Camden's Britannia newly translated into English, with large additions and improvements ; publish'd by Edmund Gibson ...

The ROMANS in BRITAIN.

WHen Valour and Fortune had so conspir'd, or rather Providence had decree'd, that Rome should be Mistress of the world; Caius Julius Caesar,* 1.1 having now conquer'd all Gaule, casts his eye towards the Ocean, as if the Roman world was not of extent enough; that so having subdu'd all, both by sea and land, he might joyn those Countreys by conquests, which nature her self had sever'd. And in the 54th year before Christ,* 1.2 he makes an expedi∣tion into Britain, either provoked by the supplies from thence sent into Gaule, during the course of that war, or because they had received the Bellovaci, who had retir'd hither, or else (as Suetonius writes) excit∣ed by the hopes of British pearls, the weight and bigness whereof he was wont to poise and try in his hand; but rather for the sake of glory, as is easily credible, since he rejected the offers of the British Embassadors, who having notice of his design, came to him, promising they would give hostages, and be subject to the Roman Empire.

Take his entrance into the Island, abridg'd out of his own words. The places, ports, and havens of Britaine being not well known to Caesar, he sends C. Volusenus before with a Galley, who having made what discovery he could in five days, returns to him. The Britains having intelligence of Caesars intended expedition by the merchants, many cities among them sent Embassadors into Gaul to offer him hosta∣ges, and their obedience to the Romans. Being ex∣horted to continue in that resolution, he dismisses them, together with Comius Atrebatensis, who had great authority in those parts (for the Atrebates had before left Gaul, and seated themselves there) that he might persuade them to continue true and faithful to the Romans. But he, upon his first landing, was imprison'd by the Britains. In the mean time, Cae∣sar having drawn together about 80 transport-ships for the two legions, and about 18 more for the horse, sets sail from the country of the Morini, at three in the morning, and about four the day following arrived in Britain, at a place inconvenient for land∣ing; for the sea was narrow, and so pent in by mountains, that they could cast their darts from thence upon the shore beneath. Having therefore got wind and tide both at once favourable, he set sail, and went about eight miles farther, and there, in a plain and open shore, rid at anchor. The Bri∣tains, perceiving his design, dispatched their horse and chariots, to keep the Romans from landing. Here the Romans underwent much difficulty, for those great ships could not ride close enough to the shore in this shallow sea, so that the Soldiers were forced to leap down in unknown places, and under heavy armor, from those high ships, and contend at the same time with the waves and enemy. On the o∣ther side, the Britains, who knew the nature of the place, were free and uncumber'd, and fought either on the dry ground, or but a very little way in the water. So that the Romans were daunted, and fought not with the same heart and spirit they us'd to do. But Caesar commanded the transport-ships to be remov'd, and the galleys to be row'd up* 1.3 just over-against the Britains, and the slings, engines, and arrows to be thence employ'd against them. The Britains being terrify'd with the form of the ships, the rowing of them, and with the strangeness of the Engines, gave ground. At the same time, an Ensign of the tenth Legion, beseeching the Gods that his design might prove successful to the Legion, and exhorting his fellow-soldiers to leap down (unless they would forsake their Eagle, and suffer it to be took by the enemy; for that he would do his duty to his Country, and to his General) immediately jumps out, and advances with his Eagle towards the enemy; all thereupon follow him (nay, Caesar himself first, if we'll believe Julian.* 1.4) Now began a resolute fight on both sides; but the Romans being cumber'd with arms, toss'd with the waves, wanting footing, and withall confus'd, were strangely disor∣der'd; till Caesar made the Pinnaces and ship∣boats ply about with recruits to succour them. As soon as the Romans got sure footing on dry ground, they charg'd the Britains, and quickly put them to flight; but could not pursue them, their horse being not yet arriv'd. The Britains, upon this defeat, pre∣sently sent Embassadors, and with them Comius A∣trebatensis (whom they had imprison'd) to desire peace, laying the fault upon the rabble, and their own imprudence. Caesar, upon this, soon pardon'd them, commanding hostages to be given him, which he receiv'd in part, together with their promise to deliver the rest after. This peace was concluded on the fourth day after his landing in Britain.

At the same time, those eighteen ships wherein the horse were transported, just as they were in sight of Britain, were suddenly, by stress of a storm then a∣rising, driven to the westward, and had enough to do to recover the continent of France. The same night, the moon then at full, the galleys, which were drawn to shore, were filled by the tide, and the ships of burthen, which lay at anchor, so shaken by the storm, that they were altogether unfit for service. This being known to the British Princes (namely, how the Romans wanted horse, ships, and provisi∣on) they revolted, and resolved to hinder them from forraging. But Caesar, suspecting what indeed hap∣pen'd, took care to bring in corn daily, and to re∣pair his fleet with the timber of those twelve which were most shatter'd. While Affairs stood in this po∣sture, the seventh Legion, which was sent out to fo∣rage, and then busie at it, was suddenly set upon by the Britains, and encompass'd with their horse and Chariots.* 1.5 Their way of fighting in these Chariots (as I have already observ'd) is this: First, they drive up and down, and fling their darts, and often disor∣der the ranks of the enemy with the terror and hur∣ry of their horse and Chariots; and if they once get within the ranks of the horse, they light from their Chariots and fight on foot. The Coach-men draw off a little in the mean time, and place their Chari∣ots in such order, that in case their masters are over∣power'd by a numerous enemy, they may readily retire thither. So that they perform at once the speed and readiness of horse, and the stability of foot; and are so expert by daily use and exercise, that on the side of a steep hill, they can take up and turn, run along upon the beam, stand upon the yoke, and from thence whip into their Chariots again. But Caesar coming luckily to their relief, the Romans took heart again, and the British stood astonish'd, who, in hopes of freeing themselves for ever (by reason of the small number of the Romans, and the scarcity of provisions among them) had assembled together in great numbers, and march'd to the Roman Camp; where Caesar engag'd them, put them to flight, slew many of them, and burnt all their houses for a great way together. The very same day the British Em∣bassadors address themselves for peace to Caesar; and he grants it them, doubling their hostages, and com∣manding them to be sent into Gaul. Soon after, the Aequinox being now at hand, he set sail from Britain, and arriv'd safe with his whole fleet in the Conti∣nent. Whither only two Cities in Britain sent their hostages, the rest neglected it. Upon Caesar's let∣ters, and account to the Senate of what he had done here, a procession of twenty days was decreed him,* 1.6 though he gain'd nothing of consequence, either to himself or Rome, but only the glory of making the expedition.

[illustration] map of Roman British Isles

BRITANNIA Romana

The next year, having prepar'd a great fleet (for with transport-ships and private vessels, built by par∣ticular men for their own use, it consisted of above 800 sail) with five legions, and two thousand horse, he set sail from Portus Itius, and landed his army in the same part of the Island where he did the forego∣ing summer. But not so much as an enemy to be seen now; for though the Britains had been there in great numbers, yet terrify'd by this navy, they had retir'd into the upland country. Here Caesar encamps his army as conveniently as he could, leaving ten co∣horts, and three hundred horse to guard the ships. And in the night, marching himself twelve miles up into the Country, finds out the Britains, who re∣treated as far as the river, but gave him battle there; being repulsed by the Roman cavalry, they betook themselves to the woods, which were fortified both by art and nature. But the Romans* 1.7 locking their shields together like a roof close over head, and o∣thers raising a mount, took the place, and drove them from the woods; however, they pursu'd them no farther, as having their Camp to fortifie that night.

The day after, Caesar sent his army in three bo∣dies to pursue the Britains; but soon recall'd them, upon the news that his fleet was the night before wreckt, torn, and cast upon the shore by storm. So returning to the ships, he drew them to land in ten days time, and entrench'd them within the circuit of his camp, and then went back to the same wood from whence he came. Here the Britains had posted themselves with great reinforcements, under the conduct of Cassivellaun or Cassibelin,* 1.8 who, by publick consent, was made their Prince and Gene∣ral. Their horse and Chariots encounter'd the Ro∣mans in their march, with much loss on both sides. After some pause, as the Romans were took up in fortifying their camp, the Britains fell upon those that kept guard with great fierceness, and charg'd back again through two Cohorts, which with the best of two Legions Caesar had sent to their assistance, and so made a safe retreat. The day following, the Britains began to appear very thin here and there upon the hills; but at noon, Caesar having sent out three legions, and all his horse to forage, they set upon them; yet were repulsed at last with great slaughter. And now those aids they had got toge∣ther went off and left them, so that the Britains ne∣ver after encounter'd the Romans with their full pow∣er. From hence Caesar march'd with his army to the River Thames,* 1.9 towards the territories of Cassivellaun, where, upon the other side of the river, he found a great army of the Britains drawn up, having fasten'd sharp stakes in the bottom of the river, to make the passage more difficult. However, the Romans wa∣ding it up to the neck, went over so resolutely, that the Britains left their posts and fled; but not for fear of tower-back'd Elephants, as Poliaenus has it.

Cassivellaun despairing now of any good success by fighting, retains with him only four thousand Chario∣teers, and resolves to watch the motion of the Ro∣mans, sallying out upon their horse, when at any time they happen'd to separate and straggle in their foraging; and so kept them from ranging much in the Country. In the mean time the Trinobantes* 1.10 sur∣render themselves to Caesar, desiring he would pro∣tect Mandubratius (call'd by Eutropius and Bede out of some lost pieces of Suetonius Androgorius,* 1.11 and by our Britains Androgeus) against Cassivellaun, and send him to rule over them. Caesar sends him, demand∣ing forty hostages and provision for his army. By their example the Cenimagni, Segontiaci, Ancalites, Bi∣broci, and the Cassii likewise yield themselves to Cae∣sar; from whom learning that Cassivellaun's town was not far off, fortified with woods and fens; he goes and assaults it in two places. The Britains fled out at another side; yet many of them were taken and cut off.

In the mean time, at the command of Cassivel∣laun, four petty Kings of Kent, Cingetorix, Carvilius, Taximagulus, and Segonax, fell upon the Camp where∣in the Romans had intrench'd their Shipping; yet the Romans issuing out upon them, repell'd them, taking Cingetorix Prisoner. Cassivellaun, upon so many defeats, but mov'd particularly by the revolt of those Cities, sent Embassadors with Comius Atre∣batensis to Caesar, to treat of a surrender. He having resolv'd to winter in the continent, demands hostages, and appoints a yearly tribute to be paid from Britain to the Romans, ordering Cassivellaun to do nothing prejudicial to Mandubratius, or the Trinobantes; and so transports his whole army, with a great number of captives, at two embarkments. Thus much from Caesar of his own War in Britain. Eutropius from some pieces of Suetonius now lost, adds farther.

Scaeva, one of Caesar's soldiers, and four more with him, came over before in a little ship to a rock near the Island, and were there left by the tide. The Britains in great numbers fell upon these few Romans; yet the rest of his companions got back again. Still Scaeva continues un∣daunted, overcharg'd with weapons on all sides; first re∣sisting them with his spear, and after with his sword, fighting there single against a multitude. And when he was at length both wearied, and wounded, and had had his helmet and buckler beat out of his hand, he swam off with two coats of mail to Caesar's Camp; where he begg'd pardon for his rashness, and was made a Centurion.

When Caesar first came to this Island,* 1.12 he was so moderate, and so far from the pomp and state of our present age, that Cotas (who was the greatest Officer in his camp but one) says in his Greek Commentary con∣cerning the Commonwealth of Rome, that all his retinue was but three servants. When he was in Britain, says Seneca, and could not endure his greatness should be con∣fin'd within the Ocean, he had the news of his daughter's death, and the publick calamities like to follow thereupon; yet he soon overcame his grief, as he did every thing else. Returning Conqueror from Britain,* 1.13 he offers to Venus Genetrix, in her Temple, a Corslet of British Pearls. Some of his British captives he appointed for the Theater,* 1.14 and certain tapestry hangings wherein he had painted his British Victories. These were often took away by the Britains, being the persons represented by them; and hence that of Virgil;

Purpurea{que} intexti tollant aulaea Britanni. And how the tap'stry where themselves are wrought, The British slaves pull down.—

And the Britains were not only appointed to serve the theater,* 1.15 but also (tho' this is by the by) the Em∣peror's Sedan, as appears by an old Inscription of that age, which makes mention of a Decurio over the British* 1.16 Sedan-men. Of this Conquest of Cae∣sar's thus an ancient poet:

Vis invicta viri reparata classe Britannos Vicit, & hostiles Rheni compescuit undas. Unconquer'd force! his fleet new rigg'd o'recame The British Troops, and Rhine's rebellious Stream.

To this also may be referr'd that of Claudian con∣cerning the Roman valour:

Nec stetit oceano, remis{que} ingressa profundum, Vincendos alio quaesivit in orbe Britannos. Nor stop'd he here, but urg'd the boundless flood, And sought new British Worlds to be subdued.

Moreover Cicero in a poem now lost intitl'd Quadrigae, extols Caesar for his exploits in Britain to the very skies, in a poetical chariot as it were; and this we have upon the authority of Ferrerius Pedemontanus. For thus he writes, I will draw Britain in your colours, but with my own pencil. However, others are of opinion, that he only frighted the Britains, by a successful battle; or as Lucan says, who was hardly just to Caesar,

Territa quaesitis ostendit terga Britannis. Fled from the Britains whom his arms had sought.

Tacitus a grave solid Author writes, that he did not conquer Britain, but only shew'd it to the Romans. Ho∣race hints as if he only touch'd it, when flattering Augustus, he says the Britains were* 1.17 not meddled withall.

Intactus aut Britannus ut descenderet Sacra catenatus via. Or Britains yet untouch'd, in chains should come, To grace thy triumph, through the streets of Rome.

And Propertius,

Te manet invictus Romano Marte Britannus. Britain, that scorn'd the yoak of our command, Expects her fate from your victorious hand.

So far is that of the Court-historian Velleius Peterculus from being true. Caesar pass'd twice through Britain; when it was hardly ever enter'd by him. For, many years after this expedition of Caesar, this Island was subject to its own Kings,* 1.18 and govern'd by its own Laws.

Augustus* 1.19 seems out of policy to have neglected this Island, for he calls it wisdom, as Tacitus says, (and perhaps it really seem'd so to him) that the Roman Empire should be bounded, i.e. that the Ocean, the Istre, and the Euphrates were the limits which nature had set to it: that so it might be an adamantine Empire (for so Augustus expresses it in Julian) and not,* 1.20 like a ship which is too big, prove unweildly, and sink un∣der its own weight and greatness, as it has usually hap∣pen'd to other great States. Or else, as Strabo thinks, he contemn'd it, as if its enmity was neither worth fearing, nor its benefit worth having; and yet they thought no small damage might be done them by those other Countreys about it. But whatever might be the cause, this is certain, that after Julius, and the Civil Wars of the Empire broke out, Britain for a long while was not heeded by the Romans, even in peaceful times. Yet at last Augustus was on his Jour∣ney from Rome to invade Britain. Whereupon, Horace at that time to Fortune at Antium;

Serves iturum Caesarem in ultimos Orbis Britannos. Preserve great Caesar, while his arms he bends To seek new foes in Britain's farthest lands.

And after he had gone as far as Gaul, the Britains sent their addresses to him for peace; and some petty Princes of them having obtained his favour by Em∣bassies and their good services, made oblations in the Capitol,* 1.21 and made the whole Island almost intimate and familiar to the Romans, so that they paid all imposts very contentedly, as they do at this day, for such commodities as were convey'd to and fro between Gaul and Britain. Now these were ivory, bridles,* 1.22 Chains, amber and glass Ves∣sels, and such like poor common sort of ware. And therefore there needs no garison in that Island. For it would require at least one Legion and some h••rse, if tri∣bute was to be rais'd out of it, and that would hardly de∣fray the charge of the garison; for the imposts must ne∣cessarily be abated if a tribute was impos'd, and when violent courses are once taken, danger may be look'd for. The next year likewise he intended to make a descent into Britain, for breach of treaty and covenants; but he was diverted by an insurrection of the Cantabri and others in Spain. And therefore there is no rea∣son to believe Landinus Servius, or Philargirus, who would conclude that Augustus triumph'd over the Britains, from those verses of Virgil:

Et duo rapta manu diverso ex hoste trophaea Bisque triumphatas utroque a littore gentes. Gain'd from two foes two trophies in his hands, Two nations conquer'd on the neighbouring strands.

To that surrender of the Britains without question this of Horace relates:

Caelo tonantem credidimus Jovem Regnare; praesens divus habebitur Augustus, adjectis Britannis Imperio, gravibusque Persis. When thundring Jove we heard before, Trembling we own'd his heavenly power. To Caesar now we'll humbly bow, Caesar's a greater god below. When conquer'd Britain sheaths her sword, And haughty Persia calls him Lord.

Tiberius* 1.23 seems to have follow'd the counsel of Au∣gustus, and not to have been ambitious of extending the bounds of his empire; for he produc'd a book written by Augustus's own hand, containing the account of the Empire, how many citizens and allies were in arms, the number of fleets, kingdoms, provinces, tributes, or im∣posts belonging to the State; with his advice at last of keeping the Empire within bounds. VVhich in particu∣ar, as Tacitus says, pleas'd him so well, that he made no attempt upon Britain, nor kept any garison there. For where Tacitus reckons up the legions, and in what countreys they were garison'd at that time, he makes no mention of Britain. Yet the Britains seem to have continued in amity with the Romans; For Germanicus being on a voyage at that time, and some of his men being driven by stress of weather upon this Island, the petty Princes here sent them home again.

It is evident enough that Caius Caesar did design to invade this Island;* 1.24 but his own fickle and unsteady temper, and the ill success of his great armies in Ger∣many, prevented it.* 1.25 For to the end he might terri∣fie Britain and Germany (to both which he threaten'd an invasion) with the same of some prodigious work, he made a bridge between the Baiae and the Piles of Puteoli, three miles and six hundred paces in length. But did nothing more in this expedition, than receive Ad∣minius* 1.26 the son of Cunobellin, a King of the Britains, who was vanquish'd by his father, and with a small number of men had fled and yielded himself to him. Upon that, as if the whole Island had been surrender'd, he wrote bo••sting letters to Rome, often charging the ex∣press that was sent with them, to drive up into the very Forum and Senate House, and not to deliver them but in Mars's Temple, and in a throng Senate to the Consuls.* 1.27 Afterward marching forward to the Ocean (as if he de∣sign'd to make a descent into Britain) he drew up his army on the shore; and then taking ship and launching out a little, returned again, and seated in a high pulpit, gave the sign of battle to his souldiers, commanding an a∣larm to be sounded; and on a sudden ordered them to ga∣ther shels. With these spoils (for he wanted those of the enemy wherewith to triumph) he pleased himself, as if he had conquered the very Ocean; and so having rewarded his souldiers, he brought the shells to Rome, that his booty might be seen there also. And in memory of his victory he built a very high tower, from which,* 1.28 as from a watch∣tower, there might be lights kept for the direction of sailers in the night. The ruines of it are sometimes (when the tide is out) seen on the coast of Holland, called by the people thereabouts Britenhuis. Here they often find stones with inscriptions; one of which was C. C. P. F. interpreted by them, I know not how truly, Caius Caligula Pharum Fecit. But more of this in the British Islands.

From hence forward the inner parts of Britain,* 1.29 defeated by civil wars and factions, rather than by the power of the Romans, after much slaughter on both sides, fell by little and little under the subjection of that Empire. For while they fought singly one by one they were all in the end conquered; being so resolutely bent upon one anothers destruction, that till they were all subdued, they were not sensible of an universal danger, by the overthrow of particular States. Nay such was the power of ambition among some of them, that it corrupted and drew them over to the enemy's side, making them faithful and soli∣citous for the Roman interest to the destruction of their own country. The chief of these was Bericus,* 1.30 who perswaded Claudius to invade Britain (which no one had attempted since J. Caesar) being then em∣broiled by faction and civil wars, upon pretence of their protecting some fugitives fled to them. Clau∣dius therefore orders Aulus Plautius* 1.31 then Praetor, to lead an army into Britain, who had much difficulty to get them out of France; for they took it ill,* 1.32 that they were to carry on a war in another world, and so drew out the time with delays and backwardness. But when Narcissus, who was sent to them by Claudius, took Plautius's tribunal, and began to speak to them, the souldiers were so offended at it, that they cried out Jo Saturnalia, (for it is a cu∣stom, during the Saturnalia, for the slaves to celebrate that feast in the habit of their masters) and forthwith willingly followed Plautius. Having divided his army into three bodies, lest all arriving in one place they might be hindred from landing, they were driven back by contrary winds, and so found some difficulty in transporting. Yet taking heart again, by reason that the Comet was turn'd from east to the west, whither they were sailing, they ar∣rived at the Island without disturbance. For the Britains, upon the news of what I have already said, imagining

they would not come, had neglected to muster, and there∣fore without uniting, withdrew into their fens and woods, hoping to frustrate the enemies design, and wear them out with delays, as they had served Caesar. Plautius there∣fore was at much trouble to find them out. After he had found them (they were not then free, but subject to seve∣ral Kings) he first overcame Cataratacus, and after him Togodumnus, the sons of Cynobelline who dy'd before. These not being able to withstand him, part of the Bodun∣ni urrender'd to him, who at that time were subject to the Catuellani. Leaving a garison there, he went on to a certain river; and the barbarians thinking it impassable by the Romans without a bridge, lay careless and negligent in their Camp without heeding it. Plautius therefore sends the Germans over, being accustomed to swim through the strongest current in their arms. These falling upon the ene∣my by surprise, struck not at the men, but altogether at the horses in their chariots, which being once disorder'd, the men were not able to sit them. Next to them he made Flavius Vespasianus, who was afterwards Emperor, and his brother Sabinus, a Lieutenant, march over; who pass'd the river, and cut off likewise many Britains at unawares. However the rest did not fly, but engaged them so resolutely next day, that it continued doubtful which way the victory inclin'd; till C. Sidius Geta, after he had been well nigh taken by the enemy, gave them at last such an overthrow, that the honour of a triumph was granted him at Rome for his great service, though he had never been Consul. From hence the Barbarians drew back towards the mouth of the Thames, where by the slowing of the tide it stagnates, and being acquainted with the na∣ture of the places passed it easily; whereas the Romans in following them ran great hazard. However the Germans swimming, and the others getting over by a bridge above, they set upon the Barbarians again, and killed great num∣bers; but in the heat of pursuit, they fell among bogs and mires, and so lost many of their own. Upon this indiffe∣rent success, and because the Britains were so far from being dismayed at the death of Togodumnus, that they made preparation with more rage to revenge it, Plautius went no farther, but fearing the worst, took care to secure what he had already got, and sent to Rome for Claudius; being commanded so to do, if affairs went ill and dangerous. For this expedition, among much equi∣page and preparation, Elephants* 1.33 also were provided. Claudius upon receiving this news, commits the govern∣ment of the city to Vitellius his fellow-Consul (for he had put him in that Office along with himself for six months:) And now he sets sail from the city to Ostia, and from thence to Marseils; so on the rest of his journey, partly by land, and partly by sea, till he came to the Ocean: then was transported into Britain; where he went directly to his forces that were expecting him at the Thames. Having at last joined Plautius, and took the command of the army, he pass'd the river, and upon a fair engagement with the enemy, who were posted there to receive him, obtained the victory, took Camalodunum, the Royal seat of Cunobellin, and many prisoners therein, either by force or surrender. Ʋpon this he was several times greeted Em∣peror; a thing contrary to the Roman practice: for it was not lawful to give that title to a General above once in one war. To conclude, Claudius having disarmed the Bri∣tains, leaves Plautius to govern them, and to subdue the rest; and returns himself to Rome, having sent Pom∣peius and Silanus, his sons in law, before him, with the news of his victory. Thus Dio. But Suetonius says that he had a part of the Island surrender'd to him without the hazard of a battle or the expence of blood. His stay in Britain was about sixteen days; and in that time he remitted to the British Nobility the con∣fiscation of their goods, for which favour they fre∣quented his temple, and adored him as a God. And now after six months absence he returns to Rome.

