47, Theophilus wisely foreseeing, that had they been call'd, his actions must have been rifled into, and his fraud and ill arts would have been brought to light. And therefore he never proceeded against the body of the Monks, but only against Ammonius and his Brothers, against whom he procur'd a Synodal Sentence. Nay, if we may credit what Palla∣dius further relates, he procur'd five persons, men of no authority or account amongst the Monks, and therefore more likely to be pliable to his designs, one of whom he consecrated Bishop (though but of a little Village, there being no City to set him over) a second Pres∣byter, the three others Deacons. To these Confidents of his he deli∣vered Libels of accusation against the Brethren, which himself had fra∣med, and which they subscrib'd, and afterwards delivered to him in the face of the Church. He, as if he had known nothing of the mat∣ter, took the Libels at their hands, which he immediately presented to the Augustal Praefect, or Vice-Roy of Egypt, intreating his War∣rant and assistance, that those infamous persons might be expell'd the Country. His request was soon granted, and being now armed with the Civil Power and attended by a company that would do his work, whom to that end he had well warm'd with Wine, away he goes at night for Mount Nitria; and first he seizeth upon Dioscurus, whom he depos'd, and committed to his Aethiopian Slaves, taking into his own possession his Episcopal See, though of as great antiquity as any in those parts;b 1.48 it having been the placea 1.49 where Joseph and the blessed Virgin rested with our Infant-Saviour, when they fled into Egypt. Next he goes to the Monasteries, the plunder whereof he permitted to the Souldiers, but not finding the persons he sought for, he first set fire to their Cells, and burnt their Books, and among them their Bi∣bles, and the very portions of the Eucharist, and as those who were eye-witnesses affirm'd, a little youth into the Bargain, and then re∣turn'd back in Triumph. The truth is, the three Brothers upon the first news of his approach had hid themselves in a Well, the mouth whereof being covered over with a mat prov'd a safe shelter to them. The danger being over, and they well knowing those parts would afford them no protection, left the Country, and with Dioscurus (who had made his escape) fled into Palestine, first to Jerusalem, and then to Scythopolis (anciently call'd Bethsan, situate in the half Tribe of Ma∣nasses on this side Jordan) where, as being best furnish'd with Palm∣trees, the leaves whereof the Monks made great use of in their ordina∣ry mechanical operations, they seated themselves. Hither repair'd to them great numbers of their old company, about LXXX. say some; CXXVI. nay CCC. say others. But Theophilus his malice stopt not here, he wrote to the Bishops in Palestine in a strain lordly enough, that they ought not without his advice to have received these Fugitives, but in that their ignorance might excuse them, and he would pass it by, but that for the time to come they should not in any way of Con∣verse either Civil or Sacred, entertain them. However here they continued, till hearing that Theophilus design'd Messengers to Constan∣tinople, to complain against them at Court, they conceiv'd it best to be beforehand; so Dioscurus and several others repaired thither, where Chrysostom, then Arch-bishop of the Imperial See, receiv'd them with
all due kindness and respect. By the whole carriage of this affair and what follows in relation to Chrysostom, it evidently appears that Theo∣philus indulg'd passion and prejudice beyond what became a good man. I know an attempt has lately been made to vindicate and relieve his memory, and to that end the whole story of his Transactions with these Egyptian Monks, has been call'd in question, and represented as a piece of Forgery, contriv'd by the Origenian Monks to impose upon the World. But this is a liberty which I confess I dare not take. The story is not only related by Socrates and Sozomen, men of credit enough in other matters, and who had no particular interest to serve in this, who liv'd, if not in, very near that time, and were acquainted with some of the persons concerned in it, but it is very minutely related by Palladius, (or who-ever was the Author of that Dialogue) who with Chrysostom was concern'd in some part of the story, and was very familiarly acquainted both with the Persons them∣selves, and the whole management of the business. I do not deny but those that favoured the Origenian way might set out Theophilus in his worst light, and might put a keener edge upon some of his Acti∣ons, than perhaps they deserv'd. But to say that the whole Story is feign'd, because Sozomen says his Friend, whom he could trust, had one particular passage in it from the Monks themselves (for what Sozomen saysc 1.50 of that, refers only to the Causes of Theophilus his dis∣pleasure against Isidore) is too hard, and would open too wide a gap. For suppose he had had the whole Relation from them: Is no man to be believ'd in his own Cause? Or can any man be so fit to tell the particu∣lar Circumstances of his Case, as he that suffers them? And indeed if the credit of a Story so particularly related, so well attested, must be de∣stroy'd meerly for a few surmises, which a witty man may start in any matters of Fact, I scarce know what parts of Church-story can be secure.