It was esteemed so great an action to conquer but a small part of Britain, that anniversary games, triumphal arches both at Rome and at Bullogne in France, and lastly a glorious triumph, was decreed by the Senate in honour of Claudius: and to see it, the governors of provinces and some outlaws were permitted to be present. Upon the top of the Em∣peror's palace was fixed a naval crown, to imply his conquest and sovereignty of the British sea. The provinces contributed golden crowns; Gallia Comata one of nine pound weight, and the hither-Spain one of seven. His entry up into the Capitol was upon his knees, supported by his sons in law on each side; into the Adriatick sea, in a great house triumphant, ra∣ther than in a great ship. The first seat was allowed to his consort Messalina, and it was farther ordain'd by the Senate, that she should be carried in a* 1.34 Cha∣riot. After this he made triumphal games, taking the Consulship upon him for that end. These plays were shew'd at once in two theatres; and many times upon his going out, they were committed to the charge of others. Horse-races were allowed, as many as could be run that day, yet they were in all but ten matches; for between every course there was bear-baitings, wrestlings, and pyrrhick dancings by boys sent from Asia for that purpose. He also con∣ferr'd triumphal honours upon Valerius Asiaticus, Ju∣lius Silanus, Sidius Geta, and others, for this victory. Licinius Crassus Frugi was allowed to ride next after him in trappings and in a* 1.35 robe of date-tree-work. Upon Posidius Spado he bestow'd* 1.36 a Spear without an head; to C. Gavius he gave chains, bracelets, horse-trappings, and a crown of gold, as may be seen in an antient marble at* 1.37 Turin.

In the mean time Aulus Plautius carries on the war with such success, that Claudius decree'd him an Ova∣tion, and went to receive him as he enter'd into the city, giving him the right-hand, both as he rid to the Capitol, and return'd from it. And now Vespa∣sian* 1.38 began to appear in the world; who being made an Officer in this war in Britain by Claudius; partly under Claudius himself, and partly under the conduct of Plautius, fought the enemy thirty times, subdu'd two of their most potent nations, took above twenty towns, and conquer'd the Isle of Wight.* 1.39 Upon this account, he was honour'd with triumphal Orna∣ments, and twice with the Priesthood in a short time: and then besides, with the Consulship, which he en∣joy'd the two last months of the year. Here also Ti∣tus serv'd as Tribune under his father, with the re∣putation of a laborious stout soldier (for he valiantly set his father at liberty when besieg'd,) and no less fa∣mous for the character of a modest man;* 1.40 as appears by the number of his Images, and the titles to them throughout Germany and Britain. What was trans∣acted afterwards in Britain, till towards the latter end of Domitian's reign, Tacitus (who is best able) shall inform you. P. Ostorius, Propraetor in Britain,* 1.41 found affairs in disorder, by reason of the many inrodes in∣to the Country of their Allies; and those the more outra∣giously, because they did not expect that a General but newly made, and unacquainted with the army, would take the field in the winter to oppose them. But Ostorius being sensible that first events would either cast or raise his reputation, with such Cohorts as were next at hand, sets out against them, slew those who withstood him, and pursu'd the rest, who were dispers'd and routed, that they might not unite again and rally. And because an odious and slight peace would be neither easie to the General nor his Army, he prepares to disarm the suspicious, and to post his forces so upon the rivers Antona and Sabrina, as to check them upon all occasions. But first the Iceni* 1.42 could not brook this, a potent nation, and not yet dimi∣nish'd by wars, having before sought alliance with the Ro∣mans. By their example, the other bordering nations rise likewise, encamping in a proper place, fenc'd with an earthen rampier, and accessible by a narrow passage only, to prevent the entrance of the horse. The Roman General, though without his Legions, drew up his Auxiliary troops to attack the Camp, and having posted his Cohorts to the best advantage for the assault, brings up the Horse like∣wise for the same service. Thus upon the signal given, they forc'd the rampart, and disorder'd the Enemy, pent up and hinder'd by their own entrenchments. However, they defended themselves with great valor, being conscious of their own baseness in revolting, and sensible that their escape was impossible. M. Ostorius, the Lieutenant's son, had the honor of saving a citizen in this battle.

By this defeat of the Iceni, other States that were then wavering, were compos'd and setled; and so he marches with his army among the Cangi,* 1.43 wasting the fields, and ravaging the Country. Nor durst the enemy engage us;

or if by ambuscade they happen'd to fall upon our rear, they suffer'd for their attempt. And now he was advanc'd* 1.44 as far almost as the Irish Sea, when a sedition among the Brigantes drew him back again; resolving to make no new conquests till he had secur'd the old. The Brigantes were soon quieted, the more factious of them being punish∣ed, and the rest pardoned. But the Silures were neither by severity nor mercy to be reclaim'd from their resolutions to a continual war, and therefore a Legion was encampt there to awe and restrain them.* 1.45 To further this, Cama∣lodunum, a Roman Colony, with a strong body of Vete∣rans, was planted in the new conquests; as a ready aid to withstand revolts, and a means to induce their Allies to observe laws. Some cities were, after the old Roman manner, given to King Cogidunus, that Kings them∣selves migh be their tools to enslave others.

From hence they marched into the country of the Silu∣res, who, besides their own natural fierceness, rely'd much upon the valor of Caractacus,* 1.46 eminent above all the Com∣manders in Britain for his experience in affairs, either doubtful or prosperous. He knowing the Country as it lay best for his advantage, and being at the head of a weaker army, politickly transfers the war among the Ordovices,* 1.47 drawing to his assistance such as were averse to us, and there resolves to try his last fortune, posting himself so, that the passes and all the odds was to his own side, and the disadvantages to ours. No access but by steep moun∣tains, and where they were passable, block'd up with stones, as with a rampier, through a river ill bottom'd and fordable; and these guarded by his* 1.48 best troops. Besides all this, their several commanders went up and down en∣couraging the soldiers, exciting them with the hopes of victo∣ry, the little reason to despair of success, and such like motives. Caractacus riding up and down, put them in mind, that this was the day, and the engagement, that would either begin their liberty, or their perpetual bondage; reciting the names of their ancestors, who had drove Cae∣sar the Dictator out of Britain; whose Valor hitherto had preserv'd them from slavery and taxes, and their wives and children from dishonor. The soldiers inflam'd with these speeches, bound themselves by vows, after their re∣spective Religions, that neither wounds nor weapons should make them yield. This resoluteness of theirs amaz'd the Roman General; a river to cross, a rampier on the other side, steep mountains in the way; nay, every thing terrible and well guarded, quite daunted him. However, his ar∣my clamor'd to be led on, saying, nothing was impregna∣ble to valor; which was too the more encreas'd in them, by the outcry of the Officers and Captains to the same pur∣pose. Ostorius observing what passes might be won, and what not; leads them on in this ardour, and passes the river with no great difficulty. Being advanc'd to the rampier, while the darts play'd on both sides, we lost more men, and had more wounded. But the Romans† 1.49 closing their ranks and their targets overhead, easily threw down that loose and irregular pile of stones, and engaging them hand to hand upon equal terms, forced them to the mountains, where they were pursued by the Soldiers of all sorts, either heavily or lightly armed; the one galling them with darts, the other pressing up thick and close, put them into disorder, having neither head-piece nor coat of mail to de∣fend them. If they stood to the Auxiliary, they fell under the sword and Javelins of the Legionaries; if they faced about to them, they were cut off by the swords and pikes of the Auxiliaries. This was an eminent victory; Ca∣ractacus's wife and daughter yielded themselves. He him∣self (as one mischief ever falls upon the neck of another) craving the protection of Cartismandua, Queen of the Brigantes, was imprisoned by her, and delivered to the Conqueror, in the ninth year after this war had begun in Britain. Upon this, his renown spread abroad in the Island, and in the provinces adjoyning: so that his name grew famous in Italy it self; where they desired to see who he was, that for so many years had slighted the migh∣ty power of that Empire. Nay, his name was not inglo∣rious at Rome it self. And Caesar, by extolling his own victory, made the captive more eminent. For the people were called together as to somewhat great and wonderful. The Emperor's guards were drawn up in the plain be∣fore their Camp. Then first came the King's vassals and retinue, his chains and other trophies acquir'd in foreign wars; next, his brother, his wife and daughter; and last of all himself. The address of others was base and mean through fear; but Caractacus, neither dejected nor craving mercy, spake to this purpose, as he stood at Cae∣sar's Tribunal.

If the moderation of my mind in prosperity had been but answerable to my Quality and fortune, I might have come a friend rather than a captive into this city; and you, without dishonor, migh have confederated with me, roy∣ally descended, and then at the head of many nations. As my State at present is disgraceful, so yours is honoura∣ble and glorious: I had horses, men, arms, riches; why is it strange I should unwillingly part with them? But since your power and Empire must be universal, we in course, among all others, must be subject. If I had forth∣with yielded, neither my fortune nor your glory had been so eminent in the world. My grave would have buried the memory of it, as well as me. Whereas if you suffer me to live now, your clemency will live in me for ever, as an example to after ages.

Upon this speech, Caesar pardon'd not only him, but his wife and brothers; and being all unbound, they made their address to Agrippina likewise (with thanks and com∣mendations, as they had done to Caesar) she sitting in a high chair at no great distance. A thing strange and un∣know to our Fore-fathers, that a woman should sit com∣manding at the head of the Roman troops. But she car∣ried her self as partner and an associate in the Empire, gotten by her ancestors. After this, the Senators being called together, made many glorious speeches concerning their Prisoner Caractacus; asserting it to be no less great, than when P. Scipio shewed Siphaces; when L. Paulus, Per∣ses; or whoever else shew'd captive Kings unto the Peo∣ple. To Ostorius they decreed the honor of a Triumph.

These Victories in Britain, are related as the most famous monuments and instances of the Roman Bra∣very. Hence Seneca. Claudius might first glory in conquering the Britains, for Julius Caesar no more than shew'd them to the Romans. In another place also.

Ille Britannos Vltra noti Littora ponti, Et caeruleos Scuta Brigantes Dare Romuleis Colla Cathenis Jussit, & ipsum Nova Romana Jura securis Tremere Oceanum. 'Twas he, whose all-commanding yoke, The farthest Britains gladly took; Him the Brigantes in blue arms ador'd, When subject waves confess'd his power, Restrain'd with laws they scorn'd before, And trembling Neptune serv'd a Roman Lord.

And thus Seneca the Tragoedian concerning Claudi∣us, in his Octavia.

Cuique Britanni Terga dedere, ducibus nostris Ante ignoti, jurisque sui.

The haughty Britains he brought down, The Britains to our arms unknown Before, and masters of their own.

In the same place likewise, upon his passing the Thames.

En qui orae Tamisis primus posuit jugum. Ignota tantis classibus texit freta Interque gentes barbaras tutus fuit, Et saeva maria, conjugis scelere occidit. See! he whom first Thames stubborn stream obey'd, Who unknown seas with spreading navies hid, Secure thro' waves, thro' barbarous foes is come, Heavens! to be murder'd by his wife at home.

Thus Aegesippus also of Claudius. Of this, Britain is an instance, which lying without the world, is by the power of the Roman Empire reduced into the world. What was unknown to former ages is now discovered by the Ro∣man victory; and they are now made slaves, who being born to enjoy themselves in perpetual freedom, knew not what servitude meant: nay they, who were the whole breadth of the sea beyond the reach of any greater power, and knew not what fear was, because they knew no one to be afraid of, are now conquer'd. So that to make a descent

into Britain, was a greater action than to subdue it. In another place. He added Britain (lying hid in the Oce∣an) to the Roman Empire by his conquests; which en∣rich'd Rome, gave Claudius the reputation of a politick Prince, and Nero of a fortunate one. And again, which is the most remarkable. The elements themselves are fallen under the name and Empire of the Romans, who are Soveraigns of the whole globe; which is but the bounds and limits of their Dominions: and to conclude, 'tis call'd by many the Roman world. For if we consider the real matter, the Earth it self is not of so great extent as the Roman Empire; for the Roman Valor has pass'd the sea, (the bounds of it) in search of another world, and has found in Britain a new seat, far beyond the limits of the earth. So that in short, when we would deprive men, not only of the priviledges of Rome, but in a manner of the conversation of mankind, we pack them thither, and banish them out of the world. The sea is no more a bound; but the Roman knows all its corners. Josephus also, in the person of Titus to the Jews. What stronger wall and bulwark can there be than the Ocean? And yet this cannot guard the Britains against the apprehensions of the Roman arms.

Moreover, we have some verses upon this subject, writ by an excellent, but unknown Poet, rescu'd from the dust by the famous Josephus Scaliger, in his Catalecta; which being not generally to be met withal, I will here insert them; for the verses are re∣ally valuable. That the Epigrams are distinct, and therefore to be sever'd, J. Obsopaeus, a very learned young Gentleman in Germany, lately inform'd me from some old manuscripts.

* 1.50Ausoniis nunquam tellus violata triumphis, Icta tuo, Caesar, fulmine procubuit. Oceanusque tuas ultra se* 1.51 respicit aras, Qui finis mundo est,† 1.52 non erit imperio.

Victa prius nulli, jamiam spectata triumpho, Illibata tuos gens jacet in titulos. Fabula visa diu, medioque recondita ponto Libera victori jam modò collo dedit. Euphrates Ortus, Rhenus* 1.53 incluserit arctos, Oceanus medium venit in imperium.

Libera non hostem, non passa Britannia Regem, Aeternùm nostro quae procul orbe jacet. Foelix adversis, & sorte oppressa secunda, Communis nobis, & tibi, Caesar, erit. Ultima cingebat Tibris tua, Romule, regna:

Hic tibi finis erat, religiose Numa. Et tua, Dive, tuum sacrata potentia coelo Extremum citra constitit Oceanum. At nunc oceanus geminos interluit orbes. Pars est imperii, terminus antè fuit.

Mars pater, & nostrae gentis tutela Quirine, Et magno positus Caesar uterque polo. Cernitis ignotos Latiâ sub lege Britannos, Sol citra nostrum flectitur imperium. Ultima cesserunt adoperto claustra profundo. Et jam Romano* 1.54 cingimur Oceano.

Opponis frustra rapidum Germania Rhenum, Euphrates prodest nil tibi, Parthe fugax. Oceanus jam terga dedit, nec pervius ulli, Caesareos fasces, imperiumque tulit.

Illa procul nostro semota, exclusaque coelo, Alluitur nostra victa Britannis aqua, * 1.55Semota, & vasto disjuncta Britannia ponto, Cinctaque inaccessis horrida littoribus: Quam pater invictis Nereus vallaverit undis, Quam fallax aestu circuit Oceanus. Brumalem sortita* 1.56 plagam: quà frigida semper Praefulget stellis Arctos inocciduis. Conspectúque tuo devicta Britannia, Caesar, Subdidit insueto colla premenda jugo. Aspice, confundit populos impervia tellus, Conjunctum est, quod adhuc orbis, & orbis erat.

Nations, that never fear'd triumphant Rome, Struck with thy thunder, Caesar, are o'recome. The subject Ocean does with wonder see Beyond his limits, altars rais'd to thee. And the last borders of the farthest land, Shall ne're contract the bounds of thy command.

A land now conquer'd, and untouch'd till now, Crowns with new lawrels thy triumphant brow. Nations unseen, and scarce believ'd as yet, To thy victorious yoke their neck submit. Euphrates th'East, Rhine clos'd the North before, The Ocean now's the middle of thy power.

Unus'd to serve, unknowing to obey, The farthest Britains, who, in silence lay, Now to their better fortune overcome, Encrease the fame of Caesar, and of Rome.

Thy lands did Tiber, Romulus, inclose, And pious Numa was content with those. But you, great Caesar, made your heavenly power Reach to the Ocean from the farthest shore. The Ocean too, now sees new worlds beyond, And that's the middle, which was once the end.

Mars and Quirinus, whose peculiar care Victorious Rome, and all her fortunes are, And you, great Caesar's, each a glorious star;

Our laws, you see, the farthest Britains own, Our realm's not bounded with the setting Sun. The world's great limits to our arms give way, And the vast Ocean's but the Roman Sea.

In vain you Germains pass the rapid Rhine, You Parthians trust Euphrates streams in vain; When th'Ocean trembles at the Roman sword, And with due reverence, owns its conquering Lord.

Britain, excluded from our warmer clime, Is now surrounded with a Roman stream; Whose horrid cliffs, unfathom'd seas inclose, And craggy rocks contemn invading foes. By Neptune's watry arms, with walls supplied, And ever wet with the insulting tide. Where frozen fields eternal winter mourn, And Stars once risen, never can return. By thee, great Caesar, with a look 'tis won, And bears thy yoke, a burden yet unknown. Thus friends in lands impassable we find, Thus the two worlds are in one Empire joyn'd.

But now to go on in the words of Tacitus. Thus far Ostorius went on succesfully, but now hi•• fortune began to turn; either because discipline began to slacken on our side, and the war to be carried on less vigorously, as if it was now over upon Caractacus's removal; or else because the enemy in compassion to so great a Prince, were more animated with revenge. For they surrounded the camp∣masters, and the Legionary cohorts, who were left behind to build forts in the country of the Silures; and, if they had not been timely rescued by a succour from the castles and villages adjoining, had been utterly cut off. How∣ever, the Campmaster, with eight captains, and all the most forward of the common souldiers, were slain. A while after they put our foragers to flight, and also a body of horse that was sent to their assistance. Upon this Ostorius sent out some light companies, which yet could not stop their flight, if the Legions had not advanced and received the enemy. By this supply the battle was pretty equal on both sides, and at length we had the better of them: The ene∣my got off with a small loss, for it was now towards night. After this they had several skirmishes, but gene∣rally in woods and marshes, upon the incursions of the one or other, either by accident or design and bravery; some∣times to rob and pillage, sometimes to revenge; sometimes by their officers command, and sometimes without. But the chief provocation was the obstinacy of the Silures, who were exasperated at a saying of the Roman General's; which was, that, as the Sugambri were destroyed and transported into Gaule, so the name of the Silures should utterly be extinguish'd. In this heat, two companies of our auxi∣liaries,

sent out rashly by some greedy officers to pillage, were intercepted by them; and they by distributing the spoil and prisoners, drew the other nations to a revolt. In this posture of affairs Ostorius dies, being quite spent with fa∣tigue and trouble; The enemy rejoyc'd at it, as at the death of a General no ways contemptible; and the rather, because though he did not fall in a battle, yet he expir'd under the burthen of that war.

* 1.57But Caesar having advice of the death of his lieute∣nant, lest the province should be destitute of a governor, sent A. Didius to succeed. His voyage thither was quick and successful, yet he found not things answerable there; Manlius Valens with his legion having fought the enemy with great loss; and they magnified their victory, to daunt the new general: he likewise enlarg'd the news of it, with the same policy, that he might gain the more reputa∣tion if he quieted the present troubles; and might the easier be pardon'd if he did not. The Silures took their advantage now, and made great incursions; till at last they were driven back by Didius.

About this time died Claudius; and Nero,* 1.58 who was not at all of a warlike temper, succeeding him, thought of drawing his forces out of Britain; and if it had not been the shame to detract from Claudius's glory that re∣strain'd him, he had certainly recall'd them. Caracta∣cus being taken prisoner, Venutius* 1.59 born among the* 1.60 Ju∣gantes, the most experienc'd souldier of the Britains, (who had been long protected by the Romans, and faith∣ful to them during his marriage with Queen Cartisman∣dua) now revolts from us, upon an outfall with her, which at last grew into an open war. At first the quarrel was betwixt themselves only; and Venutius's brother and relations were slyly intercepted by Cartismandua: This action incens'd them, and with a spur of ignominy, that they should be thus conquer'd by a woman, they invaded her kingdom with a strong body of arm'd and choice youths. We foreseeing this, had sent some Cohorts thither to assist her, who began a sharp fight, which at the first was doubtful, but at last well and prosperous on our side. A legion also commanded by Cesius Nasica came off with as good success.

For Didius, being pretty old, and much honour'd for his bravery and conduct, thought it sufficient to manage the war by his Officers. What had been conquer'd by his pre∣decessors he took care to keep, enlarging the extent of his frontier-garisons a little, that he might be said to have made some addition to the old conquests. Though these things were transacted under two Propraetors, Ostorius and Didius in many years, yet I have given a joint ac∣count of them, lest the stories might be worse apprehended by being sorted.

* 1.61To Didius, Avitus Verannius succeeded, who after some small incursions made into the Country of the Silures, was by death hinder'd carrying on the war any farther. He had the character of a severe General in his life time, and shew'd himself ambitious by his last Will. For after much flattery to Nero, he added, that if he had but liv'd two years longer, he would have conquer'd the whole Province.

* 1.62Paulinus Suetonius was the next Propraetor of Britain; for his conduct and reputation among the People, (who are ever making comparisons) equal to Corbulo, and ambi∣tious to come up to his honour in reducing Armenia, by de∣feating the rebels here. He prepares therefore to invade the Isle of Mona,* 1.63 which was strongly peopled, and had been a constant harbour for all fugitives. For this end he made flat bottom'd vessels, because the Sea is shallow and dangerous towards the shore there. Thus the foot being pass'd over, the horse follow'd by the ford, or by swim∣ing, if the water was high. The enemy stood arm'd on the shore to withstand them, very thick and numerous, with the women running up and down among them like furies, in a mourning dress, their hair loose, and firebrands in their hands; with the Druids* 1.64 around them; holding up their hands towards heaven, with dreadful curses and imprecations: this strange sight amaz'd the soldiers, who stood stock still, as if they had lost the use of their limbs, helpless and exposed to the enemy. But at last, encouraged by their General, and animating one another not to fear a rout of women and frantick people, they display'd their Ensigns and march'd on, defeating such as encounter'd them, and beating them down scorch'd and rouling in their own fires. After this, they garison'd* 1.65 the towns of the Island, and cut down their woods, which by reason of the super∣stitious and cruel rites and sacrifices there, were esteem'd holy. For they thought it lawful to offer the blood of Captives as sacrifice upon their Altars; and to consult their Gods by the bowels and fibres of men.

During this action, news was brought Suetonius of the Provinces revolt. Prasutagus,* 1.66 King of the Iceni, fa∣mous for his treasure, had made Caesar and his two Daugh∣ters heirs to him; thinking by this respect and complement, to preserve his Kingdom and family from all wrong and injury. Which happen'd quite otherwise; so that his Kingdom was made a prey by the captains, and his house pillaged by the slaves. His wife* 1.67 Boodicea, to begin the Tragedy, was whipp'd, and his daughters ravished. And, as if the whole was now become lawful booty, the chief of the Iceni were deprived of their paternal estates; and those of the Blood-royal treated as the meanest slaves. Upon this insult, and to prevent worse, since they were now reduced into a Province, the people began to murmur at such treatments, to confer injuries with one another, and aggravate every thing by the worst construction they could give it. That their patience would only signifie thus much; their taking one injury would bring on another. That heretofore every State had its own King; but now they were subjected to two, the Lieutenant and the Procura∣tor; the first of whom preyed upon their blood, the other upon their estates. That either the enmity or the friend∣ship of their Governors proved equally pernicious; the one plagu'd them with soldiers and Officers, the other with extortion and affronts. That they could be safe of nothing, that either lust or covetousness would recommend to the Ro∣mans. That in war, he had the spoil, who had the most courage and bravery to take it; but that they were for the most part pillaged by cowards and weaklings. That these were the men that bereft them of their children, and press'd them at their pleasure for foreign service; as if the Britains could fight for any country but their own. How many soldiers have they transported hither, if we reckon our selves in comparison? Germany freed it self upon this consideration, which has only a river to defend it, and not an Ocean as we have. Thus they had their Country, wives, and parents to fight for and inspirit them; while the other had only luxury and avarice. That these would retreat as Julius did, if they would but follow the bravery of their Ancestors. They ought not to be dismay'd at the success of one or two battles; and that fierceness and re∣solution was the effects of misery and ill circumstances. That Heaven now seemed to compassionate their distress, in absenting the Roman General, and keeping the Legate busie in another Island. That the most dangerous part of this design was to debate it, (as they were now doing;) and that it would be of worse consequence to be discovered lay∣ing such a plot, than the very attempt and execution would prove.

Being animated with these motives, they forthwith take arms, under the conduct of Boodicia, a woman of the royal family (for the Britains make no distinction of sex, in points of Government) drawing the Trinobantes to revolt with them, and such others as were not yet broken with the weight of a sovereign yoke: who all had secretly conspired to free themselves, with great spight and hatred against the Veterans. For they being newly planted in the colony Camalodunum,* 1.68 had thrust the old Inhabitants from their houses, and dispossessed them of their lands, call∣ing them Slaves and Captives; and were encouraged in this outrage by the young soldiers, who by the same calling were in hopes of the same licentiousness themselves. More∣over, the Temple built in honour of Divus Claudius, seem∣ed to them the foundation of a perpetual tyranny, and was an eye-sore, and the Priests chosen vnder the pretext of re∣ligion to officiate there, run away with their whole estates. Besides, there could be no great difficulty in overthrowing a Colony which had no forts or castles to support it; and that our Commanders had been so improvident, as to con∣sult pleasure and delight in every thing, rather than use and service. While things were in this ferment, the image of the Goddess of Victory at Camalodunum,* 1.69 without any visible cause, drop'd down, and in the fall turn'd downward, as if it yielded to the enemy. Several Enthu∣siastick women foretold our approaching destruction. Strange noises were heard in their court, a perfect howling in the theatre, and a strange apparition* 1.70 in the arm of the sea, plainly signified the subversion of that colony. Moreover, the sea look'd bloody; and in the ebb, dead mens bodies

were left upon the shore, which brought great hopes to the Britains, but despair and discouragement to the Veterans; who applied themselves to their Procurator Catus Decianus, because Suetonius was far off. He sent them a supply of two hundred men only, and those ill armed; whereas the soldiers that were in the Colony before were but few, and rely'd wholly upon the protection of the Temple. Some of them that were privy to the Conspiracy, had blinded the Colony so much in their counsels, that they had neither made trench nor ditch to defend themselves, nor so much as sent away the old men and the women, reserving the young men only; so that living supinely, as in a full peace, they mere surprised by the barbarous multitude. As for other things, they were presently overthrown by violence, or con∣sumed with fire; but the Temple, where the soldiers had fled, was besieged, and on the second day taken. The Bri∣tains being thus Conquerors, and meeting Petilius Cerea∣lis,* 1.71 Lieutenant of the ninth Legion, which came to succour them, routed the Legion, and put all the foot to the sword. Cerealis got off with the horse, and retreated to his camp, where he defended himself. Catus the Procura∣tor was so daunted at this overthrow, and the general o∣dium of the Province (which was thus embroiled by his avarice,) that he sail'd into Gaul.

Suetonius however, with prodigious constancy and re∣solution, marched through the midst of the enemies Coun∣try to London, which was not honoured with the name of a Colony, but famous for concourse of merchants and* 1.72 provisions. Being come thither, he could hardly resolve whether to make that the seat of the war or not; but considering his want of soldiers, and how much Petilius had suffered for his rashness, he determined at last to sacri∣fice this one town to the safety of the rest. And not re∣lenting to the sighs and tears of them that sought his aid and protection, he gave orders to march on, receiving such as followed him into his army. Those, who by weak∣ness of sex or age were stay'd behind, or tempted by the pleasantness of the place to remain there, were destroyed by the enemy. The town of Verulam was overthrown like∣wise; for the barbarians omitting the forts* 1.73 and castles, pillaged the richest places first,† 1.74 and after they had car∣ried off the spoil, went on eagerly for booty, to the more eminent places. It appear'd that seventy thousand citi∣zens and confederates were slain up and down in these places. They would not sell captives, give quarter, or practise according to the Laws of war; but kill, hang, burn, crucifie, by way of retaliation upon their enemies; and all that in such haste, as if they foresaw they must speedily smart for it.

Suetonius having with him the fourteenth Legion, with the Standard-bearers of the twentieth, and some sup∣plies from the places thereabouts, almost to the number of ten thousand fighting men, resolved without more ado to engage them; and to this purpose encamps his Army in a place accessable by a narrow lane only, being fenced in the rear by a wood; as sensible he should have no Enemy but on the front, and that the plain was open, so that there would be no danger of Ambuscades in it. He drew up the Legion close together in the middle, with the light soldiers on both sides, and the horse as the two wings about them. The Britains went shouting and swarming up and down in such vast numbers as never before were seen, so fierce and confident of victory, that their Wives were brought a∣long with them, and placed in carts in the outmost part of the plain, to see it. Boodicia, with her Daughters by her in a chariot, went about to the several Nations, (for it was not unusual among the Britains to go to war under the conduct of a woman) assuring them that she went not as one royally descended to fight for Empire or riches, but as one of the common people for freedom and liberty, to revenge the stripes they had given her, and the dishonour they had done her daughters. That now the Roman lust had grown so exorbitant and unruly, that they left none, neither old nor young, unravished. That God's just re∣venge would ever tread upon the heels of wickedness. That the Legion which had dared to fight them was already cut off; that the rest had either kept themselves in their camp, or fled for safety. That they could not endure the very huzza and clamour of so many thousands; how much less could they bear their force and onset? If they would but consi∣der both armies, and the cause of war on hoth sides, they would either resolve to conquer in that battle, or to dye in it. That for her part, who was but a woman, this was her resolution; but the men, if they pleas'd, might live and be slaves.

Suetonius also was not silent in so great danger; for though he relied upon the valour of his men, yet he excited it with exhortations, suggesting that the* 1.75 clamour and vain threatnings of the Barbarians were contemptible; that there were more women than young men among them; that being unwarlike and ill armed, they would no sooner feel their swords, which had so often conquer'd them, but they would presently fly; that in an Army of many Legions a few would gain the victory, and that their glory would be so much the greater, if so few of them did the work of a whole Army; that his advice was, they should fight thick, and after they had discharged their darts, they should continue the slaughter with their pikes and swords, and not heed the booty; all that would be the consequence of their victory. The Soldiers were so forward and cou∣ragious upon this speech, and the veterans betook them∣selves so readily to their darts, that Suetonius, with as∣surance of the event, gave the signal. And first of all the Legion, not stirring, but keeping within the strait, (which was of great advantage to them) till the Enemy had spent their darts, sallied out in* 1.76 a wedge upon them. The Auxiliaries gave them the like shock; and the Horse breaking at last upon the Enemy, routed all in their way that could make head against them. The rest fled, but with great difficulty; for the passes were blocked up by the waggons quite round. The Soldiers gave no quarter, not so much as to the women, which, with the horses that were slain, encreas'd the heaps of carcasses along the field. This Victory was very eminent, and the glory of it not inferior to those of old times: for by the report of some, there were slain not many fewer than fourscore thousand Britains; whereas we lost but four hundred, and not many more wounded. Boodicia poisoned her self. And Poenius Post∣humus, Camp-master of the second Legion, upon the news of the success and victory of the fourteenth and twentieth Legions, (having deprived his Legion of a share in that glory, and contrary to discipline and order disobey'd the commands of his General) stab'd himself.

After a general muster and review of his army, Sue∣tonius took the field again, to put an end to this war. And Caesar reinforc'd him with a supply of two thousand Le∣gionaries from Germany, and with eight auxiliary cohorts, and a thousand horse, by which the ninth Legion was compleated. These cohorts and some others were sent into new winter-quarters; and the country, that was either enemy or neutral, was wasted with fire and sword. But nothing was a sharper affliction to the Britains at this time, than famine; for during this uproar, they had neglected to till the ground, and giving themselves wholly to prosecute the war, had depended upon our provisions. Those na∣tions which were yet unconquer'd were the more averse to treaty, upon the news of a difference between Suetonius and the new Procurator Julius Classicianus,* 1.77 sent to succeed Catus; which was very prejudicial to the publick interest. He had spread a report, that a new Lieutenant was to be expected, who, without the rancour of an enemy, or the haughtiness of a conqueror, would treat such as yeilded themselves with favour and clemency. He writ to Rome likewise, that there was no end to be expected of that war, till Suetonius was succeeded by some one else: imputing all miscarriages to his perverse conduct; but whatsoever was prosperous and lucky, that he attributed to the good fortune of the Commonwealth.

Upon this account Policletus, one of the Emperor's Li∣berti, was sent into Britain, to see the state of affairs there; Nero hoping that the difference might be composed between the Lieutenant and the Procurator by his authority, and the rebellious Barbarians won over to a peace. Poly∣cletus took care to shew his state and grandeur to Italy and Gaul, by a great train and retinue, and likewise to appear awful to the armies here upon his arrival. This made him ridiculous to the enemy, who being then in the full enjoyment of their liberty, knew not what the power of a* 1.78 Freeman was; and thought it strange that a General and his army, after such great exploits, could thus be subject to a slave. However, every thing was related as fair as could be to the Emperour. And Suetonius, who was then employ'd in dispatching one business or other, ha∣ving lost some few gallies on the shore, and the men in them, was commanded (as though the war continued) to deliver up his Commission to Petronius Turpilianus

who had just before been Consul.* 1.79 He neither troubled the enemy, nor was troubled by them; calling this lazy and un∣active course by the honourable name of a real peace: And thus having quieted the former broils without advancing the conquest,* 1.80 he deliver'd the Province to Trebellius Maximus.

He was of an unactive temper, and unexperienc'd in war-affairs; and so govern'd the Province after as soft a manner as he could. Now the barbarous Britains began to be tainted, and to yeild to the charms of vice; and the civil wars of the Empire was a fair excuse for the remis∣ness of the Lieutenant: but the soldiers grew mutinous; for being formerly inured to labour and discipline, the pre∣sent peace and idleness made them wanton and haughty. Trebellius grew odious and contemptible to his army by his baseness and avarice. Their indignation at him was the more enflam'd by Roscius Caelius, Lieutenant of the twentieth Legion, who was formerly out with him; and now, by reason of the civil wars, more than ever. Tre∣bellius charg'd Caelius with all the mutinies and neglect of discipline in the Army; and Caelius him, with the ruine and beggery of the Legions. During these quarrels and contentions, all sense of respect and deference was lost in the Army. At last the disorder was so great, that Trebellius, being deserted by the wings of his Army, and the cohorts who went over to Caelius, and lastly reviled and affronted by the Auxiliaries, was forced to fly to Vitellius. Not∣withstanding the absence and removal of the Consular Lieu∣tenant, the Province continued quiet and peaceable; go∣vern'd by the Lieutenants of the particular Legions, all of equal authority; though Caelius's boldness gain'd him more sway than the rest.

During the civil war between Galba, Otho, and Vi∣tellius,* 1.81 Vectius Bolanus was sent by Vitellius to succeed him. He made no reformation of discipline, was as little troublesome to the enemy as his predecessor, and as care∣less of the licentiousness of his army: only this difference there was, that Bolanus was innocent and free from crimes which might make him odious; so that instead of awe and authority, he had gain'd the love of his Army. And al∣though Vitellius sent for some supplies out of Britain, yet Bolanus deferred it, upon a pretence that Britain was not so well quieted as to admit it. But soon after, the great esteem of Vespasian in this Province, induc'd Britain to de∣clare for him; for he had commanded the second Legion here under Claudius, and was eminent for his bravery and conduct. Yet this revolt was not without opposition from the other Legions; in which many Captains and soldiers being advanc'd by Vitellius, were very loth to change a Prince who was so well known among them. The soldiers of the fourteenth Legion, call'd the Conquerors of Britain, (being remov'd from hence to the Caspian war by Nero, and after, as they sided with Otho, de∣feated) were sent into Britain again by Vitellius, but re∣call'd by Mutianus.

During this civil war, there was no mutinies in the British army. And indeed in all the civil wars of the Empire, the troops there were more peaceable and quiet than in any other provinces: perhaps their distance and separa∣tion from the rest of the world by the ocean, might cause it; or possibly by the many expeditions they had made, they might the less relish the entertainment of an enemy. Yet by these publick dissentions, and the frequent news of them, the Britains upon Venusius's instigation, began to think how they might shake off the yoke of that Empire: for besides a fierce heady temper that was natural to him, and a hatred to the Romans, he was spurr'd on in this attempt by a pe∣culiar spight at his Queen Cartismandua.* 1.82 Cartisman∣dua govern'd the Brigantes, nobly descended, and more powerful than ever, since she had treacherously taken King Caractacus, and done Claudius Caesar a kind of triumph by presenting him to that Emperor; for that famous shew of Caractacus to the people was a sort of Triumph. From hence grew riches, and from them luxury; so that despising her husband Venusius, and having intercepted his relati∣ons, she made Vellocatus, her husband's armour-bearer, partner of her bed and throne: The Royal family was soon shaken with this wickedness; the city adhering to the husband, and the Queen's lust and cruelty to the adulterer. Venusius therefore having drawn in all the assistance he could, and joyn'd the Brigantes, (who themselves had revolted to him) reduc'd her to the last extremities. She applied her self to the Romans for relief, and after many engagements, was at last rescu'd out of dangerous circum∣stances by our forces. However the Kingdom fell to Ve∣nusius, and the War to us.

Now,* 1.83 while Mutianus govern'd the City under Vespa∣sian, Julius Agricola, who had declar'd for Vespasian, and was a person of great integrity and valour, was made Commander of the twentieth legion in Britain, which had declin'd the Oath for a long time; and there he heard that his predecessor had carried himself seditiously. For that legion had run a-head, and became formidable even to the Consular Legats. The Praetorian Legat was not able to rule them, but whether through his own ill dispositions, or those of the souldiers, is uncertain. Thus being appointed to succeed him, and to punish them, he took such an ad∣mirable mean, as to seem rather to have found them du∣tiful, than to have made them so. And though Vectius Bolanus was then Lieutenant here, and govern'd more mildly than was fit for so fierce a Province; yet Agricola laid a restraint upon himself, and smother'd the heat of his own temper, that it might not increase and grow vi∣sible; knowing very well the necessity of complaisance, and of mixing his profit with his honour.

But when Vespasian, with the rest of the world had gain'd Britain also, he sent great Captains and brave Armies here; and the enemies hopes were abated.* 1.84 Peti∣lius Cerialis enter'd the country of the Brigantes with great terrour, possess'd by the most numerous people of this Province; to whom he gave many, and some of them very bloody defeats; and indeed either spoil'd or con∣quer'd the greatest part of their country. Thus Cerialis seem'd to have eclipsed the fame and conduct of any that could come after him; when Julius Frontinus,* 1.85 a great man, and as eminent as could be after such a predecessor, succeeded to the same charge with like glory. He sub∣dued the strong and warlike nation of the Silures: where he had not only a stout enemy, but great difficulties also from the situation and nature of the country, to cope with. In this state was Britain, and in this posture was the war, when Agricola was sent over in the middle of summer. Our souldiers minds and hopes were bent upon rest, and an end of the war for that year; and the enemy intent upon a fair opportunity to begin it. The Ordovices, a little before the arrival of Agricola, had almost entirely routed a wing of ours that was quartered in the frontiers of their country; and by this means the whole Province was ready to break out, all approving the example, either as desirous of war, or to see the mind and worth of the new Lieute∣nant.

Agricola, though the summer was almost over, and though his souldiers lay dispers'd up and down the Pro∣vince, expecting no farther trouble for that year (all which retarded and cross'd his expedition;) and though some thought it more advisable to secure such places as were suspicious: yet he resolves to forestall these dangers; and having drawn together the Ensigns of the Legions, and a pretty good body of Auxiliaries, and finding the Ordo∣vices durst not come down into the plains, he drew up his men, and put himself at the head of them; that by ex∣posing himself a-like in danger, he might make them equally couragious. Having almost cut off this whole na∣tion, and knowing he must push on to gain a reputation, and that every thing hereafter would fall answerable to the event of his first actions: he determines likewise with∣out more ado to make himself master of the Isle of Mona;* 1.86 which, as I have already said, would have been conquer'd by Paulinus, if a revolt of the whole Province had not prevented him. But this design being not laid before, they wanted ships for the expedition; which notwithstanding were supplied by the contrivance and resolution of the Ge∣neral. He commanded a choice body of auxiliaries, who were well acquainted with those shallowes, and, by the cu∣stom of their native country, able in swimming to govern themselves, their horses, and their arms at the same time, to throw aside their luggage, and march over suddenly. Which was so effectually done, that the enemy, who expected a fleet, and were thinking of the ships and the sea that must be first pass'd; were surprised and daunted, as sup∣posing nothing could be hard or invincible to men that be∣gan a war with such resolution. Thus a peace was sought, the Island surrender'd, and Agricola became great and famous; as having upon his first entrance, a time usually spent in ostentation and ceremony, encounter'd so much toil and hazard with such success.

However, Agricola (not growing vain upon the success) would not allow this to be a Victory or Expedition, which was only to keep those in order who were formerly subdued: he would not so much as suffer the news of it to be adorn'd with laurel. But by this endeavour to conceal his glory, he really made it the more eminent; every one thinking what strong presumptions he must have of large perfor∣mances hereafter, that would diminish and lessen the great∣ness of this action. Now knowing the disposition and temper of his Province, and being taught by the sad ex∣perience of others, that affairs would never be settled by fighting, while wrongs and injuries were permitted; he resolves in the next place to cut off the cause of war: and to begin at himself first, he made a reformation of his own family, a thing no less difficult to some, than to govern a Province. He committed no publick business to the ma∣nagement of his servants or his freemen; He would never advance his souldiers upon private and particular ends, nor upon the recommendation and intercession of any Captain; but would still raise the best, taking it for granted that such would be most faithful. He had an eye upon every thing, but would not rigorously exact performance. As for small faults, he would pardon them; but would severely cor∣rect those that were hainous. However, punishment was not always inflicted by him; often the repentance of the offender was took for the offence: chusing rather not to prefer such as were like to offend, than to have them condemn'd for it. He made the payment of corn and tribute which was imposed, more easie and tolerable by laying it on e∣qually; and cutting off the exactions, which were a greater grievance than the tribute it self. For the people were compell'd before to wait the opening of the publick Grana∣ries, and both to buy and sell their own corn after the rate set to them. The Purveyors also would command them to carry it about, and into far distant places; so that the Country should sometimes carry from the nearest Camps to those which were far off and out of the way; till, to the particular gain of these, every place compounded for car∣rying where it might most conveniently. By a redress of these grievances in the first year of his Lieutenancy, he brought peace into some credit, which by the neglect or con∣nivance of his predecessors, was little less odious than war it self.

Vespasian dy'd now abouts; who upon these vi∣ctories, and his own personal valor under Claudius, is thus address'd to by Valerius Flaccus;

—Tuque ô Pelagi qui major aperti Fama, Caledonius postquam tua carbasa vexit Oceanus, Phrygios prius indignatus Iulos. —O you, whose glorious reign Can boast new triumphs o're the conquer'd main, Since your bold navy pass'd the British Sea, That scorn'd the Caesars, and the Roman sway.

* 1.87When Titus, who was the love of the world, succeed∣ed his Father; Agricola, as soon as the Summer came on, drew his Army together: those who in their march behaved themselves modestly, he commended; but those who went loose and stragling were reprimanded by him. He always chose the place of encampment himself, and would still try the friths and thickets first in person; and that his own territories might not be pillaged by the enemies, he would never give them quiet or leisure, by reason of his own excursions; and then, when he thought he had suffici∣ently alarm'd them, he would give over, that they might again tast the happiness of peace. By these means, many Cities, which liv'd upon equal terms till that time, gave hostages, and submitted themselves; receiving our gari∣sons, and permitting us to build castles among them; which he performed with that care and prudence, that these were the only new forts in Britain that were never attempted afterwards.

The following winter was spent in a wise project. For whereas the Britains liv'd after a rude stragling manner, and therefore ready to break out into open war upon every occasion; that by pleasures he might induce them to rest and quietness, he exhorted them privately and publickly assisted them to build Temples, places of publick resort, and fine houses; those that were forward, he commended; but those who were slow and backward, he reproved. And thus the honor of being his favorite, imposed a kind of necessity upon them. Moreover, he took care to have No∣ble mens sons brought up in the knowledge of 〈◊〉〈◊〉 liberal arts; preferring the parts of the Britain•• h•••• 〈◊〉〈◊〉 ••se of the Gauls; so that they, who but lately despised the Roman language, did now affect and study the graces of it. From that time also our modes and dresses became in request a∣mong them, and the* 1.88 Gown commonly wore. Thus by degrees they came at last to those excitements to debauchery, Portico's, Baths, and Banquets; which went by the name of genteelness among the ignorant, when they were indeed but badges of their yoke and bondage.

In the third year of his wars here, he discovered new Countreys, wasting all along as he marched to the very Taus, for that is the aestuary's name;* 1.89 which so terrified the enemy, that, though our army was sadly harrassed with ill weather, yet they durst not give us battle; besides, he had leisure to build forts and Castles where he pleased. It has been observed by the skilful in these arts, that no Cap∣tain whatsoever has chose out places more to advantage than he did; no castle of his raising was ever taken by force, surrender'd upon terms, or quitted as uncapable of defence. Their sallies were frequent, and they were always prepar'd with a year's provision against long sieges. Thus we win∣ter'd there without fear, each one being able to defend it self; which disappointed the enemy, and made them de∣spair. For, as formerly they would regain in winter what they lost in summer, they were now worsted alike in both seasons. In all these actions, Agricola would never rob another of the honor due to him, but let him be Captain, or whatever other Officer, he would faithfully attest the bravery of the Action. Some have counted him too sharp and bitter in his reproofs; and it must be granted, that as he was affable and courteous to the good, so was he mo∣rose to the bad. But then anger never continued longer than the reprehension lasted. If he pass'd a thing by without notice, there was no fear upon that account; for he thought it more excusable, even to commit the offence, than to hate an offender.

The fourth summer was spent in setling what he had already overrun; and if the valor of his armies, and the glory of the Roman Empire could have permitted it, they needed not have sought any other boundary in Britain. Glota and Bodotria (the two arms of opposite seas, which shoot into the Country) are parted by a narrow strip of land only, which was then secured by our garisons: so that the Romans were masters of all on this side, having pent up the enemy as it were within another Island.

In the fifth year of this war, Agricola first took shipping, and sail'd over to certain nations never before known of; which after many prosperous encounters he subdued; and then put garisons into those parts of Britain which lie to∣wards Ireland, more out of hopes than out of fear. For Ireland* 1.90 being situated between Spain and Britain, and lying convenient for the French Sea, would with many other advantages have united those mighty members of the Empire. As for its bigness, 'tis less than Britain, but larger than the Islands of our sea. The soil, the tempera∣ture of the air, the nature and manners of the people, are not much different from the British. The ports and ha∣vens are better known, by reason of more trade and com∣merce. Agricola had formerly received a Prince of that country, driven out by civil wars; and under pretence of friendship had kept him for a fair occasion. I have often heard him say, that with one legion and some few auxiliaries, Ireland might be conquer'd and retain'd; and that it would be of great import and consequence to our interest in Britain, if the Roman forces were on all hands; and liberty as it were banish'd out of sight.