XV. THUS far we have deduc'd the general Story, we shall now bring it home particularly to Epiphanius. Theophilus having Sy∣nodically condemn'd Origenism, wrote an Encyclical Epistle to the Churches abroad, to give them an account of what he had done: And because Epiphanius by reason of his age, and his singular piety and learning, was a Person of greatest Authority at that time, he was desirousd 1.51 to gain him to his Party. Not that heretofore he had quarrell'd with him for being an Anthropomorphite, and to gain his Friendship, did now dissemble himself to be of that Opinion (as Socrates and Sozomen represent it) for though John of Jerusalem did once insinuate such a suspicion, (and Ruffinuse 1.52 it seems took it up, and gave countenance to it) yet Epiphanius did immediately disown and protest against it: But he knew well it would be of mighty advan∣tage to his Cause, to have so near a Neighbour, and so considerable a Person on his side. To him therefore besides the general Epistle, he wrotef 1.53 more particularly, to let him know that with the Sword of the Gospel he had cut in pieces those Origenian Serpents, that had crept out of their holes, and had cleer'd Mount Nitria of that pesti∣lent Contagion; that now 'twas his part, who had been an old Soul∣dier in these Conflicts, to support and relieve those that were fight∣ing, and in order thereunto to summon together all the Bishops of his Island, and to send their Synodical Letters to Constantinople and else∣where, that both Origen and his Heresie might by name be condemn'd
by common consent; that he should also give notice hereof to the bishops of Isauria, Pamphylia, and the neighbouring Provinces, that they also might do the like. And that the business might meet with no delay, he advis'd him to send a special Messenger, one of his Cler∣gy with the Letters to Constantinople (as he himself had sent the Heads of the Nitrian Monasteries, with other very considerable Per∣sons on the same errand) who might be able to give a satisfactory account of what had pass'd. Epiphanius like a good-natur'd man was ea∣sily drawn into the engagement, especially being acted by a great Zeal against Origenism. Forthwith he sends Theophilus's Epistle with a Letterg 1.54 of his own to his old Friend S. Jerom, telling him in Tri∣umph, that Amal••ch was now utterly destroy'd, and the Trophees of the Cross erected upon Mount Rephidim, and that as Israel overcame by Moses lifting up his hand, so by the endeavours of Theophilus a Banner had been set up against Origen upon the Altar at Al••xandria. That done, he convocatedh 1.55 all the Bishops of Cyprus, and in a Syno∣dical way condemn'd and prohibited the reading of Origen's works. An account of all which he sent in a Letter to Chrysostom to Constan∣tinople, desiring, that both he himself would abstain from reading Origen's Writings, and that calling a Synod of his Bishops, he would pass the same Decree, as they had done in Cyprus. But Chrysostom seeing further into the business than he did, refus'd to meddle in it, being nothing mov'd either with his importunity, or the Message he had receiv'd from Alexandria.
XVI. EPIPHANIƲS finding this Affair neglected above, re∣solv'd himself, though at that age, to go to Constantinople, and soli∣cit the Cause in his own Person, no doubt prompted herein and spurr'd on by Theophilus his instigation. So taking with him a Copy of the Synodal Sentence he went Aboard, and setting Sayl, he ar∣riv'd at a place call'd Hebdomon, seven miles from Constantinople. Here he landed, and entring into a Church, which the late Emperor The∣odosius had erected there, and dedicated to the honour of S. John the Baptist, he celebrated the Divine Offices; and this being one of the Churches that at the Empresses Charge stood out against the Bishop, they complain'd they wanted one to bear part in the publick solemn Service, so he ordain'd a Deacon for them. Nor need Baroniusi 1.56 wonder at this, and suppose the Historian mistaken in it, it being no more than what Epiphanius had done heretofore in another man's Diocess in Palestine, nor is it likely the Historian should be mistaken in a thing of that nature done not full forty years before he wrote; but to put the Case past all Dispute, we find Chrysostom objecting it to Epiphanius afterwards. This done, he set forwards for the City. Chrysostom hearing of his approach, went out attended with the whole body of his Clergy to receive him with all due honour and respect, and kindly invited him to take up his residence with him in the Epis∣copal Pallace. But he plainly shewed he came with a pre-conceived prejudice, for refusing the civility of the Invitation, he took up his Lodgings in a private House, where gathering together what Bishops were then in Town, he shewed them what Decrees had been made against Origen's works, both in Cyprus and at Alexandria, but with∣out exhibiting any material Charge against them. Some of the Bi∣shops out of reverence to the man complyed with his perswasions, and
subscrib'd the Decrees, but the greatest number refus'd, and among them Theotimus the Scythian Bishop according to the plain manner of his Countrey bluntly told him, for my part, Epiphanius, I shall not take upon me to dishonour a Person dead so long since, and who dyed with so fair a Reputation for learning and piety, nor shall I presume to condemn what our Ancestors never rejected, especially since I know of no ill Doctrine in Origen's works. And with that he pluck'd out one of Origen's Books, which he read before the Company, and shewed to contain Expositions agreeable to the sence of the Church. Adding, that this was an absurd and dangerous Course, and that they that con∣demn'd these Expositions, were not aware that they condemn'd the Subjects upon which those Books were written.