About this time dy'd Titus, who for these exploits of Agricola, was saluted Emperor fifteen times, as Xiphilin tells us, and as 'tis manifest from an old coin. Under Domitian, Agricola in the sixth year of his Lieute∣nancy, being apprehensive of a general insurrection* 1.91 in those large cities, and remote countries beyond Bodotria, and that his march would be made very troublesome by the enemy; sent out a fleet that summer to try the creeks and havens of the large country beyond it. Thus Agricola was the first that ever seconded his land army by a fleet; and what was very great, that brought war upon them both by land and sea. Oftentimes it happen'd that the troopers, the foot soldiers, and the seamen would meet and make merry together in the same camp; each one magnifying his own feats and adventures, and making their vaunts and comparisons souldier-like, the one of the woods and high mountains, the other of the dangers of the waves and tem∣pests. The one valuing himself upon the land and the

enemy, the other upon the sea it self subdued by him. The Britains (as we understood by the prisoners) were amaz'd and daunted at the sight of this fleet, considering that if once their sea was discover'd and navigable, all retreat and refuge would be cut off. Whereupon the Caledonians, with great preparation, but (as 'tis always with things unknown) not so great as reported, broke out into open war, and assaulted our castles; that by being aggressors they might discourage us: so that some poor spirits on our side, under shew of prudence, advis'd Agricola to retire on this side Bodotria, and rather make a voluntary re∣treat than a forc'd one. In the mean time, we had advice that the enemy's design was to divide and attack us in ma∣ny places at once. Whereupon, lest he should lie under disadvantage by the number of the enemy and their know∣ledge of the country, he likewise divided his army into three bodies. They having intelligence of this, forthwith took another course, and in one entire body fell all upon our ninth legion, as being the weakest; and between sleep and fear in the night, cut off our centinels, and broke in among them. Thus the battle began in the very camp, when Agricola having found out the enemies march by his scouts, traces them, and sends in the lightest of his horse and foot upon their backs, which were seconded with the huzza's of the whole army, and the appearance of their colours, towards break of day. This danger on all sides terrifi'd the Britains, and the Romans taking heart at it, and knowing there could be no danger, fought now for honour. They gave them a fresh onset, and after a sharp dispute at the very gates, put them to the rout; while both our armies were contending, the one to come up timely with their assistance, the other not to seem to need it. If the fens and woods had not protected the enemy in this flight, they had been utterly conquered. Upon this constancy, and the news of our victory, the whole army grew so resolute, that they thought nothing invincible to them; they clamour'd to be led into Caledonia, and to fight their way through to the remotest part of Britain. Thus they, who were but just now requiring wary conduct, are forward and blustering when the event is seen. And this is always the case in war; every one claims a share in that which is successful, but misfortunes are always imputed to one single person. However, the Britains attributing all this to good luck and the conduct of the General, and not to any valour in them, were not at all dejected, but went on to arm their young men, to convey their wives and children into safe places, and by assemblies and Religious rites to establish a confederacy among them. And thus both armies left the field in great heat.

This summer, a Cohort of Usipians, rais'd in Germany, and sent over into Britain, undertook a very strange and memorable adventure. Having kill'd their Captain and some Soldiers, that were dispers'd among them to shew them how to exercise, they fled and embark'd themselves in three vessels, compelling the masters to carry them off; but only one of them doing his duty, the other two were slain upon suspicion: and this strange kind of voyage (the fact being not yet nois'd) was much admir'd. Afterward being toss'd up and down, and falling upon some Britains that oppos'd them in their own defence, often victorious and sometimes baffled, they came to that pinch for want of provision at long run, that they eat one another; first of all the weakest, and after that as the lot fell. Thus having floated round Britain,* 1.92 and lost their ship in con∣clusion for want of skill in sailing, they were taken first by the Suevians, and then by the Frisians, for pirates. Some of them being bought by the merchants, and by change of masters brought to our side of the river, grew famous upon the account they gave of this adventure.

In the beginning of the summer, a great misfortune be∣fel Agricola in his own family; for he lost his son, who was about a year old. His carriage under this affliction was neither vain-glorious, (like some great men's in those cases) nor on the other hand soft and effeminate. Among other consolations to divert him from this sorrow, he made war one. Having therefore sent his fleet before, (which by making a descent here and there might render the conster∣nation greater and more uncertain) he prepar'd and fol∣low'd himself with the army, to which he had added some of the stoutest Britains, such as after the test of a long peace he had found faithful, and march'd to the hill Gram∣pium, where the enemy had posted themselves. For the Britains without dismay at the loss of the last battle, intent upon nothing now but revenge and slavery, by leagues and treaties muster'd up their whole power; being at last sensible that a common danger must be fenc'd off by confederacy and union. About thirty thousand arm'd men were now reckon'd in the field, besides a great number of youth, and lusty old men who had been formerly famous soldiers, and still retain'd the skars and badges of their bravery. Galgacus,* 1.93 both by birth and merit, the chief commander, as the multitude was eager to be engaged, is said to have made this speech to them.

When I consider the cause of this war, and our present necessity, I have great reason to presume, that this day, with this unanimous resolution of yours, will give a happy beginning to the freedom of the whole Island. We have liv'd thus long in the full enjoyment of our liberty: and now there's no other Country beyond this, nor indeed sea to secure us; while the Roman navy can thus hover upon our coasts: so that arms and fighting, as honour will recommend them to men of valour, so will self-preserva∣tion to the worst and most cowardly of us at this time. The battles heretofore which with various success have been fought against the Romans, have always rely'd upon our bravery, and expected a turn from it. For we are the very slower of the Britains, and therefore seated in the most inward parts of the Country, without the ken of those Nati∣ons enslav'd by the enemy; so that our eyes are yet un∣polluted and free from the contagion of foreign tyranny. There's no country farther on this side of it, nor liberty on that; this corner, which has been hitherto unknown to fame, hath hitherto preserved us. Now the remotest part of Bri∣tain lyes open to them; and people think every thing great and magnificent that's strange and unknown. Beyond us there's no country, nothing but waves and rocks;* 1.94 the land inward is all under the Roman Vassalage already. Tis in vain to curry favour with them by address and submis∣sion; their pride and haughtiness is not to be thus laid, who ransack the universe, and when they have plunder'd all lands, and want more, set sail and rummage the wide ocean to find them. Where the enemy is rich, there the prize is wealth; where poor, 'tis ambition: neither the East nor the West have sufficed them: these, and these only, covet and gape after the wealth and poverty of the whole World, with equal appetite and pleasure. Spoil, murder, pillage, passes with them under the false names of Govern∣ment: and where they make solitude, there they think they have made peace. Children and relations by nature are tender and dear to every one; yet they press them, they be∣reave us of them to make them slaves in foreign Countries. Our wives and sisters, if they escape ravishing in a violent and hostile manner, yet under the name of guests and friendship they are certainly debauch'd by them. Our goods and fortunes become theirs by the name of tribute, and our corn by that of provision. Our bodies and hands are put by them to the drudgery of paving bogs and woods, with a thousand stripes and indignities to boot. Those, who are naturally born slaves, are but once sold, and then main∣tain'd at the owner's cost: but this Isle of Britain daily purchases, daily feeds and maintains its own bondage at its own charge. And, as in a private family the last co∣mer is ever the most scouted by his fellow-servants; so in this old bondage of the World, we (who shall be the last and the vilest slaves in the universe) are now to be de∣stroyed, if they can do it. For we have no fields to culti∣vate, neither mines nor havens to be employed in; and therefore to what purpose should they let us live? Besides, the courage and resolution of the conquer'd is never grate∣ful to the conquerour. And this distance and privacy it self, as it makes us safe, so 'twill make us the more suspe∣cted. Thus, seeing we have nothing to relie upon, let us put on resolution; as well those who tender their own safety, as they who value honour and glory. The Trinobantes,* 1.95 under the conduct of a Woman, extirpated one of their Colonies, and forced their Castles; nay, if success had not slacken'd their diligence, they might have entirely ridded themselves of the Roman yoke. We are as yet whole and untouch'd: we were born free;† 1.96 let us shew them in the first onset the bravery of the men they'll meet with on this side Caledo∣nia. Do you imagine the courage of the Romans in war to be every jot as great as their debauchery in peace? Their glory is all owing to our dissentions; the faults of their ene∣mies has been made use of to raise the reputation of their army. As nothing but success could have held that medly army of theirs, pickt up out of so many several nations, to∣gether,

so they would soon dissolve upon a miscarriage; un∣less we can suppose that the Gauls and Germans, nay, to our shame be it spoken, many of our own Countrymen, will lend their lives to establish a foreign power, who have yet been much longer enemies than slaves to them, and go on with a true zeal and affection for this quarrel. No, this is nothing but the effect of fear and terrour, which are no great mo∣tives of endearment; these removed, their hatred will break out as their fear grows causless. We have all the motives that excite to victory on our side. The Romans have no Wives to encourage them to stand to it, no parents to up∣braid them if they run away; they have either no country at all many of them, or at least not here to animate them. Their number is so small, as they stand in fear, gazing at the haven, the sea, the woods, and every thing strange a∣bout them; that they seem pent up here, and deliver'd into our hands by Providence. Let us not be daunted by the shew they make, by the glare and shining of their gold and silver, which will neither defend them, nor hurt us. We shall find those of our side in the very body of the enemy. The Britains know very well 'tis their own game and in∣terest: the Gauls are still mindful of their lost liberty; and the Germans will desert them, as the Usipians but lately did. Besides this, there's nothing can put a stop to us; the Castles are emptied, the* 1.97 Colonies consist but of old men, and the Cities are in discontent and faction, while they un∣willingly obey those who unjustly govern them. You see the Roman General and army here before you. There's the tributes, mines, and all the plagues and punishments that attend slavery: 'tis to be tried by this days engagement, whether we are to endure them from this moment for ever, or to be immediately reveng'd of them. And therefore, since we are now to dispute this with them, let us think both up∣on our ancestors and our posterity.

This speech was cheerfully received by the army, who, after their barbarous fashion, seconded it with songs, accla∣mations, and such like jargon clamour. And now the companies began to close, and a great glister to appear from the army, whilst some of the boldest advanced, and the army was drawing up; when Agricola, though he found his men hearty, and was hardly able to withold them, yet for their farther encouragement made a speech to them af∣ter this manner.

This is now the eighth year, Fellow-soldiers, that by the fortune and good providence attending the Roman Empire, and by your loyalty and service, we have carryed on the Conquest of Britain with success; and that by many expe∣ditions and encounters, wherein, as the circumstances requi∣red it, we have shewed either valour against the enemy, or labour and patience even above nature it self. In all these, I have had no reason to complain of you for my sol∣diers; neither have you any cause to blame the conduct of your General. We have both exceeded. I have extended this Conquest more than any other Lieutenant, and you have done more than any former army. We are not only said and imagin'd to be, but we are actually and indeed possest of Britain, in the utmost extent thereof. Britain is now found and subdued by us. In our marches over boggs, hills, and rivers, when we have been spent and weary, how of∣ten have I heard the valiant among us, asking when this enemy would face them, when they would give them bat∣tle? We have now unkennel'd them; we have them here before us. We have our wishes, and an occasion to shew our valour. If we win this victory, every thing will be plain and easie to us; if we lose it, every thing will prove cross and froward. For, as this tedious march, those woods and aestuaries we passed through, is glorious and honourable to us while we advance against the Enemy; so if we run away, those things which are of the greatest advantage to us now, will then become most fatal and dangerous. For we are not so well acquainted with the nature of the coun∣try as the enemy, nor so well furnished with provision; but we have as many hands, and as good arms, and thereby may have every thing. For my part, I am satisfied, that to run away can never be safe, either for a General or his army; and that to dye in the bed of honour is better and more desirable, than to live scouted and in disgrace. Be∣sides, a mans safety and honour are inseparable: And if it should so happen, 'twill be no small glory to have dyed in the very outmost part of the earth, and in the end of na∣ture. If a new nation, or an unknown enemy, were now to encounter you, I would exhort you by the examples of o∣ther armies; but now I can only prompt you to reflect upon your former actions, and put the question to your own eyes. These are the very men that last year fell upon one Legion of you in the night, and were routed by the mere noise and clamour of us. These are the arrantest cowards of the whole Island, otherwise they had not been so long alive. For, as 'tis in woods and forests, the strongest game is not to be started but by force and ranging, whereas the time∣rous and fearful are scar'd and scoure off presently upon the first noise; so the best and stoutest of the Britains we have already met with, and dispatcht: what remains is nothing but a herd of cowardly runnagades. We have now at last an opportunity to engage them; but that is not be∣cause they give it us, but we have overtaken them, as they stand in the height of fear and confusion, like stocks before us, ready to present us with a memorable and an ea∣sie victory. Let us put an end, therefore, to this war; let us make this the happy day wherein the fatigue and labour of the Commonwealth, after fifty years continuance, was concluded; and let your country see, that their army here can neither be charged with prolonging the war, nor flipping any opportunity to compleat the conquest.

Agricola was going on, when the soldiers show'd great signs of their resolution and eagerness; and upon the first period gave their applause, and immediately ran to their weapons. So Agricola seeing them sufficiently animated, drew them up in this order. The auxiliary foot, in all 8000, he placed in the middle, and wing'd them with 3000 horse on each side: behind them he drew up the le∣gions before the camp, that the victory might be the more glorious by being won, if possible, without the loss of a Roman; and that in case of necessity they might be ready to assist them. The British army was drawn up upon the hill, so as to serve both for shew and terror; the first battalion on even ground, the next still a degree higher, as the hill as∣cended. The field between rung with the noise of the horse and chariots ranging up and down there. Agricola, per∣ceiving the enemy to be too numerous for him, and fearing least he should be over-wing'd, and so stank'd by them, stretches out his front, though somewhat too thin; inso∣much that many advis'd him to bring up the legions. Yet he being more enclin'd to good hopes than impressions of fear, alighted from his horse without altering, and put himself at the head of his foot.

The fight began at some distance; wherein the Britains shew'd great art and courage; for with their broad swash∣ing swords and short bucklers, they would strike aside, or bear off the darts of their enemies; and return great vol∣lies of their own against us. Agricola thereupon comman∣ded three cohorts of the Batavians and Tungrians to ad∣vance, and come to handy strokes with them. They were expert and able at it; whereas the enemy by reason of their little targets and unweildly swords, lay under great disad∣vantage: for the swords of the Britains being without points were unserviceable in a close fight, or at a distance. Now, as the Batavians began to lay about them, to strike at them with the pikes of their bucklers, to push them in the very faces, to make riddance of those that stood below, and to fight their way up the very mountain; the other co∣horts being spurr'd up with emulation, fell on likewise, and beat down all before them, so fast, that many half dead, or wholly untouch'd, were left behind for hast upon the spot. In the mean time, as the horse began to fly, the charioteers mix'd themselves to fight among the foot; though we were under some apprehensions from them in particular, yet by reason of the closeness of their ranks, and the inequality of the ground, they prov'd of no consequence. This was not like a horse-engagement, but close and still, over-bearing one another with the down-right force and weight of the horses. Many times the chariots as they run up down at rovers, and the frighted horses that had lost their riders, and scour'd about as their fear guided them, would over-run their friends that met them, or cross'd their way. And now, they on the hill that had not been yet en∣gaged, perceiving the small number of our army, began to advance, and wheel in upon the backs of us: but Agri∣cola having foreseen that danger, easily repell'd them by four wings which he had kept as a reserve upon occasion; and these made them give back presently, as fast as they came forward. So now, this project of the Britains was turn'd upon themselves: for the wings were immediately order'd to leave the front, and wheel about upon the backs of the enemy. Upon this the seene began to be very tra∣gical along the plain; one pursuing, another wounding, a

third taking, and killing that prisoner as soon as he could take another. Now whole regiments of the enemy, accord∣ing to their several dispositions, though arm'd and more nu∣merous, fairly turn'd their backs, whilst others of them disarm'd, ran desperately upon the swords of their enemy. The whole field was nothing now but a mixt heap of swords, carcasses, mangled limbs and blood; and some∣times rage and valour in the last gasp of the conquer'd: As soon as the enemy drew near the woods, they began to rally, and cut off the most forward of our men, that had follow'd rashly, and were unacquainted with the country. So that if Agricola, who was every where at hand, had not sent out some of the best and lightest of his cohorts to scour the country, and commanded the horsemen to light where the woods were thick, and to range them up and down on horseback where thin, we might have suffer'd considerably by this rashness. But, when they saw us united, and in orderly pursuit of them, they fled again, not in troops as before, and with an eye upon one another, but dispers'd and straggling into remote and by-places. At last, night and weariness put an end to the chase. Of the enemy there fell 10000, of us 340, among whom was Aulus Atticus Commander of a Cohort, carry'd on too far by the heat of young blood, and the fierceness of his horse. The victory and the spoil made the night pleasant to the Conquerors. But the Britains, wandring up and down the field in a la∣mentable condition, both men and women, spent the night in calling their lost friends, and carrying off the wounded, in forsaking and burning their own houses out of rage and fury, and in shifting from one hole to another. Sometimes, in consult with one another, and in taking hopes thereupon; then again, broke with compassion, and oftner madness, at the sight of their wives and children. And 'tis certain, that some of them laid violent hands upon their own wives and Children, to prevent the more unhumane hands of the enemy. The day following shew'd the greatness of this victory more fully. Every where silence and desolati∣on: no stir upon the mountains, the houses burning afar off, and not a soul to be met with by our scouts, who were sent into all parts of the Country, but found that the flight was uncertain, and that the enemy were scatter'd and dispers'd. Hereupon Agricola, the summer being far spent, so that he could not disperse the war, marched with his army into the Country of the Horesti. Having re∣ceived hostages from them, he commanded his Admiral to sail round Britain, furnishing him with all things necessary, and sent the terror of the Romans before. He himself marched on slowly, that by this delay he might awe his new conquests; and so put his army into winter quarters. About the same time the fleet, with good success and cre¦dit, put in at* 1.98 Trutulensis, the haven where it set out, and coasting along the nearest† 1.99 side of Britain, arrived again there.* 1.100 And then having doubled the point of the outmost sea, they first discovered Britain to be an Island: and at the same time found out the Isles of Orkney, and subdu'd them, which had been only heard of till that time. Orosius and some others after him, falsly ascribe this to Claudius.

Agricola having sent a plain account of these trans∣actions, without either gloss or addition, by letters to Do∣mitian; the Emperor receiv'd it (as his manner was) with a shew of great joy; though really with great trouble and concern. He was conscious to himself, that his late triumph in Germany was unjust and ridiculous, having bought certain people of that country, and drest them up in cloaths and hair like captives; whereas now a victory great and real, wherein so many thousands of the enemy slain, was applauded by every one. It was dangerous he thought, that the honour of a private man should eclipse the glory of a Prince: And that he had suppress'd the study of Ora∣tory and other Liberal Arts to no purpose, if another could thus undo him in the art of war; that for other matters they might be bore with, but no one ought to be a General but a Prince. Being tormented with these thoughts, and (what was ever a sign of mischief) very much alone in his closet, he concluded, it would be best to conceal his re∣sentments till the noise of this victory, and the love and respect he had gained in the army was abated: for as yet Agricola was in Britain. And therefore he took care that triumphal honours, statues, and every thing usual upon such a solemnity, should be decreed him, and that in very ho∣norable terms by the Senate; and withal, made a report to be spread, that the Province of Syria, then vacant by the death of Atilius Rufus, Lieutenant, and reserv'd for some persons of quality, was designed for him. 'Twas also commonly thought that he sent a Free-man, one of his Cabinet-Council, to Agricola, with a Commission for Syria, and instructions, that if he were in Britain, it should be delivered; and that the messenger, meeting Agri∣cola upon the sea, spoke not one word of it, but returned with it to Domitian: yet whether this be true, or a bare surmise (as agreeable enough by the carriage of that Prince) is uncertain. However, Agricola had surrendered up his Province peaceable and quiet to his Successor. And now, that his entry to Rome might be obscure and private, he came (as he was order'd) by night into the city; and at night was admitted into the Palace: where the Emperor receiv'd him with a dry kiss, and spoke not one word to him; and so drew off among the rest of the Attendants.

Agricola's successor, according to some, was Cn. Trebellius, in my opinion Salustius Lucullus,* 1.101 who was soon put to death by Domitian, for suffering a new sort of spears to be called Lameae Luculleae. At which timef 1.102 Arviragus flourisht in this Island, and not in Claudius's time, as Geffry of Monmouth imagines. For that of Juvenal is to be understood of Domitian.

Omen habes, inquit, magni clari{que} triumphi, Regem aliquem capies, aut de temone Britanno Excidet* 1.103 Arviragus.— —The mighty omen see, He cries, of some illustrious victory.

Some captive King thee his new Lord shall own, Or from his British chariot headlong thrown, The proud Arviragus comes tumbling down.

Then also flourished at Rome Claudia Rufina, a Bri∣tish Lady, eminent for her extraordinary beauty and learning, commended by Martial in these verses,

Claudia caeruleis cum sit Rufina Britannis Edita, cur Latiae pectora plebis habet? Quale decus formae Romanam credere matres Italides possunt, Atthides esse suam. Among the painted Britains, Claudia, born, By what strange arts did you to Roman turn? What shapes! what heavenly charms! enough to raise A noble strife in Italy and Greece.

This is she that St. Paul mentions in his second Epistle to Timothy, according to J. Bale, and Matthew Par∣ker, Archbishop of Canterbury: nor is it inconsistent with Chronology, though others differ from that opi∣nion.

And thus in Domitian's time,* 1.104 the farther part of this Island was left to the Barbarians, as neither plea∣sant nor fruitful; but this hither part was fairly redu∣ced to a compleat Province: which was not govern'd by Consular or Proconsular Deputies,* 1.105 but was counted Praesidial and appropriate to the Caesars; as being a Province annext to the Empire after the division of Provinces made by Augustus, and having Propraetors of its own. Afterwards, when Constantine the Great had new model'd the Commonwealth, this Province was govern'd by a Deputy, under the Prae∣torian Lieutenant of Gaul, together with the Count of Britain, the Count of the Saxon shore throughout Bri∣tain, and the Duke of Britain in times of war; besides praesidents, receivers, &c. But farther, out of those 29 Legions, which were the constant and standing guard of the Roman Empire,* 1.106 three of them were garison'd here; namely, the Legio secunda Augusta, the Legio sexta victrix, and the vicesima victrix. But this is to be understood of Severus's time; for before that, we find there were other Legions here, and many more. And although Strabo writes, that one* 1.107 Legion of soldiers was sufficient to command Britain, yet under Claudius the Legio secunda Augusta, the Le∣gio 9. of Spain, and the 14th Legion, call'd Gemina Martia victrix, were kept here: nay, even in Vespa∣sian's time, Josephus tells us, there were four Legions

garison'd in this Island. The words are, Britain is encompassed with the sea, and is not much less than our world. The inhabitants are subject to the Romans, who keep the numerous people of that Island in subjection with four Legions.* 1.108 And doubtless these stations and gari∣sons of the Legions and Roman soldiers,a 1.109 prov'd very often the foundations of Towns and Cities; and that not only in other Provinces,* 1.110 but in Britain too. Thus the yoke of subjection was first laid upon the Britains by troops and garisons, which were constantly kept here to the great terror of the Inhabitants; and then by tribute and imposts: upon which account they had their Publicans, that is to say, Cormorants and Leeches, to suck the blood out of them, to confiscate their goods, and exact tribute* 1.111 in the name of the dead. They were not permitted so much as to enjoy the laws of their own country, but had their courts and benches fill'd by such Magistrates as the Romans sent them,* 1.112 with their rods and axes. For the Provin∣ces had their Propraetors, Legats, Praesidents, Praetors, and Proconsuls, and each particular City its peculiar Magistrates. The Praetor held a kind of Assize once every year, and then decided all causes of more than ordinary consequence; sitting in great state upon a high Tribunal, with his Lictors round him, bearing rods and axes for the awe and punishment of the peo∣ple. This Magistrate was every year to be appointed anew: but that was not all neither; they fomented discord and faction among the people, giving great countenance to such as they could make tools of to enslave others.

Yet, however grievous this yoke was, it prov'd of very good consequence to us. For together with it came in the blessed Doctrine of Christ Jesus, (of which hereafter,) and upon the light of his glorious Empire, barbarism soon vanish'd from among the Britains, as it had done in all other places upon the approach of it. For Rome, as Rutilius says,

—Legiferis mundum complexa triumphis, Foedere communi vivere cuncta facit. —Triumphant all the world commands, And with new laws unites the conquer'd lands.

And in another place very elegantly, and very truly, to the same.

Fecisti patriam diversis gentibus unam. Profuit injustis te dominante capi. Dum{que} offers victis proprii consortia juris, Urbem fecisti quod priùs orbis erat. All countries now in one vast nation joyn, And happily subdu'd their Rites resign. Thy juster laws are every where obey'd, And a great city of the world is made.

For not to mention the other Provinces, the Romans (by planting their Colonies here, and reducing the natives under the forms of Civil Government and So∣ciety, by instructing them in the liberal Arts, and sending them into Gaul, to learn the laws of the Ro∣man Empire; whence that of Juvenal,

Gallia causidicos docuit facunda Britannos, Gaul's eloquence taught British Lawyers art.

did at last so reform and civilize them by these laws, and the example of their other customs, that for the modes of their dress and living, they were not infe∣riour to those of any other Provinces.* 1.113 Their build∣ings and other works were so very stately, that we cannot look upon the remains of them at this very day, without great admiration: and the common people will have these Roman fabricks to be the works of the Gyants, whom in the North parts they call* 1.114 Eatons, for Heathens, (if I mistake not.) They are without question very wonderful and stately, particularly the Picts wall,* 1.115 of which in its proper place; and the High-ways throughout the whole country, which lye sometimes through dreined fens, sometimes through low valleys raised high for them,* 1.116 and pav'd; and withal are so broad, that two carts may easily drive by one another without touching. An account of them we have thus in Galen.* 1.117 Trajan repair'd the ways, paving such as were wet and miry, or else raising them: such as were rough ••••d over-grown with thorns he clear'd and ridded, and where rivers were not fordable he made bridges; if a way lay too much about, he made it more direct and short; if it lay over a difficult or steep mountain, he drew it through pl••••es more easie: if a road was haunted by wild beasts, or wa•• deso∣late, he had it transferr'd through such parts of the c••••n∣try as were better inhabited; and if the way was rugge•• he took care to smooth and level it. Yet these of ours are so pared in some places, by the country people's digging sand out of them, that they are hardly to be known; though otherwise as they lye through by-grounds and pastures, they plainly appear by their height.

These were call'd by the Romans, Viae Consulares, Regiae, Praetoriae, Militares, Publicae, Cursus publici, and Actus, as we find by Ulpian and Julius Frontinus. Ammianus Marcellinus calls them Aggeres Itinerarii and publici: Sidonius Apollinaris, Aggeres, and tellu∣res inaggeratae: Bede and modern Authors, Stratae. Our Historians (who are without question in an er∣ror,) will have only four ways of this nature; the first Watlingstreat, so called from I know not what Vitellius, to whose charge this way was committed; (and indeed the Britains call'd Vitellianus in their lan∣guage Guetalin) named also Warlaemstraet; which lay by Verulam, and in some places is also called High-dike, High-ridge, Forty-foot-way, and Ridge-way, by those that live thereabouts. The second they com∣monly call Ikenild-streat, which began in the country of the Iceni: the third, the Fosse, because (as some think) it was ditch'd on both sides: the fourth, Er∣minstreat, a German word, deriv'd from Mercury (as I am inform'd by the very learn'd J. Obsopaeus,) who was worship'd among our forefathers the Germans, by the name of Irmunsul, i.e. Mercury's Pillar. And that Mercury presided over the high-ways, the Greek word it self 〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉〈 in non-Latin alphabet 〉, does sufficiently intimate; and besides, his square statues (formerly called Hermae) were every where erected in the high-ways. Yet some imagine that these ways were made by one Mulmutius, I know not who, many ages before the birth of Christ: but this is so far from finding credit with me, that I positively affirm, they were made from time to time by the Romans. When Agricola was Lieutenant here, Tacitus tells us, that the people were commanded to carry their corn about, and into the most distant countreys, and not to the nearest Camps, but to those that were far off and out of the way. And the Britains (as the same Author has it) complain that the Romans put their hands and bodies to the drudgery of ridding out Woods and paving Fens, with a great many stripes and indignities. And we find in old Records, that in the days of Honorius and Arcadius, there were made in Britain certain High-ways from sea to sea. That they were done by the Romans, Bede himself tells us. The Romans liv'd within that wall (which as I have already took notice) Severus drew cross the Island, to the Southward; as the Cities, Temples, Bridges, and High-ways made there, do now plainly shew us. In lay∣ing such ways, the Romans were wont to employ their Soldiers and the people, that they might not grow factious by too much ease. High-ways (says Isodorus) were made almost all the world over by the Romans, for the convenience of travelling, and to employ the common people. And the condemnation of Crimi∣nals, was many times to work at them, as may be in∣ferr'd from Suetonius in the life of Caius.* 1.118 And more∣over we see the Via Salamantica, or Silver-way, in Spain, and in France certain military ways made by the Romans, not to mention the Via Appia, Pom∣peia, Valeria, and others in Italy.

Along these High-ways,* 1.119 Augustus at first had cer∣tain young men set at some small distance from one another; but after that, wagons instead of them, that thus he might have quick and speedy intelligence from all parts of the Empire. And near upon these roads were the cities built,* 1.120 as also inns or mansions for the

accommodation of travellers with all necessaries,* 1.121 and mutations (for so those places were then call'd,) where travellers could change their post-horses, draught-beasts, or wagons. And therefore, whosoever seeks for the places he finds mention'd in Antoninus's Itinerary any where but by these ways, will certainly wander, and run into mistakes.

And perhaps it may deserve our notice, that at the end of every mile along these roads, there were erected Pillars by the Emperors, with figures cut in them to signifie the number of miles. Hence Sido∣nius Apollinaris.

Antiquus tibi nec teratur agger, Cujus per spatium satis vetustis Nomen Caesareum viret columnis. Nor let the antient causey be defac't, Where in old pillars Caesar's name's express't.

* 1.122By the sides of them were also the graves and mo∣numents of famous men, to put the traveller in mind of his own mortality by that of theirs. For the re∣pairing of them, there were standing laws, as we may see in the Theodosian Code, under the Title De Itinere muniendo; to excite every one to further this bu∣siness with the utmost zeal and readiness. There were also Overseers appointed for them. And in our an∣cient Laws,* 1.123 there is mention made De pace quatuor Cheminorum, that is, of the peace of the four prin∣cipal roads.

* 1.124During Nerva's time, we have no account left us of this Island by Authors. Under Trajan,* 1.125 the Bri∣tains seem to have revolted; and that they were sub∣dued again,* 1.126 appears by Spartian. In Adrian's reign, Julius Severus was Lieutenant here, who being re∣call'd upon an insurrection in Judaea, the Britains had certainly freed themselves from the Roman yoke, if Adrian himself had not come in person hither, who in his third Consulship (in the year of Christ 124) seems by the valour of his army to have defeated them. For in a Coin of his we see a General with three souldiers, which I suppose are to represent the three legions of Britain, with this Inscription, EXER. BRITANNICUS: and another with this Inscription, RESTITUTOR BRITANNIAE. This Prince re∣form'd many things in the Island, and drew a Wall fourscore miles long to separate the Barbarians from the Romans;* 1.127 making it of great timber planks fixt in the ground, and joined one to another, not unlike a hedge. For which expedition the Poet Florus plays thus upon him:

Ego nolo Caesar esse, Ambulare per Britannos, Scythicas pati pruinas. Caesar may reign secure for me, I won't be Caesar, no not I; To stalk about the British shore, Be wet with Scythian snow all o're.

To which Adrian reply'd;

Ego nolo Florus esse, Ambulare per tabernas, Latitare per popinas, Culices pati rotundos. Florus may rake secure for me, I won't be Florus, no not I; The streets and idle shops to scower, Or in by-taverns lewdly roar, With potent rummers wet all o're.

* 1.128At this time M. F. Cl. Priscus Licinius was Proprae∣tor of Britain, who was with Hadrian in that expe∣dition of his against the Jews, as appears by this old Inscription in a broken marble:

M. F. CL. PRISCO.
ICINIO. ITALICO. LEGATO. AUGUSTORUM
PR. PR. PROV. CAPPADOCIAE
PR. PR. PROV. BRITANNIAE LEG. AUG.
—
LEG. IIII. GALLICIAE. PRAEF. COH. IIII LIN∣GONUM.
VEXILLO. MIL. ORNATO. A. DIVO.
HADRIANO. IN EXPEDITIONE IVDAIC.
Q. CASSIUS. DOMITIUS. PALUMBUS.

In the reign of Antoninus Pius,* 1.129 who by a Constitution of his, made all within the bounds of the Roman Empire citizens of Rome, the war broke out again here;* 1.130 but was so well ended by L••llius Urbicus the Legate, by removing the barbarians, and making ano∣ther wall of earth, that upon it he was sirnam'd Bri∣tannicus, and had great commendation for taking some part of their country from the Brigantes, be∣cause they had made incursions into Genouma, a neigh∣bouring Province belonging to the Romans.* 1.131 And at this time, as may be gather'd from Jabolenus, Seius Saturnius, was Archigubernus of the fleet in Britain. But whether it be meant that he was Admiral, or Chief-Pilot, or the Master of a Ship, let the Lawyers de∣termine.

The Britains falling from one war into another, began to revolt again in the time of Antoninus the Phi∣losopher. To quiet which commotions,* 1.132 Calphurnius Agricola was sent over, who seems to have succeeded very happily. The glory of putting an end to this war, Fronto, who was inferior to none for Roman eloquence, but himself one of the greatest masters of it, attributes to the Emperor Antoninus. For, though he remained at his Palace here in the city, and committed the care of it to another, yet in his opinion (like the Pilot sitting at the helm of the ship) he deserv'd the glory of the whole expedition and voyage. At that time Helvius Pertinax was a soul∣dier in Britain, sent thither from the Parthian Wars, and there detain'd.

In the reign of Commodus,* 1.133 there was nothing but wars and seditions throughout Britain. For the bar∣barous Britains, having got over the wall, made great waste in the country, and cut off the Roman Gene∣ral and his army.* 1.134 So that Ʋlpius Marcellus was sent against them, who succeeded so well in this expedi∣tion, that upon his great bravery he began to be en∣vied, and was recall'd.* 1.135 This General was vigilant above all others; and to the end that they about him might be as watchful, he wrote every evening twelve Tables, such as commonly are made of† 1.136 Linden-wood, and commanded one of his attendants to carry the same to some of the souldiers, now at one hour of the night and now at another. Whereby they might think their General was ever awake, and they themselves might sleep the less. Of his temperance he adds likewise. Though he was na∣turally able to abstain from sleep, yet that he might do it the better, he was very spare in his diet. For that he should not eat his bellyful of bread, he had it brought from Rome for him; that by reason of the age and staleness of it, he might eat no more than was barely necessary. Upon his being recall'd from Britain, the army grew heady and dissolute, and all manner of discipline began to be disregarded; so that they denied submission to Commodus as Emperor, though he was sirnam'd Bri∣tannicus by his flatterers. Moreover they sent fifteen hundred of their fellow souldiers into Italy against Perennis, who had not only a shew of favour, but a real sway and interest in the Emperor, accusing him of displacing Senators to prefer† 1.137 Gentlemen to their Offices, and of a plot and design he had upon the Emperor's Life. Commodus gave credit to it, and deliver'd him up into their hands, who scourg'd him severely, beheaded him, and declared him an enemy to his country. These broils were at last quieted by Helvius Pertinax, but not without great danger,* 1.138 be∣ing almost himself slain (and left as such among the dead) in appeasing them.

Thus Britain was delivered in peace by Commodus to Clodius Albinus,* 1.139 sirnamed afterwards for his great atchievements in Britain, Caesareus: but was soon or∣der'd to resign to Junius Severus, for a speech of his wherein he had with too much liberty inveigh'd a∣gainst the conduct and administration of the Em∣perors.

* 1.140At this time, the clouds of superstition and igno∣rance began to disperse, (that is, not when M. Au∣relius, and L. Verus were Emperors, as Bede writes, but in Commodus's reign, when Elutherus was Bishop of Rome) and the light of the Christian Religion by the means of Kingc 1.141 Lucius* 1.142 to shine in this Island. Who (as 'tis said in the Old Martyrologies, which were wont to be read in Churches) admiring the in∣tegrity and holiness of the Christians, sent Eluanus and Meduanus Britains to Pope Eleutherus, intreating him that he and his subjects might be instructed in the Christian Religion. Upon this, immediately the Pope dispatched certain holy men hither, namely Fugatius and Donatianus with letters, which are yet extant, dated in the second Consulship of L. Aure∣relius Commodus, which was together with Vespronius; and by these the King and others were taught the mysteries of the Christian Faith. Whence that of Ninnius upon this King: King Lucius is sirnam'd Leuer-Maur, that is to say [a Prince] of great glory, upon the account of religion propagated in his time.d 1.143 As for those who call the story of King Lucius into question (as many do at this day) as if there was no such King as he at that time in Britain, which they suppose was long before reduc'd into a complete Province; I would have them remember, that the Romans were wont by an old custom to have Kings as their tools of servitude in the Provinces; that the Britains at that time denied their submission to Commodus; and that all that part of the Island without the Wall was freely enjoy'd by the Britains. Moreover, that An∣toninus Pius,* 1.144 some years before, having ended the war, left the Kingdoms to be rul'd by their own Kings, and the Provinces to be govern'd by their own Counts. So that nothing hinders, but that Lucius might be a King in those parts of the Island which were never subject to the Romans. For certainly that passage of Tertul∣lian (who wrote then abouts) does refer to this con∣version of the Britains to the Christian Religion;* 1.145 and that very aptly, if we consider the time and the meaning of it. Some Countreys of the Britains that proved impregnable to the Romans, are yet subjected to Christ. And a little after, Britain lies surrounded by the Ocean. The Mauri and the barbarous Getulians are block'd up by the Romans, for fear they extend the limits of their Countreys. But why should I speak of the Ro∣mans, who by the power of their armies secure their Em∣pire? neither are they able with all their forces to extend this Empire beyond these nations. Whereas the Kingdom of Christ, and his Name, goes much farther. He is every where believ'd in and worshipp'd by all those na∣tions above mention'd, &c.

But that Britain before this, even in the very in∣fancy of the Church, receiv'd the Christian Religion, our Ecclesiastical writers (who have spent both time and pains in this search) do endeavour to assure us; namely, thate 1.146 Joseph of Arimathea, an eminent De∣curio,* 1.147 sail'd from Gaul into Britain; andf 1.148 that Clau∣dia Rufina, the wife of Aulus Pudens, (thought to be she whom St. Paul mentions in his latter Epistle to Timothy, and Martial the Poet so extraordinarily commends) was a British Woman. They cite Doro∣theus, who passes for the Bishop of Tyre, for farther evidence; for in his Synopsis he relates that Simon Ze∣lotes, after he had travell'd Mauritania, was at last kill'd and buried in Britain; and also that Aristobulus (mention'd by Paul in his Epistle to the Romans) was made Bishop of Britain. This Nicephorus confirms, though he speaks of† 1.149 Britiana and not of Britain. Moreover, upon the authority of Symeon Metaphrastes and the Greek Kalendar, they tell us that Peter was in this Island, and display'd the light of the Gospel here; and also from Sophronius and Theodoret, thatg 1.150 St. Paul after his second imprisonment at Rome, came hither. Hence Venantius Fortunatus (if we may credit a Poet) thus speaks either of him, or his Doctrine:

Transiit Oceanum, & qua facit Insula portum, Quasque Britannus habet terras, quasque ultima Thule. The Ocean pass'd, and ventur'd bravely o're To British realms and Thule's farthest shore.

However, there's nothing more considerable in this point, than that passage but now quoted from Tertullian, and what Origen says; namely,* 1.151 that the Britains had received the Faith, and were qualified before by their Druids for that purpose, who always taught them to believe there was but one God. And that of Gildas is in my opinion very weighty, who after a touch upon Boadicia's rebellion, and an ac∣count how the same was reveng'd, says,* 1.152 In the mean time, Christ, the true sun, displaying his glorious rays upon the whole world, not like the sun from his temporal firma∣ment, but from the most exalted thrones of heaven which is eternal and endless; first vouchsafed his beams, that is, his doctrine, in the time (as we know) of Tiberius Caesar, to this cold frozen Island, situated as it were at a great di∣stance from the visible sun. And by the by, thus also Chrysostom, of the Christian Religion's being in this Island. The British Isles situate beyond our sea, and lying in the very Ocean, felt the power of the word, (for Churches and Altars are even there erected) of that word, I say, which was naturally planted in the hearts of every man, and is now in their lips also. The same Author.* 1.153 How often in Britain did men eat the flesh of their own kind? Now they refresh their souls with fastings. S. Je∣rom likewise. The Britains who live a part from our world, if they go in pilgrimage, will leave the western parts, and seek Jerusalem, known to them by fame only and by the Scriptures. But now let us pass from the Church to the Empire.* 1.154 Upon the murder of Com∣modus, Pertinax was made Emperor, who imme∣diately dispatch'd away Albinus for Britain. But Per∣tinax after a reign of eight hundred and two days, being put to death likewise, Didius Junius (who also quickly had the same fate) at Rome,* 1.155 Pescennius Niger in Syria, Clodius Albinus in Britain, and Septimius Se∣verus in Pannonia, all at the same juncture set up their pretence to the Empire. Severus (who was nearest Italy) got first to Rome, where being made Empe∣ror by the consent of the souldiers and the Senate; that he might not leave an enemy behind him, im∣mediately with great cunning,* 1.156 pretended to make Albinus Emperor, who then commanded the army both of Gaul and Britain: and thus by stamping his image upon the coins, erecting statues to him, and conferring the Consulship upon him, he politickly sooths him up. After this he marches into the east against Niger, and in a set battle defeated and slew him. Then he laid siege to Byzantium, and after three years carried it; and at last reduc'd the Adia∣beni, Arabians, and other nations. Thus rais'd with success, he grew impatient of a partner and rival, and so set assassinates upon Albinus; but the success not answering his design, he openly declares him an enemy, and with all the dispatch he could, marches into Gaul against him: where Albinus with the choice of his British army had posted himself to receive him. Upon engaging, the Albinianites fought so stoutly, that Severus threw off his purple, and was put to the rout with his whole army. But the Britains pursuing the enemy in some disorder (as if the victory was already theirs,) Laetus, who was one of Severus's Cap∣tains, and stood expecting the issue with his men fresh and untouch'd, now hearing that Severus was cut off, and thinking that he himself might set up for Emperor, fell upon them and put them to flight. Upon this, Severus, having rallied his men, and re∣assum'd his purple, pursued them likewise with great eagerness, and so came off with success, having,

among many others slain Albinus himself. And now Severus, sole Emperor of the whole world, first sent Heraclianus,* 1.157 and then Virius Lupus Propraetor and Le∣gate (call'd by Ulpian the Lawyer, President of Bri∣tain) to take possession of Britain. This Virius Lupus (as we shall observe in its proper place) repaired many Castles here. However, he was at long run forc'd to buy a peace of the Maeatae at a great rate (ha∣ving made some of them prisoners) because the Ca∣ledonii, who had promised to check the excursions of the Maeatae, had not perform'd that Article. And finding himself unable to curb them in their inroads, after much calamity suffer'd from 'em, he sent for Se∣verus himself in person to his assistance. Severus em∣braced the occasion very joyfully, both that he might wean his sons (who grew luxurious and debauch'd) from the pleasures of the City, and add the name of Britannicus to his other titles; and though now above sixty years old, and withall gouty, he resolves upon this expedition together with his sons, Bassianus (whom he call'd Antoninus and Augustus) and Geta Caesar, with the legions. The Britains sent Embassadors immediately to offer peace; whom, after he had designedly stay'd a long time, till all things were prepar'd and ready for the war, he dismiss'd without coming to any con∣clusion; and having left his son Geta (whom at his first arrival in Britain he made Augustus) in the hi∣ther part of the Island, which was in subjection to the Romans, that he might administer justice and go∣vernment among them; he himself with Antoninus march'd into the remoter parts of the country, where, without coming to any battle, he employ'd himself in cutting down the woods, building bridges, and draining the fens: and yet by ambuscade and sickness lost fifty thousand of his men. Thus Dio. But He∣rodian makes him to have had several skirmishes, with success, while the Barbarians from the fens and thick woods (where they had posted themselves) sallied out upon the Romans. At last however, he forc'd them to a league, upon condition, that they should part with no small share of their country to him. And that which is the most glorious action in his reign, he built a wall from sea to sea quite cross the Island. Up∣on the account of these victories, he stamp'd his coins with this Inscription VICTORIA BRITANNICA, and assum'd the title of Britannicus Maximus. His son Geta had also the title of Britannicus, as appears by his coins. Yet without observing this league, the Britains began afterwards to revolt; which gall'd him to that degree, that in an Oration to his soldiers he re∣commended the utter extirpation of them in those Verses of Homer:

Nemo manus fugiat vestras caedem{que} cruentam, Non faetus gravida mater quem gestat in alvo Horrendam effugiat caedem. — Let none your mercy share, Let none escape the fury of the war: Children unborn shall die. —

Having in some sort quieted these Rebels, he dy'd at York, not so much out of any infirmity of body, as out of grief and concern at the wickedness of his son Antoninus (who with his own hands had made two several attempts upon his life) with these words in his mouth, I receiv'd the Commonwealth disorder'd in all parts of it, and I leave it in peace even among the Britains. His corps was, after their military way, carried out by the souldiers, put in the fire, and the day solemniz'd with races by the souldiers and his sons. Perhaps it would look like a piece of levity in me, if I should relate the prodigies that happen'd before his death; namely, the blackness of the sacrifices, the cypress crown offer'd him by a saucy buffoon in these words, You have been every thing, now be a God. The method (since it may divert the reader) I will here subscribe.

* 1.158It is a custom among the Romans to consecrate those Emperors, who die leaving either sons or successors behind them. And they who are thus honour'd, are thought to be rank'd among the Divi. Now the city is to be all in mourning,* 1.159 with some allay of festival solemnity. For they bury his body as they do those of others, in great state. The Image of the deceased person they draw as near as they can, and lay the same in the entry to the palace upon an ivory bed very large and high, with a cloth of gold spread over it. And this Image lies pale here to resemble the deceased person. The bed is attended the greatest part of the day on both sides of it; on the left side, all the Se∣nators in mourning habits, and on the right the Matrons, whether honourable by descent or marriage. Of these no one is either to wear gold, or jewels, but to be dress'd in a thin white garment like mourners. This solemnity con∣tinues for seven days, Physicians coming in daily to visit him, and as if the body were a real patient, still signify∣ing they have less and less hopes of him. At length when they find the party to be quite dead, the young men of best quality among the Knights and Senators, take up the said bed upon their shoulders, and carry it by the via sacra into the old Forum, where the magistrates of Rome us'd to lay down their offices. Now, on both sides the Forum were certain steps like stairs: upon these on the one side stood the young sons of the senators, and most eminent men in the city; on the other the principal Ladies singing hymns and sonnets after a melancholy and mournful manner, in praise of the dead person. When this is done, they take up the bed again and carry it into Mars's Field: in the broadest part whereof is erected a square Rostrum, eaven on all sides, and built of nothing but great timber like a tabernacle. The inside of it is stuff'd with combustible matter; the outside of it is adorn'd with hangings, richly embroider'd with gold, and works of ivory, and beautified with seve∣ral pictures. Within this stood another much less, but of the same make and furniture, with wide gates and doors in it. Above that likewise a third, and then a fourth, and so on, still proportionably less than the lower, to the very uppermost, which is least of all. The shape and form of it may be compar'd to those towers, which, for the burn∣ing of fire in the night to direct mariners, are built near ha∣vens, and are commonly called Phari, i.e. light-houses or watch-towers. The bed being laid in the second taber∣nacle, spices, all sorts of perfumes, fruit, herbs, and sweet juices, are provided and thrown upon it. For there's no country or city, no person of degree or quality, but in honour of the dead Prince will contribute presents of that nature. When these spices are heaped up to a considerable quantity, and all the place filled with them, then they that are Knights, ride round the pile in a certain set order, in their course and recourse, warlike and regular. The Coaches likewise are drove about it by the Senators, who in that are to signifie and resemble the Roman Generals and famous Princes. When this solemnity is over, the succeeding Em∣peror takes a torch and puts it to the Tabernacle; then every one throws fire to it, and the pile is presently in a flame, by reason of the combustible matter and dry spices that are in it. About the same time an Eagle is let fly from the uppermost and least Tabernacle, as from the top of it; which is supposed to carry the Prince's soul into heaven: and henceforth the Emperor is worshiped among the other Deities. This is out of my way; but now to return.