XVII. BY all that had been done Chrysostom was not yet discourag'd from treating Epiphanius with that respect that was due to his age and place. He still urg'di 1.57 him to come and reside in his House, and that they might not only eat, but pray and serve God together. To which he return'd this answer, That he would neither eat nor pray with him, till he had banish'd Dioscurus and his Party out of the City, and had subscribed the Decree against Origen's Writings; whereto the other replyed, that it were a piece of unreasonable rash∣ness and folly to do any thing in this matter, before it had come under a publick Debate and Examination. S. Chrysostom's Enemies were not to be told what use to make of this Difference, for finding Epiphanius forward enough, they push'd him on to all rash and unad∣vised attempts, and this among the rest. There was to be the next day a great Assembly in the Church dedicated to the Apostles; hi∣ther they agreed Epiphanius should go, and standing up, should be∣fore the whole Congregation first condemn Origen's Writings, next Excommunicate Dioscurus and his Company, and lastly reflect upon Chrysostom as siding with them: By which means they did not doubt but they should expose him to the Censure, if not hatred of the Peo∣ple. This Design was discovered to Chrysostom, who the next morn∣ing just as Epiphanius was going into the Church, sent him this Mes∣sage by Serapion his Deacon, that he had strangely violated the Canons of the Church, first in that he had taken upon him to Ordain in his Diocess, then that by his own Authority without any leave from him he had celebrated the Divine Service in his Churches, lastly that being once and again invited, he had refus'd to come at him, and still indulg'd himself in this Liberty; that he had best therefore take heed, lest raising a Tumult and Sedition among the People, the danger should finally return upon his own head. The timorous old man was startled at the Message, and immediately retir'd, and not long after left the City.
XVIII. NOR had he much better success at Court. It hapnedk 1.58 that the young Prince, Arcadius his Son, lay at this time dangerously sick; the Empress Eudoxia was infinitely concern'd for him, and sent for Epiphanius (the fame of whose Piety and Miracles had fill'd all places) to desire him to intercede with Heaven for the Princes Life. He told her the Child would recover, if she would but turn off and discard Dioscurus and his Heretical Company. The Empress reply∣ed, if God please to take away my Son from me, his Will be done, the Lord gave, and 'tis he that takes away again: And for your self, were
you able to raise the dead, your own Arch-deacon surely had not dy∣ed: Meaning Crispion, one of his Domestick Attendants, whom he had made his Arch-deacon, and who was lately dead. She perceiv'd what it was that stuck with him, and therefore advis'd Ammonius and his Brothers to go and wait upon Epiphanius. They did so, and when he enquired who they were, Ammonius told him, they were the Longi, that came out of Aegypt, and desired to know, Whether he had read any Books, or convers'd with any Disciples of theirs? He answered, no; upon what account then, replyed Ammonius, have you judg'd them to be Hereticks, whose Opinion you are a Stranger to, and whom you have never Convicted. Epiphanius answered, he had heard so of them. But we, said Ammonius, take a quite contra∣ry Course; we have oft met with your Scholars, and have read your Books, that especially call'd the Ancorate; and when many have be∣spattered and call'd you Heretick, we, as became us towards so venera∣ble a Father, have stood up for you, and taken your part, and defend∣ed your Cause against all Opposition. Wherefore neither ought you by meer hearsay to have condemn'd the absent, and charge them with things▪ whereof you had no just Arguments to Convince them▪ nor thus to requite those, who had spoken so well of you. The good man was a little asham'd with the Rebuke, and af••e••wards treated them with more calmness, and then dismist them. Soon after he pre∣par'd for his return, being either weary of the errand he had under∣taken, or warn'd by God of his approaching dissolution.