Severus's son Antoninus Caracalla* 1.160 continued for some time to prosecute the remains of this war by his Cap∣tains; however he soon came to a peace, and surren∣der'd their forts and territories to them. Notwith∣standing, he assum'd the title of Britannicus, nay, was so vainly ambitious, as to call himself Britannicus Maximus. The name of Britannicus was likewise us'd by his brother Geta. For thus some Coins of his are inscrib'd; IMP. CAES. P. SEPT. GETA PIUS. AUG. BRIT. PONTIF. TRI. P. III. COS. II. PP.

From hence forward for a long time together, Wri∣ters have omitted the British history: neither was Alexander Severus slain in Sicilia, a town of Britain, (as some would have it,) but in Gaul. Thus much on∣ly appears from an old stone, that Nonius Philippus,* 1.161 under Gordianus Junior, was Propraetor here.

Gallienus growing dissolutely luxurious, the Roman Empire, either for want of care and conduct, or else because 'twas so fated, fell to pieces; and among the rest, this Province revolted from the Roman Emperor. For at that time the thirty Tyrants stood in compe∣tition for the Empire; of whom, Lollianus, Victori∣nus, Posthumus, Tetrici, and Marius, all in this Island, then govern'd it, as I suppose; for their Coins are daily found here in great plenty. Under Aurelian, Bonosus,* 1.162 a great drunkard, and by birth a Britain, to∣gether

with Proculus, endeavour'd to make himself Emperor, claiming all Britain, Spain, and that part of Gaul called Braccata, (which were govern'd for two months by Florianus;) but being at last defeated by Probus, after a very long and sharp engagement, he hang'd himself; and so 'twas said of him, there hung a tankard, and not a man.

* 1.163However Probus found other troubles to entertain him in Britain. For one (whom Probus himself, induc'd by the commendation of his familiar Victorinus Maurus, had promoted here) was raising a revolt; and therefore he, by way of expostulation, gave Victorinus a repri∣mand for it. Victorinus having obtained leave to go to him, went as a fugitive from the Emperor, and being kindly received by the Tyrant, kill'd him by night, and so return'd to Probus, and preserved the Province by this blow. Now, who this Tyrant was, we are not inform'd by any Author; he may seem to be that Cl. Com. Laelianus,* 1.164 whose Coins are found in this Island and in no other country. Probus also trans∣planted the Burgundians and the Vandals (whom he had before reduced,* 1.165) and settled them here: and they afterwards prov'd very serviceable to the Romans up∣on every commotion. Now, whereas Vopiscus writes, that Probus permitted the Britains to have Vines; a very learned man is of opinion that this pas∣sage might slip unwarily from him, as if the Country were unfit for vines; whereas to the contrary it bears vines, and for certain had formerly great store. The many rival Tyrants at that time in this Province oc∣casioned the exclamation of Porphyry, who lived in that age;* 1.166 Britain a fruitful Province in producing Ty∣rants.

* 1.167After this, Carus Augustus gave this Country to his Son Carinus, with Gaul, Spain, and Illyricum. That he carried on a war here, some infer from those ver∣ses of Nemesianus. How much we may depend up∣on it, I cannot tell:

Nec taceam quae nuper bella sub arcto Foelici, Carine, manu confeceris, ipso Pene prior genitore Deo. Nor, great Carinus, e're shall latest fame Forget our noble actions in the North, When round the Pole you spread your awful name, And match'd the God your Sire's immortal worth.

In Dioclesian's time, Carausius, a Menapian born, of base extraction,* 1.168 but a man of good conduct and cou∣rage, and eminent for his brave actions at Sea, was made Governour of Bononia in Gaul, to secure that sea, which was then infested with Saxon and French Pirates. Having from time to time took many of the Barbarians Prisoners, and neither given all the prizes to the Emperor's Exchequer, nor restor'd it to the right owners in his Province; and after that supprest fewer and fewer of them: it began to be suspected, that he admitted them on purpose, in hopes of inter∣cepting them with the booty taken, whereby he might enrich himself. Upon this, he was to have been slain, by an order from Maximian the Emperor. But having intelligence of it, under the state and character of Emperor,* 1.169 he took possession of Britain; thither he brought the Fleet he had to defend Gaul: there he built more ships after the Roman manner, was joyn'd by the Roman Legion, kept out foreign Troops, press'd the French merchants to his service, garison'd Bononia, and converted the revenues of Britain and Batavia to his own use. Moreover, with hopes of booty in the Provinces, he drew no small Forces of the Barbarians to his alliance, (particularly the Franks, whom he had train'd to sea-service,) and infested all the sea-coasts about him. Maximian, with a brave army, (* 1.170 some of which gloriously suffer'd Martyrdom in this expedition) march'd a∣gainst him; but when he was advanc'd to the sea-coast; for want of seamen, and being daunted at the rage and danger of the British Ocean, he made a hault, and there began a treaty; whereby it was concluded that Carausius should enjoy the Govern∣ment of Britain, as the properest person to defend the Inhabitants against all Invasions. This is the rea∣son that in all Carausius's silver Coins we find two Em∣perors shaking hands, with this Inscription round it, CONCORDIA* 1.171 AUGG. Maximian now march'd with his army against the Franks, who then inhabited Batavia, and had assisted Carausius; but were unexpectedly so surpriz'd by him, that they forthwith submitted themselves. In the mean time Carausius govern'd Britain with great authority, and in perfect peace; he repair'd the wall between the mouth of the Clud and Carun, to keep out the Barbarians (as Ninnius, Eluodugus's Scholar, tells us) and fortified the same with seven castles; and moreover built a round house of hewen stone upon the bank of the river Carun, so called from him; with a triumphal Arch in memory of his Victory. However, Buchanan thinks it to have been Terminus's Temple, as we shall observe in Scot∣land.

When Dioclesian and Maximian had made Constan∣tius Chlorus and Maximianus Galerius fellow partners of the Empire with them, to the end they might bet∣ter keep what they had got, and recover what they had lost; Constantius having raised an Army, marches towards Bononia in Gaul, otherwise called Gessoriacum (which Carausius had strongly garison'd) and invested the place sooner than was imagined; blocking up the haven with huge timber beams struck down in it, and by heaps of great stones; which, notwithstanding the shock and violence of the sea, continued firm for many days together. But, as soon as the Town was surrender'd, it was so shaken by the first tide, that the whole work was disjointed, and fell to pieces.* 1.172 And while his Fleet was getting ready for his British expedition, he cleared Batavia of the Franks, who were then possessed of it, and transplanted many of them to cultivate some barren places of the Empire.* 1.173

In this juncture of affairs, Carausius was treache∣rously slain by Allectus, his bosom friend and prime Minister; who thereupon usurp'd the Government to himself. Upon this news, Constantius mann'd out several distinct Fleets, so that Alectus knowing nei∣ther what course to take, nor where to expect him, grew sensible the Ocean was not so much his fence and refuge, as his Prison. The Fleet setting out in bad weather, and when the sea ran high, had the fortune, by reason of a mist, to escape the British Na∣vy, which lay out by the Isle of Wight to observe and attend them: and therefore as soon as he had arrived and put his army ashore, he set fire to his whole fleet, that there might be no hopes of refuge but in victory. Allectus, as soon as he saw Constantius's fleet upon the coast, left the shore where he had posted himself, and in his flight was accidentally met and encountred by Asclepiodotus, Captain of the Life∣guard; but his confusion was such, that, as if he had been under an alienation of mind at that time, he run on desperately to his own ruine; for he neither drew up his army, nor put his cavalry in any order, but with his barbarous mercenaries, after he had put off his Robes that they might not discover him, rush'd upon the enemy, and so in a tumultuary skirmish was kill'd, without any note of distinction about him. For which reason they had much ado to find him among the dead bodies, which lay in heaps about the field and on the hills. The Franks and other survi∣ving Barbarians, upon this, determined to plunder London, and escape by sea with the booty: but a party of ours, that were separated from the army in foggy weather, coming luckily to London at the same time, fell upon them, and pursu'd them up and down the streets with a great slaughter, not only to the re∣scue and safety of the Citizens, but also to their great pleasure, in being eye-witnesses of the rout. By this victory the Province was recovered, after it had been seven years or thereabouts governed by Carausius, and three more by Allectus. Upon this account, Eume∣nius writes thus to Constantius. O, important victory, worthy of many triumphs; by this Britain is restored, by this the Franks are defeated, and other nations in that confederacy reduc'd to their due obedience. To conclude, the sea it self is scour'd to compleat our quiet. You, great Cae∣sar, as for your part, may with justice glory in this disco∣very of another world; and by repairing the Roman Na∣vy, of adding a greater Element to the Roman Empire. A little lower also. Britain is so perfectly reduced, that all the nations of that Island are under an absolute sub∣jection.

* 1.174Towards the end of Dioclesian's and Maximian's reign, when the long and bloody persecution in the Eastern Church broke out in the Western Church also with great violence, many Christians suffered martydrom in it. The chief among them was Alba∣nus Verolamiensis,* 1.175 Julius, and Aaron a citizen of Exe∣ter, of which in their places. For the Church surviv'd them with great triumph and happiness, being not, even by a continued persecution for ten years together, stifled or destroyed.

* 1.176Dioclesian and Maximian having abdicated the Empire, Constantius Chlorus, who till that time go∣verned the Commonwealth under the title of Caesar, was made Emperor. To his share fell Italy, Africa, Spain, Gaul and Britain. Italy and Africa he surren∣der'd to Galerius, and contented himself with the rest. Being a Soldier in Britain, under Aurelian, he mar∣ry'd Helena, the daughter of Coelus or Caelius, a petty Prince here, and by her had that Constantine the Great in Britain. For, in this all writers do agree with the great Baronius,* 1.177 (a 1.178 except one or two mo∣dern Greeks, who are but inconsiderable, and vary from one another, and a certain eminent per∣son, who grounds upon a faulty passage of J. Firmi∣cus. Chlorus was compell'd by Maximian to divorce this wife, and marry his daughter Theodora. This Helena* 1.179 is the same, who in old Inscriptions is call'd Venerabilis & Piissima Augusta, both for her Christian piety, her suppressing of Idols at Jerusalem, erecting a Church in the spot where Christ suffered; and for the good invention of the Cross, so mightily cele∣brated by Ecclesiastical writers. Yet the Jews and Gentiles call her in reproach Stabularia, because the Manger, where Christ was laid, was sought out by this pious Princess, and a Church built by her in the place where the stable stood.* 1.180 Hence St. Ambrose. They tell us that this Lady was first an Inn-keeper, &c. This good Inn-keeper Helena went to Jerusalem, and there found out the place of our Lord's passion, and the manger where her Lord lay. This good Inn-keeper was not igno∣rant of him, who cur'd the traveller that the robbers had wounded. This good Inn-keeper did not care how base and vile she was thought, so she but gained Christ. Constantius her husband is no less commended for his piety.* 1.181 A man, who rejecting the superstition and impiety of worshipping many Gods, has frankly own'd the being but of one God, Governour of all things. Whereupon, to discover the creed of his own Courtiers, he gave them free liber∣ty, either to sacrifice to their Gods and stay with him, or to refuse and be gone. But those that chose to go, rather than leave the worship of the true God, he retain'd with him, cashiering those who had here∣upon declin'd the worship of the true God; imagi∣ning that such would prove treacherous and disloyal to him also. This excellent Emperor dy'd in his last expedition in Britain against the Caledonians and o∣thers of the Picts, at York; and was (as he had ap∣pointed) succeeded by his Son Constantine,* 1.182 who had been declared Caesar.

Some few days before the death of Constantius, his Son Constantine went post from Rome to York,* 1.183 ha∣ving fresh horses provided him at every stage for that purpose: and that no one might follow him, he took care to lame all the horses belonging to the state for those services, save only such as were for his own use; and there he received the last gasp from his dying father. Hence an antient Orator thus to him. You enter'd the sacred Palace, not as ambitious of the Empire, but as one ordain'd and appointed; and forthwith your fa∣ther's family had the happiness of seeing you in right succeed him. F••r there was no doubt but he had the right and ti∣tle, who was the first son that providence bestowed upon the Emperor. However, he seem'd to be forced upon this great dignity by the soldiers, and particularly by the importunity of Erocus, King of the Almans, who went along with him to assist him. The Soldiers, with regard to the publick,* 1.184 and not out of private affection, put the royal robes upon him; he wept at it, and spurr'd away his horse, that he might avoid the importunity of the ar∣my, &c. but his modesty at last yeilded to the good and happiness of the Commonwealth. Hence the Panegyrist exclaims, O fortunate Britain, and now happy above all lands, in first seeing Constantine Caesar.

Caesar, as soon as settled in the throne, prosecuted those wars his father had carried on against the Cale∣donians and Picts; sell upon the remoter parts of Bri∣tain, (that, as one says,* 1.185 are the witnesses of the sun's setting) and the people of the Islands thereabouts; conquer'd some of them by dint of force, others (for he had Rome and greater things in his eye at that time) he drew to his alliance by sums of money: nay, some that were his enemies he so reconciled, as to be his friends; and others, who were his inveterate adversaries, he drew over to be his perfect intimates. After that, he made such a glorious Conquest of the Franks in Batavia, that golden coins (whereof I have seen one) were stamp'd with the image of a woman sitting under a trophy, resting one hand upon a Cross-bow, with this subscription, FRAN∣CIA; and GAUDIUM ROMANORUM, round it. So having defeated the other Barbarians in Ger∣many, and reconcil'd the Germans and the Gauls to him, he drew his soldiers out of Britain, Gaul, and Germany, amounting to the number of 90000 foot and 80000 horse, and set forward for Italy. Maxen∣tius (who at Rome then laid claim to the Empire) was likewise overcome by him; and thus having de∣feated the tyrant, and reduc'd Italy, he restor'd the world to the blessings of peace and liberty. And as it is in an old Inscription; INSTINCTU DIVI∣NITATIS, MENTIS MAGNITUDINE, CUM EXERCITU SUO, TAM DE TYRANNO, QUAM DE OMNI EJUS FACTIONE, UNO TEMPORE JUSTIS REMPUBLICAM ULTUS EST ARMIS. i.e. By divine instinct, and the great∣ness of his own soul, he managed his forces so, as to tri∣umph both over the Tyrant and all his adherents; and so at once, by a just war, did revenge the quarrel of the Re∣publick.

However, that he return'd to Britain, is hinted to us by Eusebius in these words, At last Constantine sailed over to Britain, surrounded by the sea: and having overcome them, he began to think of other parts of the World; that he might relieve them who were in distress, and needed it. Likewise in another place, After he had instill'd the pious principles of humanity and modesty into his army, he invaded Britain, as a country enclosed by the sea; which, as it were, terminates the Sun's set∣ting with its coasts.

Of Britain, those Verses of Optatianus Porphyrius to Constantine, are to be understood.

Omnis ab Arctois plaga finibus horrida Cauro Pacis amat cana & comperta perennia jura, Et tibi fida tuis semper bene militat armis, Res{que} gerit virtute tuas, populos{que} feroces Propellit, cedit{que} lubens tibi debita rata, Et tua victores sors accipit hinc tibi fortes, Te{que} duce invictae attollant signa cohortes. The Northern nation vex'd with Western storms, To your commands and peaceful laws conforms. Serves in your arms, and to your colours true, Subdu'd herself, helps others to subdue. Her easie tribute uncompell'd she pays, While your brave troops your conq'ring Eagles raise, And heaven rewards you with deserv'd success.

About this time (as is manifest from the Theodosian Code) Pacatianus was Vicegerent in Britain;* 1.186 for then there was no such thing as a Propraetor and Le∣gate, but in lieu thereof a Vicarius.

This Emperor was very happy in the enjoyment of much praise and commendation; and he highly deserv'd it. For he not only set the Roman Empire at liberty, but dispelling the clouds of superstition (which were great at that time) he introduc'd the pure light of the Gospel, opened temples for the worship of the true God, and shut up those that were dedicated to the false. For as soon as the storm of that persecution was over, those faithful servants of Christ, who had withdrawn in those dangerous times, and abscon∣ded

in the woods, deserts, and private caves; began to appear in publick. They rebuilt the Churches that were thrown down, laid the foundations of Temples in honour of the holy martyrs, and continued to go on and finish them; and, as if it were to manifest and display the banners of their victory, they celebrated festivals, and with pure hearts and hands performed their holy solemnities. And therefore he is honoured with these Titles, IMPERATOR FORTISSIMUS AC BEATISSI∣MUS. PIISSIMUS. FOELIX. URBIS LIBERA∣TOR. QUIETIS FUNDATOR. REIPUBLICAE INSTAURATOR. PUBLICAE LIBERTATIS AUCTOR. RESTITUTOR URBIS ROMAE ATQUE ORBIS. MAGNUS. MAXIMUS. IN∣VICTUS. INVICTISSIMUS. PERPETUUS. SEMPER AUGUSTUS. RERUM HUMANA∣RUM OPTIMUS PRINCEPS. VIRTUTE FOR∣TISSIMUS, ET PIETATE CLEMENTISSI∣MUS. Et in legibus, QUI VENERANDA CHRI∣STIANORUM FIDE ROMANUM MUNIVIT IMPERIUM. DIVUS. DIVAE MEMORIAE. DI∣VINAE MEMORIAE, &c.

That is,

An Emperor most valiant, most blessed, most pious, happy, Redeemer of the City, Founder of Peace, Establisher of the Commonwealth, Encreaser of the publick Liberty, Restorer of the City of Rome and the whole World, Great, Great∣est, Invincible, Most Invincible, Perpetual, Ever Au∣gustus, Best Governour of humane affairs, Most Valiant, Most Merciful. And in the Laws, with these, Who fortified the Roman Empire with venerable Christianity, Sacred, Of blessed memory, Of divine memory, &c.

And he is the first Emperor, that I can find, who in Coins and publick Memorials was ever stiled Domi∣nus noster; yet at the same time I am not ignorant, that Dioclesian was the first, after Caligula, that would allow the title of Dominus to be publickly given him.

However, it seems to have been a great over-sight and imprudence in this mighty Emperor, that he open'd a passage to the Barbarians into Britain, Ger∣many, and Gaul. For, when he had reduc'd the northern nations, to that degree, that they were not able to annoy him, and had newly built the city of Constantinople, that he might suppress the mighty growth of the Persians, who then began to rival the Roman empire; he drew the legions from the frontier gari∣sons partly into the east, building forts and castles to supply the want of them, and partly to remote cities; so that presently after his death, the Barbarians forced the towns and castles, and broke into the Roman Provinces. For this reason Zosimus gives him the character of the first and greatest subverter of that flourishing Empire.

* 1.187But after that Constantine had new modelled the Empire, it will not be improper to observe here in short, how Britain was govern'd under him, and in succeeding times. He appointed certain Praefecti Praetorio over the East, Illyricum, Italy, and Gaul; and two Masters of the soldiers, the one over the horse, and the other over the foot, in the West, who were call'd Praesentales.

As for Civil matters, they were administer'd in Britain by the Praefectus Praetorio of Gaul, who sup∣ply'd that Office by a deputy, honour'd with the title of Spectabilis.* 1.188 Under him were two Consular Deputies, answerable to the number of the Provinces; and three Praesides, who were to determine all causes whether Criminal or Civil.

As for military matters, they were under the rule and management of the Master of the foot in the East; and to him were subject the Count of the Britains, the Count of the Saxon shore throughout Britain, and the Dux Britanniarum; who had each of them the title of Spectabilis.

The Count of Britain* 1.189 seems to have presided over the inner parts of the Island; and had the command of seven companies of foot, and nine cornets of horse about him.

The Count of the Saxon shore,* 1.190 who was to defend the coast against the Saxons, and by Ammianu•• Marcellinus is call'd Comes Traclus Marit••mi; had seven companies of foot, two† 1.191 troops of horse, the second legion, and a cohort, under him.

The Duke of Britain, who was to take care of the marshes, and defend them against Barbarians, had the command of 38 garisons, consisting in all of 14000 foot and 900 horse: so that at that time, if Panciro∣lus has cast up this account right, Britain had 19200 foot and 1700 horse, or thereabouts.

There were besides these Officers,* 1.192 the Comes Sacra∣rum Largitionum, who had the care of all the Empe∣ror's gifts and largesses. He had under him in Bri∣tain, a Rationalis Summarum Britanniae, or Receiver-General; Praepositus Thesaurorum Augustensium in Bri∣tannia, or Lord-Treasurer; and a Procurator Gynegii in Britannia, or an Overseer of the Gynegium in Britain, the place where the Cloaths of the Emperor and army were woven. Also the Comes rerum priva∣tarum, or Keeper of the Privy Purse, had here in Britain his Rationalis rei privatae, or private Auditor: not to mention the Procurator Ludi Gladiatorii, or Overseer of the Fencing-School, in Britain (men∣tion'd by an old inscription,) with others of an infe∣rior rank.

Upon the death of Constantine,* 1.193 Britain fell to his son Constantine; who being spurr'd on by an ambiti∣on of soveraignty to invade the rights of others, was slain by his brother Constans.* 1.194 Being exalted with this victory, Constans possess'd himself of Britain, and the other Provinces, and came hither with his bro∣ther Constantius. Hence that address of Julius Firmi∣cus (not the Pagan Astrologer, but the Christian,) to them. In the winter, a thing which was never done hitherto, nor will hereafter, you have triumph'd over the boisterous and swelling waves of the British Ocean. A sea unknown to us hath trembled, and the Britains are sur∣pris'd at the unexpected coming of their Emperor. What further would you atcheive? The elements themselves do yeild themselves conquer'd by your virtues. This Constans conven'd the Council at Sardica against the Arrians, which consisted of 300 Bishops; among whom were the Bishops of Britain, who after they had condemn'd the hereticks, and confirm'd the Nicaene-Creed, voted Athanasius innocent. But the young Prince,* 1.195 with∣out any farther application to state affairs, grew dis∣solute and voluptuous: this made him burthensome to the Provincials, and unacceptable to his army; so that Magnentius, Count of the Jovij and the Herculei,* 1.196 set upon him in a village called Helena, as he was hunting, and there slew him; fulfilling the prophesie, that he should end his life in his Grandmother's lap; from whom that town was denominated. This Mag∣nentius was born amongst the Laeti, in Gaul, but his Father was a Britain: and now, upon the murder of Constans, he assumed the Imperial robes in Gaul, and drew Britain to side with him; but for three years together was so warmly oppos'd by Constantius, that at last he laid violent hands upon himself; one of the most fortunate of Princes, for favourable weather, plentiful harvests, and peace and quietness with the Barbarians, things of great moment in the rate and estimate of Princes among the vulgar. But, for what reason this Magnentius is called, in an old Inscription long since dug up at Rome, Taporus, I leave others to enquire. Fonthus it is read there; speaking of the Obelisk, erected in the Circus.

Interea Taporo Romam vastante tyranno,* 1.197 Augusti jacuit donum studium{que} locandi. Under vile Taporu's tyrannick sway, The royal present unregarded lay.

At this time, Gratian, sirnamed Funarius,* 1.198 was General in Brirain; who was father of Valentinian the Em∣peror. He was called Funarius from a Rope,* 1.199 which in his youth he had to sell; and though five soldiers attempted to take it from him, yet they could not with all their force do it. Upon his return home, and the loss of his Commis∣sion, his goods were confiscated to the Emperor; for he was reported to have entertained Magnentius.

Magnentius being thus murder'd,* 1.200 Britain submitted it self to Constantius; and forthwith Paul, a Notary born in Spain, was sent here, who under the mask of friendship ••nd kindness would attempt the ruine of others with great s gacity. That he might punish some soldiers who had con∣spired with Magnentius, when they were not able to make resistance, and he had outragiously like a torrent broke in

upon them;* 1.201 he seized upon many of their Estates. And thus he went on with great slaughter and ruine, condemn∣ing many of the freemen to Irons, and some of them to bonds and fetters, by arraigning them of faults that were no ways imputable to them. Hereupon, a crime so foul was committed, as will brand the Reign of Constantius with eternal infamy.* 1.202 There was one Martinus, that go∣verned these Provinces as Vicegerent or Deputy; who, out of compassion to the miseries and calamities of these inno∣cent people, applied himself often to the said Paul, that the guiltless might be spar'd; and when he found his inter∣cession was to no purpose, he threatned to leave the Pro∣vince, h••ping that that would awe and stop the proceed∣ings of this malicious persecutor of these harmless and quiet people. Paulus, thinking this would spoil his trade, and be∣ing a devilish fellow for a train of mischief (from which ve∣ry faculty he was called Catena) took care to hook in the Deputy, who defended others in the like danger. And he went very near to bring him bound prisoner, with Tribunes and many others, before the Emperors* 1.203 Privy Council. This imminent danger so inraged him against Paulus, that he drew his sword and made a pass at him; but being not home enough to dispatch him, he stabb'd himself in the side with it. And this was the unhappy fate of that just man, that had the courage to protect others from injury and op∣pression. After this villany, Paulus, all in blood, returned back to the† 1.204 head quarters, bringing several with him, almost ready to sink under their chains, and reduced to great sorrow and misery. Of these, some were outlaw'd, some banished, and others put to death. At last, God's vengeance fell upon him, and he himself underwent the just reward of his outragious cruelty, being burnt alive in the reign of Julian.

Afterwards (these are the words of Ammianus Marcellinus) when by the inroads of those barbarous na∣tions, the Scots and Picts, the peace of Britain was di∣sturbed, the frontiers wasted, and the Provinces wearied, and grew heartless with the many slaughters that had been formerly made of them; Julius, who by Constantius was declared Caesar, and his Partner in the Empire, being then in his winter quarters at Paris, was in such circum∣stances, that he durst not venture to relieve them (as Constantius before him did) lest he should leave Gaul without all rule and government: considering also that the Almans were in an uproar at that time. He took care therefore to send Lupicinus* 1.205 to settle matters in these parts, who was* 1.206 Master of the Armory at that time; a warlike man, and an expert Soldier, but proud and haughty; and like a Tragoedian (as they say)† 1.207 strutting about in his high shooes: of whom it was long doubted whether his fault was more covetousness or cruelty. He therefore, with a supply of light armed souldiers, consisting of Herulians, Batavians, and several Companies of the Maesians, marched in the midst of winter to Bologn. Having got ships, and embarked his men, he took the advantage of a fair wind, and arrived at Rhutupiae,* 1.208 a place just oppo∣site, and from thence marched to London;* 1.209 that there he might resolve according to the state of affairs, and proceed the sooner to give them battle.

Under this Constantius, who was a great favourer of the Arians, that heresie of theirs crept into Bri∣tain; wherein from the beginning of Constantine the Great, a sweet harmony between Christ the head, and his members there, had continued; till such time as that deadly and perfidious Arianism, like a serpent spitting out her venom upon us from beyond sea, made even brothers grow inveterate to one another's ruine. And thus a pas∣sage being made, as it were, over the Ocean, all other cru∣el savages, spouting from their mouths the deadly poison of every heresie, wound their own country (to which novelty is ever grateful, and every thing that's old, nauseous and contemptible.* 1.210) In favour of these Arians, Constantius conven'd a Council of four hundred western Bishops at Ariminum; allowing all of them necessary provisions. But that was deemed by the Aquitanes, French, and Bri∣tains, very unbecoming; and therefore refusing that maintenance from the Emperor, they chose rather to live at their own charges.* 1.211 Three only out of Britain, who were not able to maintain themselves, were maintained by the State; having refused a contribution from the rest, as more safe and honourable to live upon the publick, than at the charge of particular persons.

After this, upon the death of Constantius,* 1.212 Julian the Apostate (who set up for Emperor in competiti∣on with Constantius) drove Palladius, one of his great Officers, out of Britain, and sent away Alipius, who was Praefect in the same Island to Jerusalem, to rebuild it; where such strange flashes of fire broke out near the foundations, as deterr'd them from that at∣tempt: and many thousand Jews, who were for∣ward in advancing that work, in opposition to the decrees of providence, were overwhelmed in the rubbish. This dissolute Emperor, and pretended Phi∣losopher, durst not (as 'tis already observed) come to the relief of the oppressed Britains; though at the same time he extorted every year great quantities of corn for the support of his German Armies.

In the reign of Valentinian the Emperor,* 1.213 when all nations were at war with one another, Britain was continually insested by the Picts, the Saxons, the Scots, and the Attacotti. Upon this, Fraemarius, King of the Almans, was sent here, and made Tri∣bune of a body of Almans (which at that time was eminent for their strength and number,) to check the Barbarians in their incursions.

However, by confederacy among these barbarians,* 1.214 Bri∣tain was reduced to great misery; Nectaridus, Count of the sea-shore slain, and Bulchobaudes the General, cut off by treachery. This news was received at Court with great concern, and the Emperor sent Severus, at that time* 1.215 High Steward of his Houshold, to punish these insolen∣cies; if good fortune should put it in his power. But he was soon after recalled, and succeeded by Jovinus, who sent back† 1.216 Proventusides with all speed, to intimate the necessity there was of greater supplies, and how much the present state of affairs required it. At last, upon the great distress that Island was reported to be in, Theodosius was dispatch'd hither, eminent for his exploits and good for∣tune. He having selected a strong body of men out of the Legions and Cohorts, began this expedition with great hopes. The Picts* 1.217 were at that time divided into two na∣tions, the Dicalidonae and Tecturiones; and likewise the Attacotti, a warlike people, and the Scots,* 1.218 were ranging up and down the country for spoil and booty. As for Gaul, the Franks and Saxons (who border upon it) were always making inroads both by land and sea; and what by the spoil they took, the towns they burnt, and the men they kill'd, were very troublesome there. If fortune would have favoured, this brave Captain, now bound for the remotest part of the world, was resolved to have curbed them. When he came to the Coast of Bo∣logn (which is severed from the opposite Country by a nar∣row sea, apt to run high at some times, and again to fall into a plain and level surface, like a champaign country, at which time 'tis navigable without danger) he set sail, and arrived at Rhutupiae, a safe harbour over against it. When the Batavians, Herulians, the Jovii, and Victores (brave bold men who followed him) were landed likewise, he set forward for London, an ancient town,* 1.219 called in after ages Augusta. Having divided his army into several bodies, he fell upon the enemy, dispersed up and down the country, and laden with spoil and booty. They were soon routed, and forced to leave their prey; which was nothing but cattle and prisoners, they had took from this miserable Country. After he had made restitution of the booty to the respective owners, saving only some small part to refresh his army, he entered the City in great state, which (though in the utmost affliction and misery at that time) soon re∣vived upon it, in hopes of recovery, and protection for the future. This success soon put him upon greater designs; yet to proceed warily, he considered upon the intelligence he had got from fugitives and captives, that so great a mul∣titude as the enemy (composed of several nations, and those of a fierce heady temper) were not to be routed but by stra∣tagem and surprise. Having published his declaration, and a pardon therein to such as would lay down their arms; he order'd all deserters and others dispers'd up and down the country for forage and provision, to repair to him. This brought in many; upon which reinforcement, he thought to take the field, but deferred it upon other considerations, till he could have Civilis* 1.220 sent to be his Deputy; a man somewhat passionate, but very just and upright; and also Dulcitius,* 1.221 a gallant Captain, and experienced in the arts of war. Afterwards, taking heart, he went from Au∣gusta,

formerly called Londinum, with a good army, (which with much ado he had raised) and thereby proved a great support to the sinking state of the poor Britains. He took in all such places as might favour him in cutting off the enemy by ambuscade, and imposed nothing upon the common souldiers, but what he would do himself. Thus he discharged the office of an active and hardy souldier, as well as of a brave General; and by that means defeated several nations, who had the insolence to invade the Ro∣man Empire; laid the foundation of a lasting peace, and restored both Cities and Castles that were reduced to great streights, to their former happiness. In this juncture, there happened an ill accident, which might have been of dangerous consequence, if it had not been timely prevented. One Valentinus,* 1.222 of Valeria Pannonia, a proud man, and brother-in-law to Maximinus (that intolerable Depu∣ty, afterwards Lieutenant) was banished for an hei∣nous crime into this Island; where, like some savage of a restless temper, he put all things in disorder by plots and insurrections against Theodosius, and that pure∣ly out of pride and envy, he being the only man that could cope with him. However, that he might proceed with conduct and security in these ambitious pursuits, he endeavoured to draw in all exiles and deserters to him, with the encouragement and prospect of much booty. But these designs taking air, and coming to the General's ear before they were full ripe for execution, he took care like a wise Captain, to be before hand with him, both to prevent and punish the conspirators. Valentinus himself, with some of the chief of his cabal, he committed to Dulcitius to see executed; but upon laying things together, (for he was the wisest and most experienced souldier of his time,) he would suffer no farther enquiry after the other Conspira∣tors, lest the general terror which it would strike, might again imbroil the Province, which was now in peace and quietness. From this he turned his thoughts upon the re∣formation of some things, which now grew intolerable; being freed from all dangers that might divert him, and sensible that fortune was ever favourable to his de∣signs; and so he applied himself to the repairing of Cities and garison-towns (as we have already said) and the strengthening the Frontiers and Castles with watches and intrenchments. Having thus recovered the Province, which was possessed by the enemy, he restored it so compleatly to its former state, that upon his motion, it had a* 1.223 lawful Governor set over it, and was afterwards, by the Prince's order, called Valentia. The Areans, a sort of men insti∣tuted by the ancients, were displaced by him as corrupt and treacherous; being plainly convict of giving intelligence of our affairs to the Barbarians for rewards and bribery. For their business was to run to and fro with news from the neighbouring Countreys to our Captains. After these regu∣lations, and some others made by him with great applause, he was sent for to Court, leaving the Provinces in such a calm and happy condition, that he was no less honoured for his success and victories, than Furius Camillus, or Cursor Papirius. And so being attended with the ac∣clamations of all, as far as the sea, he sailed over with a gentle gale, and arrived at the Prince's camp, where he was received with great joy and commendation. For these famous exploits here, a statue on horseback was erected in honour of him, as Symmachus, to his son Theodosius the Emperor, informs us. The founder of your stock and family, was one that was Gene∣ral both in Africa and Britain, honoured by the Senate with his Statues on horse-back among the ancient Heroes. Thus Claudian likewise, in his Commendation.

Ille Caledoniis posuit qui castra pruinis, Qui medio Libyae sub casside pertulit aestus, Terribilis Mauro, debellatorque Britanni Littoris, ac pariter Boreae vastator & Austri. Quid rigor aeternus? Coeli quid sydera prosunt? Ignotumque fretum? maduerunt Saxone fuso Orcades, incaluit Pictorum sanguine Thule, Scotorum cumulos fleuit glacialis Hiberne. Brave he, that quell'd the Caledonian foe, And pitch'd his frozen tents in constant snow. That on his faithful crest undaunted bore, The furious Beams on Lybia's parched shore. How vain's eternal frost, and angry stars, And seas untried by fearful Mariners? The wasted Orkneys Saxon gore o'reflow'd, And Thule now grew hot with reeking blood. Cold Ireland mourn'd her slaughter'd sons in vain, And heaps of Scots that coverd all the plain.

And in another place.

— Quem littus adustae Horrescit Lybiae, ratibusque impervia Thule, Ille leves Mauros, nec falso nomine Pictos Edomuit, Scotumque vago mucrone sequutus Fregit Hyperboreas remit audacibus undas; Et geminis fulgens utroque sub axe trophaeis, Tethyos alternae refluas calcavit arenas. Scorch'd Lybia's borders tremble at his power, And Thule's cliffs that scorn the labouring oar. He the light Moors in happy war o'recame, And Picts that vary nothing from their name. With wandring arms the timorous Scots pursued, And plough'd with ventrous keels the Northern flood. Spurn'd the bold tide, as on the sand it rowls, And fix'd his trophies under both the Poles.

Thus Pacatus Drepanus likewise of him.* 1.224 What need I mention the Scot confined to the boggs there, or the Saxons, who are ruined by sea? After him, Gratian succeeded in the Empire, who also declared Theodosius, son of that Theodosius before mentioned, Emperor: which was took so ill by Maximus his rival (born in Spain, descended from Constantine the Great,* 1.225 and then commanded the Army in Britain) that he set up for Emperor himself; or, as Orosius* 1.226 says, was against his will greeted so by his soldiers. A man just and vali∣ant, and worthy of that honour, if he had not come to it by usurpation, and against his allegiance. First,* 1.227 he routed the Picts and Scots as they made an inroad here; and then transporting the flower of the Britains, and arriving at the mouth of the Rhine, he won over all the German forces to his party, fixed his Court at Triers (whence he was called Imperator Trevericus;* 1.228) and thence, as Gildas says, stretching out his wings, one towards Spain, and another towards Italy, he raised taxes and tributes among the barbarous nations of Germany, by the meer terror of his name. Gra∣tian at last took the field against him, but after skir∣mishes for five days together, was deserted by his ar∣my, and so put to flight. Upon that he sent St. Ambrose his Embassador to treat for a peace; which was con∣cluded, but with great equivocation and treachery. For Maximus dispatched away Andragathius in a close chariot; spreading a report,* 1.229 that Gratian's wife was arrived from Britain, and was carried in it. Upon which news, Gratian went, out of affection, to meet her; but as soon as he came out of the coach, An∣dragathius leapt out with the rest of his gang, and murthered him. Ambrosius was sent again to beg the corps; but was not so much as admitted, because he had refused to communicate with those Bishops that had sided with Maximus. Upon this success, Maximus had his son Victor declared Caesar,* 1.230 punished the Captains that adhered to Gratian, and setled his affairs in Gaul. He was also acknowledged Empe∣ror at the request, or rather demand of his Embassa∣dors, by Theodosius Augustus, who then governed in the East; and his Picture was set up in Alexan∣dria. And now he had impoverished the Common∣wealth, and satisfied his own covetousness by a gene∣ral extortion. The pretence he had for his tyranny, was to defend the Catholick Religion. Priscillian,* 1.231 and some of his sect, being at the Council of Bourde∣aux convict of heresie, and having appealed to the Emperor, were by him condemned to death; not∣withstanding, that Martin, a holy man, and Bishop of Tours, humbly besought the Emperor to abstain from the blood of those unfortunate wretches; al∣ledging, that a sentence of Excommunication would be sufficient punishment, and that it was a thing new, and unheard of, that a secular Judge should give sentence in an Ecclesiastical matter. These were the first, that (to the ill example of after ages) were put to death by the Civil power for Heresie. After this, he entered Italy with so great terror, that Valentinian fled with his mother to Theod••sius, the Cities of Italy opened their gates to him, and did him all the ho∣nour

imaginable; particularly Bononia, where this inscription is yet extant.

DD. NN MAG. C. MAXIMO, ET FL.
VICTORI, PIIS, FELICIBVS, SEMPER
AVGVSTIS* 1.232 B. R. NATIS.

In this juncture the Franks made inroads into Gaul, but Nannius and Quintinus,* 1.233 two great Captains (to whom Maximus had committed the education of his son, and the government of Gaul) repelled them with great slaughter, forc'd them not only to give hostages, but to deliver up the authors of that war. Valentinian now addresses himself to Theodosius to relieve him in this misery, being thrust out of his throne by an Usurper; but had for some time no more than this answer,* 1.234 That it was no ways strange to see a seditious servant superior to that master, who had himself rejected his true Lord: For Valentinian was tainted with Arianism. Yet at last, after much in∣treaty, he set forward with an army against Maximus, who was then without the least apprehension of it in Aquileia; for he had guarded all the passes through the mountains, and secured the haven with his fleet; and with great resolution and confidence, welcomed Theodosius with a battle at Siscia in Pannonia;* 1.235 and then again with another, which was fought very ob∣stinately under the conduct of his brother Marcellus: yet both with such ill success, that he was obliged to retreat to Aquileia, and was there taken by his own soldiers, as he was distributing money among them, stript of his royal robes, and led to Theodosi∣us. By his order he was put to death, after he had reigned five years. Hence that of Ausonius in praise of Aquileia.

Non erat iste locus: meritò tamen aucta recenti, Nona inter claras Aquileia cieberis urbes Itala ad Illyricos objecta colonia montes, Moenibus & portu celeberrima: sed magis illud Eminet, extremo quòd te sub tempore legit, Solverat exacto cui justa piacula lustro Maximus, armigeri quondam sub nomine lixae: Foelix qui tanti spectatrix laeta triumphi, Punisti Ausonio Rutupinum Marte latronem. And thou, since new deserts have rais'd thy name, Fair Aquileia shall't be ninth in same. Against Illyrian hills, thy cliffs are shown, Thy walls and harbour gain thee vast renown:

But this new praise shall make thee ever proud, That here the Tyrant chose his last abode, And pay'd the vengeance he so long had ow'd:

That thou vile Maximus did'st last receive, Rais'd to a Monarch from a Knapsack-slave. Blest town! that all that noble triumph view'd, And saw Rhutupium's thief by Roman arms subdu'd!

Andragathius finding now his condition desperate, threw himself over shipboard into the Sea. Victor, Maximus's son, who was in Gaul, was likewise rout∣ed, taken, and put to death. The Britains, who sided with Maximus, as some writers say, invaded Armorica, and there seated themselves. Theodosius soon after his victory, entered Rome with his son Honorius in triumph, and made an edict, That no one should challenge or keep any honour conferred upon him by the tyrant; but should return to his former state, and pre∣tend to no more. Valentinian likewise: That all edicts of Maximus, the worst of tyrants, should be repealed. Ambrosius, at the funeral of Theodosius, had this saying; Maximus and Eugenius are wretched instances now in hell, to shew us how dangerous it is to rebel against a lawful Prince. In a word, this victory was thought so great and memorable, that the Romans from thence forward,* 1.236 made that day an universal festival.

* 1.237Theod••sius was succeeded in the west by his son Honorius, a boy of ten years old; who was commit∣ted to the care and tuition of Flavius Stilico, a very famous man, that had accompanied Theodosius in all his wars and victories; and was by him gradually raised to the greatest Offices in the army, as also per∣mitted to marry into the Imperial family: yet cloy'd with this success, and falling into ambitious attempts, he lost his life miserably. For some years, he attend∣ed the affairs of the Empire with great diligence, and secured Britain against the Picts, Scots, and Saxons. Hence that of Claudian, making Britain say,

Me quoque vicinis pereuntem gentibus, inquit, Munivit Stilico, totam quum Scotus Hybernem Movit, & infesto spumavit remige Thetis. Illius effectum curis, ne bella timerem Scotica, nec Pictum tremerem, ne littore toto Prospicerem dubiis venientem Saxona ventis. And I shall ever own his happy care, Who sav'd me sinking in unequal war. When Scots came thundring from the Irish shores, And th'Ocean trembled, struck with hostile oars. Secur'd by him, nor Scottish rage I mourn, Nor fear again the barbarous Picts return. No more their vessels, with the dubious tide, To my safe ports the Saxon pirates guide.

At that time Britain seems to have been safe enough from any enemy; for in another place 'tis thus, in the same Poet.

—domito quod Saxona Thetis Mitior, aut fracto secura Britannia Picto. That seas are free, secur'd from Saxon power, And Picts once conquer'd, Britain fears no more.

And when Alaric (King of the Goths) threatned Rome, that Legion garisoned then in the frontiers against the Barbarians, was drawn from hence; as Claudian in his account of the supplies sent for from all quarters seems to intimate.

Venit & extremis legio praetenta Britannis, Quae Picto dat froena truci, ferroque notatas Perlegit exanimes Picto moriente figuras. Here met the Legion, which in Britain laid That curb'd the fiery Scot, and oft survey'd Pale ir'n-burnt figures on the dying Picts.

About this time flourished Fastidius,* 1.238 Bishop of the Britains, who wrote some books of Divinity, very learned, and worthy of so high a subject.* 1.239 Chrysan∣thus also, son of Bishop Martian; who under Theo∣dosius being a Consular Deputy in Italy, was made Vicegerent in Britain; where he was so much prais'd and admired for his administration of affairs, that a∣gainst his will, he was made Bishop of the Novatians at Constantinople. These people began a schism in the Church, and were called* 1.240 Cathari, had their peculiar Bishops, and were themselves a distinct sect; obstinately, but impiously denying, That one relaps'd to a state of sin after baptism,* 1.241 could not afterwards be saved. This was that Bishop, who (as we read) was wont to take no more of the Church revenues for his own use and subsistence, than two loaves every Sunday.

As the Roman interest began now to decline in the west, and the barbarous nations to break into the Provinces in the continent; the British army, to pre∣vent their being involved in the like broils, and con∣sidering the necessity there was of choosing a brave Emperor for repelling the Barbarians; applied them∣selves to think of that matter. First, They made choice of Marcus,* 1.242 and obey'd him as Emperor in those parts. He, not answering their expectation, was soon put to death;* 1.243 and then they set up Grati∣an, a country man of their own, and having put the royal robes and crown upon him, attended him as their Prince; but falling into a dislike of him too, they dethroned him after a reign of four months, and in conclusion put him to death. Next, they chose Constantine, one of the common soldiers,* 1.244 upon the sole account of his name, which they took for a good omen. For, from the very name of Constantine, they entertained themselves with certain hopes, that he would rule with success and courage, and defeat the Barbarians; as Constantine the Great did, who was made Emperor in Britain Constantine setting sail from hence, arrived at Bologn in Gaul, and easily drew in all the Roman army as far as the Alps, to side with him. He defended Valentia with great bravery a∣gainst the Emperor Honorius; and fortified the Rhine with garisons, which had for a long time been neglected. He built also forts to command the passes of the Cottian, Poenine, and Maritime Alpes. In Spain, by his son Constans (who of a Monk, was

now made Augustus) things were likewise managed with good success: and by letters to Honorius, excusing himself, as forced to this by his soldiers, Honorius pre∣sented him with an Imperial robe. This raised his mind so, that having passed the Alps, he began to think of Rome; but upon the news then brought him, that Alarick the Goth was dead (who was a great pro∣moter of his interest) he went back to Arles; where he sixt the seat of the Empire, commanding it to be call∣ed the City Constantina, and a Convention of seven provinces to be held there. His son Constans was sent for out of Spain, that they might concert affairs. Constans leaving his Princess and his furniture at Sarragosa, and committing Spain to the care of Ge∣rontius, went streight to his father. When they had been together for many days, and no danger was ap∣prehended, Constantinus giving himself up wholly to luxury, advised his son to return to Spain. But ha∣ving sent away his Attendants before, while he staid behind with his father, the news was brought him from Spain, that Gerontius had set up Maximus (one of his servants) Emperor, and that he was preparing to advance against him at the head of the Barbarians. Upon this ill news, Constance, along with Decimius Rusticus, who, from* 1.245 Master of the Offices, was now preferred to be a Prefect, having sent Edobeccus before to the German nations, marched towards Gaul with the Franks and Almans, and the other forces, in∣tending speedily to return to Constantine. But Con∣stans was intercepted at Vienne in Gaul by Geronti∣us, and put to death; and Constantine himself was besieged in Arles. Honorius sending one Constantius to his relief, put Gerontius in such a fright, that he run away; which so enraged his soldiers, that they in∣vested his house, and reduced him to such a pinch, that first he beheaded his faithful friend Alanus, and then Nunnichia his wife, upon her request to die with him; and last of all, laid violent hands upon himself. Constantine,* 1.246 upon the severeness of this siege, and the unhappy engagement of Edobeccus, began to de∣spair, and after he had held out four months, and reigned four years, threw off the Imperial robes, and the burthen that attends them; then took upon him the Orders of a Presbyter, surrender'd Arles, was carried into Italy, and beheaded with his son Julian, (to whom he had given the title of Nobilissimus) and likewise Sebastian. From that time, Britain returned to the subjection of Honorius, and was happy for a while under the gallant and wise conduct of Victori∣nus,* 1.247 who then governed the Province, and put a stop to the inroads of the Picts and Scots. In commen∣dation of him, there are extant in Rutilius Claudius, these verses, very worthy of that author.