XIX. THE report went, that at parting Chrysostom and he took leave of each other, with this odd Farewell, I hope, said he to Chryso∣stom, that you shall not dye a Bishop; whereto the other replyed, I hope you will never come safe into your own Country. This if so, shews that as wise and good men may fall out, and be transported by impotent and unreasonable Passions, so God sometimes takes men at their Word, whips them with their own Rods, and suffers them to reap the Fruits of those rash and ill-advised Wishes, which a calm and composed Reason would have prevented; as in this Case it came to pass, Chry∣sostom dying in Exile, and the other never coming home alive. As he was going to take Ship, he turr'd to the Bishops that waited up∣on him to the shore, I leave you (said he) the City, the Court, and the Scene. I am going, for I hasten away, and that apace. The Ship was quickly under Sayl, and carried him out of sight, a fit Monitor of that sudden departure that now attended him, for he dyed on Ship∣board during the Voyage. Polybiusl 1.59 that pretends to have been his Companion in this very Voyage, gives us a particular account of his last hours, and though I cannot recommend this with the same assu∣rance, I have done the rest, yet it containing nothing but what's pro∣bable enough, I shall briefly set it down. Being sat down in his a∣partment, he held, as his Custom was, the New Testament in his hand, and with sighs and tears opened the Book, and then folded it up, and wept again; then he arose and prayed, and after sat down, and turning to his two Attendants, Isaac and Polybius, began with tears to Discourse to them to this effect.
That if they lov'd him, they should keep his Commandments, and then the love of God should abide in them; they knew through how many Afflictions he had pass'd in his time, which yet he did not think burdensome,
but was always chearful in any thing wherein God was concern'd, who had never sorsaken him, but delivered him out of all dangers, as all things work together for good to them that love God: That the Devil had oft assaulted and set upon him, especially by his A∣gents in all places, the Simonians in Phoenicia, the Gnosticks in Ae∣gypt, the Valentinians and other Hereticks in Cyprus; that they should do well to hearken to his last Councils: Be not covetous, and you shall have enough; hate no man, and God will love you, speak not against a Brother, and the affection of the Devil shall not rule in you; detest all Heresies, as wild Beasts full of deadly Poyson, whereof I have given you an account in my Panarion; turn away from worldly pleasure, that's always ready to charm both Body and Soul, you'l find 'tis the way by which Satan makes his approach, nay, and that many times when no external temp∣tation is present, yet the minds of the unwary entertain themselves with impure Contemplations; but when the mind is kept chast and sober, and has God always within view and prospect, we shall be easily able to rout the Enemy.Having discours'd to this pur∣pose, he commanded the whole Ships company to be call'd, and told them, it highly concern'd them all earnestly to sollicite the Divine mercy, that God would preserve and save them, for that there would be a mighty Storm, but withal, bad them be of good chear, for that none of them should be cast away. After having given some private directions to Polybius and Isaac, he sent for the Seamen, and bad them not be troubled at the Storm, but fly to God, and he would help them. At night the Storm began to arise, which continued two dayes and nights, the next day he prayed, embraced his two Disci∣ples, saying, God preserve you, my Sons, for Epiphanius shall see you no more in this World, and with that expir'd, and immediately the Tempest ceast. Being arriv'd at Salamis, the news of his death fill'd the whole City and Countrey with an universal Lamentation, and flocking to the Shore, they took his Body out of the Ship, and honourably accompanied it to the Church, where it was embalm'd, put up, and at length interr'd. He dyed about the latter end of Ann. CCCCII. or rather the beginning of the following year, being of a great age. Polybius saysl 1.60, that the day that he went on ship-board being ask'd by the Emperor Arcadius, how old he was, he told him, he was CXV. years old, and three months; which he thus compu∣ted, that he was LX. years of age, when he was made Bishop, and that he had been Bishop LV. years, and three months. But that is uncertain, and in part false. This only we can safely rely on, that Ann. CCCXCII. at what time S. Jerom finisht his Catalogue, he was in an extreme old agem 1.61, and that he sat Bishop of Salamis XXXVI. years* 1.62, so that we cannot suppose him to have been much under an hundred years old at the time of his death.