Conscius Oceanus virtutum, conscia Thule Et quaecunque ferox arva Britannus arat. Quà praefectorum vicibus fraenata potestas Perpetuum magni foenus amoris habet. Extremum pars illa quidem discessit in orbem, Sed tanquam medio rector in orbe fuit. Plus palmae est illos inter voluisse placere, Inter quos minor est displicuisse pudor. Him Thule, him the vanquish'd Ocean knows, And those vast fields the fiery Britain ploughs. T'abuse their power where yearly Praefects fear A blest increase of love rewards his care. Tho' that great part another world had shown, Yet he both worlds as easie rul'd as one. 'Tis nobler gentle methods there to use Where roughest means would merit just excuse.

Alarick having took Rome, Honorius recall'd Victorinus with the army; upon which the Britains betook themselves to their arms, and seeing all at stake, freed their cities, and repell'd the Barbarians. All the country of Armorica likewise, and the other Provinces of Gaul follow'd their example, and rid themselves;* 1.248 casting out the Roman garisons, and forming themselves into a distinct Commonwealth, as they thought best convenient. This rebellion of Britain, and the Baltick Nations, happen'd just as Constantine usurp'd the Empire; when by his neg∣lect of affairs, the Barbarians, in motion at that time, infested the Provinces without controul. Yet a while after, the cities of Britain applied themselves to Hono∣rius for aid; in answer to which address he sent them no supplies, but letters to exhort them to take care and defend themselves. The Britains animated by these letters of Honorius the Emperor, took up arms accordingly to defend their own cities; but being overpower'd by the Barbarians (who from all quarters came in upon them) they sent their earnest petitions again to Honorius to spare some assistance.* 1.249 Upon this he granted them one legion; which upon their arrival, soon routed a great body of the enemy, drove the rest out of the Province, and cast up an earthen wall between the Frith of Edenburgh and the Cluid; which notwithstanding prov'd of very little use. For, as soon as the legion was recall'd to de∣fend Gaul, they return'd, easily broke through this frontier, and with great outrage rov'd, plunder'd, and destroy'd every thing. Again, they send their Em∣bassadors to represent their grievances, with gar∣ments rent, and sand upon their bare heads (Observe the manner,) to beg assistance of the Romans. Upon this,* 1.250 three companies under the conduct of Gallio of Ravenna was sent them by Valentinian; these like∣wise routed the Barbarians with great valour, and in some measure rescu'd the Province from its distress and misery.* 1.251 They made a wall also of stone (not rais'd at the publick and private costs as the other was) with the help of the poor natives, built after the usual manner, quite cross the country from one sea to the other,* 1.252 by those cities that were perhaps built there for fear of the enemy: They exhorted them to be couragious, and left them patterns to make their weapons by. Upon the Southern shore of Bri∣tain also, where their ships lay (because the barbarous ene∣my might enter there) they built turrets at some distance from one another, that lookt along way to the sea; and so the Romans intending never to return more, took their last farewell.

Now was the state of affairs every where in a lamentable and wretched posture. The Empire fell down-right lame (as it were) and decrepit through the extremity of old age; and the Church was grie∣vously pester'd with Hereticks, who spread their poy∣sonous doctrines universally, amidst the calamities of war. One of whom was Pelagius born here, who dero∣gating from the grace of God, taught in this Island, That we might attain to a perfect righteousness,* 1.253 by the merit of our own works. Another was Timotheus, who blasphemously disputed against the Divinity and In∣carnation of our Saviour.

Now was the Roman Empire in Britain fully ex∣pir'd,* 1.254 it being the four hundredth seventy sixth year from Caesar's coming in; when under the govern∣ment of Valentinian 3. the Roman Forces were transported by that Gallio spoke of, for the service of France; and having buried their treasures, and bereft Britain of her youth by frequent musters, left her incapable of defence, and a prey to the ravage and barbarity of the Picts and Scots. From whence Prosper Aquitanus took occasion to write truly, That, At this time through the Roman insufficiency, the force and vigour of Britain was totally exhausted. And our Malmsbury-Historian: When the tyrants had left none but half foreigners in our fields, none but gluttons and debau∣chees in our cities; Britain, robb'd of her vigorous youth, and altogether uncultivated by the exercise of arts, became a prey to its neighbours, who gap'd after her destruction. For immediately after, many lost their lives by the incur∣sions of the Picts and Scots, many villages were burnt, and cities demolish'd, and all things turn'd topsy turvy by fire and sword. The Inhabitants of the Island were much perplex'd, who thought it better to trust to any thing than to a decisive battle: some of 'em betook themselves by slight to the mountains, others having buried their treasures (many of which have been dug up in this age) made for Rome, to beg assistance there. But as Nicephorus truly stated the matter, Valentinian the 3d not only could not recover Britain, Spain, and France, which were wrested from his Empire; but lost Africa into the bargain. 'Twas not without reason therefore, that Gildas cried out, that Britain was rob'd of her souldiers, of her mili∣tary forces, of her rulers, (though barbarous as they were) and of her numerous youth. For, beside those whom Maximilian, that Usurper, and the last Constantine

drew off; 'tis plain, from ancient Inscriptions and the Notitia, that these forces were in the service of the Romans, scatter'd throughout their Provinces, and still recruited from Britain:

Ala Britannica Milliaria. Ala IIII. Britonum in Aegypto. Cohors Prima Aelia Britonum. Cohors III Britonum. Cohors VII. Britonum. Cohors XXVI. Britonum in Armenia. Britanniciani sub Magistro peditum. Invicti juniores Britanniciani inter auxilia Palatina. Exculcatores jun. Britan. inter auxilia Palatina. Britones cum Magistro Equitum Galliarum, Invicti Juniores Britones intra Hispanos Britones Seniores in Illyrico.

No wonder that Britain was expos'd to foreigners, when so many and so considerable forces were daily drawn from her; which confirms that remarkable piece of truth in Tacitus, That there was no strength in the Roman armies, but what came from abroad.

Whilst I thus treat of the Roman Empire in Bri∣tain (which lasted, as I said, about 476 years) I cannot but consider with my self, how many Colo∣nies of Romans must be transplanted hither in so long time; how many souldiers were continually sent from Rome for Garisons; how many were dis∣patch'd hither, to negotiate either publick or their own private affairs, who intermarrying with the Bri∣tains, seated themselves here, and multiplied their Families. For wheresoever (says Seneca) the Romans conquer'd, they inhabited. So that I have oftentimes con∣cluded it much more probable,* 1.255 that the Britains should derive themselves from the Trojans by these Romans (who doubtless descended from them) than either the Arverni, who from Trojan Blood stile themselves brethren to the Romans; or the Mamertini, Hedui, and others, who claim kindred with the Trojans upon fabulous grounds. For Rome that common Mother, (as one calls her) challenges all such for her citizens,

Quos domuit, nexuque pio longinqua revinxit. Whom conquer'd she in sacred bonds hath tied.

And 'tis easie to believe that the Britains and Romans, by a mutual engrafting for so many years together, have grown up into one Nation; since the Ubii in Germany, twenty eight years after their Colony was planted, made this answer with respect to the Ro∣mans in it:* 1.256 This is the natural country of those that were transplanted hither; as well those that have marryed a∣mongst us, as those that have issue by us. Nor can we think you so unjust, that you would have us murder our Parents, Brethren, and Children. If the Ubii and the Romans, in so short a space of time came to the na∣tural relation of Parents, Brethren, and Children; what shall we think of the Britains, and the Romans, who were so many years associate? What likewise may we say of the Burgundians, who, from a tincture of their blood (during a short abode in the Roman Pro∣vinces) call'd themselves the offspring of the Ro∣mans? Not to repeat what I have already said,* 1.257 that this Island was call'd Romania, and the Roman Island.

Thus much, rejecting all fictions, I have summa∣rily (though by piece-meal,) observ'd out of the ancient monuments of antiquity; touching the Roman Governments in Britain, their Embassadors, Pro∣praetors, Presidents, Vicegerents, and Rectors. But I would have done it more fully and accurately, had Ausonius kept his word, who promises to reckon up all those, who

Aut Italum populos, Aquilonigenasque Britannos Praefecturarum titulo tenuere secundo. In Italy or Britain's Northern shore, The Praefect's honour with success have bore.

But since 'tis agreed on all hands among the learned, that ancient Coins give great light, and contribute much to the understanding of old Histories; I thought it not amiss, to present the Reader with some such Pieces, as well of the Britains (who first stoop'd to the Roman Yoke) as of some Roman Emperors, (who more immediately relate to Britain,) out of the Col∣lection of the famous Sir Robert Cotton of Connington; who with great care has made the Collection, and with his wonted generosity, freedom, and readiness, did impart them to me.

Notes

• * 1.1

  Julius Cae∣sar.
• * 1.2

  Pomponi∣us Sabi∣nus, out of Seneca.
• * 1.3

  Ad a∣pertum la∣tus.
• * 1.4

  In the Cae∣sars.
• * 1.5

  Fighting in Chari∣ots.
• * 1.6

  Dio. lib. 39.
• * 1.7

  Testu∣dine facta.
• * 1.8

  Cassibelin.
• * 1.9

  The River Thames.
• * 1.10

  The Tri∣nobantes.
• * 1.11

  Mandu∣bratius also call'd Androge∣us.
• * 1.12

  Athenae∣us.
• * 1.13

  Pliny.
• * 1.14

  Servius Honora∣tus.
• * 1.15

  In the Gardens of Cardi∣nal de Carpento.
• * 1.16

  Lecti∣cartorum.
• * 1.17

  I••ta∣ctum.
• * 1.18

  Dio.
• * 1.19

  Augustus.
• * 1.20

  In the Cae••ars.
• * 1.21

  Strabo.
• * 1.22

  Torques
• * 1.23

  Tiberius.
• * 1.24

  C. Cali∣gula.
• * 1.25

  Suetonius in Cali∣gula.
• * 1.26

  Admini∣us.
• * 1.27

  Dio.
• * 1.28

  Pharus.
• * 1.29

  Claudi••••.
• * 1.30

  Bericus.
• * 1.31

  Aulus Plautius.
• * 1.32

  Dio.
• * 1.33

  Elephants.
• * 1.34

  Carpen∣to.
• * 1.35

  Veste palmatā.
• * 1.36

  Hastam puram.
• * 1.37

  Taurini.
• * 1.38

  Vespasian.
• * 1.39

  Sueton. in Vespasian. c. 4.
• * 1.40

  Suet. Ti∣tus, c. ••.
• * 1.41

  P. Ostori∣us Pro∣praetor.
• * 1.42

  Iceni.
• * 1.43

  Cangi.
• * 1.44

  Quod hyberni∣am Insu∣lam a∣spectat. Brigan∣tes.
• * 1.45

  The Co∣lony of Camalo∣dunum.
• * 1.46

  Caracta∣cus.
• * 1.47

  Ordovi∣ces.
• * 1.48

  Majo∣rum, in the Mar∣gin Nati∣onum.
• † 1.49

  Facta testudine.
• * 1.50

  Antonius Delrio, reads o∣therwise in some places; for which rea∣son I have set down the vari∣ous lecti∣ons.
• * 1.51

  Prospicit.
• † 1.52

  Nunc erit
• * 1.53

  Recluse∣rat.
• * 1.54

  Cingitur.
• * 1.55

  Semoto.
• * 1.56

  Pol••m.
• * 1.57

  Didius Avitus Gallus Propraetor
• * 1.58

  Nero.
• * 1.59

  Venutius.
• * 1.60

  Forte Briganti∣um, in the margin.
• * 1.61

  Verannius Propraetor
• * 1.62

  Paulinus Suetonius Propraetor
• * 1.63

  The Island of Mona.
• * 1.64

  Druids.
• * 1.65

  Vicis al. victis.
• * 1.66

  Prasuta∣gus.
• * 1.67

  Boodicea, called also Boudicea, and Voa∣dica.
• * 1.68

  Colony o•• Cama••••∣dunum.
• * 1.69

  See ••••••¦lin in 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.70

  P••••¦haps in Thames.
• * 1.71

  Petilius Cerealis.
• * 1.72

  Et com∣meatu, alias com∣meatuum.
• * 1.73

  Praesidi∣is{que} mili∣tarium, aliàs mili∣taribus.
• † 1.74

  Et d••fe∣rentes in tutum, a∣liàs & de∣fendenti∣bus in tu∣tum.
• * 1.75

  Sonoras, a∣liàe S••••••∣res.
• * 1.76

  Cuncis.
• * 1.77

  J. Classi∣cianus.
• * 1.78

  Lib••rti.
• * 1.79

  Petronius Turpilia∣nus.
• * 1.80

  Trebellius Maximus Propraeter.
• * 1.81

  Vectius Polanus, Propraetor.
• * 1.82

  Cartis∣m••••dua.
• * 1.83

  Vespasian the Em∣peror. Julius A∣gricola. L••gio xx.
• * 1.84

  Petilius Cereaiis Propraetor.
• * 1.85

  Julius Frontinus Propraetor.
• * 1.86

  The Island Mona.
• * 1.87

  Titus Em∣peror.
• * 1.88

  Toga.
• * 1.89

  Aestuarie of Tau••.
• * 1.90

  Ireland.
• * 1.91

  Ampla Civitas. al. Am∣plas civi∣tates.
• * 1.92

  Britain ••••i••'d round.
• * 1.93

  Galgacu••.
• * 1.94

  Interi∣ores Ro∣mani, al. Infestiores vel inter ea.
• * 1.95

  Trinob••••¦tes.
• † 1.96

  Unde ••st••nd••∣mus, 〈◊〉〈◊〉 abund••.
• * 1.97

  Serum Coloniae, aliàs Co∣lonia.
• * 1.98

  B. Rhe∣nanus reads it Rham••n∣sis.
• † 1.99

  Latere, al. Litare.
• * 1.100

  Britain first cer∣tainly dis∣covered to be an Isl••nd. Isles of Orkney.
• * 1.101

  Sallustius Lu••••••lus, Lieute∣nant of B••itain. Arvira∣gus the Britain.
• f 1.102

  Stilling sleet's Orig. Britan. p. 35.
• * 1.103

  Cal••••d Arbela in an old Scholiast of Juvenal.
• * 1.104

  Britain a Province.
• * 1.105

  Britain •• Praesidi••l Province.
• * 1.106

  What Le∣gions were in Britain. Dio, 55.
• * 1.107

  Ordo.
• * 1.108

  ••••i••ine of Cities.
• a 1.109

  Upon this account it is, that so many of our famous Towns end in ch••ster, which is nothing but the remains of the old Roman Castra.
• * 1.110

  ••he Ro∣••an yoke.
• * 1.111

  Mortuo ••um no∣••••ne.
• * 1.112

  ••owardus 〈◊〉〈◊〉 his Pro∣••••bunalia
• * 1.113

  ••he Rom. ••orks in ••ritain.
• * 1.114

  Ethnicus
• * 1.115

  ••he Val∣••um, or ••icts wall
• * 1.116

  ••he Ro∣••an mili∣••ary ways.
• * 1.117

  Galen, l. 9. c. 8. me∣thodi.
• * 1.118

  Cap. 27.
• * 1.119

  Sueton. in Octavius.
• * 1.120

  Mansions.
• * 1.121

  Muta••i∣ons, or ••••••••••ing. 〈◊〉〈◊〉
• * 1.122

  Varro, lib. De lingua Lat.
• * 1.123

  Laws of S. Edward.
• * 1.124

  Nerva.
• * 1.125

  Trajan.
• * 1.126

  Adrian Emp. J. Seve∣rus, Pro∣praetor.
• * 1.127

  Spartian.
• * 1.128

  Cl. Priscus Licinius, Propraetor of Britain.
• * 1.129

  Anto•••••••••• Pius E••
• * 1.130

  L••llius Urbi•••••• Prop••ae∣tor. C••••••••••∣nus.
• * 1.131

  Paus•••••• in his A∣cadica D••g••s•• 36. Archig••∣bern••••.
• * 1.132

  Antoni∣nus the Philoso∣pher. Ca••p••••∣nius A∣gricola Proprae∣tor. Eume•••• Cap••••••∣nus.
• * 1.133

  Commo∣dus E••
• * 1.134

  Ulpius Marcel•••• Prop ae∣tor.
• * 1.135

  Xiph•••• out of Dio.
• † 1.136

  Tilia.
• † 1.137

  Equ••∣stris 〈◊〉〈◊〉 viros.
• * 1.138

  Helvius Pertinax Proprae∣tor.
• * 1.139

  Clodius Albinus, Proprae∣tor. Capit••••••∣nus. Junius S••¦ver••s P••••¦prae••o••.
• * 1.140

  The Chri∣stian Reli∣gion in Britain.
• c 1.141

  When he lived, in what part of Britain he reign'd, how far he was concern'd in bringing in the Christian Religion, and all other circumstances belonging to that history, are handled at large by Dr. Stillingst. Orig. Britan. p. 67.
• * 1.142

  King Lu∣cius.
• d 1.143

  See also the history of Lucius at large in Bishop Usher's Antiquities of the British-Churches, p. 19, 20, &c.
• * 1.144

  Capitoli∣nus.
• * 1.145

  Against the Jews, c. 7.
• e 1.146

  This Tradition concerning Joseph of Arimathea, is fully discussed and confuted in Stilling∣fl••et's Orig. Britan. p. 6, &c.
• * 1.147

  ••••le. M. Parker. 〈◊〉〈◊〉. F••x.
• f 1.148

  Usher's Antiquit. Britannicarum Ecclesiarum, p. 6.
• † 1.149

  The Brutii in ••taly.
• g 1.150

  That there was a Christian Church planted here in the Apostles time; and that S. Paul himself was probably the first founder, is prov'd by Dr. Stillingfleet, Orig. Britan. pag. 35, &c.
• * 1.151

  4. Up n Ez••cu••••••.
• * 1.152

  Under Nero.
• * 1.153

  In his Ser∣mon upon Pe••tecost. Epit••ph of Mar∣c••lla. a Widow.
• * 1.154

  Pertinax Emp.
• * 1.155

  Sev••rus Emp.
• * 1.156

  Albinus Emp.
• * 1.157

  Heraclia∣nus Pro∣praetor. D. l. 28. Tit. 6. Virius Lupus Proprae∣tor.
• * 1.158

  The Apo∣theosis, or Deificati∣on of the Emperor.
• * 1.159

  Herodian.
• * 1.160

  Antoni∣nus Ca••••∣calla.
• * 1.161

  Nonius Philipp•••• Proprae∣tor. Gallie••••s Emp. Panegy∣rick ••p•••• to Con∣stan••us. Thirty Tyrants.
• * 1.162

  Bonos••••
• * 1.163

  ••robus ••mp. ••imus.
• * 1.164

  Laelianus Emp.
• * 1.165

  Burgundi∣ans and Vandals in B••itain.
• * 1.166

  ••••rom.
• * 1.167

  Carus and Carinus Emp.
• * 1.168

  Dioclesian ••nd Maxi∣••ian ••mp.
• * 1.169

  ••ar••usius ••mp.
• * 1.170

  The The∣••an Le∣••ion.
• * 1.171

  ••ugusto∣••m.
• * 1.172

  Eumenius the Pane∣gyrist.
• * 1.173

  C. Alectus Emp.
• * 1.174

  Persecu••i∣on in Bri∣tain.
• * 1.175

  St. Alban.
• * 1.176

  Constanti∣us Chlo∣••us Emp.
• * 1.177

  Baronius, Hist Eces.
• a 1.178

  See the learned Lipsius's opinion of this matter, in h••s Letter to Mr. Camden, publisht among his Epistles, pag. 64. See also Usher's Anti∣quitates Britannicarum Ecclesiarum, pag. 93. fol. cap. 8.
• * 1.179

  Helena.
• * 1.180

  Of the •• ••th of Theodo∣siu••,
• * 1.181

  Eus••b••u••
• * 1.182

  See Suidas, why he was c••lled Poor.
• * 1.183

  Constan∣tine the Great Em.
• * 1.184

  A Pan••gy∣rick spoken to Con∣stantine the Great.
• * 1.185

  Gelasius Cizicenus, l. 1. Act. Conc. Ni∣cen. c. 3.
• * 1.186

  Pacatia•••••• vicegeren•• of Brita•••• in the 13 year of Constan∣tine the Great.
• * 1.187

  Govern∣ment in Britain under the later Em∣perors.
• * 1.188

  Vicege∣rent of Britain.
• * 1.189

  Count of Britain.
• * 1.190

  Count of the Saxon sho••e.
• † 1.191

  Vexilla∣tiones.
• * 1.192

  Count of the Impe∣rial Lar∣gesses.
• * 1.193

  Constan∣tine Emp.
• * 1.194

  Constans Emp.
• * 1.195

  Athana∣sius in Apol. 2.
• * 1.196

  Magnenti∣us, called also Tap••∣rus.
• * 1.197

  Angelus Rocha.
• * 1.198

  Gratianus Funarius.
• * 1.199

  A. Marcel∣linus.
• * 1.200

  Constan∣tius. Paulus Catena.
• * 1.201

  Am••••an. Ma cellin. l. 14.
• * 1.202

  Martin, Vicege∣rent of Britain.
• * 1.203

  Comita∣tus Impe∣ratoris.
• † 1.204

  Princi∣pis castra.
• * 1.205

  Lupicinus.
• * 1.206

  Magi∣ster Armo∣rum.
• † 1.207

  Tragico cothurno Strepen∣tem.
• * 1.208

  Rhutupiae.
• * 1.209

  London.
• * 1.210

  Sulpitius Severus.
• * 1.211

  Hilary in his E∣pistle to the Bi∣shops, calls those, Bi∣shops of the Pro∣vinces of Britain.
• * 1.212

  Julian Emperor. Am. Mar∣cellin.
• * 1.213

  Valentini∣an, Emp.
• * 1.214

  Am. Mar∣cellinus, l. 27 & 28.
• * 1.215

  Domesu∣corum Ce∣mitem.
• † 1.216

  Possibly a place cor∣rupted. Theodosius.
• * 1.217

  Picts.
• * 1.218

  Attacots. Scots.
• * 1.219

  London, called Au∣gusta.
• * 1.220

  Civilis.
• * 1.221

  Dulcit••s.
• * 1.222

  Valentine raises a di∣sturbance in Britain.
• * 1.223

  Rector Legiti∣mus. Valentia.
• * 1.224

  Gratiam Emperor.
• * 1.225

  M••ximus the ••y∣rant. Z••simus.
• * 1.226

  Orosius.
• * 1.227

  Prosp•••• Tyro.
• * 1.228

  Gregorius Turonensis.
• * 1.229

  Cedrenus.
• * 1.230

  Zosimus.
• * 1.231

  Priscillia∣nistae. Sulpitiu•• Severus.
• * 1.232

  Bono Reipub.
• * 1.233

  Sulpitius Alexan∣der.
• * 1.234

  Zonaras.
• * 1.235

  Zosimus.
• * 1.236

  Pro ••pius.
• * 1.237

  Honorius Emp.
• * 1.238

  Fastidius Genad••••••.
• * 1.239

  Chrysan∣thus. Niceph.
• * 1.240

  i.e. Pu••e
• * 1.241

  The Tri∣partite H••∣story.
• * 1.242

  Marcus Emp.
• * 1.243

  Grati•••• Emp.
• * 1.244

  Constan∣tine Emp
• * 1.245

  Officio∣••um Ma∣••ter.
• * 1.246

  ••••h••••. ••••••s••us.
• * 1.247

  ••ctorius ••overnor 〈◊〉〈◊〉 B••itain.
• * 1.248

  ••simus.
• * 1.249

  Histori•• Misce••••a.
• * 1.250

  Militares manus. Gallio Raven∣nas.
• * 1.251

  Gildas.
• * 1.252

  Between the Mouth of Tyne and Eden.
• * 1.253

  Sigib. Pembl. an. 428.
• * 1.254

  Curonicon Anglo Saxon.
• * 1.255

  How the Britains are de∣riv'd from the Tro∣jans.
• * 1.256

  Tacitus. b. 4. hi••••
• * 1.257

  Ammi. Marcel. lib. 28.