XX. THUS died this good man, who came to his Grave in a full age, like as a shock of Corn cometh in his Season. A man in whose Soul there breath'd a great Zeal for God, and for the interests of Catholick truth. He had searcht into the Principles, and rifled the intreagues of all anci∣ent and modern Heresies, and that fill'd his mind with a brisk generous hatred both of their Doctrines and Practises, and made him contend earnestly for the Faith that was once d••livered to the Saints, and vigo∣rously
oppose whatever did but intrench upon the confines of it; as was manifest in his hearty attempts against Origenism, the desire of sup∣pressing which, put new life into his old age, and made him willing to comply with any pains or troubles, at a time when his Body was sink∣ing under the decays of nature. Nor did he by a clamorous Zeal seek to cover any ill designs, his vertue and piety were conspicuous to the World. The greatest part of his time was spent under the exact Laws and Discipline of the Monastick State, a quite different course of life from what Monachism is in these latter Ages. And when removed to the Episcopal Station, he maintained the same strictness, abstinence, and devotion, insomuch that his example and encouragement drewn 1.63 Ascetics from all parts, and Cyprus was full of Monasteries, which the Lady Paula visited with great Piety, and liberally reliev'd when she pass'd that way into the Holy Land. But among all his vertues none more eminent than his charity. He kept, in effect, an open house, and took care of all that needed, and as the placeo 1.64 where he liv'd, besides ordinary poor presented him with frequent objects ruin'd by Shiprack and losses at Sea, so his Doors and his Purse were shut to none. He had long since expended his own Estate upon charitable uses, and he now as freely disperst the Revenues of his Church, which indeed had a considerable stock. For Persons from all parts sent in vast summs of Money to him as to a common Treasurer, and at their death bequeathed great Legacies and Endowments, being confident that he would dispose of them according to their pious in∣tentions and designs. And so he did with a very liberal hand, till his stock failing, Heaven became his immediate Paymaster. His Steward one day finding his bank run low, told him of it with some resent∣ment, challenging him with an over-profuse Liberality. Which notwithstanding, he remitted nothing of his accustomed Charity. And when all was gone, a Stranger came suddenly into the Stewards Lodging, and delivered into his hand a large bag of Gold, none know∣ing who he was, or whence he came. This free and beneficent tem∣per made his Charity sometimes liable to be abus'd, the bad effect of a good Cause. The story being known of two beggars that agreed to put a trick upon him, the one feigning himself dead, the other standing by passionately bewail'd the loss of his Fellow, and begg'd of Epiphanius, who pass'd that way, a Charity to provide ne∣cessaries for his Funeral. Epiphanius gave it, and went on, and when the beggar jogg'd his Fellow to rise and make merry with what they had got, the man was dead in good earnest. To lesson men to beware how they mock God, and sport with life and death. Epi∣phanius in the mean time was lov'd and admir'd by all, his very Ene∣miesp 1.65 holding him in such Veneration, that in the hottest of all the Arian Persecutions under Valens he liv'd secure and undisturb'd at home, the worst of Hereticks then in power thinking it would fix an indelible reproach and infamy upon their Cause, to persecute so great and good a man.
XXI. HIS Learning was not contemptible in respect either of prophane or sacred Writers, especially he had travers'd the paths of Ecclesiastick Learing. He had some competent Skill in all the most useful Languagesq 1.66, especially the Hebrew, Syriac, Aegyptick, Greek and Latine, thence styl'd by S. Jerom 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, though a little of the
Eastern Tongues went a great way in those dayes. The truth is, his learning was much more considerable than his judgment, and his reading more diffuse, than his reasonings acute and nervous. Some∣times (as Photiusr 1.67 observes) he attempts an Adversary with some smartness, but for the most part his discourses are weak and flat. But his greatest fault was his too much Credulity, generally taking his Accounts of things upon trust, suffering himself to be impos'd upon by those Narratives which the several parties had publisht of the Proceedings either of their own, or their Adversaries side, with∣out due search and Examination, which run him upon infinite mi∣stakes, inconsistences, and confusions, as is notoriously evident (to name no other) in his Relations concerning the Arians, and the se∣veral under-branches of that Stock. His Style is mean and insipid, and approaches not the borders of Eloquence, it being the Chara∣cter, which his good Friend S. Jerom long since gave of his Writings, that learned men read them for the matter and substance, and the simple only for the sake of the style. The chiefest of his Books now extant is his Panarion, or work against Heresies, wherein besides the main design, he has preserv'd many considerable fragments of anci∣ent Ecclesiastick Authors, no where else to be found, and no small part of the History of the Church lies in that Book. The whole design is divided into two Periods, that before, and that since the coming of Christ. The work it self digested into three Books. The first contains three Tomes (as he calls them) or Sections; the first comprehending XX. Heresies, the second XIII. and the third as many. The second Book comprises two Tomes, in the first XVIII. in the se∣cond V. Heresies are treated of. The third Book consists likewise of two Tomes; the first has VII. Heresies, and the second IV. In all LXXX. concluding with the Massalians, who start up in the time of Constantius. In compiling this excellent and useful work he had no small assistance from some of the Ancients, who in this kind had gone before him, Justin Martyr, Irenaeus, Hippolytus, and some others, whose discourses and relations he improved and enlarged, and intirely added the account of those Heresies that arose in his own time, the most active and busie age of the Church.
Sozom. l. 6. c. 32. p. 689.
Lib. 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉.
Lib. de loc. Hebr.
Vit. Epiph. per Joan. di∣scip & Polib. ext. gr. lat. ap. Epiph. Tom. 2. & lat. ap. Sur•• Maij. XII.
Ad Ann. 372. p. 347.
Huet. Origen. l. 2. c. 4. § 2. n. 1. 14.
App. Sac. in Epiph.
Epiph. Heres. XXVI. (••i••. G••ost) p. 48.
Id. ib. p. 44.
Soz••m. ubi supr. vid. ar∣g••ment. li••. Ancorat. prae∣fix. p 468.
Hieron. vit. Hilarion. Er••∣mi••. Tom. 1. p. 241. Sozom. l. 5. c. 10. p. 607.
L. 6. C. 32. p. 689.
Vit. Epiph. ap. Sur. Num. XXXII. XXXIII. &c.
Vid. Hieron. ibid. p. 251.
Dial. de vit. Chrysost. c. 16. p. 151. Edit. Paris. gr. lat. 4o. 1680.
Sozom. ib. p. 689.
Ext. ap. E∣piph. Ancorat. praefix. p. 468.
L. 4. c. 27. p. 586.
Ext. ubi supr.
Vid. Epiph. Haeres. LXIX. p. 321. & Ar∣gum. lib. An∣cor. p. 468.
Ext. Epist. ante Panar.
Vid. adv. Haeres. p. 7.
Ad Ann. 375. p. 370.
Pag. 474.
Praesat. p. 2. & A••••••eph. p. 519.
Hieron. Epi∣••aph. P••ulae. p. 171.
Vid. Hieron. ad Pammach. p. 163, 165.
Id. ib p. 166.
Epiph. Epist. ad Joan. ap. Hieron. p. 156, 157.
Hier. ad Pam∣mach. in sin. Epist. ad The∣oph. p. 186.
Epiph. Epist. p. 157.
Loc. supr. c. tat.
Epiph. Epist. ib. in sin.
〈…〉〈…〉 II. ••. VI. Tom. 7. C••••t. p. 473.
Hier. ad Pam. p. 179.
Id. ad The∣oph. p. 186.
Ad Pamm. ib. p. 180.
Ibid. p. 179.
Ibid. & p. 178
Ibid. p. 164.
Ibid. p. 167.
Ib. p. 189. in sin.
Socr. l. 6. c. 7. p. 309. S••zom. l. 8. c. 11. p. 77••.
Soz. ib. c. 12. p. 772.
Dial. de vit. Chrys. c. 6. p. 52.
Posthum. ap. Sulp. Sev. dialog. 1. c. 3. p. 247.
Pallad. ubi supr. c. 7. p. 55.
Soz. l. 5. c. 21. p. 630.
Vid. etiam Socr. ubi supr. p. 312. Sulp. S. ibid. p. 249.
Vid. Soz. l 8. c. 12. p. 772.
Socr. l. 6. c. 10 p. 315. Sozom. l. 8. c. 14. p. 775.
Hier. Apol. adv. Ruffin. p. 240.
Ext. ap. Hi∣eron. Tom. II. p. 309.
Ext. ap. Hi∣er. i••. p. 311.
Socr. & Soz. loc. cita••.
Ad Ann. 402. p. 147.
Socr. ib. c. 14. p. 320. Sozom. ib. c. 14. p. 776.
Sozom. ib. c. 15. p. 777.
Vit. Epiph. ap. Sur. n. LXIII. &c.
Ib. Num. cit.
Hier. de scrip. in Epiph.
Pallad. loc. s••perius citat▪
Hierom. Epi∣taph. Paul. p. 171.
Sozom. l. 7. c. 27. p. 749.
H••er. ad Pam∣mac••. p. 163.
Id. A••ol. I. adv. R••ss. l. 2. p. 222. & A∣pol. II. p. 233.
Cod. CXXII. col. 304.